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If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Protestantism and Catholicity - Compared in their effects on the civilization of Europe - -Author: Jaime Luciano Balmes - -Release Date: November 12, 2015 [EBook #50436] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PROTESTANTISM AND CATHOLICITY *** - - - - -Produced by Josep Cols Canals, Les Galloway and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - - - - - - - - PROTESTANTISM - - AND - - CATHOLICITY - - COMPARED IN THEIR - - EFFECTS ON THE CIVILIZATION OF EUROPE. - - - WRITTEN IN SPANISH - - BY THE REV. J. BALMES. - - TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH. - - Second Edition. - - - BALTIMORE: - PUBLISHED BY JOHN MURPHY & CO. - No. 178 MARKET STREET. - PITTSBURG: GEORGE QUIGLEY. - _Sold by Booksellers generally._ - 1851. - - - ENTERED, according to the Act of Congress, in the year eighteen - hundred and fifty, by JOHN MURPHY & CO., in the Clerk's Office of the - District Court of Maryland. - - - - -AUTHOR'S PREFACE. - - -Among the many and important evils which have been the necessary -result of the profound revolutions of modern times, there appears a -good extremely valuable to science, and which will probably have a -beneficial influence on the human race,--I mean the love of studies -having for their object man and society. The shocks have been so rude, -that the earth has, as it were, opened under our feet; and the human -mind, which, full of pride and haughtiness, but lately advanced on a -triumphal car amid acclamations and cries of victory, has been alarmed -and stopped in its career. Absorbed by an important thought, overcome -by a profound reflection, it has asked itself, "What am I? whence do I -come? what is my destination?" Religious questions have regained their -high importance; and when they might have been supposed to have been -scattered by the breath of indifference, or almost annihilated by the -astonishing development of material interests, by the progress of the -natural and exact sciences, by the continually increasing ardour of -political debates,--we have seen that, so far from having been stifled -by the immense weight which seemed to have overwhelmed them, they have -reappeared on a sudden in all their magnitude, in their gigantic form, -predominant over society, and reaching from the heavens to the abyss. - -This disposition of men's minds naturally drew their attention to the -religious revolution of the sixteenth century; it was natural that they -should ask what this revolution had done to promote the interests of -humanity. Unhappily, great mistakes have been made in this inquiry. -Either because they have looked at the facts through the distorted -medium of sectarian prejudice, or because they have only considered -them superficially, men have arrived at the conclusion, that the -reformers of the sixteenth century conferred a signal benefit on the -nations of Europe, by contributing to the development of science, of -the arts, of human liberty, and of every thing which is comprised in -the word _civilization_. - -What do history and philosophy say on this subject? How has man, -either individually or collectively, considered in a religious, -social, political, or literary point of view, been benefited by the -reform of the sixteenth century? Did Europe, under the exclusive -influence of Catholicity, pursue a prosperous career? Did Catholicity -impose a single fetter on the movements of civilization? This is the -examination which I propose to make in this work. Every age has its -peculiar wants; and it is much to be wished that all Catholic writers -were convinced, that the complete examination of these questions is -one of the most urgent necessities of the times in which we live. -Bellarmine and Bossuet have done what was required for their times; we -ought to do the same for ours. I am fully aware of the immense extent -of the questions I have adverted to, and I do not flatter myself that I -shall be able to elucidate them as they deserve; but, however this may -be, I promise to enter on my task with the courage which is inspired -by a love of truth; and when my strength shall be exhausted, I shall -sit down with tranquillity of mind, in expectation that another, more -vigorous than myself, will carry into effect so important an enterprise. - - - - -PREFACE TO THE AMERICAN EDITION. - - -The work of Balmes on the comparative influence of Protestantism -and Catholicity on European civilization, which is now presented to -the American public, was written in Spanish, and won for the author -among his own countrymen a very high reputation. A French edition -was published simultaneously with the Spanish, and the work has -since been translated into the Italian and English languages, and -been widely circulated as one of the most learned productions of the -age, and most admirably suited to the exigencies of our times. When -Protestantism could no longer maintain its position in the field of -theology, compelling its votaries by its endless variations to espouse -open infidelity, or to fall back upon the ancient church, it adopted -a new mode of defence, in pointing to its pretended achievements as -the liberator of the human mind, the friend of civil and religious -freedom, the patron of science and the arts; in a word, the active -element in all social ameliorations. This is the cherished idea and -boasted argument of those who attempt to uphold Protestantism as a -system. They claim for it the merit of having freed the intellect of -man from a degrading bondage, given a nobler impulse to enterprise -and industry, and sown in every direction the seed of national and -individual prosperity. Looking at facts superficially, or through the -distorted medium of prejudice, they tell us that the reformers of the -16th century contributed much to the development of science and the -arts, of human liberty, and of every thing which is comprised in the -word _civilization_. To combat this delusion, so well calculated to -ensnare the minds of men in this materialistic and utilitarian age, the -author undertook the work, a translation of which is here presented -to the public. "What do history and philosophy say on this subject? -How has man, either individually or collectively, considered in a -religious, social, political, or literary point of view, been benefited -by the reform of the 16th century? Did Europe, under the exclusive -influence of Catholicity, pursue a prosperous career? Did Catholicity -impose a single fetter on the movements of civilization?" Such is the -important investigation which the author proposed to himself, and -it must be admitted that he has accomplished his task with the most -brilliant success? Possessed of a penetrating mind, cultivated by -profound study and adorned with the most varied erudition, and guided -by a fearless love of truth, he traverses the whole Christian era, -comparing the gigantic achievements of Catholicity, in curing the evils -of mankind, elevating human nature, and diffusing light and happiness, -with the results of which Protestantism may boast; and he proves, with -the torch of history and philosophy in his hand, that the latter, far -from having exerted any beneficial influence upon society, has retarded -the great work of civilization which Catholicity commenced, and which -was advancing so prosperously under her auspicious guidance. He does -not say that nothing has been done for civilization by _Protestants_; -but he asserts and proves that _Protestantism_ has been greatly -unfavorable, and even injurious to it. - -By thus exposing the short-comings, or rather evils of Protestantism, -in a social and political point of view, as Bossuet and others had -exhibited them under the theological aspect, Balmes has rendered a -most important service to Catholic literature. He has supplied the -age with a work, which is peculiarly adapted to its wants, and which -must command a general attention in the United States. The Catholic, -in perusing its pages, will learn to admire still more the glorious -character of the faith which he professes: the Protestant, if sincere, -will open his eyes to the incompatibility of his principles with the -happiness of mankind: while the scholar in general will find in it a -vast amount of information, on the most vital and interesting topics, -and presented in a style of eloquence seldom equalled. - -"The reader is requested to bear in mind that the author was a native -of Spain, and therefore he must not be surprised to find much that -relates more particularly to that country. In fact, the fear that -Protestantism might be introduced there seems to have been the motive -which induced him to undertake the work. He was evidently a man of -strong national as well as religious feeling, and he dreaded its -introduction both politically and religiously, as he considered that it -would be injurious to his country in both points of view. He thought -that it would destroy the national unity, as it certainly did in other -countries. - -"A very interesting part of the work is that where he states the -relations of religion and political freedom; shows that Catholicity -is by no means adverse to the latter, but, on the contrary, highly -favorable to it; and proves by extracts from St. Thomas Aquinas -and other great Catholic divines, that they entertained the most -enlightened political views. On the other hand, he shows that -Protestantism was unfavorable to civil liberty, as is evidenced by the -fact, that arbitrary power made great progress in various countries -of Europe soon after its appearance. The reason of this was, that the -moral control of religion being taken away, physical restraint became -the more necessary." The author, on this subject, naturally expresses -a preference for monarchy, it being a cherished inheritance from his -forefathers; but, it will be noticed that the principles which he lays -down as essential to a right administration of civil affairs, regard -the substance and not the form of government; are as necessary under a -republican as under the monarchical system; and, if duly observed, they -cannot fail to ensure the happiness of the people. This portion of the -volume will be read with peculiar interest in this country, and ought -to command an attentive consideration. - -In preparing this edition of the work from the English translation by -Messrs. Hanford and Kershaw, care has been taken to revise the whole of -it, to compare it with the original French, and to correct the various -errors, particularly the mistakes in translation. A biographical notice -of the illustrious writer has also been prefixed to the volume, to give -the reader an insight into his eminent character, and the valuable -services he has rendered to his country and to society at large. - -BALTIMORE, November 1, 1850. - - - - -NOTICE OF THE AUTHOR. - - -James Balmes was born at Vich, a small city in Catalonia, in Spain, -on the 28th of August, 1810. His parents were poor, but noted for -their industry and religion, and they took care to train him from his -childhood to habits of rigid piety. Every morning, after the holy -sacrifice of mass, his mother prostrate before an altar dedicated to -St. Thomas of Aquin, implored this illustrious doctor to obtain for -her son the gifts of sanctity and knowledge. Her prayers were not -disappointed. - -From seven to ten years of age, Balmes applied himself with great -ardor to the study of Latin. The two following years were devoted to a -course of rhetoric, and three years more were allotted to philosophy; -a ninth year was occupied with the prolegomena of theology. Such was -the order of studies in the seminary of Vich. While thus laboring to -store his mind with knowledge, Balmes preserved an irreproachable line -of conduct. Called to the ecclesiastical state, he submitted readily -to the strict discipline which this vocation required, and he was seen -nowhere but under the parental roof, at the church, in some religious -community, or in the episcopal library. At the age of fourteen he was -admitted to a benefice, the revenue of which, though small, enabled -him to complete his education. In 1826, he went to the University -of Cervera, which at that time was the centre of public instruction -in that part of Spain. It numbered four colleges, in all of which -an enlightened piety prevailed, affording the young Balmes a most -favorable opportunity of developing his rare qualities. Here, the frame -and habit of his mind were observable to all, in his deep and animated -look, in his grave and modest demeanor, and in his method of study. He -would read a few pages over a table, his head resting upon his hands; -then, wrapt in his mantle, he would spend a long time in reflection. -"The true method of study," he used to say, "is to read little, to -select good authors, and to think much. If we confined ourselves to -a knowledge of what is contained in books, the sciences would never -advance a step. We must learn what others have not known. During my -meditations in the dark, my thoughts ferment, and my brain burns like a -boiling cauldron." - -Devoted to the acquisition of knowledge, he cultivated retirement as -a means of facilitating the attainment of his object. His thirst for -learning was so intense, that it held him under absolute sway, and he -found it necessary at a later period to offer a systematic resistance -to its exclusive demands. Pursuing his favorite method of study, -Balmes remained four years at the University of Cervera, reading no -other works than the Sum of St. Thomas, and the commentaries upon it -by Bellarmine, Suarez and Cajetan. If he made any exception from this -rule, it was in favor of Chateaubriand's _Génie du Christanisme_. -"Every thing," said he, "is to be found in St. Thomas; philosophy, -religion, politics: his writings are an inexhaustible mine." Having -thus strengthened his mind by a due application to philosophical and -theological studies, he proceeded to enlarge his sphere of knowledge -by reading a greater variety of authors. In taking up a work, he first -looked at the table of contents, and when it suggested an idea or fact -which seemed to open before him a new path, he read that part of the -volume which developed this idea or fact; the rest was overlooked. -In this way, he accumulated a rich store of varied erudition. At -the age of twenty-two he knew by memory the tabular contents of an -extraordinary number of volumes; he had learned the French language; -he spoke and wrote Latin better than his native tongue, and had been -admitted successively to the degrees of bachelor and licentiate in -theology. The virtues of his youth, far from having been weakened -by these studies, had acquired greater strength and maturity. As he -approached the solemn period of his ordination, he became still more -remarkable for the gravity and modesty of his deportment. He prepared -himself for his elevation to the priesthood by a retreat of one hundred -days. After his promotion to the sacerdotal dignity, which took place -in his native city, he returned to the University of Cervera, where he -continued his studies, and performed the duties of assistant professor. -Here also he began to manifest his political views; but, always with -that discretion and moderation for which the Spanish clergy have been -with few exceptions distinguished during the last twenty years. At that -period Spain was agitated by two conflicting parties, that of Maria -Christina and the other of Don Carlos. Balmes avoided all questions -which were rather calculated to encourage the spirit of faction than -promote the general interest of the country. In 1835 he evinced this -circumspection in a remarkable degree, when the doctorate which had -been conferred upon him, required him to deliver an address in honor -of the reigning monarch. Maria Christina was then the queen regent, -and civil war was about to commence in the mountains of Catalonia; but -Balmes performed his task without allusion to politics, and without -offending the adherents of either party. - -After two years of study at Cervera, where he applied himself to -theology and law, our author returned to Vich, where he determined -to spend four years more in retirement, for the purpose of maturing -his character and knowledge. In this solitude, he devoted himself to -history, poetry and politics, but principally to mathematics, of which -he obtained a professorship in 1837. During all these literary labors, -Balmes was actuated by a lively faith, and a sincere, unassuming piety. -Religious meditation, intermingled with scientific reflections, was -the constant occupation of his mind; he did not neglect, however, the -exterior practices of devotion. Besides the celebration of the holy -sacrifice, he frequently visited the blessed sacrament, and paid his -homage to the B. Virgin in some solitary chapel. The _Following of -Christ_, the _Sum_ of the angelic doctor, and the Holy Scriptures, -were always in his hands, and he took pleasure in reading the ascetic -writers of his own country. In this way did he prepare himself, until -the age of thirty, to become one of the most solid and gifted minds -of our time, and to act the important part to which he was called by -Divine Providence. - -The first literary effort of Balmes before the public, was a prize -essay which he wrote on clerical celibacy. This was soon followed by -another production of his pen, entitled "Observations on the Property -of the Clergy, in a social, political, and commercial point of view," -which was elicited by the clamoring of the revolutionary army under -Espartero for the spoliation of the clergy. The learning, philosophy -and eloquence of the writer in this work, excited the wonder and -admiration of the most distinguished statesmen in the country. Some -months after, he published his "Political Considerations on the -Condition of Spain," in which he had the courage to defend the rights -of both parties in the country, and to suggest means of a conciliatory -nature for restoring public order and tranquillity. - -Amidst these political efforts, Balmes did not lay aside his peculiar -functions as a minister of God. The edification of the faithful, the -religious instruction of youth, and the defence of the faith against -the assaults of heresy and rationalism, were constant objects of his -attention. During the same year, 1840, he translated and published -the "Maxims of St. Francis of Sales for every day in the year;" he -also composed a species of catechism for the instruction of young -persons, which was very extensively circulated. At the same time he -undertook the preparation of the present work, in order to counteract -the pernicious influence exerted among his countrymen by Guizot's -lectures on European civilization, and to neutralize the facilities -offered under the regime of Espartero for the success of a Protestant -Propagandism in Spain. The occasion and object of this work rendered it -expedient that it should be published simultaneously in Spanish and in -French, and with this view our author visited France, and afterwards, -to extend his observations, passed into England. - -On his return to Barcelona, towards the close of 1842, Balmes became a -collaborator in the editing of the _Civilizacion_, a monthly periodical -of great merit, devoted to literary reviews, and to solid instruction -on the current topics of the day. His connection with this work lasted -only eighteen months. He then commenced a review of his own, entitled -the _Sociedad_, a philosophical, political, and religious journal, -which acquired a great reputation during the one year of its existence. -Driven soon after into retirement by the disturbances of the times, -Balmes composed another philosophical work, _El Criterio_, which is a -course of logic adapted to every capacity. - -From the national uprising that overthrew the government of Espartero, -there arose a general feeling of patriotic independence, which called -for the cessation of civil strife, and the harmonizing of the two -parties that divided the nation. Many of the adherents of Maria -Christina, who were the nobility and the bourgeoisie, recognized the -excesses of the revolutionary faction which they had called to their -aid, while the Carlists were not all in favor of absolute monarchy, and -numbered an imposing majority among the lower classes. All these men of -wise and moderate views longed to see a remedy applied to the wounds -of their afflicted country; and with one accord they turned their -eyes upon Balmes, as the only individual capable of conducting this -important affair. He had already, in his _Political Considerations_, -indicated the principal idea of his policy for putting an end to the -national evils; it was a matrimonial alliance between the Queen and -the son of Don Carlos. Under these circumstances he commenced in -February, 1844, a new journal, entitled _Pensamiento de la Nacion_, -the object of which was to denounce the revolutionary spirit as the -enemy of all just and peaceful government, and to inspire the Spanish -people with a proper reverence for the religious, social and political -inheritance received from their ancestors, and with a due respect for -the reasonable ameliorations of the age. In this spirit the different -questions of the day were discussed with energy and calmness, and -especially the project of an alliance between the Queen and the son -of Don Carlos, which Balmes considered of the utmost importance. -This measure, such as he proposed it, was, to use the language of -his biographer, "the reconciliation of the past and the future, of -authority and liberty, of monarchy and representative government." -Such was the patriotism, dignity and force, with which our author -conducted his hebdomadal, that it won the esteem of a large portion of -the most distinguished men among the Carlists, while it also acquired -favor among an immense number in the opposite party. To support its -views, a daily journal, the _Conciliador_, was started by a body of -young but fervid and brilliant writers, and nothing it would seem was -wanting to insure a triumph for the friends of Spain. Prudence, energy, -moderation, reason and eloquence, with a majority of the people on -their side, deserved and should have commanded success; but they could -not prevail against diplomatic influence and court intrigue. Balmes -learned with equal surprise and affliction, in the retirement of his -native mountains, that the government had resolved to offer the Queen -in marriage to the infant Don Francisco, and the infanta to the Duke -of Montpensier. This was a severe stroke to the sincere and ardent -patriotism of Balmes. He might have resisted this policy with the power -and eloquence of his pen, but he preferred a silent resignation to the -heat of political strife, and the _Pensamiento de la Nacion_, although -a lucrative publication, was discontinued on the 31st of December, 1846. - -During that same year, our author collected into one volume his -various essays on politics, as well for his own vindication as for -the diffusion of sound instruction on the condition of Spain. The -following year he completed his "Elementary course of Philosophy." -But his physical strength was not equal to these arduous labors. To -re-establish in some degree his declining health, he travelled in Spain -and France, and remained several weeks in Paris. The intellectual and -moral corruption which was gnawing at the very vitals of the French -nation, and threatened all Europe with its infection, filled him with -increased anxiety. He predicted the dissolution of society, and a -return to barbarism, unless things would take some unexpected turn -through the special interposition of Providence. This last hope was -the only resource left, in his opinion, for the salvation of society -and civilization, and he exulted when he beheld Pius IX opening a new -career for Italy, and consecrating the aspirations and movements of all -who advocated legitimate reform and rational liberty. The political -ameliorations, however, of the sovereign Pontiff appeared to the -opponents of liberalism in Spain, at variance with the great opposition -which Balmes had always exhibited to the revolutionary spirit. Hence, -it became necessary for him to pay the just tribute of his admiration -to the illustrious individual who sat in the chair of Peter, and to -proclaim the eminent virtues of the prince and the pontiff. This he -did with surpassing eloquence, in a brochure entitled _Pius IX_, the -brilliant style of which is only equalled by its wisdom of thought. In -this work, he sketches with graphic pen, the acts of the papal policy, -showing that the holy see is the best guide of men in the path of -liberty and progress, that Pius IX shows a profound knowledge of the -evils that afflict society, and possesses all the energy and firmness -necessary to apply their proper remedy. Balmes was full of hope for the -future, in contemplating the course of the great head of the church, -and he cherished this hope to the last moment of his life. His essay on -the policy of Pius IX was the last production of his pen. His career -in literature was brief, but brilliant and effective. Eight years only -had elapsed since his appearance as a writer, and he had labored with -eminent success in every department of knowledge. The learned divine, -the profound philosopher, the enlightened publicist, he has stamped -upon his age the impress of his genius, and bequeathed to posterity -a rich legacy in his immortal works. In the moral as well as in the -intellectual point of view, his merit may be summed up in those words -of _Wisdom_: "Being made perfect in a short space, he fulfilled a long -time." chap. iv. - -This distinguished ecclesiastic, the boast of the Spanish clergy and -the Catalan people, died at Vich, his native city, on the 9th of July, -1848, in the same spirit of lively faith and fervent piety which had -always marked his life. His funeral took place on the 11th, with all -the pomp that could be furnished by the civil and ecclesiastical -authorities. The municipality decreed that one of the public places -should be named after him. - -Balmes was little below the middle height, and of weak and slender -frame. But the appearance of feeble health which he exhibited, was -combatted by the animation of his looks. His forehead and lips bore -the impress of energy, which was to be seen also in his eyes, black, -deep-set, and of unusual brightness. The expression of his countenance -was a mixture of vivacity, openness, melancholy and strength of mind. -A careful observer of all his sacerdotal duties, he found in the -practices of piety, the vigor which he displayed in his intellectual -labors. The distribution of his time was extremely methodical, and his -pleasures consisted only in the society of his friends. To the prospect -of temporal honors and the favor of the great, he was insensible; -neither did he seek after ecclesiastical dignities or literary -distinctions. His aim was the diffusion of truth, not the acquisition -of a great reputation. These qualities, however, with his eminent -talents, varied erudition, and invaluable writings, have won for him a -universal fame. - - - - -TABLE OF CONTENTS. - - CHAPTER I. - THE NAME AND NATURE OF PROTESTANTISM, _Page_ 25 - - CHAPTER II. - THE CAUSES OF PROTESTANTISM. - - What ought to be attributed to the genius of its founders--Different - causes assigned for it--Errors on this subject--Opinions of Guizot--Of - Bossuet--True cause of Protestantism to be found in the social - condition of European nations, 28 - - CHAPTER III. - EXTRAORDINARY PHENOMENON IN THE CATHOLIC CHURCH. - - Divinity of the Catholic Church proved by its relations with the human - mind--Remarkable acknowledgment of M. Guizot--Consequences of that - acknowledgment, 38 - - CHAPTER IV. - PROTESTANTISM AND THE HUMAN MIND. - - Protestantism contains a principle of dissolution--It tends naturally - to destroy all faith--Dangerous direction given to the human - mind--Description of the human mind, 42 - - CHAPTER V. - INSTINCT OF FAITH IN THE SCIENCES. - - Instinct of faith--This instinct extends to all the - sciences--Newton, Descartes--Observations on the history of - philosophy--Proselytism--Present condition of the human mind, 46 - - CHAPTER VI. - DIFFERENT RELIGIOUS WANTS OF NATIONS--MATHEMATICS--MORAL SCIENCES. - - Important error committed by Protestantism, with regard to the - religious government of the human mind, 50 - - CHAPTER VII. - INDIFFERENCE AND FANATICISM. - - Two opposite evils, fruits of Protestantism--Origin of fanaticism--The - Church has prepared the history of the human mind--Private - interpretation of the Bible--Passage from O'Callaghan--Description of - the Bible, 53 - - CHAPTER VIII. - FANATICISM--ITS DEFINITION--FANATICISM IN THE CATHOLIC CHURCH. - - Connexion between fanaticism and religious feeling--Impossibility of - destroying it--Means of diminishing it--The Church has used these - means, and with what result?--Observations on the pretended Catholic - fanatics--Description of the religious excitement of the founders of - orders in the Church, 57 - - CHAPTER IX. - INCREDULITY AND RELIGIOUS INDIFFERENCE IN EUROPE THE FRUITS - OF PROTESTANTISM. - - Lamentable symptoms of these from the beginning of - Protestantism--Remarkable religious crisis in the latter part of the - seventeenth century--Bossuet and Leibnitz--The Jansenists--Their - influence--Dictionary of Bayle--The epoch when that work - appeared--State of opinions among the Protestants, 60 - - CHAPTER X. - CAUSES OF THE CONTINUED EXISTENCE OF PROTESTANTISM. - - Important question with regard to the continuance of - Protestantism--Religious indifference with respect to man collectively - and individually--European societies with relation to Mahometanism and - idolatry--How Catholicity and Protestantism are capable of defending - the truth--Intimate connexion between Christianity and European - civilization, 64 - - CHAPTER XI. - THE POSITIVE DOCTRINES OF PROTESTANTISM ARE REPUGNANT TO THE INSTINCT - OF CIVILIZATION. - - Doctrines of Protestantism divided into positive and negative--Singular - phenomenon: one of the principal dogmas of the founders of - Protestantism repugnant to European civilization--Eminent service which - Catholicity has done to civilization by defending free will--Nature of - error--Nature of truth, 68 - - - CHAPTER XII. - EFFECTS WHICH THE INTRODUCTION OF PROTESTANTISM INTO SPAIN WOULD HAVE - PRODUCED. - - Present state of religious ideas in Europe--Victories of - religion--State of science and literature--Condition of modern - society--Conjectures on the future influence of Catholicity--Is - it probable that Protestantism will be introduced into - Spain?--England--Her connexion with Spain--Pitt--Nature of religious - ideas in Spain--Situation of Spain--How she may be regenerated, 70 - - - CHAPTER XIII. - PROTESTANTISM AND CATHOLICITY IN THEIR RELATION TO SOCIAL - PROGRESS--PRELIMINARY COUP D'ŒIL. - - Commencement of the parallel--Liberty--Vague meaning of the - word--European civilization chiefly due to Catholicity--East - and West--Conjectures on the destinies of Catholicity amid the - catastrophies that may threaten in Europe--Observations on - philosophical studies--Fatalism of a certain modern historical school, - 79 - - - CHAPTER XIV. - DID THERE EXIST, AT THE TIME WHEN CHRISTIANITY APPEARED, ANOTHER - PRINCIPLE OF REGENERATION? - - Condition, religious, social, and scientific, of the world at - the appearance of Christianity--Roman law--The influence of - Christian ideas thereon--Evils of the political organization of the - empire--System adopted by Christianity; her first care was to change - ideas--Christianity and Paganism with regard to the teaching of moral - doctrines--Protestant preaching, 84 - - - CHAPTER XV. - DIFFICULTIES WHICH CHRISTIANITY HAD TO OVERCOME IN THE WORK OF SOCIAL - REGENERATION--SLAVERY--COULD IT HAVE BEEN DESTROYED MORE SPEEDILY THAN - IT WAS BY CHRISTIANITY? - - The Church was not only a great and productive school, but she was - also a regenerating association--What she had to do--Difficulties - which she had to overcome--Slavery--By whom was it abolished?--Opinion - of M. Guizot--Immense number of the slaves--Caution necessary in the - abolition of slavery--Was immediate abolition possible?--Refutation of - the opinion of M. Guizot, 90 - - - CHAPTER XVI. - IDEAS AND MANNERS OF ANTIQUITY RESPECTING SLAVERY--THE CHURCH BEGINS - BY IMPROVING THE CONDITION OF SLAVES. - - The Catholic Church not only employs her doctrines, her maxims, and - her spirit of charity, but also makes use of practical means in - the abolition of slavery--Point of view in which this historical - fact ought to be considered--False ideas of the ancients on the - subject--Homer, Plato, Aristotle--Christianity began forthwith to - combat these errors--Christian doctrines on the connexion between - master and slave--The Church employs herself in improving the - condition of slaves, 94 - - - CHAPTER XVII. - MEANS USED BY THE CHURCH TO ENFRANCHISE SLAVES. - - 1st. She zealously defends the liberty of the - enfranchised--Manumission in the churches--Effects of this - practice--2d. Redemption of captives--Zeal of the Church in practising - and extending the redemption of captives--Prejudices of the Romans on - this point--The zeal of the Church for this object contributes, in an - extraordinary degree, to the abolition of slavery--The Church protects - the liberty of the free, 102 - - - CHAPTER XVIII. - CONTINUATION OF THE SAME SUBJECT. - - 3d. System of the Church with regard to slaves belonging to - Jews--Motives which actuated the Church in the enfranchisement of - her own slaves--Her indulgence to them--Her generosity towards - the freed--The slaves of the Church considered as consecrated to - God--Salutary effects of this way of viewing them--4th. Liberty is - granted to those who wish to embrace the monastic state--Effects of - this practice--Conduct of the Church with regard to the ordination of - slaves--Abuses introduced in this respect checked--Discipline of the - Spanish Church on this point, 106 - - - CHAPTER XIX. - DOCTRINES OF ST. AUGUSTIN AND ST. THOMAS OF AQUIN ON THE SUBJECT OF - SLAVERY--RECAPITULATION. - - Doctrine of St. Augustin on this subject--Importance of this - doctrine with respect to the abolition of slavery--Refutation of - M. Guizot--Doctrine of St. Thomas on the same subject--Marriage - of slaves--Regulation of canon law on that subject--Résumé of the - means employed by the Church in the abolition of slavery--Refutation - of M. Guizot--The abolition of slavery exclusively due to - Catholicity--Protestantism had no share therein, 111 - - - CHAPTER XX. - CONTRAST BETWEEN THE TWO KINDS OF CIVILIZATION. - - Picture of modern civilization--Civilizations not - Christian--Civilization is composed of three elements: the individual, - the family, and the society--The perfectness of these three elements - depends on the perfectness of doctrines, 115 - - - CHAPTER XXI. - OF THE INDIVIDUAL--OF THE FEELING OF INDIVIDUALITY OUT OF - CHRISTIANITY. - - Distinction between the individual and the citizen--Of the - individuality of barbarians according to M. Guizot--Whether - in antiquity individuality belonged exclusively to the - barbarians--Twofold principle of the feeling of personal - independence--This feeling infinitely modified--Picture of barbarian - life--True character of individuality among the barbarians--Avowal of - M. Guizot--The feeling of individuality, according to the definition - of M. Guizot, belongs in a certain way to all the ancient nations, - 118 - - - CHAPTER XXII. - HOW THE INDIVIDUAL BECAME ABSORBED BY THE ANCIENT SOCIETY. - - Respect for _man_ unknown to the ancients--What has been seen - in modern revolutions--Tyranny of public power over private - interests--Explanation of a twofold phenomenon, which presents itself - to us in antiquity and in modern societies not Christian--Opinion of - Aristotle--Remarkable characteristic of modern democracy, 126 - - - CHAPTER XXIII. - OF THE PROGRESS OF INDIVIDUALITY UNDER THE INFLUENCE OF CATHOLICITY. - - The feeling of true independence was possessed by the faithful of the - primitive Church--Error of M. Guizot on this point: 1st, dignity of - conscience sustained by the Christian society; 2d, feeling of duty; - language of St. Cyprian; 3d, development of the interior life; 4th, - defence of free will by the Catholic Church--Conclusion, 131 - - - CHAPTER XXIV. - OF THE FAMILY--MONOGAMY--MARRIAGE-TIE INDISSOLUBLE. - - Woman ennobled by Catholicity alone--Practical means employed by - the Church to raise woman--Christian doctrine on the dignity of - woman--Monogamy--Different conduct of Catholicity and Protestantism on - this point--Firmness of Rome with respect to marriage--Effects of that - firmness--Doctrine of Luther--Indissolubility of marriage--Of divorce - among Protestants--Effects of Catholic doctrine with regard to this - sacrament, 135 - - - CHAPTER XXV. - THE PASSION OF LOVE. - - Pretended rigor of Catholicity with respect to unhappy marriages--Two - systems of governing the passions--Protestant system--Catholic - system--Examples--Passion of gambling--Explosion of the passions - in time of public troubles--Of the passion of love--Its - inconstancy--Marriage alone is not a sufficient control--What is - wanted to make it a control--Of the unity and fixity of Catholic - doctrine--Conclusion, 140 - - - CHAPTER XXVI. - OF VIRGINITY IN ITS SOCIAL ASPECT. - - Of the ennoblement of woman by virginity--Conduct of Protestantism on - this point--Close analysis of the heart of woman--Of virginity with - respect to population--England--Serious thoughts required for the mind - of woman--Salutary influence of monastic customs--General method of - appreciation, 146 - - CHAPTER XXVII. - OF CHIVALRY, AND THE MANNERS OF THE BARBARIANS IN THEIR INFLUENCE ON - THE CONDITION OF WOMAN. - - The life of feudal lords according to M. Guizot--The passions and - faith in chivalry--Chivalry did not ennoble woman, it supposed her - to be ennobled--Of the respect of the Germans for woman--Analysis - of a passage of Tacitus--Reflections on that historian--It is - difficult thoroughly to understand the manners of the Germans--Action - of Catholicity--Important distinction between Christianity and - Catholicity--That the Germans of themselves were incapable of giving - dignity to woman, 150 - - - CHAPTER XXVIII. - OF THE PUBLIC CONSCIENCE IN GENERAL. - - What the public conscience is--Influence of the feelings on the - public conscience in general--Education contributes to form the - conscience--State of the public conscience in modern times--What has - been able to form the public conscience in Europe--Successive contests - maintained by Christian morality, 157 - - - CHAPTER XXIX. - OF THE PRINCIPLE OF THE PUBLIC CONSCIENCE ACCORDING TO - MONTESQUIEU--HONOR--VIRTUE. - - Institution of censors according to Montesquieu--Two kinds of - prejudice in the author of the _Esprit des Lois_--He assigns - honor as the principle of monarchies, and virtue as that of - republics--Explanation of the feeling of honor--What is required - to strengthen this feeling--The censorial power replaced by the - religious--Examples--Contrasts, 161 - - - CHAPTER XXX. - ON THE DIFFERENT INFLUENCE OF PROTESTANTISM AND CATHOLICITY ON THE - PUBLIC CONSCIENCE. - - Catholicity considered as a creed--As an institution--Ideas, in - order to be efficacious, must be realized in an institution--What - Protestantism has done to destroy Christian morality--What it has - done to preserve it--What is the real power of preaching among - Protestants--Of the sacrament of penance with relation to the public - conscience--Of the degree to which the Catholic religion raises - morality--Of unity in the soul--Unity simplifies--Of the great - number of moralists within the bosom of the Catholic Church--Of the - peculiar force of ideas--Distinction between ideas with respect to - their peculiar force--Whether the human race is a faithful depositary - of the truth--How the truth has been preserved among the Jews--The - native power of Schools--Institutions are required, not only to - teach, but also to apply doctrines--Of the press with relation to the - preservation of ideas--Of intuition--Of discourses, 165 - - - CHAPTER XXXI. - OF GENTLENESS OF MANNERS IN GENERAL. - - Wherein gentleness of manners consists--Difference between gentle - and effeminate manners--Influence of the Catholic Church in - softening manners--Pagan and Christian societies--Slavery--Paternal - authority--Public games--Reflections on Spanish bull-fights, 172 - - - CHAPTER XXXII. - OF THE AMELIORATION OF MANNERS BY THE ACTION OF THE CHURCH. - - Elements adapted to perpetuate harshness of manners in the bosom of - modern society--Conduct of the Church in this respect--Remarkable - canons and facts--St. Ambrose and the Emperor Theodosius--The Truce of - God--Very remarkable regulations of the ecclesiastical authority on - this subject, 175 - - - CHAPTER XXXIII. - OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF PUBLIC BENEFICENCE IN EUROPE. - - Difference between Protestantism and Catholicity with respect to - public beneficence--Paradox of Montesquieu--Remarkable canons of the - Church--Injury done by Protestantism to the development of public - beneficence--The value of philanthropy, 184 - - - CHAPTER XXXIV. - OF TOLERANCE IN MATTERS OF RELIGION. - - The question of intolerance has been examined with bad faith--What - tolerance is--Tolerance of opinions--Of error--Tolerance in the - individual--With religious men--With unbelievers--Two kinds of - religious men--Two kinds of unbelievers--Tolerance in society--What - is its origin?--Source of the tolerance which prevails in society at - present, 189 - - - CHAPTER XXXV. - OF THE RIGHT OF COERCION IN GENERAL. - - Intolerance is a general fact in history--Dialogues with the - partisans of universal tolerance--Does there exist a right - of punishing doctrines?--Researches into the origin of that - right--Disastrous influence of Protestantism and infidelity in this - matter--Of the importance which Catholicity attaches to the sin of - heresy--Inconsistency of certain timid Voltairians--Another reflection - on the right of punishing doctrines--Résumé, 196 - - - CHAPTER XXXVI. - OF THE INQUISITION IN SPAIN. - - Institutions and legislation founded on intolerance--Causes of the - rigor displayed in the early times of the Inquisition--Three epochs in - the history of the Inquisition in Spain: against the Jews and Moors; - against the Protestants; against the unbelievers--Severities of the - Inquisition--Causes of those severities--Conduct of the Popes in that - matter--Mildness of the Roman Inquisition--The intolerance of Luther - with respect to the Jews--The Moors and Moriscoes, 203 - - - CHAPTER XXXVII. - SECOND PERIOD OF THE INQUISITION IN SPAIN. - - New Inquisition attributed to Philip II.--Opinion of M. - Lacordaire--Prejudice against Philip II.--Observations on the work - called _Inquisition Dévoilée_--Rapid _coup d'œil_ at the - second epoch of the Inquisition--Trial of Carranza--Observation on - this trial, and on the personal qualities of the illustrious - accused--Why there is so much partiality against Philip II.--Reflections - on the policy of that monarch--Singular anecdote of a preacher who was - compelled to retract--Reflections on the influence of the spirit of the - age, 210 - - - CHAPTER XXXVIII. - RELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS IN THEMSELVES. - - Conduct of Protestantism with respect to religious - institutions--Whether these institutions have been of importance - in history--Sophism on the subject of the real origin of religious - institutions--Their correct definition--Of association among the early - faithful--The faithful dispersed in the deserts--Relations between the - Papacy and religious institutions--Of an essential want of the human - heart--Of Christian pensiveness--Of the need of associations for the - practice of perfection--Of vows--A vow is the most perfect act of - liberty--True notion of liberty, 219 - - - CHAPTER XXXIX. - RELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS IN HISTORY--THE EARLY SOLITARIES. - - Character of religious institutions in a historical point of view--The - Roman empire--The barbarians--The early Christians--Condition of the - Church when Christianity ascended the throne of the Cæsars--Life of - the fathers of the desert--Influence of the solitaries on philosophy - and manners--The heroism of penance saves morality--The most - corrupting climate chosen for the triumph of the most austere virtues, - 229 - - - CHAPTER XL. - RELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS IN THE EAST. - - Influence of monasteries in the East--Why civilization triumphed - in the West and perished in the East--Influence of the Eastern - monasteries on Arabian civilization, 234 - - - CHAPTER XLI. - RELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS IN THE HISTORY OF THE WEST. - - Peculiar character of religious institutions in the West--St. - Benedict--Struggle of the monks against the decline of things--Origin - of monastic property--The possessions of the monks serve to - create respect for property--Population becomes spread over the - country--Science and letters in cloisters Gratian--arouses the study - of law, 238 - - - CHAPTER XLII. - OF RELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS DURING THE SECOND HALF OF THE MIDDLE AGES IN - THE WEST--THE MILITARY ORDERS. - - Character of the military orders--Opinion of the Crusades--The - foundation of the military orders is a continuation of the Crusades, - 242 - - - CHAPTER XLIII. - CONTINUATION OF THE SAME SUBJECT--EUROPE IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY. - - Transformation of the monastic spirit in the thirteenth - century--Religious institutions arise every where--Character of - European opposed to that of other civilizations--Mixture of various - elements in the spirit of the thirteenth century--Semi-barbarous - society--Christianity and barbarism--A delusion common in the study - of history--Condition of Europe at the beginning of the thirteenth - century--Wars become more popular--Why the intellectual movement - began in Spain sooner than in the rest of Europe--Ebullition of - evil during the course of the twelfth century--Tanchème--Eon--The - Manichees--Vaudois--Religious movement at the beginning of the - thirteenth century--The mendicant and preaching orders--The character - of these orders--Their influence--Their relations with the Papacy, - 244 - - - CHAPTER XLIV. - RELIGIOUS ORDERS FOR THE REDEMPTION OF CAPTIVES. - - Multitude of Christians reduced to slavery--Religious orders for the - redemption of captives were necessary--The Order of the Trinity and - that of Mercy--St. Peter Armengol, 256 - - - CHAPTER XLV. - UNIVERSAL ADVANCE OF CIVILIZATION IMPEDED BY PROTESTANTISM. - - Effects of Protestantism on the progress of civilization in the world, - beginning with the sixteenth century--What enabled civilization, - during the middle ages, to triumph over barbarism--Picture of Europe - at the beginning of the sixteenth century--The civilizing missions - of the 16th century interrupted by the schism of Luther--Why the - action of the Church on barbarous nations has lost power during - three centuries--Whether the Christianity of our days is less - adapted to propagate the faith than that of the early ages of the - Church--Christian missions in the early times of the Church--What the - real mission of Luther has been, 260 - - - CHAPTER XLVI. - THE JESUITS. - - Their importance in the history of European civilization--Causes of - the hatred which has been excited against them--Character of the - Jesuits--Contradiction of M. Guizot on this subject--Whether it be - true, as M. Guizot says, that the Jesuits have destroyed nations in - Spain--Facts and dates--Unjust accusations against the Company of - Jesus, 268 - - - CHAPTER XLVII. - THE FUTURE OF RELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS--THEIR PRESENT NECESSITY. - - Present state of religious institutions--Picture of society--Inability - of industry and commerce to satisfy the heart of man--Condition - of minds with respect to religion--Religious institutions will - be necessary to save existing society--Nothing fixed in that - society--Means are wanting for social organization--The march of - European nations has been perverted--Physical means of restraining the - masses--Moral means are required--Religious institutions reconcilable - with the advancement of modern times, 274 - - - CHAPTER XLVIII. - RELIGION AND LIBERTY. - - Rousseau--The Protestants Divine law--Origin of power--False - interpretation of the divine law--St. John Chrysostom--On paternal - authority--Relations between paternal authority and civil power, - 281 - - - CHAPTER XLIX. - THE ORIGIN OF SOCIETY, ACCORDING TO CATHOLIC THEOLOGIANS. - - Doctrines of theologians on the origin of society--The character - of Catholic theologians compared to that of modern writers--St. - Thomas--Bellarmin--Suarez--St. Alphonsus de Liguori--Father - Concina--Billuart--The _Compendium_ of Salamanca, 288 - - - CHAPTER L. - OF DIVINE LAW, ACCORDING TO CATHOLIC DOCTORS. - - On the divine law--Divine origin of civil power--In what manner - God communicates this power--Rousseau--On pacts--The right of life - and death--The right of war--Power must necessarily emanate from - God--Puffendorf--Hobbes, 298 - - - CHAPTER LI. - THE TRANSMISSION OF POWER, ACCORDING TO CATHOLIC DOCTORS. - - _Direct_ or _indirect_ communication of civil power--The - distinction between the two opinions important in some respects; in - others, not so--Why Catholic theologians have so zealously maintained - the doctrine of mediate communication, 305 - - - CHAPTER LII. - ON THE FREEDOM OF LANGUAGE UNDER THE SPANISH MONARCHY. - - Influence of doctrines on society--Flattery lavished on power--Danger - of this flattery--Liberty of speech on this point in Spain during the - last three centuries--Mariana--Saavedra--In the absence of religion - and morality, the most rigorous political doctrines are incapable - of saving society--Why the conservative schools of our days are - powerless--Seneca--Cicero--Hobbes--Bellarmin, 311 - - - CHAPTER LIII. - OF THE FACULTIES OF THE CIVIL POWER. - - Of the faculties of civil power--Calumnies of the enemies of the - Church--Definition of _law_ according to St. Thomas--General reason - and general will--The venerable Palafox--Hobbes--Grotius--The - doctrines of certain Protestants favorable to despotism--Justification - of the Catholic Church, 317 - - - CHAPTER LIV. - ON RESISTANCE TO THE CIVIL POWER. - - Of resistance to the civil power--Parallel between Protestantism - and Catholicity on this point--Unfounded apprehensions of certain - minds--Attitude of revolutions in this age--The principle - inculcated by Catholicity on the obligation of obeying the lawful - authorities--Preliminary questions--Difference between the two - powers--Conduct of Catholicity and Protestantism with regard to the - separation of the two powers--The independence of the spiritual - power a guarantee of liberty to the people--Extremes which meet--The - doctrine of St. Thomas on obedience, 324 - - - CHAPTER LV. - ON RESISTANCE TO DE FACTO GOVERNMENTS. - - Governments existing merely _de facto_--Right of resistance to - these governments--Napoleon and the Spanish nation--Fallacy of the - doctrine establishing the obligation of obedience to mere _de facto_ - governments--Investigation of certain difficulties--Accomplished - facts--How we are to understand the respect due to accomplished facts, - 330 - - - CHAPTER LVI. - HOW IT IS ALLOWED TO RESIST THE CIVIL POWER. - - On resistance to lawful authority--The doctrines of the Council - of Constance on the assassination of a king--A reflection on the - inviolability of kings--Extreme cases--Doctrine of St. Thomas of - Aquin, Cardinal Bellarmin, Suarez, and other theologians--The Abbé - de Lamennais' errors--He is wrong in imagining that his doctrine, - condemned by the Pope, is the same as St. Thomas of Aquin's--A - parallel between the doctrines of St. Thomas and those of the Abbé - de Lamennais--A word on the temporal power of the Popes--Ancient - doctrines on resistance to power--Language of the Counsellors of - Barcelona--The doctrine of certain theologians on the case of the - Sovereign Pontiff's falling into heresy in his private capacity--Why - the Church has been calumniously accused of being sometimes favorable - to despotism, and sometimes to anarchy, 336 - - - CHAPTER LVII. - ON POLITICAL SOCIETY IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. - - The Church and political forms--Protestantism and liberty--Language of - M. Guizot--The state of the question better defined--Europe at the end - of the fifteenth century--Social aristocracy, and democracy, 343 - - - CHAPTER LVIII. - ON MONARCHY IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. - - The idea entertained of monarchy at this period--The application of - this idea--Difference between monarchy and despotism--The nature of - monarchy at the commencement of the sixteenth century--Its relations - with the Church, 346 - - - CHAPTER LIX. - ON ARISTOCRACY IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. - - The nobility and the clergy--The differences between these two - aristocracies--The nobility and monarchy--Differences between them--An - intermediate class between the throne and the people--The causes of - the fall of the nobility, 348 - - - CHAPTER LX. - ON DEMOCRACY IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. - - The opinion entertained of democracy--The prevailing doctrines - of that epoch--The doctrines of Aristotle neutralised by the - teaching of Christianity--On castes--A passage from M. Guizot on - castes--Influence of the celibacy of the clergy in preventing an - hereditary succession--The consequences resulting from a married - clergy--Catholicity and the people--Development of the industrial - classes in Europe--The Hanseatic Confederation--_Establishment of - the trades-corporations of Paris_--Industrial movement in Italy and - Spain--Calvinism and the democratic element--Protestantism and the - democrats of the sixteenth century, 350 - - - CHAPTER LXI. - VALUE OF DIFFERENT POLITICAL FORMS--CHARACTER OF MONARCHY IN EUROPE. - - Value of political forms--Catholicity and liberty--Monarchy was - essential--Character of European monarchy--Difference between - Europe and Asia--Quotation from Count de Maistre--An institution - for the limiting of power--Political liberty not indebted to - Protestantism--Influence of Councils--The aristocracy of talent - encouraged by the Church, 356 - - - CHAPTER LXII. - HOW MONARCHY WAS STRENGTHENED IN EUROPE. - - Monarchy in the sixteenth century is strengthened in Europe--Its - preponderance over free institutions--Why the word _liberty_ is a - scandal to some people--Protestantism contributed to the destruction - of popular institutions, 361 - - - CHAPTER LXIII. - TWO SORTS OF DEMOCRACY. - - Two sorts of democracy--Their parallel march in the history - of Europe--Their characters--Their causes and effects--Why - absolutism became necessary in Europe--Historical - facts--France--England--Sweden--Denmark--Germany, 364 - - - CHAPTER LXIV. - CONTEST BETWEEN THE THREE SOCIAL ELEMENTS. - - Contest between monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy--How monarchy - came to prevail--Fatal effects of the weakening of the political - influence of the clergy--Advantages which might have arisen from this - influence to popular institutions--Relations of the clergy with all - powers and classes of society, 370 - - - CHAPTER LXV. - POLITICAL DOCTRINES BEFORE THE APPEARANCE OF PROTESTANTISM. - - Parallel between the political doctrines of the eighteenth century, - those of modern publicists, and those which prevailed in Europe before - the appearance of Protestantism--Protestantism has prevented the - homogeneity of European civilization--Historical proofs, 374 - - - CHAPTER LXVI. - OF POLITICAL DOCTRINES IN SPAIN. - - Catholicity and politics in Spain--Real state of the question--Five - causes contributed to the overthrow of popular institutions in - Spain--Difference between ancient and modern liberty--The _Communeros_ - of Castille--The policy of her kings--Ferdinand the Catholic and - Ximenes--Charles V.--Philip II., 377 - - - CHAPTER LXVII. - POLITICAL LIBERTY AND RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE. - - Political liberty and religious intolerance--Europe was developed - under the exclusive influence of Catholicity--Picture of Europe from - the eleventh to the fourteenth century--Condition of the social - problem at the end of the fifteenth century--Temporal power of the - Popes--Its character, origin, and effects, 382 - - - CHAPTER LXVIII. - UNITY IN FAITH RECONCILED WITH POLITICAL LIBERTY. - - It is false that unity of faith is opposed to political - liberty--Impiety is allied with liberty or despotism, according to - circumstances--Modern revolutions--Difference between the revolution - of the United States and that of France--Pernicious effects of the - French revolution--Liberty impossible without morality--Remarkable - passage from St. Augustin on forms of government, 388 - - - CHAPTER LXIX. - INTELLECTUAL DEVELOPMENT UNDER THE INFLUENCE OF CATHOLICITY. - - Catholicity in its relations with intellectual development--What - is the influence of the principle of submission to - authority--What are the effects of this principle with - respect to all the sciences--Parallel between ancients and - moderns--God--Man--Society--Nature, 392 - - - CHAPTER LXX. - HISTORICAL ANALYSIS OF INTELLECTUAL DEVELOPMENT. - - Historical investigation of the influence of Catholicity on the - development of the human mind--Refutation of one of M. Guizot's - opinions--John Erigena--Roscelin and Abelard--St. Anselm, 398 - - - CHAPTER LXXI. - RELIGION AND THE HUMAN INTELLECT IN EUROPE. - - Religion and the human intellect in Europe--Difference between the - intellectual development of the nations of antiquity and those - of Europeans--Causes that have accelerated this development in - Europe--Origin of the spirit of subtilty--Service which the Church - rendered to the human mind by her opposition to the subtilties of the - innovators--Parallel between Roscelin and St. Anselm--Reflections on - St. Bernard--St. Thomas of Aquin--Advantage of his dictatorship in the - schools--Advent of St. Thomas in the middle ages of immense advantage - to me human mind, 404 - - - CHAPTER LXXII. - PROGRESS OF THE HUMAN MIND FROM THE ELEVENTH CENTURY TO THE PRESENT - TIME. - - Progress of the human mind from the eleventh century to our own - times--Different phases--Protestantism and Catholicity in their - relations to learning, to criticism, to the learned languages, to the - foundation of universities, to the progress of literature and the - arts, to mysticism, to high philosophy, to metaphysics, to ethics, to - religious philosophy, and to the philosophy of history, 412 - - - CHAPTER LXXIII. - SUMMARY OF THE WORK--DECLARATION OF THE AUTHOR. - - Summary of the work--The author submits it to the judgment of the - Roman Church, 419 - - - NOTES - - - APPENDIX - - - INDEX - - - - -TABLE OF NOTES. - - - NOTE PAGE - - 1 421. Gibbon and Bossuet's History of the Variations. - - 2 421. Intolerance of Luther and the other Coryphæi of - Protestantism. - - 3 421. Origin of the name Protestantism. - - 4 422. Observations on names. - - 5 422. Of abuses in the Church. - - 6 423. Of the unity and harmonious action of Catholicism--Happy - idea of St. Francis of Sales. - - 7 423. Acknowledgments of the most distinguished Protestants with - regard to its weakness--Luther, Melancthon, Beza, Calvin, - Grotius, Papin, Puffendorf and Leibnitz--Of a posthumous - work by Leibnitz on religion. - - 8 424. On human knowledge--Louis Vives. - - 9 425. On mathematics--Eximeno, a Spanish Jesuit. - - 10 425. Heresies of the early ages--their character. - - 11 425. Superstition and fanaticism of Protestantism--Luther's devil, - Zwinglius's phantom, Melancthon's prognostics, Mathias - Harlem, the Tailor of Leyden, King of Sion; Hermann, Nicholas - Hacket, and others, visionaries and fanatics. - - 12 427. Visions of Catholics--St. Theresa, her visions. - - 13 428. Bad faith of the founders of Protestantism--Passages proving - this--Ravages committed by incredulity after that - time--Gruet--Remarkable passages from Montaigne. - - 14 429. Extravagance of the early heresies, a proof of the state of - knowledge in those times. - - 15 430. Canons and other documents which shew the solicitude of the - Church to improve the lot of slaves, and the various means - which she used to complete the abolition of slavery. - § 1. Canons intended to improve the lot of slaves. - § 2. Canons intended to defend the freed, and to protect - those who were recommended to the Church. - § 3. Canons and other documents relating to the redemption - of captives. - § 4. Canons relating to the protection of the freed. - - 436. § 5. Canons concerning the slaves of Jews. - § 6. Canons concerning the enfranchisement of the slaves of - the Church. - § 7. Conduct of the Church with regard to modern - slavery--Apostolic letters of St. Gregory XVI.--Slave - trade--Doctrine, conduct, and influence of the Church - with regard to the abolition of the trade, and of - slavery in the Colonies--Passage from Robertson. - - 16 442. Doctrines of Plato and Aristotle touching infanticide--Their - doctrine on the rights of society. - - 17 444. Degradation of woman in ancient times, especially in Rome. - - 18 444. The Germans of Tacitus judged according to subsequent events. - - 19 445. Corruption of ancient manners. - - 20 445. Different opinions of religion and philosophy on the power of - ideas--How far it is true that every idea requires an - institution. - - 21 446. Christianity is still in our days the source of mildness of - manners. - - 22 447. Influence of the Church on barbarian legislation--Councils of - Toledo--What the indulgence of the criminal code among the - barbarians proves. - - 23 449. Constant intervention of the Church in the administration of - public beneficence--Regulations of the Council of Trent on - this subject--Property of hospitals considered as that of the - Church. - - 24 450. Reference to the following note. - - 25 450. Distinction between civil and religious intolerance--Error of - Rousseau on this point--False doctrine of the _Contrat - Social_. - - 26 452. Passages from old laws relative to the Inquisition--Pragmatic - sanction of Ferdinand and Isabella--Laws of Philip II. and - III.--Pragmatic sanction of Ferdinand and Isabella concerning - the relations of the Spanish Inquisition with Rome--Passage - from Don Antonio Perez, which mentions the anecdote of the - preacher at Madrid--Letter from Phillip II. to Arias Montano, - on the subject of the library of the Escurial. - - 26 456. (_Appendix._) A few words on Puigblanch, Villeneuve, and - Llorente. - - 27 458. Religious institutions in an historical point of view--Last - _coup-d'œil_ at their origin and development--Details with - respect to the vow of chastity which virgins and widows made - in the early ages of the Church. - - 28 459. Remarkable texts explaining the passage of St. Paul in the - 13th chapter of his Epistle to the Romans--Cicero--Horace. - - 29 462. A remarkable fact. - - 30 463. Quotations from P. Fr. John de Ste.-Marie, and from - P. Zeballos. - - 31 470. St. Thomas reminds princes of their duties. - - 32 471. The opinion of D. Felix d'Amat, bishop of Palmyra, on the - obedience due to _de facto_ governments. - - 33 471. Remarkable passages from St. Thomas and Suarez, on the - disputes which may arise between governors and the - governed--Father Marquez on the same subject. - - 34 475. Charter of _Hermandad_ between the kingdoms of Leon and - Galicia and that of Castille, for the preservation and - defence of their _fueros_ and liberties. - - 35 476. A remarkable passage from Capmany on the organization of the - industrial classes--The origin and salutary effects of the - institution of trades-corporation. - - 36 480. Reflections of Count de Maistre on the causes which render - the celebration of General Councils less frequent. - - 37 480. Indication of historical sources for the confirmation of - certain facts. - - 38 480. Texts of St. Thomas on political forms--Other texts of - St. Thomas to prove that the law, and not the will of man, - should govern--Opinions of P. Mariana--Opinions of the - venerable Palafox on the subject of imposts, taken from his - Memoir to the King--Severe language of the same author - against tyranny and those who advise or excuse it--Passage - from P. Marquez on the right of levying tributes in general; - its particular application to Castile--The opinion of the - same author relative to the right of the supreme authority to - the property of its subjects--A case in which, according to - him, that authority may dispose of this property. - - 39 484. Reference to historical sources to ascertain the march of the - development of monarchical power in the different provinces - of Spain. - - 40 484. A just observation of Count de Maistre on the conduct of the - Popes compared to that of other sovereigns. - - 41 485. Passages in which St. Anselm expounds his views on religious - subjects--Intellectual movement arising in the bosom of the - Church without transgressing the bounds of faith--Another - passage proving that the demonstration applied by Descartes - to the existence of God had been discovered by - St. Anselm--Corroborative Documents in support of a - refutation of M. Guizot's errors on the doctrines of Abelard. - - - - -PROTESTANTISM COMPARED WITH CATHOLICITY. - - - - -CHAPTER I. - -NAME AND NATURE OF PROTESTANTISM. - - -There is a fact in existence among civilized nations, very important -on account of the nature of the things which it affects--a fact of -transcendent importance, on account of the number, variety, and -consequence of its influences--a fact extremely interesting, because it -is connected with the principal events of modern history. This fact is -Protestantism. - -Like a clap of thunder, it attracted at once the attention of all -Europe; on one side it spread alarm, and on the other excited the most -lively sympathy: it grew so rapidly, that its adversaries had not time -to strangle it in its cradle. Scarcely had it begun to exist, and -already all hope of stopping, or even restraining it, was gone; when, -emboldened by being treated with respect and consideration, it became -every day more daring; if exasperated by rigour, it openly resisted -measures of coercion, or redoubled and concentrated its forces, to -make more vigorous attacks. Discussions, the profound investigations -and scientific methods which were used in combating it, contributed to -develop the spirit of inquiry, and served as vehicles to propagate its -ideas. - -By creating new and prevailing interests, it made itself powerful -protectors; by throwing all the passions into a state of fury, it -aroused them in its favor. It availed itself, by turns, of stratagem, -force, seduction, or violence, according to the exigencies of times and -circumstances. It attempted to make its way in all directions; either -destroying impediments, or taking advantage of them, if they were -capable of being turned to account. - -When introduced into a country, it never rested until it had obtained -guarantees for its continued existence; and it succeeded in doing so -everywhere. After having obtained vast establishments in Europe--which -it still retains--it was transported into other parts of the world, and -infused into the veins of simple and unsuspecting nations. - -In order to appreciate a fact at its just value, to embrace it in -all its relations, and to distinguish properly between them, it is -necessary to examine whether the constituting principle of the fact can -be ascertained, or at least whether we can observe in its appearance -any characteristic trait capable of revealing its inward nature. -This examination is very difficult when we have to do with a fact of -the kind and importance of that which now occupies our attention. In -matters of this sort, numbers of opinions accumulate in the course of -time, in favor of all which arguments have been sought. The inquirer, -in the midst of so many and such various objects, is perplexed, -disconcerted, and confounded; and if he wish to place himself in a -more advantageous point of view, he finds the ground so covered with -fragments, that he cannot make his way without risk of losing himself -at every step. - -The first glance which we give to Protestantism, whether we consider -its actual condition, or whether we regard the various phases of its -history, shows us that it is very difficult to find any thing constant -in it, any thing which can be assigned as its constituent character. -Uncertain in its opinions, it modifies them continually, and changes -them in a thousand ways. Vague in its tendencies, and fluctuating in -its desires, it attempts every form, and essays every road. It can -never attain to a well-defined existence; and we see it every moment -enter new paths, to lose itself in new labyrinths. - -Catholic controversialists have pursued and assailed it in every -way; ask them what has been the result? They will tell you that they -had to contend with a new Proteus, which always escaped the fatal -blow by changing its form. If you wish to assail the doctrines of -Protestantism, you do not know where to direct your attacks, for -they are unknown to you, and even to itself. On this side it is -invulnerable, because it has no tangible body. Thus, no more powerful -argument has ever been urged, than that of the immortal Bishop of -Meaux--viz. "You change; and that which changes is not the truth." An -argument much feared by Protestantism, and with justice; because all -the various forms which are assumed to evade its force, only serve to -strengthen it. How just is the expression of that great man! At the -very title of his book, Protestantism must tremble: The History of the -Variations! A history of variations must be a history of error. (See -note [1] at the end of the vol.) - -These unceasing changes, which we ought not to be surprised at finding -in Protestantism, because they essentially belong to it, show us -that it is not in possession of the truth; they show us also, that -its moving principle is not a principle of life, but an element of -dissolution. It has been called upon, and up to this time in vain, to -fix itself, and to present a compact and uniform body. How can that be -fixed, which is, by its nature, kept floating about in the air? How can -a solid body be formed of an element, the essential tendency of which -is towards an incessant division of particles, by diminishing their -reciprocal affinity, and increasing their repellent force? - -It will easily be seen that I speak of the right of private judgment in -matters of faith, whether it be looked upon as a matter of human reason -alone, or as an individual inspiration from heaven. - -If there be any thing constant in Protestantism, it is undoubtedly -the substitution of private judgment for public and lawful authority. -This is always found in union with it, and is, properly speaking, -its fundamental principle: it is the only point of contact among the -various Protestant sects,--the basis of their mutual resemblance. It is -very remarkable that this exists, for the most part, unintentionally, -and sometimes against their express wishes. - -However lamentable and disastrous this principle may be, if the -coryphæi of Protestantism had made it their rallying point, and had -constantly acted up to it in theory and practice, they would have -been consistent in error. When men saw them cast into one abyss after -another, they would have recognised a system,--false undoubtedly; -but, at any rate, a system. As it is, it has not been even that: if -you examine the words and the acts of the first Reformers, you will -find that they made use of this principle as a means of resisting -the authority which controlled them, but that they never dreamed of -establishing it permanently; that if they labored to upset lawful -authority, it was for the purpose of usurping the command themselves; -that is to say, that they followed, in this respect, the example -of revolutionists of all kinds, of all ages, and of all countries. -Everybody knows how far Luther carried his fanatical intolerance; he -who could not bear the slightest contradiction, either from his own -disciples or anybody else, without giving way to the most senseless -fits of passion, and the most unworthy outrages. Henry VIII. of -England, who founded there what is called the liberty of thinking, sent -to the scaffold those who did not think as he did; and it was at the -instigation of Calvin that Servetus was burnt alive at Geneva. - -I insist upon this point, because it seems to me to be of great -importance. Men are but too much inclined to pride; and if they heard -it constantly repeated, without contradiction, that the innovators -of the sixteenth century proclaimed the freedom of thought, a secret -interest might be excited in their favor; their violent declamations -might be regarded as the expressions of a generous movement, and -their efforts as a noble attempt to assert the rights of intellectual -freedom. Let it be known, never to be forgotten, that if these men -proclaimed the principle of free examination, it was for the purpose of -making use of it against legitimate authority; but that they attempted, -as soon as they could, to impose upon others the yoke of their own -opinions. Their constant endeavour was, to destroy the authority which -came from God, in order to establish their own upon its ruins. It is -a painful necessity to be obliged to give proofs of this assertion; -not because they are difficult to find, but because one cannot adduce -the most incontestable of them without calling to mind words and deeds -which not only cover with disgrace the founders of Protestantism, but -are of such a nature, that they cannot be mentioned without a blush on -the cheek, or written without a stain upon the paper.[2] - -Protestantism, when viewed in a mass, appears only a shapeless -collection of innumerable sects, all opposed to each other, and -agreeing only in one point, viz. in protesting against the authority -of the Church. We only find among them particular and exclusive names, -commonly taken from the names of their founders; in vain have they made -a thousand efforts to give themselves a general name expressive of a -positive idea; they are still called after the manner of philosophical -sects. Lutherans, Calvinists, Zuinglians, Anglicans, Socinians, -Arminians, Anabaptists, all these names, of which I could furnish an -endless host, only serve to exhibit the narrowness of the circle in -which these sects are enclosed; and it is only necessary to pronounce -them, to show that they contain nothing universal, nothing great. - -Everybody who knows any thing of the Christian religion must be -convinced by this fact alone, that these sects are not truly Christian. -But what occurred when Protestantism attempted to take a general name, -is singularly remarkable. If you examine its history, you will see -that all the names which it attempted to give itself failed, if they -contained any positive idea, or any mark of Christianity; but that it -adopted a name taken by chance at the Diet of Spires; a name which -carries with it its own condemnation, because it is repugnant to the -origin, to the spirit, to the maxims, to the entire history of the -Christian religion; a name which does not express that unity--that -union which is inseparably connected with the Christian name; a name -which is peculiarly becoming to it, which all the world gives to it by -acclamation, which is truly its own--viz. _Protestantism_.[3] - -Within the vast limits marked out by this name, there is room for -every error and for every sect. You may deny with the Lutherans the -liberty of man, or renew with the Arminians the errors of Pelagius. You -may admit with some that real presence, which you are free to reject -with the Calvinists and Zuinglians; you may join with the Socinians -in denying the divinity of Jesus Christ; you may attach yourself to -Episcopalians, to Puritans, or, if you please, to the extravagances -of the Quakers; it is of no consequence, for you always remain a -Protestant, for you protest against the authority of the Church; your -field is so extensive, that you can hardly escape from it, however -great may be your wanderings; it contains all the vast extent that we -behold on coming forth from the gates of the Holy City.[4] - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -CAUSES OF PROTESTANTISM. - - -What, then, were the causes of the appearance of Protestantism in -Europe, of its development, and of its success? This is a question -well worthy of being examined to the bottom, because it will lead us -to inquire into the origin of this great evil, and will put us in a -condition to form the best idea of this phenomenon, so often but so -imperfectly described. - -It would be unreasonable to look for the causes of an event of this -nature and importance, in circumstances either trivial in themselves, -or circumscribed by places and events of a limited kind. It is a -mistake to suppose that vast results can be produced by trifling -causes; and if it be true that great events sometimes have their -commencement in little ones, it is no less certain that the commencing -point is not the cause; and that to be the commencement of a thing, and -to be its real cause, are expressions of a widely different meaning. -A spark produces a dreadful conflagration, but it is because it falls -upon a heap of inflammable materials. That which is general must have -general causes; and that which is lasting and deeply rooted must have -lasting and profound causes. - -This law is true alike in the moral as in the physical order; but its -applications cannot be perceived without great difficulty, especially -in the moral order, where things of great importance are sometimes -clothed in a mean exterior; where each effect is found allied with so -many causes at once, connected with them by ties so delicate, that, -possibly, the most attentive and piercing eye may miss altogether, or -regard as a trifle, that which perhaps has produced very great results: -trifling things, on the other hand, are frequently so covered with -glitter, tinsel, and parade, that it is very easy to be deceived by -them. We are always too much inclined to judge by appearances. - -It will appear from these principles, that I am not disposed to -give great importance to the rivalry excited by the preaching of -indulgences, or to the excesses which may have been committed by some -inferiors in this matter; these things may have been an occasion, a -pretext, a signal to commence the contest, but they were of too little -importance in themselves to put the world in flames. There would be, -perhaps, more apparent plausibility in seeking for the causes of -Protestantism in the characters and positions of the first reformers; -but this also would be unsatisfactory. - -People lay great stress on the violence and fury of the writings and -speeches of Luther, and show how apt this savage eloquence was to -inflame men's minds, and drag them into the new errors by the deadly -hatred against Rome with which it inspired them. Too much stress also -is laid on the sophistical art, the order and elegance of the style -of Calvin; qualities which served to give an appearance of regularity -to the shapeless mass of new errors, and make them more acceptable -to men of good taste. The talents and other qualities of the various -innovators are described in the same way with more or less truth. - -I will not deny to Luther, Calvin, and the other founders of -Protestantism, the titles on which their sad celebrity is founded; -but I venture to assert that we cannot attribute to their personal -qualities the principal influence upon the development of this evil, -without palpably mistaking and underrating the importance of the evil -itself, and forgetting the instructions of universal history. - -If we examine these men with impartiality, we shall find that their -qualities were not greater than those of other sectarian leaders, if -so great. Their talents, their learning, and their knowledge, have -passed through the crucible of criticism, and there is, even among -Protestants, no well-instructed and impartial person who does not now -consider the extravagant eulogiums which have been lavished upon them, -as the exaggerations of party. They are classed among the number of -those turbulent men who are well fitted to excite revolutions; but -the history of all times and countries, and the experience of every -day, teach that men of this kind are not uncommon, and that they -arise everywhere when a sad combination of events affords them a fit -opportunity. - -When causes more in proportion to Protestantism, by their extent -and importance, are sought for, two are commonly pointed out: the -necessity of reform, and the spirit of liberty. "There were numerous -abuses," says one party; "legitimate reform was neglected: this -negligence produced revolution." "The human intellect was in fetters," -says another; "the mind longed to break its chains; Protestantism -was only a grand effort for the freedom of human thought, a great -movement towards liberating the human mind." It is true, that these -two opinions point out causes of great importance and of wide extent: -both are well adapted to make partisans. The one, by establishing the -necessity of reform, opens a wide field for the censure of neglected -laws and relaxed morals; this theme always finds sympathy in the heart -of man,--indulgent towards its own defects, but stern and inexorable -towards the faults of others. With respect to the other opinion, which -raises the cry of the movement of religious liberty and the freedom of -the human mind, it is sure to be widely adopted: there are always a -thousand echoes to a cry which flatters our pride. - -I do not deny that a reform was necessary; to be convinced of this, I -need only glance at history, and listen to the complaints of several -great men, justly regarded by the Church as among the most cherished -of her sons. I read in the first decree of the Council of Trent, that -one of the objects of the Council was the reform of the Christian -clergy and people; I learn from the mouth of Pius IV., when confirming -the said Council, that one of the objects for which it was assembled, -was the correction of morals, and the re-establishment of discipline. -Notwithstanding all this, I am not inclined to give to abuses so -much influence as has been attributed to them. I must also say, that -it appears to me that we give a very bad solution of the question, -when, to show the real cause of the evil, we insist on the fatal -results produced by these abuses. These words also, "a new movement -of liberty," appear to me altogether insufficient. I shall say, then, -with freedom, in spite of my respect for those who entertain the first -opinion, and my esteem for the talents of those who refer all to the -spirit of liberty, that I cannot find in either that analysis, at once -philosophical and historical, which, without wandering from the ground -of history, examines facts, clears them up, shows their inward nature, -their relations and connections. - -If men have wandered so much in the definition and explanation of -Protestantism, it is because they have not sufficiently observed that -it is not only a fact common to all ages of the history of the Church, -but that its importance and its particular characteristics are owing -to the epoch when it arose. This simple consideration, founded on -the constant testimony of history, clears up every thing; we have no -longer to seek in the doctrines of Protestantism for any thing singular -or extraordinary; all its characteristics prove that it was born in -Europe, and in the sixteenth century. I shall develop these ideas, not -by fanciful reasonings or gratuitous suppositions, but by adducing -facts which nobody can deny. - -It is indisputable that the principle of submission to authority in -matters of faith has always encountered a vigorous resistance in the -human mind. I shall not point out here the causes of this resistance; -I propose to do so in the course of this work; I shall content myself -at present with stating this fact, and reminding those who may be -inclined to call it in question, that the history of the Church has -always been accompanied by the history of heresies. This fact has -presented different phases according to the changes of time and place. -Sometimes making a rude mixture of Judaism and Christianity, sometimes -combining the doctrines of Jesus Christ with the dreams of the East, or -corrupting the purity of faith by the subtilties and chicaneries of -Grecian sophistry; this fact presents us with as many different aspects -as there are conditions of the mind of man. But we always find in it -two general characteristics, which clearly show that it has always had -the same origin, notwithstanding the variation in its object and in the -nature of its results: these two characteristics are, hatred of the -authority of the Church, and the spirit of sect. - -In all ages sects have arisen, opposing the authority of the Church, -and establishing as dogmas the errors of their founders: it was -natural for the same thing to happen in the sixteenth century. Now, -if that age had been an exception to the general rule, it seems to -me, looking at the nature of the human mind, that we should have -had to answer this very difficult question, How is it possible that -no sect appeared in that age? I say, then, error having once arisen -in the sixteenth century, no matter what may have been its origin, -occasion, and pretext--a certain number of followers having assembled -around its banner--Protestantism forthwith presents itself before me -in all its extent, with its transcendent importance, its divisions, -and subdivisions; I see it, with boldness and energy, making a general -attack on all the doctrines and discipline taught and observed -by the Church. In place of Luther, Zuinglius, and Calvin, let us -suppose Arius, Nestorius, and Pelagius; in place of the errors of the -former, let them teach the errors of the latter; it will all lead -to the same result. The errors will excite sympathy; they will find -defenders; they will animate enthusiasts; they will spread, they will -be propagated with the rapidity of fire, they will be diffused, they -will throw sparks in all directions; they will all be defended with -a show of knowledge and erudition; creeds will change unceasingly; a -thousand professions of faith will be drawn up; the liturgy will be -altered,--will be destroyed; the bonds of discipline will be broken; we -shall have to sum up all in one word, Protestantism. - -How did it happen that the evil in the sixteenth century was -necessarily so extensive, so great, and so important? It was because -the society of that time was different from any other that had preceded -it; that which at other times would only have produced a partial fire, -necessarily caused in the sixteenth century a frightful conflagration. -Europe was then composed of a number of immense states, cast, so to -speak, in the same mould, resembling each other in ideas, manners, laws -and institutions, drawn together incessantly by an active communication -which was kept up alternately by rival and common interests; knowledge -found in the Latin language an easy means of diffusion; in fine, most -important of all, there had become general over all Europe a rapid -means of disseminating ideas and feelings, a creation which had flashed -from the human mind like a miraculous illumination, a presage of -colossal destinies, viz. the press. - -Such is the activity of the mind of man, and the ardour with which it -embraces all sorts of innovation, that when once the standard of error -was planted, a multitude of partisans were sure to rally round it. The -yoke of authority once thrown off, in countries where investigation -was so active, where so many discussions were carried on, where ideas -were in such a state of effervescence, and where all the sciences -began to germinate, it was impossible for the restless mind of man -to remain fixed on any point, and a swarm of sects was necessarily -produced. There is no middle path; either civilized nations must remain -Catholic, or run through all the forms of error. If they do not attach -themselves firmly to the anchor of truth, we shall see them make a -general attack upon it, we shall see them assail it in itself, in all -that it teaches, in all that it prescribes. A man of free and active -mind will remain tranquil in the peaceful regions of truth, or he will -seek for it with restlessness and disquietude. If he find only false -principles to rest on,--if he feel the ground move under his feet, -he will change his position every moment, he will leap from error to -error, and precipitate himself from one abyss to another. To live amid -errors, and be contented with them, to transmit error from generation -to generation, without modification or change, is peculiar to those -who vegetate in debasement and ignorance; there the mind of man is not -active, because it is asleep. - -From the point of view where we have now placed ourselves, we can see -Protestantism such as it is. From this commanding position we see -every thing in its place, and it is possible for us to appreciate -its dimensions, to perceive its relations, calculate its influence, -and explain its anomalies. Men there assume their true position; as -they are seen in close proximity with the great mass of events, they -appear in the picture as very small figures, for which others may -be substituted without inconvenience; which may be placed nearer or -farther off, and the features and complexion of which are not of any -consequence. Of what importance, then, are the energy of character, the -passion, and boldness of Luther, the literary polish of Melancthon, and -the sophistical talents of Calvin? We are convinced, that to lay stress -upon all this, is to lose our time, and explain nothing. - -What were these men, and the other coryphæi of Protestantism? Was -there any thing really extraordinary about them? We shall find men -like them everywhere. There are some among them who did not surpass -mediocrity; and it may be said of almost all, that if they had not -obtained an unhappy celebrity, they would hardly have been celebrated -at all. Why, then, did they effect such great things? They found a mass -of combustibles, and they set them on fire. Certainly this was not -difficult, and yet it was all they did. When I see Luther, mad with -pride, commit those extravagances which were the subject of so many -lamentations on the part of his friends--when I see him grossly insult -all who oppose him, put himself in a passion, and vomit forth a torrent -of impure words against all those who do not humble themselves in his -presence, I am scarcely moved by any other feeling than pity. This man, -who had the extraordinary mania of calling himself the _Notharius Dei_, -became delirious; but he breathed, and his breath was followed by a -terrible conflagration: it was because a powder-magazine was at hand on -which he threw a spark. Nevertheless, like a man blinded by insanity, -he cried out, "Behold my power! I breathe, and my breath puts the world -in flames!" - -But, you will ask me, what was the real influence of abuses? If we take -care not to leave the point of view where we now are, we shall see -that they were an occasion, and that they sometimes afforded food, but -that they did not exercise all the influence which has been attributed -to them. Do I wish, then, to deny, or to excuse them? Not at all. -I can appreciate the complaints of some men, who are worthy of the -most profound respect; but while lamenting the evil, these men never -pretended to detail the consequences. The just man when he raises his -voice against vice, the minister of the sanctuary when he is burning -with zeal for the house of the Lord, express themselves in accents so -loud and vehement, that they must not always be taken literally. Their -whole hearts are opened, and, inflamed as they are with a zealous love -of justice, they make use of burning words. Men without faith interpret -their expressions maliciously, exaggerating and misrepresenting them. - -It appears to me to be clear, from what I have just shown, that the -principal cause of Protestantism is not to be found in the abuses -of the middle ages. All that can be said is, that they afforded -opportunities and pretexts for it. To assert the contrary would be to -maintain that there were always numerous abuses in the Church from -the beginning, even in the time of her primitive fervor, and of that -proverbial purity of which our opponents have said so much; for even -then there were swarms of sects who protested against her doctrines, -denied her divine authority, and called themselves the true Church. The -case is the same, and the inference cannot be denied. If you allege the -extent and rapid propagation of Protestantism, I will remind you that -such was also the case with other sects; I will repeat to you the words -of St. Jerome, with regard to the ravages of Arianism: "All the world -groans, and is full of astonishment at finding itself Arian." I will -repeat, again, that if you observe any thing remarkable and peculiar -belonging to Protestantism, it ought not to be attributed to abuses, -but to the epoch when it appeared. - -I believe I have said enough to give an idea of the influence which -abuses could exert; yet, as it is a subject which has occupied much -attention, and on which many mistakes have been made, it will be well -to revert to it once more, to make our ideas on the subject still -clearer. That lamentable abuses had crept in during the course of the -middle ages, that the corruption of manners had been great, and that, -consequently, reform was required, is a fact which cannot be denied. -This fact is proved to us, with respect to the eleventh and twelfth -centuries, by irreproachable witnesses, such as St. Peter Damien, St. -Gregory VII., and St. Bernard. Some centuries later, even after many -abuses had been corrected, they were still but too considerable, as -is witnessed by the complaints of men who were inflamed with a desire -of reform. We cannot forget the alarming words addressed by Cardinal -Julian to Pope Eugenius IV., on the subject of the disorders of the -clergy, especially those of Germany. - -Having fully avowed the truth on this point, and my opinion that the -cause of Catholicity does not require dissimulation or falsehood to -defend it, I shall devote a few words to examining some important -questions. Are we to blame the court of Rome or the bishops for these -great abuses? I venture to think that they were to be attributed to -the evils of the time alone. Let us call to mind the events which had -taken place in the midst of Europe; the dissolution of the decrepit -and corrupt empire of Rome; the irruption and inundation of northern -barbarians; their fluctuations, their wars, sometimes with each -other, and sometimes with the conquered nations, and that for so many -ages; the establishment and absolute reign of feudalism, with all its -inconveniences, its evils, its troubles, and disasters; the invasion of -the Saracens, and their dominion over a large portion of Europe; now, -let any reflecting man ask himself whether such revolutions must not of -necessity produce ignorance, corruption of morals, and the relaxation -of all discipline. How could the ecclesiastical society escape being -deeply affected by this dissolution, this destruction of the civil -society? Could she help participating in the evils of the horrible -state of chaos into which Europe was then plunged? - -But were the spirit and ardent desire of reforming abuses ever wanting -in the Church? It can be shown that they were not. I will not mention -the saints whom she did not cease to produce during these unhappy -periods; history proves their number and their virtues, which, so -vividly contrasting with the corruption of the age, show that the -divine flames which descended on the Apostles had not been extinguished -in the bosom of the Catholic Church. This fact proves much; but there -is another still more remarkable, a fact less subject to dispute, and -which we cannot be accused of exaggerating; a fact which is not limited -to individuals, but which is, on the contrary, the most complete -expression of the spirit by which the whole body of the Church was -animated; I mean, the constant meeting of councils, in which abuses -were reproved and condemned, and in which sanctity of morals and the -observance of discipline were continually inculcated. Happily this -consoling fact is indisputable; it is open to every eye; and to be -aware of it, one only needs to consult a volume of ecclesiastical -history, or the proceedings of councils. There is no fact more worth -our attention; and I will add, that perhaps all its importance has not -been observed. - -Let us remark what passes in other societies: we see that in proportion -to the change of ideas and manners, laws everywhere undergo a rapid -modification; and if manners and ideas come to be directly opposed -to laws, the latter, reduced to silence, are soon either abolished or -trodden under foot. Nothing of this sort has happened in the Church. -Corruption has extended itself everywhere to a lamentable degree; the -ministers of religion have allowed themselves to be carried away by -the stream, and have forgotten the sanctity of their vocation; but the -sacred fire did not cease to burn in the sanctuary; the law was there -constantly proclaimed and inculcated; and, wonderful spectacle! the men -who themselves violated it frequently assembled to condemn themselves, -to censure their own conduct, and thus to render more public and more -palpable the contrast which existed between their instructions and -their actions. Simony and incontinence were the prevailing vices; -if you open the canons of councils, you will find them everywhere -anathematized. Nowhere do you find a struggle so prolonged, so -constant, so persevering, of right against wrong; you always see, -throughout so many ages, the law, opposed face to face to the irregular -passions, maintain itself firm and immovable, without yielding a -single step, without allowing them a moment of repose or peace until -they were subjugated. And this constancy and tenacity of the Church -were not useless. At the commencement of the sixteenth century, at the -time when Protestantism appeared, we find abuses comparatively less -numerous, morals perceptibly improved, discipline become more strict, -and observed with sufficient regularity. The time when Luther declaimed -was not like that when St. Peter Damien and St. Bernard deplored the -evils of the Church. The chaos was reduced to form; order, light, and -regularity had made rapid progress; and an incontestable proof that -the Church was not then plunged in such ignorance and corruption as -is alleged, is, that she produced the great assemblage of saints who -shed so much lustre on the age, and the men who displayed their eminent -wisdom at the Council of Trent. Let us remember that great reforms -require much time; that they met with much resistance both from the -clergy and laity; that for having undertaken them with firmness, and -urged them with vigour, Gregory VII. has been charged with rashness. -Let us not judge of men without regard to times and places; and let -us not pretend to measure every thing according to our own limited -ideas; ages move in an immense orbit, and the variety of circumstances -produces situations so strange and complicated that we can hardly form -an idea of them. - -Bossuet, in his History of the Variations, after having differently -classed the spirit which guided certain men, before the thirteenth -century, in their attempts at reform, and having cited the threatening -words of Cardinal Julian on the subject of abuses, adds: "It is thus -that, in the fifteenth century, this cardinal, the greatest man of -his times, deplored these evils, and foresaw their fatal effects; by -which he seems to have predicted those that Luther was about to bring -on all Christianity, and in the first place on Germany; and he was -not deceived when he thought that the neglect of reformation, and the -increased hatred against the clergy, was about to produce a sect more -dangerous to the Church than the Bohemians." (_Hist. des Variat._ -liv. i.) It is inferred from these words that the illustrious Bishop -of Meaux found one of the principal causes of Protestantism in the -omission of a legitimate reform made in time. Nevertheless, we must -not suppose from this that Bossuet meant, in any degree, to excuse -the promoters of it, or that he had any idea of sanctioning their -intentions; on the contrary, he ranked them as turbulent innovators, -who, far from promoting the real reform which was desired by wise and -prudent men, only served to render it more difficult, by introducing, -by the means of their erroneous doctrines, the spirit of disobedience, -schism, and heresy. - -In spite of the authority of Bossuet, I cannot persuade myself to look -upon abuses as one of the principal causes of Protestantism; but it is -not necessary to repeat what I have said in support of this opinion. It -may not, however, be useless to repeat, that the authority of Bossuet -is misapplied when used to justify the intentions of the reformers, -since the illustrious prelate is the first to declare them highly -culpable, and to observe, that if abuses were in existence, their -intention was not to correct them, but rather to make them a pretext -for abandoning the faith of the Church, throwing off the yoke of lawful -authority, breaking the bands of discipline, and introducing thereby -disorder and licentiousness. - -How, indeed, can we attribute to the reformers the real spirit of -reform, when almost all of them proved the contrary by the ignominy -of their own conduct? If they had condemned, by the austerity of -their morals, or by devoting themselves to a severe asceticism, the -relaxations of which they complained, there might be a question whether -their extravagances were not the effects of exaggerated zeal, and if -some excess in the love of virtue had not drawn them into error. But -they did nothing of the kind. Let us hear on this point an eye-witness, -a man who certainly cannot be accused of fanaticism, since the -connection which he had with the leaders of Protestantism has rendered -him culpable in the eyes of many. Behold what Erasmus said, with his -usual wit and bitterness: "The reform, as far as it has gone, has been -limited to the secularization of a few nuns and the marriage of a few -priests; and this great tragedy finishes with an event altogether -comic, since every thing is wound up, as in comedies, by a marriage." - -This shows to conviction the true spirit of the innovators of the -sixteenth century. It is clear that, far from wishing the reformation -of abuses, they wished rather to increase them. This bare consideration -of facts has led M. Guizot, on this point, into the path of truth, -when he rejects the opinion of those who pretend, that the Reformation -was "an attempt conceived and executed simply with the intention of -reconstructing a pure and primitive Church. The Reformation," he said, -"was not a mere attempt at religious amelioration, or the fruit of a -Utopian humanity and virtue." (_Histoire Générale de la Civilisation en -Europe_, douzième leçon.) - -We shall have now no difficulty in appreciating at its just value -the explanation which the same writer gives of this phenomenon. "The -Reformation," says M. Guizot, "was a great attempt at the liberation of -human thought--an uprising of the mind of man." This attempt, according -to M. Guizot, arose out of the energetic movement given to the human -mind, and the state of inaction into which the Roman Church had -fallen; it arose from this, that the human mind advanced rapidly and -impetuously, while the Church remained stationary. Explanations of this -kind, and this one in particular, are very apt to draw admirers and -proselytes; these ideas are high, and placed on a level so lofty and -extended, that they cannot be looked at closely by the generality of -readers; and, moreover, they appear in brilliant imagery, which blinds -the sight and prejudices the judgment. - -That which restrains freedom of thought, as understood by M. Guizot -and other Protestants is, authority in matters of faith: it was, then, -against this authority that the uprising of the mind declared itself; -or, in other words, the mind rebelled, because it advanced, while the -Church, immovable in her doctrines, was, according to the expression of -M. Guizot, "in a stationary state." - -Whatever may be the disposition of mind of M. Guizot towards the dogmas -of the Catholic Church, he ought, as a philosopher, to have seen that -it was a great mistake to point out as the distinctive characteristic -of one period, that which had been at every time a glorious title -for the Church. For more than eighteen hundred years the Church has -been stationary in her dogmas, and it is no equivocal proof that she -possesses the truth: the truth is unchangeable, because it is one. - -What the Church was in the sixteenth century, she had been before, and -she has been since. She had nothing particular, she adopted no new -characteristic. The reason, then, by which it is attempted to explain -this phenomenon, viz. the uprising of the mind, cannot advance the -explanation a single step; and if this be the reason why M. Guizot -compares the Church to governments grown old, we will tell him that -she has had this old age from her cradle. M. Guizot, as if he had -himself felt the weakness of his reasoning, presents his thoughts in -groups, and as it were _pêle-mêle_; he parades before his readers ideas -of different kinds, without taking pains to classify or distinguish -them; one would be inclined to think that he meant to distract them -by variety, and confound them by mixture. Judging, indeed, from the -context of his discourse, the epithets _inert and stationary_, which -he applies to the Church, do not appear, according to his intention, -to relate to matters of faith; and he gives us to understand that -he speaks rather of the pretensions of the Church with regard to -politics and state economy. He has taken pains, elsewhere, to repel as -calumnies, the charges of tyranny and intolerance which have been so -often made against the court of Rome. - -We find here an incoherence of ideas which was not to be expected in so -clear a mind; and as many persons may scarcely be inclined to believe -how far this incoherence extends, it is necessary to give his words -literally: they will show us into what inconsistencies great minds can -fall when they are placed in a false position. - -"The government of the human mind, the spiritual power," says M. -Guizot, "had fallen into an inert and stationary condition. The -political influence of the Church, of the court of Rome, was much -diminished; European society no longer was ruled by it; it had passed -under the control of lay governments. Nevertheless, the spiritual -power preserved all its pretensions, all its _éclat_, all its external -importance. There happened in this respect, what has more than once -happened to old governments. The greater part of the complaints made -against it were hardly better founded." - -It is evident that M. Guizot, in this passage, does not point out -any thing which is at all connected with liberty, any thing which is -not quite of another kind: why does he not do so? The court of Rome, -he tells us, had seen its political influence diminished, and yet it -preserved its pretensions; the direction of European society no longer -belonged to it, but Rome kept its pomp and its external importance. Is -any thing here meant besides the rivalries of which political affairs -had been the subject? Did M. Guizot forget what he himself said some -pages before, viz. that it did not appear to him to be reasonable to -assign the rivalry of kings with the ecclesiastical power as the cause -of Protestantism, and that such a cause was not adequate to the extent -and importance of the event? - -Although all this has no direct connection with freedom of thought, -still, if any one be inclined to attribute the uprising of the mind -to the intolerance of the court of Rome, let him listen to M. Guizot: -"It is not true," says he, "that in the sixteenth century the court of -Rome was very tyrannical; that abuses, properly so called, were then -more numerous, more crying, than they had been at other times; never, -perhaps, on the contrary, had the ecclesiastical power been more easy, -more tolerant, more disposed to let things go their own way. Provided -that it was not itself called in question, provided that the rights -which it had formerly enjoyed were allowed in theory, that the same -existence was secured, and the same tributes were paid to it, it would -willingly have allowed the human mind to remain at peace, if the human -mind had done the same in respect to it." - -Thus M. Guizot seems to have forgotten what he had urged with the view -of showing that the Protestant Reformation was a great attempt at the -liberation of human thought--a rebellion of the mind of man. He does -not allege any thing which was an obstacle to the freedom of man's -thoughts; and he himself acknowledges that there was nothing to provoke -this rebellion, as, for example, intolerance or cruelty; he has himself -just told us that the ecclesiastical government of the sixteenth -century, far from being tyrannical, was easy and tolerant, and that, -if left to itself, it would willingly have allowed the human mind to -remain tranquil. - -It is, then, evident, that the great attempt at the liberation of -the human mind is, in M. Guizot's mouth, only a vague, undefined -expression,--a brilliant veil with which he seems to have wished -to cover the cradle of Protestantism, even at the risk of being -inconsistent with his own opinions. He reverts to the political -rivalries which he before rejected. Abuses have no importance in his -eyes; he cannot find in them the real cause; and he forgets what he had -just asserted in the preceding lecture, viz. that if necessary reform -had been made in time, the religious revolution might have been avoided. - -He tries to give a picture of the obstacles to the liberty of thought, -and endeavours to rise to the general considerations which embrace -all the importance and influences of the human mind; but he stops at -_éclat_, at _external importance_, and _political rivalries_; he lowers -his flight to the level of tributes and services. - -This incoherence of ideas, this weakness of reasoning, and -forgetfulness of assertions previously made, will appear strange -only to those who are accustomed rather to admire the high flights -of talented men than to study their aberrations. It is true that M. -Guizot was in a position in which it was very difficult to avoid being -dazzled and deceived. If it be true that we cannot observe attentively -what passes on the ground around us without narrowing our view of -the horizon,--if this method leads the observer to form a collection -of isolated facts rather than compare general maxims, it is not less -certain that, by extending our observations over a larger space, we -run the risk of many illusions. Too great generalization borders on -hypothesis and fancy. The mind, when taking an immoderate flight in -order to get a general view of things, no longer sees them as they -really are; perhaps sometimes even loses sight of them altogether. -Therefore it is that the loftiest minds should frequently remember the -words of Bacon: "We do not want wings, but lead." Too impartial not to -confess that abuses had been exaggerated,--too good a philosopher not -to see that they could not have had so great an effect,--M. Guizot, -who was prevented by his sense of dignity and decency from joining the -crowd who incessantly raise the cry of cruelty and intolerance, has -made an effort to do justice to the Church of Rome; but, unfortunately, -his prejudices against the Church would not allow him to see things in -their true light. He was aware that the origin of Protestantism must be -sought in the human mind itself; but, knowing the age and epoch when he -was speaking, he thought it was necessary to propitiate his audience by -frequent appeals to liberty, in order that his discourse might be well -received. This is the reason why, after having tempered the bitterness -of his reproaches against the Church by a few soft words, he reserves -all that is noble, grand, and generous for the ideas which produced the -Reformation, and throws on the Church all the shadows of the picture. - -While acknowledging that the principal cause of Protestantism is to -be found in the human mind, it is easy to abstain from these unjust -comparisons; and M. Guizot might have avoided the inconsistency to -which we have alluded. He might have discovered the origin of the fact -in the character of the human mind; he might, at the same time, have -shown the greatness and importance of it, while simply explaining the -nature and position of the societies in which it appeared. In fine, he -might have observed that it was no _extraordinary effort_, but a mere -repetition of what has happened in every age; and a phenomenon, the -character of which depended on the particular state of the atmosphere -in which it was produced. - -This way of considering Protestantism as an ordinary event, increased -and developed by the circumstances in which it arose, appears to me to -be as philosophical as it is little attended to. I shall support it by -another observation, which will supply us with reasons and examples at -the same time. - -The state of modern society for three hundred years has been such, -that all the events that have occurred have acquired a character of -generalization, and consequently an importance, which distinguishes -them from all the events of a similar kind which occurred at other -times and in a different social state. If we examine the history of -antiquity, we shall see that all the events therein occurring were -isolated in some sort from each other; this was what rendered them -less beneficial when they were good, and less injurious when they were -bad. Carthage, Rome, Sparta, Athens, all these nations more or less -advanced in the career of civilization, each followed its own path, and -progressed in a different way. Ideas, manners, political constitutions, -succeeded each other, without our being able to perceive any influence -of the ideas of one nation on those of another, or of the manners -of one nation on those of another; we do not find any evidence of a -tendency to bring nations to one common centre. - -We also remark that, except when forced to intermix, ancient nations -could be a long time in close proximity without losing their -peculiarities, or suffering any important change by the contact. - -Observe how different is the state of things in Europe in modern times. -A revolution in one country affects all others; an idea sent forth -from the schools agitates nations and alarms governments. Nothing is -isolated, every thing is general, and acquires by expansion a terrible -force. It is impossible to study the history of one nation without -seeing all the others make their appearance on the stage; and we cannot -study the history of a science or an art without discovering a thousand -connections with objects which do not belong to science or to art. - -All nations are connected, objects are assimilated, relations increase. -The affairs of one nation are interesting to all the others, and -they wish to take part in them. This is the reason why the idea of -_non-intervention_ in politics is, and always will be, impracticable; -it is, indeed, natural for us to interfere in that in which we are -interested. - -These examples, although taken from things of a different kind, appear -to me very well calculated to illustrate my idea of the religious -events of that period. Protestantism, it is true, is thereby stripped -of the philosophic mantle by which it has been covered from its -infancy; it loses all right to be considered as full of foresight, -magnificent projects, and high destinies, from its cradle, but I do not -see that its importance and extent are thereby diminished; the fact -itself, in a word, is unimpaired, but the real cause of the imposing -aspect in which it has presented itself to the world is explained. - -Every thing, in this point of view, is seen in its just dimensions; -individuals are scarcely perceived, and abuses appear only what they -really are--opportunities and pretexts; vast plans, lofty and generous -ideas, and efforts at independence of mind, are only gratuitous -suppositions. Thence ambition, war, the rivalry of kings, take their -position as causes more or less influential, but always in the second -rank. All the causes are estimated at their real value; in fine, the -principal causes being once pointed out, it is acknowledged that the -fact was sure to be accompanied in its development by a multitude of -subordinate agents. There remains still an important question in this -matter, viz. what was the cause of the hatred, or rather the feeling of -exasperation, on the part of sectarians against Rome? Was it owing to -some great abuse, some great wrong on the part of Rome? There is but -one answer to make, viz. that in a storm, the waves always dash with -fury against the immovable rock which resists them. - -So far from attributing to abuses all the influence which has been -assigned to them on the birth and development of Protestantism, I am -convinced, on the contrary, that all imaginable legitimate reforms, -and the greatest degree of willingness on the part of the Church -authorities to comply with every exigence, would not have been able to -prevent that unhappy event. - -He has paid little attention to the extreme inconstancy and fickleness -of the human mind, and studied its history to little purpose, who does -not recognise in the event of the sixteenth century one of those great -calamities which God alone can avert by a special intervention of his -providence.[5] - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -EXTRAORDINARY PHENOMENON IN THE CATHOLIC CHURCH. - - -The proposition contained in the concluding lines of the last -chapter suggests a corollary, which, if I am not mistaken, offers -a new demonstration of the divine origin of the Catholic Church. -Her existence for eighteen centuries, in spite of so many powerful -adversaries, has always been regarded as a most extraordinary thing. -Another prodigy, too little attended to, and of not less importance -when the nature of the human mind is taken into account, is, _the unity -of the Church's doctrines, pervading, as it does, all her various -instructions, and the number of great minds which this unity has always -enclosed within her bosom_. - -I particularly call the attention of all thinking men to this point; -and although I cannot hope to develop this idea in a suitable manner, -I am sure they will find in it matter for very serious reflection. -This method of considering the Church may perhaps recommend itself to -the taste of some readers on another account, viz. because I shall lay -aside Revelation, in order to consider Catholicity, not as a Divine -religion, but as a school of philosophy. - -No one who has studied the history of letters can deny that the Church -has, in all ages, possessed men illustrious for science. The history of -the Fathers of the first ages of the Church is nothing but the history -of the most learned men in Europe, in Africa, and in Asia; the list -of learned men who preserved, after the irruption of the Barbarians, -some remains of ancient knowledge, is composed of churchmen. In modern -times you cannot point out a branch of human knowledge, in which a -considerable number of Catholics have not figured in the first rank. -Thus there has been, for eighteen hundred years, an uninterrupted -chain of learned men, who were Catholics, that is, men united in the -profession of the doctrines taught by the Catholic Church. Let us -lay aside for a moment the divine characteristics of Catholicity, to -consider it only as a school or sect; I say, that in the fact which I -have pointed out, we find a phenomenon so extraordinary, that its equal -cannot be found elsewhere, and that no effort of reason can explain it, -according to the natural order of human things. - -It is certainly not new in the history of the human mind for a -doctrine, more or less reasonable, to be professed for a time by a -certain number of learned and enlightened men; this has been shown -in schools of philosophy both ancient and modern. But for a creed to -maintain itself for many ages, by preserving the adhesion of men of -learning of all times and of all countries--of minds differing among -themselves on other points--of men opposed in interests and divided by -rivalries, is a phenomenon new, unique, and not to be found anywhere -but in the Catholic Church. It always has been, and still is, the -practice of the Church, while one in faith and doctrine, to teach -unceasingly--to excite discussion on all subjects--to promote the study -and examination of the foundations on which faith itself reposes--to -scrutinize for this purpose the ancient languages, the monuments of the -remotest times, the documents of history, the discoveries of scientific -observation, the lessons of the highest and most analytic sciences, and -to present herself with a generous confidence in the great lyceums, -where men replete with talents and knowledge concentrate, as in a -focus, all that they have learned from their predecessors, and all that -they themselves have collected: and nevertheless we see her always -persevere with firmness in her faith and in the unity of her doctrines; -we see her always surrounded by illustrious men, who, with their -brows crowned with the laurels of a hundred literary contests, humble -themselves, tranquil and serene, before her, without fear of dimming -the brightness of the glory which surrounds their heads. - -We ask those who see in Catholicity only one of the innumerable -sects by which the earth has been covered, to point out elsewhere a -similar fact; to explain to us how the Church has been able to show -us a phenomenon, constantly existing, so opposed to the ever-varying -spirit of the human mind; let them tell us by what secret talisman -the Sovereign Pontiffs have been able to do what other men have found -impossible. Those men, who bowed their heads at the command of the -Vatican, who have laid aside their own opinions to adopt those of a -man called the Pope, were not simple and ignorant men. Look at them -attentively; you will see in the boldness of their mien their knowledge -of their own intellectual power; you will read in their bright and -penetrating eyes the flame of genius which burns in their breasts. They -are the same men who have filled the highest places in the academies -of Europe; who have spread their fame over the world, and whose names -have been handed down to future generations. Examine the history of all -ages, search all the countries of the world, and if you find anywhere -such an extraordinary combination of knowledge in union with faith, of -genius in submission to authority, and of discussion without breach -of unity, you will have made an important discovery, and science will -have to explain a new phenomenon. But you know well that you cannot -do so. This is the reason why you have recourse to new stratagems in -order to cast a shade on the brightness of this fact; for you feel that -impartial reason and common sense must draw from it the conclusion that -there is in the Catholic Church something which is not to be found -elsewhere. - -These facts, say our adversaries, are certain; the reflections which -they suggest are dazzling at first sight; but if we examine the subject -thoroughly, we shall see the difficulties they raise disappear. This -phenomenon, which we have seen realized in the Catholic Church, and -which is not found elsewhere, only proves that there has always been -in the Church a fixed system, which has been developed with uniform -regularity. The Church knew that union is the source of strength; that -union cannot exist without unity of doctrine; and that unity cannot -be preserved without submission to authority. This simple observation -established, and constantly maintained, the principle of submission. -Such is the explanation of the phenomenon. The idea, we grant, is -profoundly wise, the scheme is grand, the system is extraordinary; -but they do not prove any thing in favor of the Divine origin of -Catholicism. - -This is the best reply which they can make; it is easy to show that -the difficulty remains entire. Indeed, if it be true that there has -existed a society on earth which has been for eighteen centuries guided -by one fixed and constant principle--a society which has known how -to bind to this principle eminent men of all ages and countries, the -following questions must be asked of our adversaries:--Why has the -Church alone possessed this principle, and monopolized this idea? If -other sects have been in possession of it, why have they not acted on -it? All the philosophic sects have disappeared, one after another; the -Church alone remains. Other religions, in order to preserve some sort -of unity, have been compelled to shun the light, to avoid discussion, -to hide themselves in the thickest shades. Why has the Church preserved -her unity while seeking the light, while publishing her books in open -day, while lavishing all sorts of instruction, and founding everywhere -colleges, universities, and establishments of every description, where -all the splendor of knowledge and erudition has been concentrated? - -It is not enough to say that there was a plan--a system; the difficulty -lies in the existence of this plan and this system; it consists in -explaining how they were conceived and executed. If we had to do with -a small number of men, in limited circumstances, times, and countries, -for the execution of a limited project, there would be nothing -extraordinary; but we have to do with a period of eighteen hundred -years, with all the countries of the world, with circumstances the -most varied, the most different, and the most opposed to each other; -we have to do with a multitude of men who did not meet together, or -act in concert. How is all this to be explained? If it were a plan and -a system devised by man, we should ask, What was the mysterious power -of Rome which enabled her to unite around her so many illustrious men -of all times and of all countries? How did the Roman Pontiff, if he be -only the chief of a sect, manage to fascinate the world to this extent? -What magician ever did such wonders? Men have long declaimed against -his religious despotism; why has no one been found to wrest the sceptre -from his grasp? why has not a pontifical throne been raised capable of -disputing the pre-eminence with his, and of maintaining itself with -equal splendor and power? Shall we attribute it to his temporal power? -This power is very limited. Rome was not able to contend in arms with -any of the other European powers. Shall we attribute it to the peculiar -character, to the knowledge or the virtues of the men who have occupied -the Papal throne? There has been, during these eighteen hundred years, -an infinite variety in the characters and in the talents and virtues of -the Popes. For those who are not Catholics, who do not see in the Roman -Pontiff the vicar of Jesus Christ,--the rock on which He has built His -Church,--the duration of this authority must be the most extraordinary -phenomenon; and it is certainly one of the questions most worthy of -being examined by the science which devotes itself to the history of -the human mind; how there existed for many centuries an uninterrupted -series of learned men, always faithful to the doctrines of the Roman -See? - -M. Guizot himself, in comparing Protestantism with the Roman Church, -seems to have felt the force of this truth; and its light appears to -have made him confused in his remarks. Let us listen again to this -writer, whose talents and renown have dazzled, on this point, so -many readers, who do not examine the solidity of proofs when they -are clothed in brilliant images, and who applaud all kinds of ideas -when they are conveyed to them in a torrent of enchanting eloquence; -men who, pretending to intellectual independence, subscribe, without -inquiry, to the decisions of the leaders of their school; who receive -their doctrines with submission, and dare not even raise their heads to -ask for the titles of their authority. M. Guizot, like all the great -men among Protestants, was aware of the immense void which exists amid -its various sects, and of the force and vigour which is contained in -Catholicity; he has not been able to free himself from the rule of -great minds,--a rule which is explicitly confirmed by the writings of -the greatest men of the Reformation. After pointing out the inconstant -progress of Protestantism, and the error which it has introduced into -the organization of intellectual society, M. Guizot proceeds thus: -"People have not known how to reconcile the rights and necessities of -tradition with those of liberty; and the cause of it undoubtedly has -been, that the Reformation did not fully understand and accept either -its principles or its effects." What sort of a religion must that -be which does not fully understand and accept its principles or its -effects? - -Did a more formal condemnation of the Reformation ever issue out of the -mouth of man? could any thing of the kind ever be said of the sects -of philosophers, ancient or modern? Can the Reformation, then, after -this, pretend to direct men or society? "Thence arises," continues -M. Guizot, "a certain air of inconsistency and narrowness of spirit, -which has often given advantages over it to its opponents. The latter -knew very well what they did and what they wished; they ascended to -the principles of their conduct, and avowed all their consequences. -There never was a government more consistent, more systematic than -that of the Church of Rome." But whence was the origin of a system so -consistent? When we consider the fickleness and inconstancy of the -human mind, do not this system, this consistency, and these fixed -principles, speak volumes to the philosopher and man of good sense? - -We have observed those terrible elements of dissolution which have -their source in the mind of man, and which have acquired so much force -in modern society; we have seen with what fatal power they destroy -and annihilate all institutions, social, political, and religious, -without ever succeeding in making a breach in the doctrines of -Catholicity,--without altering that system, so fixed and so consistent. -Is there no conclusion to be drawn from all this in favour of -Catholicity? To say that the Church has done that which no schools, or -governments, or societies, or religions could do, is it not to confess -that she is wiser than every thing human? And does it not clearly prove -that she does not owe her origin to human thought, and that she is -derived from the bosom of the Creator? This society--formed, you say, -by men--this government, directed by men, has endured for eighteen -hundred years; it extends to all countries, it addresses the savage in -the forest, the barbarian in his tent, the civilized man in the most -populous cities; it reckons among its children the shepherd clothed -in skins, the laborer, the powerful nobleman; it makes its laws heard -alike by the simple mechanic at his work, and the man of learning in -his closet absorbed in the profoundest speculations. This government -has always had, according to M. Guizot, a full knowledge of its actions -and its wishes; it has always been consistent in its conduct. Is not -this avowal its most convincing apology, its most eloquent panegyric; -and shall it not be considered a proof that it contains within itself -something more than human? - -A thousand times have I beheld this prodigy with astonishment; a -thousand times have my eyes been fixed upon that immense tree which -extends its branches from east to west, from north to south; I see -beneath its shade a multitude of different nations, and the restless -genius of man reposing in tranquillity at its feet. - -In the East, at the period when this divine religion first appeared, -I see, amidst the dissolutions of all sects, the most illustrious -philosophers crowd to hear her words. In Greece, in Asia, on the banks -of the Nile, in all the countries where, a short time before, swarmed -innumerable sects, I see appear on a sudden a generation of great men, -abounding in learning, in knowledge, in eloquence, and all agreeing in -the unity of Catholic doctrine. - -In the West, a multitude of barbarians throw themselves on an empire -falling to decay; a dark cloud descends upon an horizon charged with -calamities and disasters; there, in the midst of a people submerged in -the corruption of morals, and having lost even the remembrance of their -ancient grandeur, I see the only men who can be called worthy heirs of -the Roman name, seek, in the retirement of their temples, an asylum -for the austerity of their morals; it is there that they preserve, -increase, and enrich the treasure of ancient knowledge. But my -admiration reaches its height, when I observe that sublime intellect, -worthy heir of the genius of Plato, which, after having sought the -truth in all the schools, in all the sects, and with indomitable -boldness run through all human errors, feels itself subjugated by -the authority of the Church, and transforms the freethinker into the -great Bishop of Hippo. In modern times the series of great men who -shone in the times of Leo X. and Louis XIV. passes before my eyes. -I see the illustrious race still continue throughout the calamities -of the eighteenth century; and in the nineteenth I see fresh heroes, -who, after having followed error in all directions, come to hang their -trophies at the gates of the Catholic Church. What, then, is this -prodigy? Has a sect or religion like it ever before been seen? These -men study every thing, dispute on every thing, reply to every thing, -know every thing; but always agreeing in unity of doctrine, they bend -their noble and intellectual brows in respectful obedience to faith. Do -we not seem to behold another planetary system, where globes of fire -revolve in their vast orbits in the midst of immensity, always drawn -to their centre by a mysterious attraction? That central force, which -allows no aberration, takes from them nothing of their extent, or of -the grandeur of their movement; but it inundates them with light, while -giving to their motion a more majestic regularity.[6] - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -PROTESTANTISM AND THE MIND. - - -This fixedness of idea, this unanimity of will, this wisdom and -constancy of plan, this progress with a firm step towards a definite -object and end; and, in fine, this admirable unity, acknowledged in -favor of Catholicism by M. Guizot himself, have not been imitated by -Protestantism, either in good or evil. Protestantism, indeed, has not -a single idea, of which it can say: "This is my own." It has attempted -to appropriate to itself the principle of private judgment in matters -of faith; and if several of its opponents have been too willing to -accord it, it was because they were unable to find therein any other -constitutive element; it was also because they felt that Protestantism, -in boasting of having given birth to such a principle, labored to -throw disgrace on itself, like a father who boasts of having unworthy -and depraved sons. It is false, however, that Protestantism produced -this principle of private judgment, since it was itself the offspring -of that principle. That principle, before the Reformation, was formed -in the bosom of all sects; it is the real germ of all errors; in -proclaiming it, Protestants only yielded to a necessity which is common -to all the sects separated from the Church. - -There was therein no plan, no foresight, no system. The mere resistance -to the authority of the Church included the necessity of unlimited -private judgment, and the establishment of the understanding as supreme -judge; even had the coryphæi of Protestantism wished from the first to -oppose the consequences and applications of this right, the barrier was -broken, and the torrent could not have been confined. - -"The right of examining what we ought to believe," says a celebrated -Protestant, (_Germany_, by Mad. de Staël, part iv. chap. 2), "is the -foundation of Protestantism. The first Reformers did not think thus; -they thought themselves able to place the pillars of Hercules of the -mind according to their own lights; but they were mistaken in hoping to -make those who had rejected all authority of this kind in the Catholic -religion submit to their decisions as infallible." This resistance on -their part proves, that they were not led by any of those ideas, which, -although erroneous, show, in some measure, nobleness and generosity of -heart; and that it is not of them that the human mind can say: "They -have erred, but it was in order to give me more liberty of action." -"The religious revolution of the sixteenth century," says M. Guizot, -"did not understand the true principles of intellectual liberty; it -liberated the human mind, and yet pretended to govern it by law." - -But it is in vain for man to struggle against the nature of things: -Protestantism endeavored, without success, to limit the right of -private judgment. It raised its voice against it, and sometimes -appeared to attempt its total destruction; but the right of private -judgment, which was in its own bosom, remained there, developed -itself, and acted there in spite of it. There was no middle course for -Protestantism to adopt: it was compelled either to throw itself into -the arms of authority, and thus acknowledge itself in the wrong, or -else allow the dissolving principle to exert so much influence on its -various sects, as to destroy even the shadow of the religion of Jesus -Christ, and debase Christianity to the rank of a school of philosophy. - -The cry of resistance to the authority of the Church once raised, the -fatal results might be easily imagined; it was thus easy to foresee -that that poisoned germ, in its development, must cause the ruin of all -the Christian truths; and what could prevent its rapid development in -a soil where fermentation was so active? Catholics were not wanting to -proclaim loudly the greatness and imminence of the danger; and it must -be allowed that many Protestants foresaw it clearly. No one is ignorant -that the most distinguished men of the sect gave their opinions on -this point, even from the beginning. Men of the greatest talent never -found themselves at ease in Protestantism. They always felt that there -was an immense void in it; this is the reason why they have constantly -inclined either towards irreligion or towards Catholic unity. - -Time, the best judge of opinions, has confirmed these melancholy -prognostics. Things have now reached such a pass, that those only who -are very ill instructed, or who have a very limited grasp of mind, can -fail to see that the Christian religion, as explained by Protestants, -is nothing more than an opinion--a system made up of a thousand -incoherent parts, and which is degraded to the level of the schools -of philosophy. If Christianity still seems to surpass these schools -in some respects, and preserves some features which cannot be found -in what is the pure invention of the mind of man, it ought not to be -a matter of astonishment. It is owing to that sublimity of doctrine -and that sanctity of morality which, more or less disfigured, always -shines while a trace is preserved of the words of Jesus Christ. But -the feeble light which struggles with darkness after the sun has sunk -below the horizon, cannot be compared to that of day: darkness advances -and spreads; it extinguishes the expiring reflection, and night comes -on. Such is the doctrine of Christianity among Protestants. A glance -at these sects shows us that they are not purely philosophical, but it -shows us at the same time that they have not the characters of true -religion. Christianity has no authority therein; and is there like a -being out of its proper element,--a tree deprived of its roots: its -face is pale and disfigured like that of a corpse. Protestantism talks -of faith, and its fundamental principle destroys it; it endeavors to -exalt the gospel, and its own principle, by subjecting that gospel to -private judgment, weakens its authority. If it speak of the sanctity -and purity of Christian morality, it is reminded that some of its -dissenting sects deny the divinity of Jesus Christ; and that they all -may do so according to the principle on which it rests. The Divinity -of Jesus Christ once doubted, the God-made man is reduced to the rank -of a great philosopher and legislator; He has no longer the authority -necessary to give to His laws the august sanction which renders them -so holy in the eyes of men; He can no longer imprint upon them the -seal which raises them above all human thoughts, and His sublime -instructions cease to be lessons flowing from the lips of uncreated -Wisdom. - -If you deprive the human mind of the support of authority of some -kind or other, on what can it depend? Abandoned to its own delirious -dreams, it is forced again into the gloomy paths which led the -philosophers of the ancient schools to chaos. Reason and experience -are here agreed. If you substitute the private judgment of Protestants -for the authority of the Church, all the great questions respecting -God and man remain without solution. All the difficulties are left; -the mind is in darkness, and seeks in vain for a light to guide it in -safety: stunned by the voices of a hundred schools, who dispute without -being able to throw any light on the subject, it relapses into that -state of discouragement and prostration in which Christianity found it, -and from which, with so much exertion, she had withdrawn it. Doubt, -pyrrhonism, and indifference become the lot of the greatest minds; vain -theories, hypothetical systems, and dreams take possession of men of -more moderate abilities; the ignorant are reduced to superstitions and -absurdities. - -Of what use, then, would Christianity have been on the earth, and what -would have been the progress of humanity? Happily for the human race, -the Christian religion was not abandoned to the whirlwind of Protestant -sects. In Catholic authority she has found ample means of resisting the -attacks of sophistry and error. What would have become of her without -it? Would the sublimity of her doctrines, the wisdom of her precepts, -the unction of her counsels, have been now any thing more than a -beautiful dream, related in enchanting language by a great philosopher? -Yes, I must repeat, without the authority of the Church there is no -security for faith; the divinity of Jesus Christ becomes a matter -of doubt; His mission is disputed; in fact, the Christian religion -disappears. If she cannot show us her heavenly titles, give us full -certainty that she has come from the bosom of the Eternal, that her -words are those of God Himself, and that He has condescended to appear -on earth for the salvation of men, she has then lost her right to -demand our veneration. Reduced to the level of human ideas, she must, -then, submit to our judgment like other mere opinions; at the tribunal -of philosophy she may endeavor to maintain her doctrines as more or -less reasonable; but she will always be liable to the reproach of -having wished to deceive us, by passing herself off as divine when she -was only human; and in all discussions on the truth of her doctrines, -she will have this fatal presumption against her, viz. that the account -of her origin was an imposture. - -Protestants boast of their independence of mind, and reproach the -Catholic religion with violating the most sacred rights, by demanding -a submission which outrages the dignity of man. Here extravagant -declamation about the strength of our understanding is introduced with -good effect; and a few seductive images and expressions, such as "_bold -flights_" and "_glittering wings_," &c., are enough to delude many -readers. - -Let the human mind enjoy all its rights; let it boast of possessing -that spark of divinity called the intellect; let it pass over all -nature in triumph, observing all the beings by which it is surrounded, -and congratulate itself on its own immense superiority, in the midst -of the wonders with which it has known how to embellish its abode; -let it point out, as proofs of its strength and grandeur, the changes -which are everywhere worked by its presence; by its intellectual -force and boldness it has acquired the complete mastery over nature. -Let us acknowledge the dignity and elevation of our minds to show -our gratitude to our Creator, but let us not forget our weakness and -defects. Why should we deceive ourselves by fancying that we know what -we are really ignorant of? Why forget the inconstancy and variableness -of our minds, and conceal the fact, that with respect to many things, -even of those with which we are supposed to be acquainted, we have but -confused ideas? How delusive is our knowledge, and what exaggerated -notions we have of our progress in information? Does not one day -contradict what another had affirmed? Time runs its course, laughs at -our predictions, destroys our plans, and clearly shows how vain are our -projects. - -What have those geniuses who have descended to the foundations of -science, and risen by the boldest flights to the loftiest speculations, -told us? After having reached the utmost limits of the space which it -is permitted to the human mind to range over,--after having trodden the -most secret paths of science, and sailed on the vast ocean of moral -and physical nature, the greatest minds of all ages have returned -dissatisfied with the results. They have seen a beautiful illusion -appear before their eyes,--the brilliant image which enchanted them -has vanished; when they thought they were about to enter a region -of light, they have found themselves surrounded with darkness, and -they have viewed with affright the extent of their ignorance. It is -for this reason that the greatest minds have so little confidence -in the strength of the human intellect, although they cannot but be -fully aware that they are superior to other men. The sciences, in the -profound observation of Pascal, have two extremes which meet each -other: the first is, the pure natural state of ignorance in which men -are at their birth; the other extreme is, that at which great minds -arrive when, having reached the utmost extent of human knowledge, they -find that they know nothing, and that they are still in the same state -of ignorance as at first. (_Pensées_, 1 partie, art. 6.) - -Catholicism says to man, "Thy intellect is weak, thou hast need of a -guide in many things." Protestantism says to him, "Thou art surrounded -by light, walk as thou wilt; thou canst not have a better guide than -thyself." Which of the two religions is most in accordance with the -lessons of the highest philosophy? - -It is not, therefore, surprising that the greatest minds among -Protestants have all felt a certain tendency towards Catholicism, and -have seen the wisdom of subjecting the human mind, in some things, -to the decision of an infallible authority. Indeed, if an authority -can be found uniting in its origin, its duration, its doctrines, and -its conduct, all the characteristics of divinity, why should the mind -refuse to submit to her; and what has it to gain by wandering, at the -mercy of its illusions, on the most serious subjects, in paths where it -only meets with recollections of errors, with warnings and delusions? - -If the human mind has conceived too great an esteem for itself, let -it study its own history, in order to see and understand how little -security is to be found in its own strength. Abounding in systems, -inexhaustible in subtilties; as ready in conceiving a project as -incapable of maintaining it; full of ideas which arise, agitate, and -destroy each other, like the insects which abound in lakes; now raising -itself on the wings of sublime inspiration, and now creeping like a -reptile on the face of the earth; as able and willing to destroy the -works of others, as it is impotent to construct any durable ones of -its own; urged on by the violence of passion, swollen with pride, -confounded by the infinite variety of objects which present themselves -to it; confused by so many false lights and so many deceptive -appearances, the human mind, when left entirely to itself, resembles -those brilliant meteors which dart at random through the immensity of -the heavens, assume a thousand eccentric forms, send forth a thousand -sparks, dazzle for a moment by their fantastic splendour, and disappear -without leaving even a reflected light to illuminate the darkness. - -Behold the history of man's knowledge! In that immense and confused -heap of truth, error, sublimity, absurdity, wisdom, and folly, are -collected the proofs of my assertions, and to that do I refer any one -who may be inclined to accuse me of having overcharged the picture.[7] - - - - -CHAPTER V. - -INSTINCT OF FAITH IN THE SCIENCES. - - -The truth of what I have just advanced with respect to the weakness -of our intellect, is proved by the fact that the hand of God has -placed at the bottom of our souls a preservative against the excessive -changeability of our minds, even in things which do not regard -religion. Without this preservative all social institutions would be -destroyed, or rather never would have had existence; without it the -sciences would not have advanced a step, and when it had disappeared -from the human heart, individuals and society would have been swallowed -up by chaos. I allude to a certain tendency to defer to authority--to -the _instinct of faith_, if I may so call it--an instinct which we -ought to examine with great attention, if we wish to know any thing of -the human mind, and the history of its development. - -It has often been observed that it is impossible to comply with the -most urgent necessities, or perform the most ordinary acts of life, -without respecting the authority of the statement of others; it is easy -to understand that, without this faith, all the treasures of history -and experience would soon be dissipated, and that even the foundation -of all knowledge would disappear. - -These important observations are calculated to show how vain is the -charge against the Catholic religion, of requiring nothing but faith; -but this is not my only object here; I wish to present the matter under -another aspect, and place the question in such a position as to make -this truth gain in extent and interest, without losing any thing of its -immovable firmness. In looking over the history of human knowledge, and -glancing at the opinions of our contemporaries, we constantly observe -that the men who boast the most of their spirit of inquiry and freedom -of thought, only echo the opinions of others. If we examine with -attention that great study which, under the name of science, has made -so much noise in the world, we shall observe that it contains at bottom -a large portion of authority; and that if a perfectly free spirit of -inquiry were to be introduced into it, even with respect to points -of pure reason, the greatest part of the edifice of science would be -destroyed, and very few men would remain in possession of its secrets. - -No branch of knowledge, whatever may be the clearness and exactitude -of which it boasts, is an exception to this rule. Do not the natural -and exact sciences, rich as they are in evident principles, rigorous -in their deductions, abounding in observation and experience, depend, -nevertheless, for a great many of their truths, upon other truths of a -higher nature; the knowledge of which necessarily requires a delicacy -of observation, a power of calculation, a clear and penetrating _coup -d'œil_, which belongs to few? - -When Newton proclaimed to the scientific world the fruit of his -profound calculations, how many of his disciples could flatter -themselves that they were able to confirm them by their own -convictions? I do not except from this question many of those who, by -laborious efforts, had been able to comprehend something of this great -man; they had followed the mathematician in his calculations, they -had a full knowledge of the mass of facts and experience which the -naturalist exposed to their view; they had listened to the reasons on -which the philosopher rested his conjectures; in this way they thought -that they were _fully convinced_, and that they did not owe their -assent to any thing but the force of reason and evidence. Well, take -away the name of Newton, efface from the mind the profound impression -made by the authority of the man who made so extraordinary a discovery, -and has employed so much genius in supporting it,--take away, I repeat -it, the shade of Newton, and you will directly see, in the minds of his -disciples, their principles vacillate, their reasonings become less -convincing and exact, and their observations appear less in accordance -with the facts. Then, he who thought himself a perfectly impartial -observer, a perfectly independent thinker, will see and understand to -how great an extent he was enthralled by the force of authority, by -the ascendency of genius; he will find that, on a variety of points, -he _assented_ without being _convinced_; and that, instead of being -a perfectly independent philosopher, he was only an obedient and -accomplished pupil. - -I appeal with confidence to the testimony, not of the ignorant, not -of those who have only a smattering of scientific knowledge, but of -real men of learning, of those who have devoted much time to the -various branches of study. Let them look into their own minds, let -them examine anew what they call their scientific convictions, let -them ask themselves, with perfect calmness and impartiality, whether, -even on those subjects in which they consider themselves the most -advanced, their minds are not frequently controlled by the ascendency -of some author of the first rank. I believe they will be compelled to -acknowledge that, if they strictly applied the method of Descartes -even to some of the questions which they have studied the most, they -would find that they believe rather than are convinced. Such always -has been, and such always will be, the case. It is a thing deeply -rooted in the nature of our minds, and it cannot be prevented. Perhaps -the regulation is a matter of absolute necessity; perhaps it contains -much of that instinct of preservation which God, with so much wisdom, -has diffused throughout society; perhaps it is intended to counteract -the many elements of dissolution which society contains within its -bosom. Undoubtedly, it is often very much to be regretted that men -servilely follow in the footsteps of others, and injurious consequences -not unfrequently are the result. But it would be still worse, if men -constantly held themselves in an attitude of resistance to all others, -for fear of deception. Woe to man and to society, if the philosophic -mania of wishing to submit all matters to a rigorous examination were -to become general in the world; and woe to science, if this rigorous, -scrupulous, and independent scrutiny were extended to every thing. - -I admire the genius of Descartes, and acknowledge the signal services -which he has rendered to science; but I have more than once thought -that, if his method of doubting became general for any time, society -would be destroyed. And it seems to me that, among learned men -themselves, among impartial philosophers, this method would do great -harm; at least, it may be supposed that the number of men devoid of -sense in the scientific world would be considerably increased. - -Happily there is no danger of this being the case. If it be true that -there is always in man a certain tendency towards folly, there is -also always to be found there a fund of good sense which cannot be -destroyed. When certain individuals of heated imaginations attempt to -involve society in their delirium, society answers with a smile of -derision; or if it allows itself to be seduced for a moment, it soon -returns to its senses, and repels with indignation those who have -endeavored to lead it astray. Passionate declamation against vulgar -prejudice, against docility in following others and willingness to -believe all without examination, is only considered as worthy of -contempt by those who are intimately acquainted with human nature. -Are not these feelings participated in by many who belong not to the -vulgar? Are not the sciences full of gratuitous suppositions, and have -they not their weak points, with which, however, we are satisfied, as -if they afforded a firm basis to rest upon? - -The right of possession and prescription is also one of the -peculiarities which the sciences present to us; and it is well worthy -of remark that, without ever having borne the name, this right has been -acknowledged by a tacit but unanimous consent. How can this be? Study -the history of the sciences, and you will find at every step this right -acknowledged and established. How is it, amid the continual disputes -which have divided philosophers, that we see an old opinion make a -long resistance to a new one, and sometimes succeed in preventing its -establishment? It is because the old opinion was in possession, and -was strengthened by the right of prescription. It is of no importance -that the words were not used, the result was the same; this is the -reason why discoverers have so often been despised, opposed, and even -persecuted. - -It is necessary to make this avowal, although it may be repugnant to -our pride, and may scandalize some sincere admirers of the progress of -knowledge. These advances have been numerous; the field over which the -human mind has exercised itself, and its sphere of action, are immense; -the works by which it has proved its power are admirable; but there is -always in all this a large portion of exaggeration, and it is necessary -to make a considerable allowance, especially in the moral sciences. -It cannot justly be inferred, from these exaggerated statements, that -our intellect is capable of advancing in every path with perfect ease -and activity; no deduction can be drawn from it to contradict the fact -which we have just established, viz. the mind of man is almost always -in subjection, even imperceptibly, to the authority of other men. - -In every age there appear a small number of privileged spirits, who, -by nature superior to all the rest, serve as guides in the various -careers; a numerous crowd, who think themselves learned, follow them -with precipitation, and, fixing their eyes on the standard which has -been raised, rush breathlessly after it; and yet, strange as it is, -they all boast of their independence, and flatter themselves that they -are distinguishing themselves by pursuing the new path; one would -imagine that they had discovered it, and that they were walking in it -guided by their own light and inspirations. Necessity, taste, or a -thousand other circumstances, lead us to cultivate this or that branch -of knowledge; our own weakness constantly tells us that we have no -creative power; that we cannot produce any thing of our own, and that -we are incapable of striking out a new path; but we flatter ourselves -that we share some part of the glory belonging to the illustrious -chief whose banner we follow; we sometimes will succeed in persuading -ourselves, in the midst of these reveries, that we do not fight under -anybody's standard, and that we are only rendering homage to our own -convictions, when, in reality, we are the proselytes of others. - -Herein common sense shows itself to be wiser than our weak reason; and -thus language, which gives such deep expression to things, where we -find, without knowing whence they come, so much truth and exactitude, -gives us a severe admonition on the subject of these vain pretensions. -In spite of us, language calls things by their right names, and knows -how to class us and our opinions according to the leader that we -follow. What is the history of science but the history of the contests -of a small number of illustrious men? If we glance over ancient and -modern times, and bring into view the various branches of knowledge, -we shall see a number of schools founded by a philosopher of the first -rank, and then falling under the direction of another whose talents -have made him worthy to succeed the founder. Thus the thing goes on, -until circumstances having changed, or the spirit of vitality being -gone, the school dies a natural death, unless a man of bold and -independent mind appears, who takes the old school and destroys it, in -order to establish his own doctrines on the ruins. - -When Descartes dethroned Aristotle, did he not immediately take his -place? Then philosophers pretended to independence--an independence -which was contradicted by the very name they bore, that of Cartesians. -Like nations who, in times of rebellion, cry out for liberty, dethrone -their old king, and afterwards submit to the first man who has the -boldness to seize the vacant throne. - -It is thought in our age, as it has been in times gone by, that the -human mind acts with perfect independence, owing to declamation against -authority in scientific matters, and the exaltation of the freedom of -thought. The opinion has become general that, in these times, the -authority of any one man is worth nothing; it has been thought that -every man of learning acts according to his own convictions alone. -Moreover, systems and hypotheses have lost all credit, and a great -desire for examination and analysis has become prevalent. This has -made people believe not only that authority in scientific matters is -completely gone, but that it is henceforth impossible. - -At first sight there appears to be some truth in this; but if we look -attentively around us, we shall observe that the number of leaders -is only somewhat increased, and the time of their command somewhat -shortened. Our age is truly one of commotions, literary and scientific -revolutions, like those in politics, where nations imagine that they -possess more liberty because the government is placed in the hands of -a greater number of persons, and because they find more facility in -getting rid of their rulers. They destroy those men to whom but a short -time before they have given the names of fathers and liberators; then, -the first transport being passed, they allow other men to impose upon -them a yoke in reality not less heavy. Besides the examples afforded -us by the history of the past century, at the present day we see only -great names succeed each other, and the leaders of the human mind take -each other's places. - -In the field of politics, where one would imagine the spirit of -freedom ought to have full scope, do we not see men who take the -lead; and are they not looked upon as the generals of an army during -a campaign? In the parliamentary arena, do we see any thing but two -or three bodies of combatants, performing their evolutions under -their respective chiefs with perfect regularity and discipline? These -truths are well understood by those who occupy these high positions! -They are acquainted with our weakness, and they know that men are -commonly deceived by mere words. A thousand times must they have been -tempted to smile, when, contemplating the field of their triumphs, -and seeing themselves surrounded by followers who, proud of their own -intelligence, admire and applaud them, they have heard one of the most -ardent of their disciples boast of his unlimited freedom of thought, -and of the complete independence of his opinions and his votes. - -Such is man, as shown to us by history and the experience of every -day. The inspiration of genius, that sublime force which raises the -minds of some privileged men, will always exercise, not only over the -ignorant, but even over the generality of men who devote themselves -to science, a real fascination. Where, then, is the insult which the -Catholic religion offers to reason when, presenting titles which prove -her divinity, she asks for that faith which men grant so easily to -other men in matters of various kinds, and even in things with which -they consider themselves to be the best acquainted? Is it an insult to -human reason to point out to him a fixed and certain rule with respect -to matters of the greatest importance, while, on the other hand, she -leaves him perfectly free to think as he pleases on all the various -questions which God has left to his discretion? In this the Church -only shows herself to be in accordance with the lessons of the highest -philosophy. She shows a profound knowledge of the human mind, and she -delivers it from all the evils which are inflicted by its fickleness, -its inconstancy, and its ambition, combined as these qualities are with -an extraordinary tendency to defer to the opinions of individuals. -Who does not see that the Catholic Church puts thereby a check on the -spirit of proselytism, of which society has had so much reason to -complain? Since there is in man this irresistible tendency to follow -the footsteps of another, does she not confer an eminent service on -humanity, by showing it a sure way of following the example of a God -incarnate? Does she not thus take human liberty under her protection, -and at the same time save from shipwreck those branches of knowledge -which are the most necessary to individuals and to society?[8] - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -DIFFERENCES IN THE RELIGIOUS WANTS OF NATIONS--MATHEMATICS--MORAL -SCIENCES. - - -The progress of society, and the high degree of civilization and -refinement to which modern nations have attained, will no doubt be -urged against the authority which seeks to exercise jurisdiction over -the mind. In this way men will attempt to justify what they call the -emancipation of the human mind. For my own part, this objection seems -to have so little solidity, and to be so little supported by facts, -that, from the progress of society, I should, on the contrary, conclude -that there is the more need of that living rule which is deemed -indispensable by Catholics. - -To say that society in its infancy and youth may have required -this authority as a check, but that this check has become useless -and degrading since the human mind has reached a higher degree of -development, is completely to mistake the connection which exists -between the various conditions of our mind and the objects over which -this authority extends. The true idea of God, the origin, the end, and -the rule of human conduct, together with all the means with which God -has furnished us to attain to our high destiny, such are the subjects -with which faith deals, and with respect to which Catholics contend -that it is necessary to have an infallible rule. They maintain that -without this it would be impossible to avoid the most lamentable -errors, and to protect truth from the effects of human passions. - -This consideration will suffice to show, that private judgment would -be much less dangerous among nations still less advanced in the career -of civilization. There is, indeed, in a young nation, a great fund of -natural candor and simplicity, which admirably disposes it to receive -with docility the instructions contained in the sacred volume. Such -a people will relish those things which are easily to be understood, -and will bow with humility before the sublime obscurity of those pages -which it has pleased God to cover with a veil of mystery. Moreover, the -condition of this people, as yet exempt from the pride of knowledge, -would create a sort of authority, since there would be found within its -bosom only a small number of men able to examine divine revelation; and -thus a centre for the distribution of instruction would be naturally -formed. - -But it is far otherwise with a nation far advanced in the career of -knowledge. With the latter, the extension of knowledge to a greater -number of individuals, by augmenting pride and fickleness, multiplies -sects, and ends by revolutionizing ideas and corrupting the purest -traditions. A young nation is devoted to simple occupations; it remains -attached to its ancient customs; it listens with respect and docility -to the aged, who, surrounded by their children and grand-children, -relate with emotion the histories and the maxims which they have -received from their ancestors. But when society has reached a great -degree of development, when respect for the fathers of families and -veneration for gray hairs have become weakened; when pompous titles, -scientific display, and grand libraries make men conceive a high idea -of their intellectual powers; when the multitude and activity of -communications widely diffuse those ideas, which, when put in motion, -have an almost magical power of affecting men's minds, then it is -necessary,--it is indispensable to have an authority, always living, -always ready to act whenever it is wanted,--to cover with a protecting -ægis the sacred deposit of truths which are the same in all times and -places; truths without the knowledge of which man would be left to the -mercy of his own errors and caprices from the cradle to the grave; -truths on which society rests as its surest foundation; truths which -cannot be destroyed without shaking to pieces the whole social edifice. -The literary and political history of Europe for the last three -hundred years affords but too many proofs of this. Religious revolution -broke out at the moment when it was capable of doing the most harm: it -found society agitated by all the activity of the human mind, and it -destroyed the control when it was most necessary. - -Undoubtedly, it is necessary to guard against depreciating the mind of -man by charging it with faults which it has not, or by exaggerating -those which it has; but it is no less improper to puff it up by -exalting its strength too much. The latter would be injurious to it -in several ways, and would be little likely to advance its progress; -it would also, if properly understood, be little conformable to that -gravity and discretion which ought to distinguish true science. Indeed, -to merit the name, science ought to show the folly of being vain of -what does not rightly belong to it; it ought to know its limits, and -have sufficient candor and generosity to acknowledge its weakness. - -There is a fact in the history of science, which, by revealing the -intrinsic weakness of the mind, palpably shows the flattery of those -unmeasured eulogies which are sometimes lavished on it, and also -demonstrates to us how dangerous it would be to abandon it to itself -without any guide. This fact is, the obscurity which increases in -proportion as we approach the first principles of science; so that -even in those sciences the truth, evidence, and exactness of which are -considered the best established, it seems that no firm ground is to be -obtained when we attempt to go to the bottom of them; and the mind, not -finding any security, recoils in the fear of meeting with something to -throw doubt and uncertainty on the truths of which it was convinced. - -I do not participate in the ill-humor of Hobbes against the -mathematics. Devoted to their progress, and deeply convinced as I am of -the advantages which their study confers on the other sciences and on -society, I shall not attempt to underrate their merit, or deny any of -their great claims; but who can say that they are an exception to the -general rule? Have they not their weak points and their darksome paths? - -It is true that, when we confine ourselves to the explanation of the -first principles of these sciences, and the deduction from them of the -most elementary propositions, the mind is on firm ground, where no -fear of making a false step occurs to it. I put aside at present the -obscurity which would be found in ideology and metaphysics, if they -were to discuss certain points according to the writings of the most -distinguished philosophers. Let us confine ourselves to the circle to -which the mathematics are naturally confined. Who that has studied -them is ignorant that you may reach a point in their theories, where -the mind finds nothing but obscurity? The demonstration is before -our eyes; it has been developed in all its parts; and yet the mind -wavers, feeling within itself a kind of uncertainty which it cannot -well describe. It sometimes happens that, after reasoning a long time, -the truth rushes upon us like the light of day; but it is not until we -have walked in darkness for a long period. When we fix our attention -upon those thoughts which wander in our minds like moving lights, on -those almost imperceptible emotions which, on these occasions, arise, -and then die away in the soul, we observe that the mind, in the midst -of its fluctuations, seeks instinctively for the anchor which is to be -found in the authority of another. To reassure ourselves completely, we -then invoke the authority of some great mathematicians, and we rejoice -that the fact is placed beyond a doubt by the series of great men who -have always viewed it in the same light. But perhaps our ignorance and -pride will not admit the truth of these reflections. Let us, then, -study these sciences, or at least read their history, and we shall -be convinced that they afford numerous proofs of the weakness of the -intellect. - -Did not the extraordinary invention of Newton and Leibnitz find many -opponents in Europe? Were there not required to establish it, both the -sanction of time and the touchstone of experience, which made manifest -the truth of their principles and the exactness of their reasonings? -Do you believe that, if this invention were again, for the first time, -to make its appearance in the field of science, even fortified with -all the proofs which have been brought forward to strengthen it, and -surrounded with all the light which so many explanations have shed upon -it,--do you believe, I say, that it would not need a second time the -right of prescription, to regain its tranquil and undisturbed empire? - -It is easy to suppose that the other sciences have no little share in -this uncertainty arising from the weakness of the human mind; as I do -not imagine that this assertion will be called in question, I pass on -to a few remarks on the peculiar character of the moral sciences. - -The fact has not been sufficiently attended to, that there is no study -more deceptive than that of the moral sciences; I say deceptive, -because this study, seducing the mind by an appearance of facility, -draws it into difficulties which it is no easy matter to overcome. It -may be compared to those tranquil waters which, although apparently -but shallow, are in reality unfathomably deep. Familiarized from our -infancy with the language of this science, surrounded by its continual -applications, and having before our eyes its truths under a palpable -form, we possess a certain facility of speaking readily on many parts -of the subject; and we have the rashness to suppose that it would not -be difficult to master its highest principles and its most delicate -relations. But wonderful as it is, scarcely have we quitted the path -of common sense, and attempted to go beyond those simple impressions -which we have received from our mothers, when we find ourselves in a -labyrinth of confusion. If the mind gives itself up to subtilties, it -ceases to listen to the voice of the heart, which speaks to it with -equal simplicity and eloquence; if it does not repress its pride, -and attend to the wise counsels of good sense, it will be guilty -of despising those salutary and necessary truths, which have been -preserved by society to be transmitted from generation to generation: -it is then, while groping its way in the dark, that it falls into the -wildest extravagances, the lamentable effects of which are so often -exemplified in the history of the sciences. - -If we observe attentively, we shall find something of the same kind -in all the sciences. The Creator has taken care to supply us with -knowledge necessary for the purposes of life, and for the attainment -of our destiny; but it has not pleased Him to gratify our curiosity by -discovering to us what was not necessary. Nevertheless, in some things -He has communicated to the mind a power which renders it capable of -constantly adding to its knowledge; but, with respect to moral truths, -it has been left sterile. What man is required to know, has been deeply -engraven on his heart, in characters simple and intelligible; or is -contained in the sacred volume; and moreover, he has had pointed out -to him, in the authority of the Church, a fixed rule, to which he can -apply to have his doubts explained. With respect to the rest, man -has been placed in such a position, that if he attempt to enter into -matters which are too subtle, he only wanders backwards and forwards -in the same road, at the extremities of which he finds on the one side -skepticism, on the other pure truth. - -Perhaps some modern ideologists will urge, in opposition to this, -the result of their own analytical labours. "Before men began to -analyze facts," they will say, "and while they indulged in fanciful -systems, and satisfied themselves with verbal disputes without critical -examination, all this might be true; but now that we have explained -all the ideas of moral good and evil, in so perfect a way, and have -separated the prejudice in them from the true philosophy; now that -the whole system of morality is based upon the simple principles of -pleasure and pain, and we have given the clearest ideas of these -things, such, for example, as the sensations produced in us by an -orange; to maintain your assertion, is to be ungrateful towards -science, and to underrate the fruit of our labours." - -I am aware of the labours of some moral ideologists, and I know with -what deceptive simplicity they develop their theories, by giving to -the most difficult things an easy turn, which affects to make them -intelligible to the most limited minds. This is not the place to -examine these analytical investigations, and their results. I shall, -however, remark that, in spite of their promised simplicity, it -does not appear that either society or science makes much progress -through their means, and that these opinions, although but a short -time broached, are already superannuated. This is not a matter of -astonishment to us; for it was easy to perceive that, in spite of -their positiveness, if I may be allowed to use the expression, these -ideologists are as hypothetical as many of their predecessors, who -are loaded by them with sarcasms and contempt. They are a poor, -narrow-minded school, devoid of the truth, and not even adorned by the -brilliant dreams of great men; a proud and deluded school, who fancy -they explain a fact, when they only obscure it; and prove a thing, when -they only assert it; and imagine that they analyze the human heart, -when they take it to pieces. - -If such is the human mind; if such is its inability in matters of -science, whether physical or moral, that it has not advanced a single -step beyond the limit prescribed by a beneficent Providence; what -service has Protestantism rendered to modern society, by impairing the -force of authority, that power which could alone present an effectual -barrier to man's unhappy wanderings?[9] - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - -INDIFFERENCE AND FANATICISM. - - -In rejecting the authority of the Church, and in adopting this -resistance as its only principle, Protestantism was compelled to seek -its whole support in man; thus to mistake the true character of the -human mind, and its relations with religious and moral truth, was to -throw itself, according to circumstances, into the opposite extremes of -fanaticism and indifference. - -It may seem strange that these opposite errors should emanate from -the same source; and yet nothing is more certain. Protestantism, by -appealing to man alone in religious matters, had only two courses to -adopt; either to suppose men to be inspired by Heaven for the discovery -of truth, or to subject all religious truths to the examination of -reason. To submit religious truths to the judgment of reason was -sooner or later to produce indifference; on the other hand, private -inspiration must engender fanaticism. - -There is a universal and constant fact in the history of the human -mind--viz. its decided inclination to invent systems in which the -reality of things is completely laid aside, and where we only see -the workings of a spirit which has chosen to quit the ordinary path -in order to give itself up to its own inspirations. The history -of philosophy is little else than a perpetual repetition of this -phenomenon, which the human mind shows, in some shape or other, in all -things which admit of it. When the mind has conceived a peculiar idea, -it regards it with that blind and exclusive predilection which is found -in the love of the father for his children. Under the influence of this -prejudice, the mind developes its ideas and accommodates facts to suit -it; that which at first was only an ingenious and extravagant idea, -becomes the germ of important doctrines; and if it arise in a person of -an ardent disposition, fanaticism, the cause of so much madness, is the -consequence. - -The danger is very much increased when the new system applies to -religious matters, or is immediately connected with them. The -extravagances of a diseased mind are then looked upon as inspirations -from Heaven; the fever of delirium as a divine flame; and a mania of -being singular as an extraordinary vocation. Pride, unable to brook -opposition, rises against all that it finds established; it insults -all authority; it attacks all institutions; it despises everybody; it -conceals the grossest violence under the mantle of zeal, and ambition -under the name of apostleship. The dupe of himself rather than an -impostor, the wretched maniac sometimes becomes deeply persuaded that -his doctrines are true, and that he has received the commands of -Heaven. As there is something extraordinary and striking in the fiery -language of the madman, he communicates to those who listen to him a -portion of his insanity, and makes, in a short time, a considerable -number of proselytes. The men capable of playing the first part in -this scene of madness are not numerous, it is true; but unhappily the -majority of men are foolish enough to be easily led away. History and -experience sufficiently prove that the crowd are easily attracted, and -that to form a party, however criminal, extravagant, or ridiculous, it -is only necessary to raise a standard. - -I wish to take this opportunity of making an observation which I have -never seen pointed out--viz. that the Church, in her contest with -heresy, has rendered an important service to the science which devotes -itself to the examination of the true character, tendency, and power -of the human mind. The zealous guardian of all great truths, she has -always known how to preserve them unimpaired; she was fully acquainted -with the weakness of the mind of man, and its extreme proneness to -folly and extravagance; she has followed it closely in all its steps, -has watched it in all its movements, and has constantly resisted it -with energy, when it attempted to pollute the pure fountain of which -she is the guardian. During the long and violent contests which she -has had with it, the Church has made manifest its incurable folly; she -has exhibited it on every side, and has shown it in all its forms. -Thus it is that, in the history of heresies, she has made an abundant -collection of facts, and has painted an extremely interesting picture -of the human mind, where its characteristic physiognomy is faithfully -represented; a picture which will doubtless be of great service in the -composition of the important work which is yet unwritten--viz. the true -history of the human mind.[10] - -Certain it is that the ravings and extravagances of fanaticism have not -been wanting in the history of Europe for the last three hundred years. -Their monuments still remain; in whatever direction we turn our steps, -we find bloody traces of the fanatical sects produced by Protestantism, -and engendered by its fundamental principle. Nothing could confine this -devastating torrent, neither the violent character of Luther, nor the -furious efforts which he made to oppose every one who taught doctrines -different from his own. Impiety succeeded impiety, extravagance -extravagance, fanaticism fanaticism. The pretended Reformation was soon -divided into as many sects as there were found men with the ingenuity -to invent and the boldness to maintain a system of their own. This was -necessarily the case; for besides the danger of leaving the human mind -without a guide on all questions of religion, there was another cause -fruitful in fatal results, I mean the private interpretation of the -sacred books. - -It was then found that the best things may be abused, and that these -divine volumes, which contain so much instruction for the mind, and so -much consolation for the heart, are full of danger to the proud. How -great will this be, if you add to the obstinate resolution of resisting -all authority in matters of faith, the false persuasion that the -meaning of the Scriptures is everywhere clear, and that, in all cases, -the inspirations of Heaven may be expected to solve every doubt? What -will happen to those who turn over their pages with a longing desire -to find some text which, more or less tortured, may seem to authorize -their sophisms, subtilties, and absurdities? - -There never was a greater mistake than that which was committed by the -Protestant leaders, when they placed the Bible in the hands of all -for self-interpretation; never was the nature of that sacred volume -more completely lost sight of. It is true that Protestantism had no -other method to pursue, and that every objection which it could make -to the private interpretation of the sacred text would be a striking -inconsistency, an apostasy from its own principles, and a denial -of its own origin; but at the same time, this is its most decided -condemnation. What claim, indeed, can that religion have to truth and -sanctity whose fundamental principle contains the germ of sects the -most fanatical--the most injurious to society? - -It would be difficult to collect into so narrow a space, in opposition -to this essential error of Protestantism, so many facts and convincing -proofs of this, as are contained in the following lines, written by -a Protestant, O'Callaghan, which, I have no doubt, my readers will -thank me for quoting here. "Led away," says O'Callaghan, "by their -spirit of opposition to the Church of Rome, the first Reformers -loudly proclaimed the right of interpreting the Scriptures according -to each one's private judgment; but in their eagerness to emancipate -the people from the authority of the Pope, they proclaimed this right -without explanation or restriction: and the consequences were fearful. -Impatient to undermine the papal jurisdiction, they maintained without -exception, that each individual has an incontestable right to interpret -the Scriptures for himself; and as this principle, carried to the -fullest extent, was not sustainable, they were obliged to rely for -support upon another, viz. that the Bible is an easy book, within the -comprehension of all minds, and that the divine revelations contained -in it are always clear to all; two propositions which, whether we -consider them together or apart, cannot withstand a serious attack. - -"The private judgment of Muncer found in the Scriptures that titles -of nobility and great estates are impious usurpations, contrary to -the natural equality of the faithful, and he invited his followers -to examine if this were not the case. They examined into the matter, -praised God, and then proceeded by fire and sword to extirpate the -impious and possess themselves of their properties. Private judgment -made the discovery in the Bible that established laws were a permanent -restriction on Christian liberty; and, behold, John of Leyden, throwing -away his tools, put himself at the head of a mob of fanatics, surprised -the town of Munster, proclaimed himself king of Sion, and took fourteen -wives at a time, asserting that polygamy is Christian liberty, and the -privilege of the saints. But if the criminal madness of these men in -another country is afflicting to the friends of humanity and of real -piety, certainly the history of England, during a great part of the -seventeenth century, is not calculated to console them. During that -period an immense number of fanatics appeared, sometimes together -and sometimes in succession, intoxicated with extravagant doctrines -and mischievous passions, from the fierce ravings of Fox to the more -methodical madness of Barclay; from the formidable fanaticism of -Cromwell to the silly profanity of 'Praise God Barebones.' Piety, -reason, and good sense seemed to be extinct on earth, and to be -succeeded by an extravagant jargon, a religious frenzy, and a zeal -without discretion. All quoted the Scriptures, all pretended to have -had inspirations, visions, and spiritual ecstasies, and all, indeed, -had equal claims to them. It was strongly maintained that it was proper -to abolish the priesthood and the royal dignity, because priests -were the ministers of Satan, and kings the delegates of the whore -of Babylon, and that the existence of both were inconsistent with -the reign of the Redeemer. The fanatics condemned science as a Pagan -invention, and universities as seminaries of antichristian impiety. -Bishops were not protected by the sanctity of their functions, or kings -by the majesty of the throne; both, as objects of contempt and hatred, -were mercilessly put to death by these fanatics, whose only book was -the Bible, without note or comment. During this time, the enthusiasm -for prayer, preaching, and the reading of the sacred books was at -the highest point; everybody prayed, preached, and read, but nobody -listened. The greatest atrocities were justified by the Scriptures; in -the most ordinary transactions of life, scriptural language was made -use of; national affairs, foreign and domestic, were discussed in the -phraseology of Holy Writ. There were scriptural plots, conspiracies, -and proscriptions; and all this was not only justified but even -sanctified by quotations from the word of God. These facts, attested -by history, have often astonished and alarmed men of virtue and piety, -_but the reader, too much imbued with his own ideas, forgets the lesson -to be learnt by this fatal experience; namely, that the Bible without -note or comment was not intended to be read by rude and ignorant men_. - -"The majority of mankind must be content to receive the instructions -of others, and are not enabled to trust themselves. The most important -truths in medicine, in jurisprudence, in physics, in mathematics, must -be received from those who drink at the fountain head. The same plan -has in general been pursued with respect to Christianity; and whenever -the departure from it has been wide enough, '_society has been shaken -to its foundation_.'" - -These words of O'Callaghan do not require any comment. It cannot be -said that they are hyperbolical or declamatory, as they are only a -simple and faithful narration of acknowledged facts. The recollection -of these events should suffice to prove the danger of placing the -sacred Scriptures, without note or comment, into the hands of all, -as Protestantism does, under the pretence, that the authority of the -Church is useless for understanding the holy books; and that every -Christian has only to listen to the dictates which generally emanate -from his passions and heated imagination. By this error alone, if it -had committed no other, Protestantism is self-reproved and condemned; -for it is a religion which has established a principle destructive to -itself. In order to appreciate the madness of Protestantism on this -point, and to see how false and dangerous is the position which it -has assumed with regard to the human mind, it is not necessary to be -a theologian, or a Catholic; it is enough to have read the Scriptures -with the eyes of a philosopher or a man of literature. Here is a -book which comprises, within a limited compass, the period of four -thousand years, and advances further towards the most distant future, -by embracing the origin and destiny of man and the universe--a book -which, with the continued history of a chosen people, intermingles, in -its narrations and prophecies, the revolutions of mighty empires--a -book which, side by side with the magnificent pictures of the power and -splendor of Eastern monarchs, describes, in simple colors, the plain -domestic manners, the candor, and innocence of a young nation--a book -in which historians relate, sages proclaim their maxims of wisdom, -apostles preach, and doctors instruct--a book in which prophets, -under the influence of the divine Spirit, thunder against the errors -and corruptions of the people, and announce the vengeance of the God -of Sinai, or pour forth inconsolable lamentations on the captivity -of their brethren, and the desolation and solitude of their country; -where they relate, in wonderful and sublime language, the magnificent -spectacles which are presented to their eyes; where, in moments of -ecstasy, they see pass before them the events of society and the -catastrophes of nature, although veiled in mysterious figures and -visions of obscurity--a book, or rather a collection of books, where -are to be found all sorts of styles and all varieties of narrative, -epic majesty, pastoral simplicity, lyric fire, serious instruction, -grave historical narrative, and lively and rapid dramatic action; a -collection of books, in fine, written at various times and in various -languages, in various countries, and under the most peculiar and -extraordinary circumstances. Must not all this confuse the heads of -men who, puffed up with their own conceit, grope through these pages -in the dark, ignorant of climates, times, laws, customs, and manners? -They will be puzzled by allusions, surprised by images, deceived by -expressions; they will hear the Greek and Hebrew, which was written in -those remote ages, now spoken in a modern idiom. What effects must all -these circumstances produce on the minds of readers who believe that -the Bible is an easy book, to be understood without difficulty by all? -Persuaded that they do not require the instructions of others, they -must either resolve all these difficulties by their own reflections, -or trust to that individual inspiration which they believe will not be -wanting to explain to them the loftiest mysteries. Who, after this, -can be astonished that Protestantism has produced so many absurd -visionaries and furious fanatics?[11] - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -FANATICISM--ITS DEFINITION.--FANATICISM IN THE CATHOLIC CHURCH. - - -It would be unjust to charge a religion with falsehood, merely because -fanatics are to be found within its bosom. This would be to reject -all, because none are to be found exempt from them. A religion, then, -is not to be condemned because it has them, but because it produces -them, urges them on, and opens a field for them. If we observe closely, -we shall find at the bottom of the human heart an abundant source -of fanaticism; the history of man affords us many proofs of this -incontestable truth. Imagine whatever delusion you please, relate the -most extravagant visions, invent the most absurd system, if you only -take care to give to all a religious coloring, you may be sure that you -will have enthusiastic followers, who will heartily devote themselves -to the propagation of your doctrines, and will espouse your cause -blindly and ardently; in other words, you will have under your standard -a troop of fanatics. - -Philosophers have devoted many pages to declamation against fanaticism; -they have, as it were, assumed the mission of banishing it from the -earth. They have tired mankind with philosophical lectures, and have -thundered against the monster with all the vigor of their eloquence. -They used the word, however, in so wide a sense as to include all kind -of religion. But, if they had confined themselves to attacking real -fanaticism, I believe they would have done much better if they had -devoted some time to the examination of this matter in an analytic -spirit, and had treated it, after so doing, maturely, calmly, and -without prejudice. - -Inasmuch as these philosophers were aware that fanaticism is a natural -infirmity of the human mind, they could, if they were men of sense and -wisdom, have had little hope of banishing the accursed monster from -the world by reasoning and eloquence; for I am not aware that, up to -the present time, philosophy has remedied any of the important evils -that afflict humanity. Among the numerous errors of the philosophy of -the eighteenth century, one of the principal was the mania for types; -there was formed in the mind a type of the nature of man, of society, -in a word, of every thing; and every thing that could not be adjusted -to this type, every thing that could not be moulded into the required -form, was so subjected to the fury of philosophers, as to make it -certain, at least, that the want of pliability did not go unpunished. - -But do I mean to deny the existence of fanaticism in the world? There -is much of it. Do I deny that it is an evil? It is a very great one. -Can it be extirpated? It cannot. How can its extent be diminished, its -force weakened, and its violence checked? By directing man wisely. Can -this be done by philosophy? We shall presently see. What is the origin -of fanaticism? We must begin by defining the real meaning of the word. -By fanaticism is meant, taking the word in its widest signification, -the strong excitement of a mind powerfully acted on by a false or -exaggerated opinion. If the opinion be true, if it be confined within -just limits, there is no fanaticism; or, if there _be_ any, it is only -with respect to the means employed in defending the opinion. But in -that case there is an erroneous judgment, since it is believed that -the truth of the opinion authorizes the means; that is to say, there -is already error or exaggeration. If a true opinion be sustained by -legitimate means, if the occasion be opportune, whatever may be the -excitement or effervescence of mind, whatever may be the energy of the -efforts and the sacrifices made, then there is enthusiasm of mind and -heroism of action, but no fanaticism. Were it otherwise, the heroes of -all times and countries might be stigmatized as fanatics. - -Fanaticism, in this general sense, extends to all the subjects which -occupy the human mind; thus there are fanatics in religion, in -politics, even in science and literature. Nevertheless, according -to etymology and custom, the word is properly applied to religious -matters only; therefore the word, when used alone, means fanaticism -in religion, whilst, when applied to other things, it is always -accompanied by a qualifying epithet; thus we say political fanatics, -literary fanatics, &c. - -There is no doubt that in religious matters men have a strong tendency -to give themselves to a dominant idea, which they desire to communicate -to all around them, and propagate everywhere. They sometimes go so far -as to attempt this by the most violent means. The same fact appears, -to a certain extent, in other matters; but it acquires in religious -things a character different from what it assumes elsewhere. It is -there that the human mind acquires increased force, frightful energy, -and unbounded expansion; there are no more difficulties, obstacles, or -fetters; material interests entirely disappear; the greatest sufferings -acquire a charm; torments are nothing; death itself is a seductive -illusion. - -This phenomenon varies with individuals, with ideas, with the manners -of the nation in whose bosom it is produced; but at bottom it is always -the same. If we examine the matter thoroughly, we shall find that the -violences of the followers of Mahomet, and the extravagant disciples of -Fox, have a common origin. - -It is with this passion as with all others; when they produce great -evils, it is because they deviate from their legitimate objects, or -because they strive at those objects by means which are not conformable -to the dictates of reason and prudence. Fanaticism, then, rightly -understood, is nothing but misguided religious feeling; a feeling which -man has within him from the cradle to the tomb, and which is found to -be diffused throughout society in all periods of its existence. Vain -have been the efforts made up to this time to render men irreligious; -a few individuals may give themselves up to the folly of complete -irreligion; but the human race always protests against those who -endeavor to stifle the sentiment of religion. Now this feeling is so -strong and active, it exercises so unbounded an influence on man, -that no sooner has it been diverted from its legitimate object, and -quitted the right path, than it is seen to produce lamentable results; -then it is that two causes, fertile in great disasters, are found in -combination, complete blindness of the understanding and irresistible -energy of the will. - -In declaiming against fanaticism, many Protestants and philosophers -have thought proper to throw a large share of blame on the Catholic -Church; certainly they ought to have been more moderate in this respect -if their philosophy had been good. It is true the Church cannot boast -of having cured all the follies of man; she cannot pretend to have -banished fanaticism so completely as not to have some fanatics among -her children; but she may justly boast that no religion has taken more -effectual means of curing the evil. It may, moreover, be affirmed, -that she has taken her measures so well, that when it does make its -appearance, she confines it within such limits that it may exist for a -time, but cannot produce very dangerous results. - -Its mental errors and delirious dreams, which, if encouraged, lead men -to the commission of the greatest extravagances and the most horrible -crimes, are kept under control when the mind possesses a salutary -conviction of its own weakness and a respect for infallible authority. -If they be not extinguished at their birth, at least they remain in a -state of isolation, they do not injure the deposit of true doctrine, -and the ties which unite all the faithful as members of the same body -are not broken. With respect to revelations, visions, prophecies, and -ecstasies, as long as they preserve a private character and do not -affect the truths of faith, the Church, generally speaking, tolerates -them and abstains from interference, leaving the discussion of the -facts to criticism, and allowing the faithful an entire liberty of -thinking as they please; but if the affair assumes a more important -aspect, if the visionary calls in question points of doctrine, she -immediately shows her vigilance. Attentive to every voice raised -against the instructions of her Divine Master, she fixes an observant -eye on the innovator. She examines whether he be a man deceived in -matters of doctrine or a wolf in sheep's clothing; she raises her -warning voice, she points out to all the faithful the error or the -danger, and the voice of the Shepherd recalls the wandering sheep; but -if he refuse to listen to her, and prefer to follow his own caprices, -she separates him from the flock, and declares him to resemble the -wolf. From that moment all those who are sincerely desirous of -continuing in the bosom of the Church, can no more be infected with the -error. - -Undoubtedly, Protestants will reproach Catholics with the number of -visionaries who have existed in the Church; they will recall the -revelations and visions of a great number of saints who are venerated -on our altars; they will accuse us of fanaticism,--a fanaticism, they -will say, which, far from being limited in its effects to a narrow -circle, has been able to produce the most important results. "Do -not the founders of religious orders alone," they will say, "afford -us a spectacle of a long succession of fanatics, who, self-deluded, -exercised upon others, by their words and example, the greatest -fascination that was ever seen?" - -As this is not the place to enlarge upon the subject of religious -communities, which I propose to do in another part of this work, -I shall content myself with the observation, that even supposing -that all the visions and revelations of our saints and the heavenly -inspirations with which the founders of religious orders believed -themselves to have been favored were delusions, our opponents would -not be in any way justified in throwing on the Church the reproach of -fanaticism. And, first, it is easy to see that, as far as individual -visions are concerned, as long as they are thus limited, there may -be delusion, or, if you will, fanaticism; but this fanaticism will -not be injurious to any one, or create confusion in society. If a -poor woman believe herself to be peculiarly favoured by Heaven, if -she fancy that she hears the words of the Blessed Virgin, that she -converses with angels who bring her messages from God, all this may -excite the credulity of some and the raillery of others, but certainly -it will not cost society a drop of blood or a tear. As to the founders -of religious orders, in what way are they subject to the charge of -fanaticism? Let us pass in silence the profound respect which their -virtues deserve, and the gratitude which humanity owes them for the -inestimable benefits conferred; let us suppose that they were deceived -in all their inspirations; we may certainly call this delusion, but -not fanaticism. We do not find in them either frenzy or violence; -they are men diffident in themselves, who, when they believe that -they are called by Heaven to a great design, never commence the work -without having prostrated themselves at the feet of the Sovereign -Pontiff; they submit to his judgment the rules for the establishment -of their orders, they ask his instruction, listen to his decision with -docility, and do nothing without having obtained his permission. How, -then, do these founders of orders resemble the fanatics, who, putting -themselves at the head of a furious multitude, kill, destroy, and leave -everywhere behind them traces of blood and ruin? We see in the founders -of religious orders men who, deeply impressed with an idea, devote -themselves to realize it, however great may be the sacrifice. Their -conduct constantly shows a fixed idea, which is developed according to -a preconcerted plan, and is always highly social and religious in its -object: above all, this is submitted to authority, maturely examined -and corrected by the counsels of prudence. An impartial philosopher, -whatever may be his religious opinions, may find in all this more or -less illusion and prejudice, or prudence and address; but he cannot -find fanaticism, for there is nothing there which resembles it.[12] - - - - -CHAPTER IX. - -INFIDELITY AND INDIFFERENCE IN EUROPE, THE FRUITS OF PROTESTANTISM. - - -The fanaticism of sects, which is excited, kept alive, and nourished in -Europe, by the private judgment of Protestantism, is certainly an evil -of the greatest magnitude; yet it is not so mischievous or alarming as -the infidelity and religious indifference for which modern society is -indebted to the pretended Reformation. Brought on by the scandalous -extravagances of so many sects of _soi-disant_ Christians, infidelity -and religious indifference, which have their root even in the very -principle of Protestantism, began to show themselves with alarming -symptoms in the sixteenth century; they have acquired with time great -diffusion, they have penetrated all the branches of science and -literature, have produced an effect on languages, and have endangered -all the conquests which civilization had gained during so many ages. - -Even during the sixteenth century, and amid the hot disputes and -religious wars which Protestantism had enkindled, infidelity spread in -an alarming manner; and it is probable that it was even more common -than it appeared to be, as it was not easy to throw off the mask at -a period so near to the time when religious convictions had been -so deeply rooted. It is very likely that infidelity was propagated -disguised under the mantle of the Reformation, and that sometimes -enlisting under the banner of one sect and sometimes of another, it -labored to weaken them all, in order to set up its own throne on the -general ruin of faith. - -It does not require a great effort of logic to pass from Protestantism -to Deism; from Deism to Atheism, there is but a step; and there must -have been, at the time when these errors were broached, a large number -of persons with reasoning powers enough to carry them out to the -fullest extent. The Christian religion, as explained by Protestants, -is only a kind of philosophic system more or less reasonable; as, -when fully examined, it has no divine character. How, then, can it -govern a reflecting and independent mind? Yes, one glance at the first -exhibitions of Protestantism must have been enough to incline all those -to religious indifference who, naturally disinclined to fanaticism, -had lost the anchor of the Church's authority. When we consider the -language and conduct of the sectarian leaders of that time, we are -strongly inclined to suspect that they laughed at all Christian faith; -that they concealed their indifference or their Atheism under strange -doctrines which served as a standard, and that they propagated their -writings with very bad faith, while they disguised their perfidious -intention of preserving in the minds of their partisans sectarian -fanaticism. - -Thus, listening to the dictates of good sense, the father of the -famous Montaigne, although he had seen as yet only the preludes of -the Reformation, said, "that this beginning of evil would easily -degenerate into execrable Atheism." A very remarkable testimony, -which has been preserved to us by his son himself, who was certainly -neither weak nor hypocritical. (_Essais de Montaigne_, liv. ii. chap. -12.) When this man pronounced so wise a judgment on the real tendency -of Protestantism, did he imagine that his own son would confirm the -justness of his prediction? Everybody knows that Montaigne was one of -the first skeptics that became famous in Europe. It was requisite, at -that time, for men to be cautious in declaring themselves Atheists or -indifferentists, among Protestants themselves; and it may readily be -imagined that all unbelievers had not the boldness of Gruet; yet we may -believe the celebrated theologian of Toledo, Chacon, who said at the -beginning of the last third of the sixteenth century, "that the heresy -of the Atheists, of those who believed nothing, had great strength in -France and in other countries." - -Religious controversy continued to occupy the attention of all the -savants of Europe, and during this time the gangrene of infidelity made -great progress. This evil, from the middle of the seventeenth century, -assumed a most alarming aspect. Who is not dismayed at reading the -profound thoughts of Pascal on religious indifference? and who has not -felt, in reading them, the emotion which is caused in the soul by the -presence of a dreadful evil? - -Things were now much advanced, and unbelievers were not far from being -in a position, to take their rank among the schools who disputed for -the upper hand in Europe. With more or less of disguise, they had -already for a long time shown themselves under the form of Socinianism; -but that did not suffice, for Socinianism bore at least the name of a -religious sect, and irreligion began to feel itself strong enough to -appear under its own name. The last part of the seventeenth century -presents a crisis which is very remarkable with respect to religion;--a -crisis which perhaps has not been well examined, although it exhibits -some very remarkable facts; I allude to a lassitude of religious -disputes, marked by two tendencies diametrically opposed to each other, -and yet very natural: one towards Catholicity and the other towards -Atheism. - -Every one knows how much disputing there had been up to this time -on religion; religious controversies were the prevailing taste, and -it may be said that they formed the principal occupation not only -of ecclesiastics, both Catholic and Protestant, but even of the -well-educated laity. This taste penetrated the palaces of kings and -princes. The natural result of so many controversies was to disclose -the radical error of Protestantism: then the mind, which could not -remain firm on such slippery ground, was obliged, either to adopt -authority, or abandon itself to Atheism or complete indifference. These -tendencies made themselves very perceptibly felt; thus it was that at -the very time when Bayle thought Europe sufficiently prepared for his -infidelity and skepticism, there was going on an animated and serious -correspondence for the reunion of the German Protestants with the -Catholic Church. Men of education are acquainted with the discussions -which took place between the Lutheran Molanus, abbot of Lockum, and -Christopher, at first Bishop of Tyna, and afterwards of Newstad. The -correspondence between the two most remarkable men at that time in -Europe of both communions, Bossuet and Leibnitz, is another monument -of the importance of these negotiations. The happy moment was not yet -come; political considerations, which ought to have vanished in the -presence of such lofty interests, exercised a mischievous influence -on the great soul of Leibnitz, and he did not preserve, throughout -the progress of the discussions and negotiations, the sincerity, good -faith, and elevation of view, which he had evinced at the commencement. -The negotiation did not succeed, but the mere fact of its existence -shows clearly enough the void which was felt in Protestantism; for we -cannot believe that the two most celebrated men of that communion, -Molanus and Leibnitz, would have advanced so far in so important a -negotiation, unless they had observed among themselves many indications -of a disposition to return to the bosom of the Church. Add to this, -the declaration of the Lutheran university of Helmstad in favor of -the Catholic religion, and the fresh attempts at a reunion made by a -Protestant prince, who addressed himself to Pope Clement XI., and you -have strong reasons for believing that the Reformation felt itself -mortally wounded. If God had been willing to permit that so great a -result should appear to have been effected in any way by human means, -the deep convictions prevalent among the most distinguished Protestants -might perhaps have greatly contributed to heal the wounds which had -been inflicted upon religious unity by the revolutionists of the -sixteenth century. - -But the profound wisdom of God had decided otherwise. In allowing men -to pursue their own opposite and perverse inclinations, He was pleased -to chastise them by means of their own pride. The tendency towards -unity was no longer dominant in the next century, but gave place to a -philosophic skepticism, indifferent towards all other religions, but -the deadly enemy of the Catholic. It may be said that at that time -there was a combination of the most fatal influences to hinder the -tendency towards unity from attaining its object. Already were the -Protestant sects divided and subdivided into numberless parties, and -although Protestantism was thereby weakened, yet, nevertheless, it -was diffused over the greater part of Europe; the germ of doubt in -religious matters had inoculated the whole of European society. There -was no truth which had escaped attack; no error or extravagance which -had not had apostles and proselytes; and it was much to be feared that -men would fall into that state of fatigue and discouragement which is -the result of great efforts made without success, and into that disgust -which is always produced by endless disputes and great scandals. - -To complete the misfortune, and to bring to a climax the state of -lassitude and disgust, there was another evil, which produced the -most fatal results. The champions of Catholicity contended, with -boldness and success, against the religious innovations of Protestants. -Languages, history, criticism, philosophy, all that is most precious, -rich, and brilliant in human knowledge, had been employed in the -noblest way in this important struggle; and the great men who were -most prominent among the defenders of the Church seemed to console -her for the sad losses which she had sustained by the troubles of -another age. But while she embraced in her arms these zealous sons, -those who boasted the most of being called her children, she observed -in some of them, with surprise and dread, an attitude of disguised -hostility; and in their thinly veiled language and conduct she could -easily perceive that they meditated giving her a fatal blow. Always -asserting their submission and their obedience, but never submitting or -obeying; continually extolling the authority and divine origin of the -Church, and carefully concealing their hatred of her existing laws and -institutions under cover of professed zeal for the re-establishment of -ancient discipline; they sapped the foundations of morality, while they -claimed to be its earnest advocates; they disguised their hypocrisy and -pride under false humility and affected modesty; they called obstinacy -firmness, and wilful blindness strength of mind. This rebellion -presented an aspect more dangerous than any heresy; their honeyed -words, studied candor, respect for antiquity, and the show of learning -and knowledge, would have contributed to blind the best informed, if -the innovators had not been distinguished by the constant and unfailing -characteristic of all erroneous sects, viz. hatred of authority. - -They were seen from time to time struggling against the declared -enemies of the Church, defending, with great display of learning, -the truth of her sacred dogmas, citing, with respect and deference, -the writings of the holy fathers, and declaring that they adhered -to tradition, and had a profound veneration for the decisions of -councils and Popes. They particularly prided themselves on being called -Catholics, however much their language and conduct were inconsistent -with the name. Never did they get rid of the marvellous infatuation -with which they denied their existence as a sect; and thus did they -throw in the way of ill-informed persons the unhappy scandal of a -dogmatical dispute, going on apparently within the bosom of the Church -herself. The Pope declared them heretics; all true Catholics bowed to -the decision of the Vicar of Jesus Christ; from all parts of the world -a voice was unanimously raised to pronounce anathema against all who -did not listen to the successor of St. Peter; but they themselves, -denying and eluding all, persisted in considering themselves as a body -of Catholics oppressed by the spirit of relaxation, abuse, and intrigue. - -This scandal gave the finishing stroke to the leading of men astray, -and the fatal gangrene which was infecting European society soon -developed itself with frightful rapidity. The religious disputes, -the multitude and variety of sects, the animosity which they showed -against each other, all contributed to disgust with religion itself -whoever were not held fast by the anchor of authority. To establish -indifference as a system, atheism as a creed, and impiety as a fashion, -there was only wanting a man laborious enough to collect, unite, and -present in a body all the numerous materials which were scattered -in a multitude of works; a man who knew how to give to all this a -philosophical complexion suitable to the prevailing taste, and who -could give to sophistry and declamation that seductive appearance, -that deceptive form and dazzling show, by which the productions of -genius are always marked, in the midst even of their wildest vagaries. -Such a man appeared in the person of Bayle. The noise which his famous -dictionary made in the world, and the favor which it enjoyed from -the beginning, show how well the author had taken advantage of his -opportunity. The dictionary of Bayle is one of those books which, -considered apart from their scientific and literary merit, always serve -to denote a remarkable epoch, because they present, together with the -fruits of the past, the clear perception of a long future. The author -of such a work is not distinguished so much on account of his own -merit, as because he has known how to become the representative of -ideas previously diffused in society, but floating about in a state of -uncertainty; and yet his name recalls a vast history, of which he is -the personification. The publication of Bayle's work may be regarded -as the solemn inauguration of the chair of infidelity in Europe. The -sophists of the eighteenth century found at hand an abundant repository -of facts and arguments; but to render the thing complete, there was -wanting a hand capable of retouching the old paintings, of restoring -their faded colors, and of shedding over all the charms of imagination -and the refinement of wit; there was wanting a guide to lead mankind -by a flowery path to the borders of the abyss. Scarcely had Bayle -descended into the tomb, when there appeared above the literary horizon -a young man, whose great talents were equalled by his malice and -audacity; Voltaire. - -It was necessary to draw the reader's attention to the period which -I have just described, to show him how great was the influence -exercised by Protestantism in producing and establishing in Europe the -irreligion, atheism, and fatal indifference which have caused so many -evils in modern society. I do not mean to charge all Protestants with -impiety; and I willingly acknowledge the sincerity and firmness of -many of their most illustrious men, in struggling against the progress -of irreligion. I am not ignorant that men sometimes adopt a principle -and repudiate its consequences, and that it would, therefore, be very -unjust to class them with those who openly accept those consequences; -but on the other hand, however painful it may be to Protestants to avow -that their system leads to atheism, it is nevertheless a fact which -cannot be denied. All that they can claim of me on this point is, not -to criminate their intentions; after that, they cannot complain if, -guided by the instructions of history and philosophy, I develop their -fundamental principle to the fullest extent. - -It would be useless to sketch, even in the most rapid manner, what -has passed in Europe since the appearance of Voltaire: the events -are so recent, and have been so often discussed, that all that I -could say would be only a useless repetition. I shall better attain -my object by offering some remarks on the actual state of religion -in Protestant countries. Amid so many revolutions, and when so many -heads were turned; when all the foundations of society were shaken, -and the strongest institutions were torn out of the soil in which they -had been so deeply rooted; when even Catholic truth itself could not -have been sustained without the manifest aid of the arm of the Most -High, we may imagine the fate of the fragile edifice of Protestantism, -exposed, like all the rest, to so many and such violent attacks. No one -is ignorant of the numberless sects which abound in Great Britain, of -the deplorable condition of faith among the Swiss Protestants, even on -the most important points. That there might be no doubt as to the real -state of the Protestant religion in Germany, that is, in its native -country, where it was first established as in its dearest patrimony, -the Protestant minister, Baron Starck, has taken care to tell us, that -"_in Germany there is not one single point of Christian faith which -has not been openly attacked by the Protestant ministers themselves_." -The real state of Protestantism appears to me to be truly and forcibly -depicted by a curious idea of J. Heyer, a Protestant minister. Heyer -published, in 1818, a work entitled _Coup d'œil sur les Confessions -de Foi_; not knowing how to get out of the difficulty in which all -Protestants found themselves placed when they had to choose a symbol, -he proposed the simple expedient of _getting rid of all symbols_. - -The only way that Protestantism has of preserving itself, is to violate -as much as possible its own fundamental principle, by withdrawing the -right of private judgment, inducing the people to remain faithful -to the opinions in which they have been educated, and carefully -concealing from them the inconsistency into which they fall, when -they submit to the authority of a private individual, after having -rejected the authority of the Catholic church. But things are not -taking this course; and in spite of the efforts of some Protestants -to follow it, Bible Societies, working with a zeal worthy of a better -cause, in promoting among all classes the private interpretation of -the Bible, would suffice to keep alive always the spirit of inquiry. -This diffusion of the Bible operates as a constant appeal to private -judgment, which, after perhaps causing many days of sorrow and mourning -to society, will eventually destroy the remains of Protestantism. All -this has not escaped the notice of its disciples; and some of the -most remarkable among them have raised their voices to point out the -danger.[13] - - - - -CHAPTER X. - -CAUSES OF THE CONTINUANCE OF PROTESTANTISM. - - -After having clearly shown the intrinsic weakness of Protestantism, -it is natural to ask this question: If it be so feeble, owing to -the radical defects of its constitution, why has it not by this -time completely disappeared? If it bear in its own breast the seeds -of death, how has it been able so long to withstand such powerful -adversaries, as Catholicity, on the one hand, and irreligion -or Atheism, on the other? In order to resolve this question -satisfactorily, it is necessary to consider Protestantism in two points -of view; as embodying a fixed creed, and as expressing a number of -sects, who, in spite of their numerous mutual differences, agree in -calling themselves Christians, and preserve a shadow of Christianity, -although they reject the authority of the Church. It is necessary -to consider Protestantism in this double point of view, since its -founders, while endeavoring to destroy the authority and dogmas of the -Roman Church, were compelled to form a system of doctrines to serve as -a symbol for their followers. Considered in the first aspect, it has -almost entirely disappeared; we should rather say it scarcely ever had -existence. This truth is sufficiently evident from what I have said of -the variations and actual condition of Protestantism in the various -countries of Europe; time has shown how much the pretended Reformers -were deceived, when they fancied that they could fix the columns of -Hercules of the human mind, to repeat the expression of Madame de Staël. - -Who now defends the doctrines of Luther and Calvin? Who respects the -limits which they prescribed? What Protestant Church distinguishes -itself by the ardor of its zeal in preserving any particular dogmas? -What Protestant now holds the divine mission of Luther, or believes the -Pope to be Antichrist? Who watches over the purity of doctrine, and -points out errors? Who opposes the torrent of sectarianism? - -Do we find, in their writings, or in their discourses, the energetic -tones of conviction, or the zeal of truth? In fine, what a wide -difference do we find when we compare the Protestant Church with the -Catholic! Inquire into the faith of the latter, and you will hear from -the mouth of Gregory XVI., the successor of St. Peter, the same that -Luther heard from Leo X. Compare the doctrine of Leo X. with that of -his predecessors, you will always find it the same up to the Apostles, -and to Jesus Christ himself. If you attempt to assail a dogma, if you -try to attack the purity of morals, the voice of the ancient Fathers -will denounce your errors, and in the middle of the nineteenth century -you will imagine that the old Leos and Gregories are risen from the -tomb. If your intentions are good, you will find indulgence; if your -merits are great, you will be treated with respect; if you occupy an -elevated position in the world, you will have attention paid to you. -But if you attempt to abuse your talents by introducing novelty in -doctrine; if, by your power, you aspire to demand a modification of -faith; and if, to avoid troubles or prevent schism, or conciliate -any one, you ask for a compromise or even an ambiguous explanation; -the answer of the successor of St. Peter will be, "Never! faith is a -sacred deposit which we cannot alter; truth is immutable; it is one:" -and to this reply of the Vicar of Jesus Christ, which with a word will -banish all your hopes, will be added those of the modern Athanasiuses, -Gregories of Nazianzen, Ambroses, Jeromes, and Augustins. Always -the same firmness in the same faith, the same unchangeableness, the -same energy in preserving the sacred deposit intact, in defending it -against the attacks of error, in teaching it to the faithful in all -its purity, and in transmitting it unaltered to future generations. -Will it be said that this is obstinacy, blindness, and fanaticism? -But, eighteen centuries gone by, the revolutions of empires, the most -fearful catastrophes, an infinite variety of ideas and manners, the -most severe persecutions, the darkness of ignorance, the conflicts of -passion, the lights of knowledge,--none of these have been able to -enlighten this blindness, to bend this obstinacy, or extinguish this -fanaticism. Certainly a reflecting Protestant, one of those who know -how to rise above the prejudices of education, when fixing his eyes on -this picture, the truth of which he cannot but acknowledge, if he is -well informed on the question, will feel strong doubts arise within him -as to the truth of the instruction he has received; he will at least -feel a desire of examining more closely this great prodigy which the -Catholic Church presents to us. But to return. - -We see the Protestant sects melting away daily, and this dissolution -must constantly increase; nevertheless, we have no reason to be -astonished that Protestantism, inasmuch as it consists of a number of -sects who preserve the name and some remains of Christianity, does -not wholly disappear; for how could it disappear? Either Protestant -nations must be completely swallowed up by irreligion or atheism, or -they must give up Christianity and adopt one of the religions which are -established in other parts of the world. Now both these suppositions -are impossible; therefore this false form of Christianity has been and -will be preserved, in some shape or other, until Protestants return to -the bosom of the Church. - -Let us develop these ideas. Why cannot Protestant nations be completely -swallowed up by irreligion and atheism, or indifference? Because such -a misfortune may happen to an individual, but not to a nation. By -means of false books, erroneous reasonings, and continual efforts, -some individuals may extinguish the lively sentiments of their hearts, -stifle the voice of conscience, and trample under foot the dictates of -common sense; but a nation cannot do so. A people always preserves a -large fund of candor and docility, which, amid the most fatal errors -and even the most atrocious crimes, compels it to lend an attentive -ear to the inspirations of nature. Whatever may be the corruption of -morals, whatever may be the errors of opinion, there will never be -more than a small number of men found capable of struggling for a long -time against themselves, in the attempt to eradicate from their hearts -that fruitful germ of good feelings, that precious seed of virtuous -thoughts, with which the beneficent hand of the Creator has enriched -our souls. The conflagration of the passions, it is true, produces -lamentable prostration, and sometimes terrible explosions; but when -the fire is extinguished, man returns to himself, and his mind becomes -again accessible to the voice of reason and virtue. An attentive study -of society proves that the number of men is happily very small who -are, as it were, steeled against truth and virtue; who reply with -frivolous sophistry to the admonitions of good sense; who oppose with -cold stoicism the sweetest and most generous inspirations of nature, -and venture to display, as an illustration of philosophy, firmness, -and elevation of mind, the ignorance, obstinacy, and barrenness of -an icy heart. The generality of mankind, more simple, more candid, -more natural, are consequently ill-suited to a system of atheism, or -indifference. Such a system may take possession of the proud mind of -a learned visionary; it may be adopted, as a convenient opinion, by -dissipated youth; and in times of agitation, it may influence a few -fiery spirits; but it will never be able to establish itself in society -as a normal condition. - -No, by no means. An individual may be irreligious, but families and -society never will. Without a basis on which the social edifice must -rest; without a great creative idea, whence will flow the ideas of -reason, virtue, justice, obligation, and right, which are as necessary -to the existence and preservation of society as blood and nourishment -are to the life of the individual, society would be destroyed; without -the sweet ties by which religious ideas unite together the members of -a family, without the heavenly harmony which they infuse into all its -connections, the family would cease to exist, or at least would be only -a rude and transient union, resembling the intercourse of animals. -God has happily gifted all his creatures with a marvellous instinct -of self-preservation. Guided by that instinct, families and society -repudiate with indignation those degrading ideas which, blasting by -their fatal breath all the germs of life, breaking all ties, upsetting -all laws, make both of them retrograde towards the most abject -barbarism, and finish by scattering their members like dust before the -wind. - -The repeated lessons of experience ought to have convinced certain -philosophers that these ideas and feelings, engraven on the heart of -man by the finger of the Author of nature, cannot be eradicated by -declamation or sophistry. If a few ephemeral triumphs have occasionally -flattered their pride, and made them conceive false hopes of the result -of their efforts, the course of events has soon shown them, that to -pride themselves on these triumphs was to act like a man who, on -account of having succeeded in infusing unnatural sentiments into the -hearts of a few mothers, would flatter himself that he has banished -maternal love from the world. Society (I do not mean the populace or -the commonalty)--society will be religious, even at the risk of being -superstitious; if it does not believe in reasonable things, it will in -extravagant ones; and if it have not a divine religion, it will have a -human one: to suppose the contrary, is to dream; to struggle against -this tendency, is to struggle against an eternal law; to attempt to -restrain it, is to attempt to restrain with a weak arm a body launched -with an immense force--the arm will be destroyed, but the body will -continue its course. Men may call this superstition, fanaticism, the -result of error; but to talk thus can only serve to console them for -their failure. - -Since, then, religion is a real necessity, we have therein an -explanation of the phenomenon which history and experience present -to us, namely, that religion never wholly disappears, and that when -changes take place, the two rival religions, during their struggles, -more or less protracted, occupy successively the same ground. The -consequence is, that Protestantism cannot entirely disappear unless -another religion takes its place. Now, as in the actual state of -civilization, no religion can replace it but the Catholic, it is -evident that Protestant sects will continue to occupy, with more or -less variation, the countries which they have gained. - -Indeed, how is it possible, in the present state of civilization among -Protestant nations, that the follies of the Koran, or the absurdities -of idolatry, should have any chance of success among them? The spirit -of Christianity circulates in the veins of modern society; its seal -is set upon all legislation; its light is shed upon all branches of -knowledge; its phraseology is found in all languages; its precepts -regulate morals; habits and manners have assumed its form; the fine -arts breathe its perfume, and all the monuments of genius are full -of its inspirations. Christianity, in a word, pervades all parts of -that great, varied, and fertile civilization, which is the glory of -modern society. How then, is it possible for a religion entirely to -disappear which possesses, with the most venerable antiquity, so many -claims to gratitude, so many endearing ties, and so many glorious -recollections? How could it give place, among Christian nations, to -one of those religions which, at the first glance, show the finger -of man, and indicate, as their distinctive mark, degradation and -debasement? Although the essential principle of Protestantism saps -the foundations of the Christian religion, although it disfigures its -beauty, and lowers its sublimity, yet the remains which it preserves of -Christianity, its idea of God, and its maxims of morality, raise it far -above all the systems of philosophy, and all the other religions of the -world. - -If, then, Protestantism has preserved some shadow of the Christian -religion, it was because, looking at the condition of the nations who -took part in the schism, it was impossible for the Christian name -wholly to disappear; and not on account of any principle of life -contained in the bosom of the pretended Reformation. On the other -hand, consider the efforts of politicians, the natural attachment of -ministers to their own interests, the illusions of pride which flatter -men with the freedom they will enjoy in the absence of all authority, -the remains of old prejudices, the power of education, and such like -causes, and you will find a complete solution of the question. Then -you will no longer be surprised that Protestantism continues to retain -possession of many of those countries where it unfortunately became -deeply rooted. - - - - -CHAPTER XI. - -THE POSITIVE DOCTRINES OF PROTESTANTISM REPUGNANT TO THE INSTINCT OF -CIVILIZATION. - - -The best proof of the extreme weakness of Protestantism, considered -as a body of doctrine, is the little influence which its positive -doctrines have exercised in European civilization. I call its positive -doctrines those which it attempts to establish as its own; and I -distinguish them thus from its other doctrines, which I call negative, -because they are nothing but the negation of authority. The latter -found favor on account of their conformity with the inconstancy and -changeableness of the human mind; but the others, which have not the -same means of success, have all disappeared with their authors, and are -now plunged in oblivion. The only part of Christianity which has been -preserved among Protestants, is that which was necessary to prevent -European civilization from losing among them its nature and character; -and this is the reason why the doctrines which had too direct a -tendency to alter the nature of this civilization have been repudiated, -we should rather say, despised by it. - -There is a circumstance here well worthy of attention, and which has -not perhaps been noticed, viz. the fate of the doctrine held by the -first reformers with respect to free-will. It is well known that one -of the first and most important errors of Luther and Calvin consisted -in denying free-will. We find this fatal doctrine professed in the -works which they have left us. Does it not seem that this doctrine -ought to have preserved its credit among the Protestants, and that they -ought to have fiercely maintained it, since such is commonly the case -with errors which serve as a nucleus in the formation of a sect? It -seems, also, that Protestantism being widely spread, and deeply rooted -in several countries of Europe, this fatalist doctrine ought to have -exercised a strong influence on the legislation of Protestant nations. -Wonderful as it is, such has not been the case; European moralists have -despised it; legislation has not adopted it as a basis; civilization -has not allowed itself to be directed by a principle which sapped all -the foundations of morality, and which, if once applied to morals and -laws, would have substituted for European civilization and dignity the -barbarism and debasement of Mahometanism. - -There is no doubt that this fatal doctrine has perverted some -individuals; it has been adopted by sects more or less numerous; and -it cannot be denied that it has affected the morality of some nations. -But it is also certain, that, in the generality of the great human -family, governments, tribunals, administration, legislation, science, -and morals, have not listened to this horrible doctrine of Luther,--a -doctrine which strips man of his free will, which makes God the author -of sin, which charges the Creator with the responsibility of all the -crimes of His creatures, and represents Him as a tyrant, by affirming -that His precepts are impossible; a doctrine which monstrously -confounds the ideas of good and evil, and removes all stimulus to good -deeds, by teaching that faith is sufficient for salvation, and that all -the good works of the just are only sins. - -Public opinion, good sense, and morality here side with Catholicity. -Those even who in theory embrace these fatal religious doctrines, -usually reject them in practice; this is because Catholic instruction -on these important points has made so deep an impression on them; -because so strong an instinct of civilization has been communicated -to European society by the Catholic religion. Thus the Church, by -repudiating the destructive errors taught by Protestantism, preserved -society from being debased by these fatalist doctrines. The Church -formed a barrier against the despotism which is enthroned wherever the -sense of dignity is lost; she was a fence against the demoralization -which always spreads whenever men think themselves bound by blind -necessity, as by an iron chain; she also freed the human mind from -the state of abjection into which it falls whenever it thinks itself -deprived of the government of its own conduct, and of the power of -influencing the course of events. In condemning those errors of Luther, -which were the bond of Protestantism at its birth, the Pope raised -the alarm against an irruption of barbarism into the order of ideas; -he saved morality, laws, public order, and society; the Vatican, by -securing the noble sentiment of liberty in the sanctuary of conscience, -preserved the dignity of man; by struggling against Protestant ideas, -by defending the sacred deposit confided to it by its Divine Master, -the Roman See became the tutelary divinity of future civilization. - -Reflect on these great truths, understand them thoroughly, you who -speak of religious disputes with cold indifference, with apparent -mockery and pity, as if they were only scholastic puerilities. Nations -_do not live on bread alone_; they live also on ideas, on maxims, -which, converted into spiritual aliment, give them greatness, strength, -and energy, or, on the contrary, weaken them, reduce them, and condemn -them to stupidity. Look over the face of the globe, examine the periods -of human history, compare times with times, and nations with nations, -and you will see that the Church, by giving so much importance to the -preservation of these transcendent truths, by accepting no compromise -on this point, has understood and realized better than any other -teacher, the elevated and salutary maxim, that truth ought to reign in -the world; that on the order of ideas depends the order of events, and -that when these great problems are called in question, the destinies of -humanity are involved. - -Let us recapitulate what we have said; the essential principle of -Protestantism is one of destruction; this is the cause of its incessant -variations, of its dissolution and annihilation. As a particular -religion it no longer exists, for it has no peculiar faith, no positive -character, no government, nothing that is essential to form an -existence; Protestantism is only a negative. If there is any thing to -be found in it of a positive nature, it is nothing more than vestiges -and ruins; all is without force, without action, without the spirit of -life. It cannot show an edifice raised by its own hands; it cannot, -like Catholicity, stand in the midst of its vast works and say, "These -are mine." Protestantism can only sit down on a heap of ruins, and say -with truth, "I have made this pile." - -As long as sectarian fanaticism lasted, as long as this flame, -enkindled by furious declamation, was kept alive by unhappy -circumstances, Protestantism showed a certain degree of force, which, -although it was not the sign of vigorous life, at least indicated -the convulsive energy of delirium. But that period has passed, the -action of time has dispersed the elements that fed the flame, and -none of the attempts which have been made to give to the Reformation -the character of a work of God, have been able to conceal the fact -that it was the work of human passions. Let us not be deceived by the -efforts which are now being made; what is acting under our eyes is -not living Protestantism, it is the operation of false philosophy, -perhaps of policy, sometimes of sordid interest disguised under the -name of policy. Every one knows how powerful Protestantism was in -exciting disturbances and causing disunion. It is on this account that -evil-minded men search in the bed of this exhausted torrent for some -remains of its impure waters, and knowing them to contain a deadly -poison, present them to the unsuspecting in a golden cup. - -But it is in vain for weak man to struggle against the arm of the -Almighty, God will not abandon His work. Notwithstanding all his -attempts to deface the work of God, man cannot blot out the eternal -characters which distinguish truth from error. Truth in itself is -strong and robust: as it is the ensemble of the relations which unite -things together, it is strongly connected with them, and cannot be -separated either by the efforts of man or by the revolution of time. -Error, on the contrary, the lying image of the great ties which bind -together the compact mass of the universe, stretches over its usurped -domain like those dead branches of the forest which, devoid of sap, -afford neither freshness nor verdure, and only serve to impede the -advance of the traveller. - -Confiding men, do not allow yourselves to be seduced by brilliant -appearances, pompous discourse, or false activity. Truth is open, -modest, without suspicion, because it is pure and strong; error is -hypocritical and ostentatious, because it is false and weak. Truth -resembles a woman of real beauty, who, conscious of her charms, -despises the affectation of ornament; error, on the contrary, paints -and ornaments herself, because she is ugly, without expression, -without grace, without dignity. Perhaps you may be pleased with its -laborious activity. Know, then, that it has no strength but when it -is the rallying cry of a faction; then, indeed, it is rapid in action -and fertile in violent measures. It is like the meteor which explodes -and vanishes, leaving behind it nothing but darkness, death, and -destruction; truth, on the contrary, like the sun, sends forth its -bright and steady beams, fertilizes with its genial warmth, and sheds -on every side life, joy, and beauty. - - - - -CHAPTER XII. - -THE EFFECTS WHICH THE INTRODUCTION OF PROTESTANTISM INTO SPAIN WOULD -HAVE PRODUCED. - - -In order to judge of the real effect which the introduction of -Protestant doctrines would have had in Spain, we shall do well, in -the first place, to take a survey of the present state of religion -in Europe. In spite of the confusion of ideas which is one of the -prevailing characteristics of the age, it is undeniable that the spirit -of infidelity and irreligion has lost much of its strength, and that -where it still exists it has merged into indifference, instead of -preserving its systematic form of the last century. With the lapse -of time declamation ceases; men grow tired of continually repeating -the same insulting language; their minds resist the intolerance and -bad faith of sects; systems betray their emptiness, opinions their -erroneousness, judgments their precipitation, and reasonings their want -of exactitude. Time shows their counterfeit intentions, their deceptive -statements, the littleness of their ideas, and the mischievousness of -their projects; truth begins to recover its empire, things regain their -real names, and, thanks to the new direction of the public mind, that -which before was considered innocent and generous is now looked upon -as criminal and vile. The deceitful masks are taken off, and falsehood -is discovered surrounded by the discredit which ought always to have -accompanied it. - -Irreligious ideas, like all those which are prevalent in an advanced -state of society, would not, and could not be confined to mere -speculation; they invaded the domain of practice, and labored to gain -the upper hand in all branches of administration and politics. But the -revolution which they produced in society became fatal to themselves; -for there is nothing which better exposes the faults and errors of -a system, and undeceives men on the subject, than the touchstone -of experience. There is in our minds a certain power of viewing -an object under a variety of aspects, and an unfortunate aptitude -for supporting the most extravagant proposition by a multitude of -sophisms. In mere disputation, it is difficult for the most reasoning -minds to keep clear of the snares of sophistry. But when we come to -experience, it is otherwise; the mind is silent, and facts speak; and -if the experience has been on a large scale, and applied to objects of -great interest and importance, it is difficult for the most specious -arguments to counteract the convincing eloquence of the result. Hence -it is that a man of much experience obtains an instinct so sure and -delicate, that when a system is but explained he can point out all its -inconveniences. Inexperience, presumptuous and prejudiced, appeals to -argument in support of its doctrines; but good sense, that precious and -inestimable quality, shakes its head, shrugs its shoulders, and with a -tranquil smile leaves its prediction to be tested by time. - -It is not necessary now to insist on the practical results of those -doctrines of which infidelity was the motto; we have said enough on -that subject. Suffice it to say, that those same men who seem to belong -to the last century by their principles, interests, recollections, or -for other reasons, have been obliged to modify their doctrines, to -limit their principles, to palliate their propositions, to cool the -warmth and passion of their invectives; and when they wish to give a -mark of their esteem and veneration for those writers who were the -delight of their youth, they are compelled to declare "that those men -were great philosophers, but philosophers of the cabinet;" as if in -reality what they call the knowledge of the cabinet was not the most -dangerous ignorance. - -It is certain that these attempts have had the effect of throwing -discredit on irreligion as a system. If people do not regard it with -horror, at least they look upon it with mistrust. Irreligion has -labored in all the branches of science, in the vain hope that the -heavens would cease to relate the glories of God, that the earth would -disown Him who laid its foundations, and that all nature would give -testimony against the Lord who gave it existence and life. These same -labors have banished the scandalous division which had begun between -religion and science; so that the ancient accents of the man of Hus -have again resounded, without dishonor to science, in the mouths of -men in the nineteenth century; and what shall we say of the triumphs -of religion in all that is noble, tender, and sublime on earth? How -grand are the operations of Providence displayed therein! Admirable -dispensation! The mysterious hand which governs the universe seems to -hold in reserve for every great crisis of society an extraordinary -man. At the proper moment this man presents himself; he advances, -himself ignorant whither he is going, but he advances with a firm step -towards the accomplishment of the high mission for which Providence has -destined him. - -Atheism was bathing France in a sea of tears and blood; an unknown man -silently traverses the ocean. While the violence of the tempest rends -the sails of his vessel, he listens attentively to the hurricane--he -is lost in the contemplation of the majesty of the heavens. Wandering -in the solitudes of America, he asks of the wonders of creation the -name of their Author; the thunder on the confines of the desert, the -low murmuring of the forests, and the beauties of nature answer him -with canticles of love and harmony. The view of a solitary cross -reveals to him mysterious secrets; the traces of an unknown missionary -awaken important recollections which connect the new world with the -old; a monument in ruins, the hut of a savage, excite in his mind -thoughts which penetrate to the foundations of society and to the -heart of man. Intoxicated with these spectacles, his mind full of -sublime conceptions, and his heart inundated with the charms of so -much beauty, this man returns to his native soil. What does he find -there? The bloody traces of Atheism; the ruins and ashes of ancient -temples devoured by the flames or destroyed by violence; the remains of -a multitude of innocent victims, buried in the graves which formerly -afforded an asylum to persecuted Christians. He observes, however, that -something is in agitation; he sees that religion is about to redescend -upon France, like consolation upon the unfortunate, or the breath of -life upon a corpse. From that moment he hears on all sides a concert of -celestial harmony; the inspirations of meditation and solitude revive -and ferment in his great soul; transported out of himself, and ravished -into ecstasy, he sings with a tongue of fire the glories of religion, -he reveals the delicacy and beauty of the relations between religion -and nature, and in surpassing language he points out to astonished men -the mysterious golden chain which connects the heavens and the earth. -That man was Chateaubriand. - -It must, however, be confessed, that the confusion which has been -introduced into ideas cannot be corrected in a short time, and that it -is not easy to eradicate the deep traces of the ravages of irreligion. -Men's minds, it is true, are tired of the irreligious system; society, -which had lost its balance, is generally ill at ease; the family feels -its ties relaxed, and individuals sigh after a ray of light, a drop -of hope and consolation. But where shall the world find the remedy -which is wanting? Will it follow the best road--the only road? Will -it re-enter the fold of the Catholic Church? Alas! God alone knows -the secrets of the future; He alone has clearly unfolded before His -eyes the great events which are no doubt awaiting humanity. He alone -knows what will be the result of that activity, of that energy, which -again urges men to the examination of great political and religious -questions; and He alone knows what, to future generations, will be -the result of the triumphs obtained by religion, in the fine arts, in -literature, in science, in politics, in all the operations carried on -by the human mind. - -As to us, carried away as we are by the rapid and precipitate course -of revolution, hardly have we time to cast a fleeting glance upon -the chaos in which our country is involved. What can we confidently -predict? All that we can be sure of is, that we are in an age of -disquietude, of agitation, of transition; that the multiplied examples -and warnings of so many disappointed expectations, the fruits of -fearful revolutions and unheard-of catastrophes, have everywhere thrown -discredit upon irreligious and disorganizing doctrines, without having -established the legitimate empire of true religion. Hearts sick of so -many misfortunes are willingly open to hope; but minds are in a state -of great uncertainty as to the future: perhaps they even anticipate -a new series of calamities. Owing to revolutions, to the efforts of -industry, to the activity and extension of commerce, to the progress -and prodigious diffusion of printing, to scientific discoveries, to the -ease, rapidity, and universality of communication, to the taste for -travelling, to the dissolving action of Protestantism, of incredulity, -and skepticism, the human mind certainly now presents one of the most -singular phases of its history. Reason, imagination, and the heart are -in a state of agitation, of movement, and of extraordinary development, -and show us at the same time the most singular contrasts, the most -ridiculous extravagances, and the most absurd contradictions. Observe -the sciences, and you will no longer find those lengthened labors, -that indefatigable patience, that calm and tranquil progress, which -characterized these studies at other epochs; but you will find there -a spirit of observation, and a tendency to place questions in that -transcendental point of view where may be discovered the relations -subsisting between them, the ties by which they are connected, and -the way in which they throw light upon each other. Questions of -religion, of politics, of legislation, of morals, of government, are -all mingled, stand prominently forward, and give to the horizon of -science a grandeur and immensity which it did not previously possess. -This progress, this confusion, this chaos, if you like to call it so, -is a fact which must be taken into account in studying the spirit of -the age, in examining the religious condition of the time; for it is -not the work of a single man, or the effect of accident; it is the -result of a multitude of causes, the fruit of a great number of facts; -it is an expression of the present state of intelligence; a symptom -of strength and disease, an announcement of change and of transition, -perhaps a sign of consolation, perhaps a presage of misfortune. And -who has not observed the fertility of imagination and unbounded reach -of thought in that literature, so various, so irregular, and so vague, -but at the same time so rich in fine images, in delicate feeling, and -in bold and generous thought? You may talk as much as you please of the -debasement of science, of the falling off in study. You may speak in -a tone of derision of the _lights of the age_, and turn with regret to -ages more studious and more learned; there will be some exaggeration, -truth and error, in all this, as there always is in declamation of -this kind; but whatever may be the degree of utility belonging to the -present labors of the human mind, never, perhaps, was there a time -when it displayed more activity and energy, never was it agitated by -a movement so general, so lively, so various, and never, perhaps, did -it desire, with a more excusable curiosity and impatience, to raise -a part of the veil which covers the boundless future. What will be -able to govern elements so powerful and so opposite? What can calm -this tempestuous sea? What will give the union, the connection, the -consistency necessary to form, out of these repulsive and discordant -elements, a whole compact and capable of resisting the action of time? -Will this be done by Protestantism, with its fundamental principle -which establishes and diffuses and sanctions the dissolving principle -of private interpretation in matters of religion, and realizes this -unhappy notion by circulating among all classes of society copies of -the Bible? - -Nations numerous, proud of their power, vain of their knowledge, -rendered dissipated by pleasure, refined by luxury, continually exposed -to the powerful influence of the press, and possessing means of -communication which would have appeared fabulous to their ancestors; -nations in whom all the violent passions have an object, all intrigues -an existence, all corruptions a veil, all crimes a title, all errors an -advocate, all interests a support; nations which, warned and deceived, -still vacillate in a state of dreadful uncertainty between truth and -falsehood; sometimes looking at the torch of truth as if they meant to -be guided by its light, and then again seduced by an _ignis fatuus_; -sometimes making an effort to rule the storm, and then abandoning -themselves to its violence; modern nations show us a picture as -extraordinary as it is interesting, where hopes, fears, prognostics, -and conjectures have free scope, and nobody can pretend to predict with -accuracy, and the wise man must await in silence the dénouement marked -out in the secret decrees of God, where alone are clearly written the -events of all time, and the future destinies of men. - -But it may be easily understood that Protestantism, on account of its -essentially dissolving nature, is incapable of producing any thing in -morals or religion to increase the happiness of nations, for it is -impossible for this happiness to exist as long as men's minds are at -war on the most important questions which can occupy them. - -When the observer, amid this chaos and obscurity, seeks for a ray of -light to illuminate the world--for a powerful principle capable of -putting an end to so much confusion and anarchy, and of bringing back -men's minds to the path of truth, Catholicity immediately presents -herself to him, as the only source of all these benefits. When we -consider with what _éclat_ and with what power Catholicity maintains -herself against all the unprecedented attempts which are made to -destroy her, our hearts are filled with hope and consolation; and we -feel inclined to hail this divine religion, and to congratulate her on -the new triumph which she is about to achieve on earth. - -There was a time when Europe, inundated by a torrent of barbarians, -saw at once overwhelmed all the monuments of ancient civilization -and refinement. Legislators and their laws, the empire and its power -and splendor, philosophers and the sciences, the arts and their -_chef-d'œuvres_, all disappeared; and those immense regions, where -had flourished all the civilization and refinement that had been -gained during so many ages, were suddenly plunged into ignorance and -barbarism. Nevertheless, the spark of light which had appeared to the -world in Palestine, continued to shine amid the chaos: in vain did -whirlwinds threaten to extinguish it; kept alive by the breath of the -Eternal, it continued to shine. Ages rolled away, and it appeared with -greater brilliancy; and when, perchance, the nations only expected a -beam of light to guide them in the darkness, they found a resplendent -sun, everywhere diffusing life and light: and who shall say that there -is not reserved for her in the secrets of the Eternal, another triumph -more difficult, but not less useful, not less brilliant? If in other -times that religion instructed ignorance, civilized barbarism, polished -rudeness, softened ferocity, and preserved society from being always -the prey of the fiercest brutality and the most degrading stupidity, -will it be less glorious for her to correct ideas, to harmonize and -refine feelings, to establish the eternal principles of society, to -curb the passions, to remove animosities, to remove excesses, to -govern all minds and hearts? How honorable will it be to her, if, -while regulating all things, and unceasingly stimulating all kinds -of knowledge and improvement, she can inspire with a proper spirit -of moderation that society which so many elements, devoid of central -attraction, threaten every moment with dissolution and death! - -It is not given to man to penetrate the future; but in the same way as -the physical world would be broken up by a terrible catastrophe, if it -were deprived for a moment of the fundamental principle which gives -unity, order, and concert to the various movements of the system; in -the same way, if society, full as it is of motion, of communication, -and life, were not placed under the direction of a constant and -universal regulating principle, we could not fix our eyes on the lot of -future generations without the greatest alarm. - -There is, however, a fact which is consoling in the highest degree, -viz. the wonderful progress which Catholicity has made in different -countries. It is gaining strength in France and Belgium: the obstinacy -with which it is combated in the north of Europe shows how much it -is feared. In England its progress has been recently so great that -it would not be credited without the most irresistible evidence; and -in the foreign missions it has shown an extent of enterprise and -fruitfulness, worthy of the time of its greatest ascendency and power. - -When other nations tend towards unity, shall we commit the gross -mistake of adopting schism? at a time when other nations would be happy -to find within their bosoms a vital principle capable of restoring the -power which incredulity has destroyed, shall Spain, which preserves -Catholicity, and alone possesses it full and complete, allow the germ -of death to be introduced into her bosom, thereby rendering impossible -the cure of her evils, or rather entailing on herself complete and -certain ruin? Amid the moral regeneration towards which nations are -advancing, seeking to quit the painful position in which they have -been placed by irreligious doctrines, is it possible to overlook the -immense advantage which Spain still preserves over most of them? Spain -is one of those least affected by the gangrene of irreligion; she still -preserves religious unity, that inestimable inheritance of a long -line of ages. Is it possible to overlook the advantage of that unity -if properly made use of, that unity which is mixed up with all our -glories, which awakens such noble recollections, and which may be made -so wonderful an instrument in the regeneration of social order? - -If I am asked my opinion of the nearness of the danger, and if I think -the present attempts of Protestants have any probability of success, -I must draw a distinction in my reply. Protestantism is extremely -weak, both on account of its own nature, and of its age and decaying -condition. In endeavoring to introduce itself into Spain, it will -have to contend with an adversary full of life and strength, and -deeply rooted in the soil. This is the reason why I think that its -direct action is not to be feared; and yet, if it should succeed in -establishing itself in any part of our country, however limited may -be its domain, it is sure to produce fearful results. It is evident -that we shall then have in the midst of us a new apple of discord, and -it is not difficult to foresee that collisions will frequently arise. -Protestantism in Spain, besides its intrinsic weakness, will labor -under the disadvantage of not finding its natural aliment. Hence it -will be obliged to take advantage of any support that is offered; it -will immediately become the point of reunion for the discontented; and -although failing in its intended object, it will succeed in becoming -the nucleus of new parties and the banner of factions. Scandal, strife, -demoralization, troubles, and perhaps catastrophes,--such will be the -immediate and infallible results of the introduction of Protestantism -among us. On this point I appeal to the candid opinion of every man who -is well acquainted with Spain. But this is not all: the question is -enlarged, and acquires an incalculable importance, if we consider it -with reference to foreign politics. What a lever will be afforded to -foreigners for all kinds of attempts in our unhappy country! How gladly -will those, who are perhaps on the look-out for such an aid, avail -themselves of it! - -There is in Europe a nation remarkable for her immense power, and -worthy of respect on account of the great progress which she has made -in the arts and sciences; a nation that holds in her hands powerful -means of action in all parts of the world, and knows how to use them -with wonderful discretion and sagacity. As that nation has taken the -lead in modern times in passing through all the phases of political and -religious revolution, and has seen, during fearful convulsions, the -passions in all their nakedness, and crime in all its forms, she is -better acquainted than all others with their causes. - -Not misled by the vain names under which, at such periods, the lowest -passions and the most sordid interests disguise themselves, she is too -much on her guard to allow the troubles which have inundated other -countries with tears and blood, to be easily excited within herself. -Her internal peace is not disturbed by the agitation and heat of -disputes; although she may expect to have to encounter, sooner or -later, difficulties and embarrassments, she enjoys, in the mean time, -the tranquillity which is secured to her by her constitution, her -manners, her riches,--and, above all, by the ocean which surrounds -her. Placed in so advantageous a position, that nation watches the -progress of others, for the purpose of attaching them to her car by -golden chains, if they are simple enough to listen to her flattery; at -least she attempts to hinder their advance, when a noble independence -is about to free them from her influence. Always attentive to her own -aggrandizement, by means of commerce and the arts, and by a policy -eminently mercantile, she hides her self-interest under all sorts of -disguises; and although religion and politics, where she has to do -with another people, are quite indifferent to her, she knows how to -make an adroit use of these powerful arms, to make friends, to defeat -her enemies, and to enclose all within the net of commerce, which she -is always extending in all quarters of the world. Her sagacity must -necessarily have perceived how much progress she will have made in -adding Spain to the number of her colonies, when she has persuaded -the Spanish people to fraternize with her in religion; not so much on -account of the sympathy which such a fraternization would establish -between them, as because she would find therein a sure method of -stripping the Spanish people of that peculiar character and grave -appearance which distinguishes them from all others, by depriving -them of the only national and regenerative idea which remains to them -after so many convulsions; from that moment, in truth, Spain, that -proud nation, would be rendered accessible to all kinds of foreign -impressions, docile and pliable in bending to all opinions, and subject -to the interests of her astute protectors. Let it not be forgotten -that there is no other nation that conceives her plans with so much -foresight, prepares them with so much prudence, executes them with so -much ability and perseverance. As she has remained since her great -revolutions, that is, since the end of the seventeenth century, in a -settled condition, and entirely free from the convulsions undergone -since that time by other European nations, she has been able to follow -a regular political system, both internal and external; and her -politicians have been formed to the perfect science of government, by -constantly inheriting the experience and views of their predecessors. -Her statesmen well know how important it is to be prepared beforehand -for every event. They deeply study what may aid or impede them in -other nations. They go out of the sphere of politics: they penetrate -to the heart of every nation over which they propose to extend their -influence: they examine what are the conditions of its existence; what -is its vital principle; what are the causes of the strength and energy -of every people. - -During the autumn of 1805, Pitt gave a dinner in the country to some -of his friends. While thus engaged, a despatch was brought to him -announcing the surrender of Mack at Ulm, with 40,000 men, and the march -of Napoleon on Vienna. Pitt communicated the fatal news to his friends, -who cried out, "All is lost; there is no longer any resource against -him." "There is one still left," replied the minister, "if I can excite -a national war in Europe; and that war must begin in Spain." "Yes, -gentlemen," he added, "Spain will be the first country to commence -the patriotic war which shall give liberty to Europe." Such was the -importance attributed by this profound statesman to a national idea; -he expected from it what the strength of all the governments could not -effect, the downfall of Napoleon, and the liberation of Europe. But it -not uncommonly happens that the march of events is such, that these -same national ideas, which one time were the powerful auxiliaries of -ambitious cabinets, become, at another, the greatest obstacles; and -then, instead of encouraging, it becomes their interest to extinguish -them. As the nature of this work will not allow me to enter into the -details of politics, I must content myself with appealing to the -judgment of those who have observed the line of conduct pursued by -England during our war and revolution, since the death of Ferdinand -VII. If we consider what the interests of that powerful nation require -for the future, we may conjecture the part which she will take. - -The means of saving a nation, by delivering it from interested -protectors, and of securing her real independence, are to be found in -great and generous ideas, deeply rooted in the people; in feelings -engraved on their hearts by the action of time, by the influence of -powerful institutions, by ancient manners and customs; in fine, in that -unity of religious thought, which makes a whole people as one man. Then -the past is united with the present, the present is connected with the -future; then arises in the mind that enthusiasm which is the source of -great deeds; then are found disinterestedness, energy, and constancy; -because ideas are fixed and elevated, because hearts are great and -generous. - -It is not impossible that during one of the convulsions which disturb -our unhappy country, men may arise amongst us blind enough to attempt -to introduce the Protestant religion into Spain. We have had warnings -enough to alarm us; we have not forgotten events which showed plainly -enough how far some would sometimes have gone, if the great majority -of the nation had not restrained them by their disapprobation. We -do not dread the outrages of the reign of Henry VIII.; but what we -do fear is, that advantage may be taken of a violent rupture with -the Holy See, of the obstinacy and ambition of some ecclesiastics, -of the pretext of establishing toleration in our country, or some -other pretext, to attempt to introduce amongst us, in some shape or -other, the doctrines of Protestantism. We certainly have no need of -importing toleration from abroad; it already exists amongst us so -fully, that no one is afraid of being disturbed on account of his -religious opinions. What would be thus introduced and established in -Spain, would be a new system of religion, provided with every thing -necessary for gaining the upper hand; and for weakening, and, if -possible, destroying Catholicity. Then would resound in our ears, with -a force constantly increasing, the fierce declamation which we have -heard for several years; the vain threatenings of a party who are -delirious, because they are on the point of expiring. The aversion with -which the nation regards the pretended Reformation, we have no doubt, -would be looked upon as rebellion; the pastorals of bishops would be -treated as insidious persuasions, and the fervent zeal of our priests -as sedition; the unanimity of Catholics to preserve themselves from -contagion would be denounced as a diabolical conspiracy, devised by -intolerance and party spirit, and executed by ignorance and fanaticism. -Amid the efforts of the one party, and the resistance of the other, -we should see enacted, in a greater or less degree, the scenes of -times gone by; and although the spirit of moderation, which is one of -the characteristics of this age, would not allow the perpetration of -excesses which have stained the annals of other nations, they would -not be without imitators. We must not forget that, with respect to -religion in Spain, we cannot calculate on the coldness and indifference -which other nations would now display on a similar occasion. With the -latter, religious feelings have lost much of their force, but in Spain -they are still deep, lively, and energetic; and if they were to come -into open and avowed opposition to each other, the shock would be -violent and general. Although we have witnessed lamentable scandals, -and even fearful catastrophes in religious matters, yet, up to this -time, perverse intentions have been always concealed by a mask, more -or less transparent. Sometimes the attack was made against a person -charged with political machinations; sometimes against certain classes -of citizens, who were accused of imaginary crimes. If, at times, the -revolution exceeded its bounds, it was said that it was impossible to -restrain it, and thus the vexations, the insults, the outrages heaped -upon all that was most sacred upon earth, were only the inevitable -results, and the work of a mob that nothing could restrain. There -has always been more or less of disguise; but if the dogmas of -Catholicity were attacked deliberately, and with _sang froid_; if -the most important points of discipline were trodden under foot; if -the most august mysteries were turned into ridicule, and the most -holy ceremonies treated with public contempt; if church were raised -against church, and pulpit against pulpit, what would be the result? -It is certain that minds would be very much exasperated; and if, as -might be feared, alarming explosions did not ensue, at least religious -controversy would assume a character so violent that we should believe -ourselves transferred to the sixteenth century. - -It is a common thing among us for the principles which prevail in -politics to be entirely opposed to those which rule in society; it may -then easily happen that a religious principle, rejected by society, -may find support among influential statesmen. We should then see -reproduced, under more important circumstances, a phenomenon which -we have witnessed for so many years, viz. governments attempting to -alter the course of society by force. This is one of the principal -differences between our revolution and those of other countries; it -is, at the same time, a key which explains the greatest anomalies. -Everywhere else revolutionary ideas took possession of society, and -afterwards extended themselves to the sphere of politics; with us they -first ruled in the political sphere, and afterwards strove to descend -into the social sphere; society was far from being prepared for such -innovations; this was the cause of shocks so violent and so frequent. -It is on account of this want of harmony that the government of Spain -exercises so little influence over the people; I mean by influence, -that moral ascendency which does not require to be accompanied by -the idea of force. There is no doubt that this is an evil, since it -tends to weaken that authority which is indispensably necessary for -all societies. But on more than one occasion it has been a great -benefit. It is no slight advantage that in presence of a senseless and -inconstant government there is found a society full of calmness and -wisdom, and that that society pursues its quiet and majestic march, -while the government is carried away by rashness. We may expect much -from the right instinct of the Spanish nation, from her proverbial -gravity, which so many misfortunes have only augmented, and from -that fact, which teaches her so well how to discern the true path to -happiness, by rendering her deaf to the insidious suggestions of those -who seek to lead her astray. Although for so many years, owing to a -fatal combination of circumstances, and a want of harmony between -the social and political order, Spain has not been able to obtain a -government which understands her feelings and instincts, follows her -inclinations, and promotes her prosperity, we still cherish the hope -that the day will come when from her own bosom, so fertile in future -life, will come forth the harmony which she seeks, and the equilibrium -which she has lost. In the mean time, it is of the highest importance -that all men who have a Spanish heart in their breasts, and who do -not wish to see the vitals of their country torn to pieces, should -unite and act in concert to preserve her from the genius of evil. -Their unanimity will prevent the seeds of perpetual discord from being -scattered upon our soil, will ward off this additional calamity, and -will preserve from destruction those precious germs, whence may arise, -with renovated vigor, our civilization, which has been so much injured -by disastrous events. - -The soul is overwhelmed with painful apprehensions at the thought -that a day may come when religious unity will be banished from among -us; that unity which is identified with our habits, our customs, our -manners, our laws; which guarded the cradle of our monarchy in the -cavern of Covadonga, and which was the emblem on our standard during -a struggle of eight centuries against the formidable crescent; that -unity which developed and illustrated our civilization in times of the -greatest difficulty; that unity which followed our terrible _tercios_, -when they imposed silence upon Europe; which led our sailors when they -discovered the new world, and guided them when they for the first time -made the circuit of the globe; that unity which sustains our soldiers -in their most heroic exploits, and which, at a recent period, gave the -climax to their many glorious deeds in the downfall of Napoleon. You -who condemn so rashly the work of ages; you who offer so many insults -to the Spanish nation, and who treat as barbarism and ignorance the -regulating principle of our civilization, do you know what it is you -insult? Do you know what inspired the genius of Gonzalva, of Ferdinando -Cortez, of the conqueror of Lepanto? Do not the shades of Garcilazo, -of Herrara, of Ercilla, of Fray Luis de Leon, of Cervantes, of Lope de -Vega, inspire you with any respect? Can you venture to break the tie -which connects us with them, to make us the unworthy posterity of these -great men? Do you wish to place an impassable barrier between their -faith and ours, between their manners and ours, to make us destroy all -our traditions, and to forget our most inspiring recollections? Do you -wish to preserve the great and august monuments of our ancestors' piety -among us only as a severe and eloquent reproach? Will you consent to -see dried up the most abundant fountains to which we can have recourse -to revive literature, to strengthen science, to reorganize legislation, -to re-establish the spirit of nationality, to restore our glory, and -replace this nation in the high position which her virtues merit, by -restoring to her the peace and happiness which she seeks with so much -anxiety, and which her heart requires? - - - - -CHAPTER XIII. - -CATHOLICITY AND PROTESTANTISM IN RELATION TO SOCIAL PROGRESS. -PRELIMINARY COUP D'ŒIL. - - -After having placed Catholicity and Protestantism in contrast, in a -religious point of view, in the picture which I have just drawn; after -having shown the superiority of the one over the other, not only in -certainty, but also in all that regards the instincts, the feelings, -the ideas, the characteristics of the human mind, it seems to me proper -to approach another question, certainly not less important, but much -less understood, and in the examination of which we shall have to -contend against strong antipathies, and to dissipate many prejudices -and errors. Amid the difficulties by which the question that I am -about to undertake is surrounded, I am supported by a strong hope -that the interest of the subject, and its analogy with the scientific -taste of the age, will invite a perusal; and that I shall thereby -avoid the danger which commonly threatens those who write in favor -of the Catholic religion, that of being judged without being heard. -The question may be stated thus: "When we compare Catholicity and -Protestantism, which do we find the most favorable to real liberty, to -the real progress of nations, to the cause of civilization?" Liberty! -This is one of those words which are as generally employed as they are -little understood; words which, because they contain a certain vague -idea, easily perceived, present the deceptive appearance of perfect -clearness, while, on account of the multitude and variety of objects -to which they apply, they are susceptible of a variety of meanings, -and, consequently, are extremely difficult to comprehend. Who can -reckon the number of applications made of the word liberty? There is -always found in this word a certain radical idea, but the modifications -and graduations to which the idea is subject are infinite. The air -circulates with liberty; we move the soil around the plant, to enable -it to grow and increase with liberty; we clean out the bed of a stream -to allow it to flow with liberty; when we set free a fish in a net, -or a bird in a cage, we give them their liberty; we treat a friend -with freedom; we have free methods, free thoughts, free expressions, -free successions, free will, free actions; a prisoner has no liberty; -nor have boys, girls, or married people; a man behaves with greater -freedom in a foreign country; soldiers are not free; there are men -free from conscription, from contributions; we have free votes, free -acknowledgments, free interpretation, free evidence; freedom of -commerce, of instruction, of the press, of conscience; civil freedom, -and political freedom; we have freedom just, unjust, rational, -irrational, moderate, excessive, limited, licentious, seasonable, -unseasonable. But I need not pursue the endless enumeration. It seemed -to me necessary to dwell upon it for a moment, even at the risk of -fatiguing the reader; perhaps the remembrance of all this may serve to -engrave deeply on our minds the truth, that when, in conversation, in -writing, in public discussions, in laws, this word is so frequently -employed as applied to objects of the highest importance, it is -necessary to consider maturely the number and nature of the ideas which -it embraces in the particular case, the meaning that the subject needs, -the modifications which the circumstances require, and the precaution -demanded in the case. - -Whatever may be the acceptation in which the word liberty is taken, it -is apparent that it always implies the absence of a cause restraining -the exercise of a power. Hence it follows that, in order to fix in -each case the real meaning of the word, it is indispensable to pay -attention to the circumstances as well as to the nature of the power, -the exercise of which is to be prevented or limited, without losing -sight of the various objects to which it applies, the conditions of -its exercise, as also the character, power, and extent of the means -which are employed to restrain it. To explain this matter, let it be -proposed to form a judgment on the proposition, "Man ought to enjoy -liberty of thought." - -It is here affirmed that freedom of thought in man ought not to be -restrained; but do you speak of physical force exercised directly -on thought itself? In that case the proposition is entirely vain; -for as such an application of force is impossible, it is useless to -say that it ought not to be employed. Do you mean to say that it is -not allowable to restrain the expression of thought; that is to say, -that the liberty of manifesting thought ought not to be hindered or -restrained? You have, then, made a great step, you have placed the -question on a different footing. Or if you do not mean to say that -every man, at all times, in all places, and on all subjects, has a -right to give utterance to all that comes into his head, and that -in any way he may think proper, you must then specify the things, -the persons, the places, the times, the subjects, the conditions; in -short, you must note a variety of circumstances, you must prohibit -altogether in some cases, limit in others, bind in some, loosen in -others; in fine, make so many restrictions, that you will make little -progress in establishing your general principle of freedom of thought, -which at first appeared so simple and so clear. Even in the sanctuary -of thought, where human sight does not extend, and which is open to -the eye of God alone, what means the liberty of thought? Is it owing -to chance that laws are imposed on thought to which it is obliged to -submit under pain of losing itself in chaos? Can it despise the rules -of sound reason? Can it refuse to listen to the counsels of good sense? -Can it forget that its object is truth? Can it disregard the eternal -principles of morality? Thus we find, in examining the meaning of the -word liberty, even as applied to what is certainly freer than any -thing else in man, viz. thought--we find such a number and variety of -meanings that we are forced to make many distinctions, and necessity -compels us to limit the general proposition, if we wish to avoid saying -any thing in opposition to the dictates of reason and good sense, the -eternal laws of morality, the interests of individuals, and the peace -and preservation of society. And what may not be said of so many claims -of liberty which are constantly propounded in language intentionally -vague and equivocal? - -I avail myself of these examples to prevent a confusion of ideas; for -in defending the cause of Catholicity, I have no need of pleading for -oppression, or of applauding tyranny, or of approving the conduct of -those who have trodden under foot men's most sacred rights. Yes, I -say, sacred; for after the august religion of Jesus Christ has been -preached, man is sacred in the eyes of other men on account of his -origin and divine destiny, on account of the image of God which is -reflected in him, and because he has been redeemed with ineffable -goodness and love by the Son of the Eternal. This divine religion -declares the rights of man to be sacred; for its august Founder -threatens with eternal punishment not only those who kill a man, those -who mutilate or rob him, but even those who offend him in words: -"He who shall say to his brother, Thou fool, shall be in danger of -hell-fire." (Matt. v. 22.) Thus speaks our divine Lord. - -Our hearts swell with generous indignation, when we hear the religion -of Jesus Christ reproached with a tendency towards oppression. It is -true that, if you confound the spirit of real liberty with that of -demagogues, you will not find it in Catholicity; but, if you avoid a -monstrous misnomer, if you give to the word liberty its reasonable, -just, useful, and beneficial signification, then the Catholic religion -may fearlessly claim the gratitude of the human race, _for she has -civilized the nations who embraced her, and civilization is true -liberty_. - -It is a fact now generally acknowledged, and openly confessed, that -Christianity has exercised a very important and salutary influence on -the development of European civilization; if this fact has not yet -had given to it the importance which it deserves, it is because it -has not been sufficiently appreciated. With respect to civilization, -a distinction is sometimes made between the influence of Christianity -and that of Catholicity; its merits are lavished on the former, and -stinted to the latter, by those who forget that, with respect to -European civilization, Catholicity can always claim the principal -share; and, for many centuries, an exclusive one; since, during a very -long period, she worked alone at the great work. People have not been -willing to see that, when Protestantism appeared in Europe, the work -was bordering on completion; with an injustice and ingratitude which -I cannot describe, they have reproached Catholicity with the spirit -of barbarism, ignorance, and oppression, while they were making an -ostentatious display of the rich civilization, knowledge, and liberty, -for which they were principally indebted to her. - -If they did not wish to fathom the intimate connection between -Catholicity and European civilization, if they had not the patience -necessary for the long investigations into which this examination would -lead them, at least it would have been proper to take a glance at the -condition of countries where the Catholic religion has not exerted all -her influence during centuries of trouble, and compare them with those -in which she has been predominant. The East and the West, both subject -to great revolutions, both professing Christianity, but in such a way -that the Catholic principle was weak and vacillating in the East, while -it was energetic and deeply rooted in the West; these, we say, would -have afforded two very good points of comparison to estimate the value -of Christianity without Catholicity, when the civilization and the -existence of nations were at stake. In the West, the revolutions were -multiplied and fearful; the chaos was at its height; and, nevertheless, -out of chaos came light and life. Neither the barbarism of the nations -who inundated those countries, and established themselves there, nor -the furious assaults of Islamism, even in the days of its greatest -power and enthusiasm, could succeed in destroying the germs of a rich -and fertile civilization. In the East, on the contrary, all tended -to old age and decay; nothing revived; and, under the blows of the -power which was ineffectual against us, all was shaken to pieces. The -spiritual power of Rome, and its influence on temporal affairs, have -certainly borne fruits very different from those produced, under the -same circumstances, by its violent opponents. - -If Europe were destined one day again to undergo a general and fearful -revolution, either by a universal spread of revolutionary ideas or by -a violent invasion of social and proprietary rights by pauperism; if -the colossus of the North, seated on its throne amid eternal snows, -with knowledge in its head, and blind force in its hands, possessing -at once the means of civilization, and unceasingly turning towards -the East, the South, and the West that covetous and crafty look which -in history is the characteristic march of all invading empires; if, -availing itself of a favorable moment, it were to make an attempt on -the independence of Europe, then we should perhaps have a proof of -the value of the Catholic principle in a great extremity; then we -should feel the power of the unity which is proclaimed and supported -by Catholicity, and while calling to mind the middle ages, we should -come to acknowledge one of the causes of the weakness of the East and -the strength of the West. Then would be remembered a fact, which, -though but of yesterday, is falling into oblivion, viz. that the nation -whose heroic courage broke the power of Napoleon was proverbially -Catholic; and who knows whether, in the attempts made in Russia against -Catholicity, attempts which the Vicar of Jesus Christ has deplored -in such touching language--who knows whether there be not the secret -influence of a presentiment, perhaps even a foresight of the necessity -of weakening that sublime power, which has been in all ages, when the -cause of humanity was in question, the centre of great attempts? But -let us return. - -It cannot be denied that, since the sixteenth century, European -civilization has shown life and brilliancy; but it is a mistake to -attribute this phenomenon to Protestantism. In order to examine the -extent and influence of a fact, we ought not to be content with the -events which have followed it; it is also necessary to consider whether -these events were already prepared; whether they are any thing more -than the necessary result of anterior facts; and we must take care -not to reason in a way which is justly declared to be sophistical -by logicians, _post hoc, ergo propter hoc_: after that, therefore -on account of it. Without Protestantism, and before it, European -civilization was already very much advanced, thanks to the labors and -influence of the Catholic religion; the greatness and splendor which it -subsequently displayed were not owing to it, but arose in spite of it. - -Erroneous ideas on this matter have arisen from the fact, that -Christianity has not been deeply studied; and that, without entering -into a serious examination of Church history, men have too often -contented themselves with taking a superficial view of the principles -of brotherhood which she has so much recommended. In order fully to -understand an institution, it is not enough to remain satisfied with -its leading ideas; it is necessary to follow all its steps, see how it -realizes its ideas, and how it triumphs over the obstacles that oppose -it. We shall never form a complete idea of an historical fact, unless -we carefully study its history. Now the study of Church history in -its relations with civilization, is still incomplete. It is not that -ecclesiastical history has not been profoundly studied; but it may be -said that since the spirit of social analysis has been developed, that -history has not yet been made the subject of those admirable labors -which have thrown so much light upon it in a critical and dogmatical -point of view. - -Another impediment to the complete comprehension of this matter is, -that an exaggerated importance is given to the intentions of men, and -the great march of events is too much neglected. The greatness of -events is measured, and their nature judged of, by the immediate means -which produces them, and the objects of the men whose actions are -treated of; this is a very important error. The eye ought to range over -a wider field; we ought to observe the successive development of ideas, -the influence which they have exercised on events, the institutions -which have sprung from them; but it is necessary to see all these -things as they are in themselves, that is, on a large scale, without -stopping to consider particular and isolated facts. It is an important -truth, which ought to be deeply engraven on the mind, that when one -of those great facts which change the lot of a considerable portion -of the human race is developed, it is rarely understood by those who -take part in it, and figure as the principal actors. The march of -humanity is a grand drama; the parts are played by persons who pass -by and disappear: man is very little; God alone is great. Neither the -actors who figured on the scene in the ancient empires of the East, nor -Alexander invading Asia and reducing numberless nations into servitude, -nor the Romans subjugating the world, nor the barbarians overturning -the empire and breaking it in pieces, nor the Mussulmen ruling Asia and -Africa and menacing the independence of Europe, knew, or could know, -that they were the instruments in the great designs whereof we admire -the execution. - -I mean to show from this, that when we have to do with Christian -civilization, when we collect and analyze the facts which distinguish -its march, it is not necessary, or even often proper, to suppose that -the men who have contributed to it in the most remarkable manner -understood, to the full extent, the results of their own efforts. It -is glory enough for a man to be pointed out as the chosen instrument -of Providence, without the necessity of attributing to him great -ability or lofty ambition. It is enough to observe that a ray of -light has descended from heaven and illumined his brow; it is of -little importance whether he foresaw that this ray, by reflection, -was destined to shed a brilliant light on future generations. Little -men are commonly smaller than they think themselves, but great men -are often greater than they imagine; if they do not know all their -grandeur, it is because they are ignorant that they are the instruments -of the high designs of Providence. Another observation which we ought -always to have present in the study of these great events is, that we -should not expect to find there a system, the connection and harmony -of which are apparent at the first _coup d'œil_. We must expect to -see some irregularities and objects of an unpleasant aspect; it is -necessary to guard against the childish impatience of anticipating the -time; it is indispensable to abandon that desire which we always have, -in a greater or less degree, and which always urges us to seek every -thing in conformity with our own ideas, and to see every thing advance -in the way most pleasing to us. - -Do you not see nature herself so varied, so rich, so grand, lavish -her treasures in disorder, hide her inestimable precious stones and -her most valuable veins of metal in masses of earth? See how she -presents huge chains of mountains, inaccessible rocks, and fearful -precipices, in contrast with her wide and smiling plains. Do you not -observe this apparent disorder, this prodigality, in the midst of which -numberless agents work, in secret concert, to produce the admirable -whole which enchants our eyes and ravishes the lover of nature? So -with society; the facts are dispersed, scattered here and there, -frequently offering no appearance of order or concert; events succeed -each other, act on each other, without the design being discovered; men -unite, separate, co-operate, and contend, and nevertheless time, that -indispensable agent in the production of great works, goes on, and all -is accomplished according to the destinies marked out in the secrets of -the Eternal. - -This is the march of humanity; this is the rule for the philosophic -study of history; this is the way to comprehend the influence of those -productive ideas, of those powerful institutions, which from time to -time appear among men to change the face of the earth. When in a study -of this kind we discover acting at the bottom of things a productive -idea, a powerful institution, the mind, far from being frightened -at meeting with some irregularities, is inspired, on the contrary, -with fresh courage; for it is a sure sign that the idea is full of -truth, that the institution is fraught with life, when we see them -pass through the chaos of ages, and come safe out of the frightful -ordeals. Of what importance is it that certain men were not influenced -by the idea, that they did not answer the object of the institution, -if the latter has survived its revolutions, and the former has not -been swallowed up in the stormy sea of the passions? To mention the -weaknesses, the miseries, the faults, the crimes of men, is to make the -most eloquent apology for the idea and the institution. - -In viewing men in this way, we do not take them out of their proper -places, and we do not require from them more than is reasonable. We -see them enclosed in the deep bed of the great torrent of events, -and we do not attribute to their intellects, or to their will, any -thing that exceeds the sphere appointed for them; we do not, however, -fail to appreciate in a proper manner the nature and the greatness -of the works in which they take part, but we avoid giving to them an -exaggerated importance, by honoring them with eulogiums which they do -not deserve, or reproaching them unjustly. Times and circumstances -are not monstrously confounded; the observer sees with calmness and -_sang froid_ the events which pass before his eyes; he speaks not of -the empire of Charlemagne as he would of that of Napoleon, and is not -hurried into bitter invectives against Gregory VII. because he did not -adopt the same line of political conduct as Gregory XVI. - -Observe that I do not ask from the philosophical historian an impassive -indifference to good and evil, to justice and injustice; I do not claim -indulgence for vice, nor would I refuse to virtue its eulogy. I have -no sympathy with that school of historic fatalism, which would bring -back to the world the destiny of the ancients; a school which, if it -acquired influence, would corrupt the best part of history, and stifle -the most generous emotions. I see in the march of society a plan, a -harmony, but not a blind necessity; I do not believe that events are -mingled up together indiscriminately in the dark urn of destiny, nor -that fatalism holds the world enclosed in an iron circle. But I see a -wonderful chain stretching over the course of centuries, a chain which -does not fetter the movements of individuals or of nations, and which -accommodates itself to the ebb and flow which are required by the -nature of things; at its touch great thoughts arise in the minds of -men: this golden chain is suspended by the hand of the Eternal, it is -the work of infinite intelligence and ineffable love. - - - - -CHAPTER XIV. - -DID THERE EXIST AT THE EPOCH WHEN CHRISTIANITY APPEARED ANY OTHER -PRINCIPLE OF REGENERATION? - - -In what condition did Christianity find the world? This is a question -which ought to fix all our attention, if we wish to appreciate -correctly the blessings conferred by that divine religion on -individuals and on society, if we are desirous of knowing the real -character of Christian civilization. Certainly at the time when -Christianity appeared, society presented a dark picture. Covered with -fine appearances, but infected to the heart with a mortal malady, -it presented an image of the most repugnant corruption, veiled by -a brilliant garb of ostentation and opulence. Morality was without -reality, manners without modesty, the passions without restraint, laws -without authority, and religion without God. Ideas were at the mercy -of prejudices, of religious fanaticism, and philosophical subtilties. -Man was a profound mystery to himself; he did not know how to estimate -his own dignity, for he reduced it to the level of brutes; and when -he attempted to exaggerate its importance, he did not know how to -confine it within the limits marked out by reason and nature: and it -is well worthy of observation, that while a great part of the human -race groaned in the most abject servitude, heroes, and even the most -abominable monsters, were elevated to the rank of gods. - -Such elements must, sooner or later, have produced social dissolution. -Even if the violent irruption of the barbarians had not taken place, -society must have been overturned sooner or later, for it did not -possess a fertile idea, a consoling thought, or a beam of hope, to -preserve it from ruin. - -Idolatry had lost its strength; it was an expedient exhausted by time -and by the gross abuse which the passions had made of it. Its fragile -tissue once exposed to the dissolving influence of philosophical -observation, idolatry was entirely disgraced; and if the rooted force -of habit still exercised a mechanical influence on the minds of -men, that influence was neither capable of re-establishing harmony -in society, nor of producing that fiery enthusiasm which inspires -great actions--enthusiasm which in virgin hearts may be excited by -superstition the most irrational and absurd. To judge of them by the -relaxation of morals, by the enervated weakness of character, by the -effeminate luxury, by the complete abandonment to the most repulsive -amusements and the most shameful pleasures, it is clear that religious -ideas no longer possessed the majesty of the heroic age; no longer -efficacious, they only exerted on men's minds a feeble influence, while -they served in a lamentable manner as instruments of dissolution. Now -it was impossible for it to be otherwise: nations who had obtained -the high degree of cultivation of the Greeks and Romans; nations -who had heard their great sages dispute on the grand questions of -divinity and man, could not continue in the state of simplicity which -was necessary to believe with good faith the intolerable absurdities -of which Paganism is full; and whatever may have been the disposition -of mind among the ignorant portion of the people, assuredly those who -were raised above the common standard did not believe them--those -who listened to philosophers as enlightened as Cicero, and who daily -enjoyed the malicious railleries of their satirical poets. - -If religion was impotent, was there not another means, viz. knowledge? -Before we examine what was to be hoped from this, it is necessary to -observe, that knowledge never founded a society, nor was it ever able -to restore one that had lost its balance. In looking over the history -of ancient times, we find at the head of some nations eminent men -who, thanks to the magic influence which they exercised over others, -dictated laws, corrected abuses, rectified ideas, reformed morals, and -established a government on wise principles; thus securing, in a more -or less satisfactory manner, the happiness and prosperity of those -who were confided to their care. But we should be much mistaken if we -imagined that these men proceeded according to what we call scientific -combinations. Generally simple and rude, they acted according to the -impulses of their generous hearts, only guided by the wisdom and good -sense of the father of a family in the management of his domestic -affairs: never did these men adopt for their rule the wretched -subtilties which we call theories, the crude mass of ideas which we -disguise under the pompous name of science. Were the most distinguished -days of Greece those of Plato and Aristotle? The proud Romans, who -conquered the world, certainly had not the extent and variety of -knowledge of the Augustan age; and yet who would exchange the times or -the men? - -Modern times also can show important evidences of the sterility of -science in creating social institutions; which is the more evident as -the practical effects of the natural sciences are the more visible. It -seems that in the latter sciences man has a power which he has not in -the former; although, when the matter is fully examined, the difference -does not appear so great as at the first view. - -Let us briefly compare their respective results. - -When man seeks to apply the knowledge which he has acquired of the -great laws of nature, he finds himself compelled to pay respect to -her; as, whatever might be his wishes, his weak arm could not cause -any great _bouleversement_, he is obliged to make his attempts limited -in extent, and the desire of success induces him to act in conformity -with the laws which govern the bodies he has to do with. It is quite -otherwise with the application made of the social sciences. There man -is able to act directly and immediately on society itself, on its -eternal foundations; he does not consider himself necessarily bound -to make his attempts on a small scale, or to respect the eternal laws -of society; he is able, on the contrary, to imagine those laws as -he pleases, indulge in as many subtilties as he thinks proper, and -bring about disasters which humanity laments. Let us remember the -extravagances which have found favor, with respect to nature, in the -schools of philosophy, ancient and modern, and we shall see what would -have become of the admirable machine of the universe, if philosophers -had had full power over it. Descartes said, "Give me matter and motion, -and I will form a world!" He could not derange an atom in the system of -the universe. Rousseau, in his turn, dreamed of placing society on a -new basis, and he upset the social state. It must not be forgotten that -science, properly so called, has little power in the organization of -society: this ought to be remembered in modern times, when it boasts so -much of its pretended fertility. It attributes to its own labors what -is the fruit of the lapse of ages, of the instinctive law of nations, -and sometimes of the inspirations of genius; now neither this instinct -of nations nor genius at all resembles science. - -But without pushing any further these general considerations, which -are, nevertheless, very useful in leading us to a knowledge of man, -what could be hoped from the false light of science which was preserved -in the ruins of the ancient schools at the time we are speaking of? -However limited the knowledge of the ancient philosophers, even the -most distinguished, may have been on these subjects, we must allow that -the names of Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle command some degree of -respect, and that amid their errors and mistakes they give us thoughts -which are really worthy of their lofty genius. But when Christianity -appeared, the germs of knowledge planted by them had been destroyed; -dreams had taken the place of high and fruitful thoughts, the love of -disputation had replaced that of wisdom, sophistry and subtilties had -been substituted for mature judgment and severe reasoning. The ancient -schools had been upset, others as sterile as they were strange had -been formed out of their ruins; on all sides there appeared a swarm -of sophists like the impure insects which announce the corruption -of a dead body. The Church has preserved for us a very valuable -means of judging of the science of that time, in the history of the -early heresies. Without speaking of what therein deserves all our -indignation, as, for example, their profound immorality, can we find -any thing more empty, absurd, or pitiable?[14] - -The Roman legislation, so praiseworthy for its justice and equity, its -wisdom and prudence, and much as it deserves to be regarded as one of -the most precious ornaments of ancient civilization, was yet incapable -of preventing the dissolution with which society was threatened. -Never did it owe its safety to jurisconsults; so great a work is -beyond the sphere of action of jurisprudence. Let us suppose the laws -as perfect as possible, jurisprudence carried to the highest point, -jurisconsults animated by the purest feelings and guided by the most -honest intentions, what would all this avail if the heart of society is -corrupt, if moral principles have lost their force, if manners are in -continual opposition with laws? Let us consider the picture of Roman -manners such as their own historians have painted them; we shall not -find even a reflection of the equity, justice, and good sense which -made the Roman laws deserve the glorious name of written reason. - -To give a proof of impartiality, I purposely omit the blemishes from -which the Roman law was certainly not exempt, for I do not desire -to be accused of wishing to lower every thing which is not the work -of Christianity. Yet I must not pass over in silence the important -fact, that it is by no means true that Christianity had no share in -perfecting the jurisprudence of Rome; I do not mean merely during the -period of the Christian emperors, which does not admit of a doubt, but -even at a prior period. It is certain that some time before the coming -of Jesus Christ the number of the Roman laws was very considerable, -and that their study and arrangement already occupied the attention of -many of the most illustrious men. We know from Suetonius (_In Cæsar._ -c. 44) that Julius Cæsar had undertaken the extremely useful task of -condensing into a small number of books those which were the most -select and necessary among the immense collection of laws; a similar -idea occurred to Cicero, who wrote a book on the methodical digest of -the civil law (_de jure civili in arte redigendo_), as Aulus Gellius -attests. (_Noct. Att._ lib. i. c. 22.) According to Tacitus, this work -also occupied the attention of the Emperor Augustus. Certainly these -projects show that legislation was not in its infancy; but it is not -the less true that the Roman law, as we possess it, is in great part -the product of later ages. Many of the most famous jurists, whose -opinions form a considerable part of the law, lived long after the -coming of Jesus Christ. As to the constitutions of the emperors, their -very names remind us of the time when they were digested. - -These facts being established, I shall observe that it does not follow -that because the emperors and jurists were pagans, the Christian -ideas had no influence on their works. The number of Christians was -immense in all places; the cruelty alone with which they had been -persecuted, the heroic courage which they had displayed in the face -of torments and death, must have drawn upon them the attention of the -whole world; and it is impossible that this should not have excited, -among men of reflection, curiosity enough to examine what this new -religion taught its proselytes. The reading of the apologies for -Christianity already written in the first ages with so much force of -reasoning and eloquence, the works of various kinds published by the -early Fathers, the homilies of Bishops to their people, contain so -much wisdom, breathe such a love for truth and justice, and proclaim -so loudly the eternal principles of morality, that it was impossible -for their influence not to be felt even by those who condemned the -religion of Christ. When doctrines having for their object the greatest -questions which affect man are spread everywhere, propagated with -fervent zeal, received with love by a considerable number of disciples, -and maintained by the talent and knowledge of illustrious men, these -doctrines make a profound impression in all directions, and affect -even those who warmly combat them. Their influence in this case is -imperceptible, but it is not the less true and real. They act like the -exhalations which impregnate the atmosphere; with the air we inhale -sometimes death, and sometimes a salutary odor which purifies and -strengthens us. - -Such must necessarily have been the case with a doctrine which was -preached in so extraordinary a manner, propagated with so much -rapidity, and the truth of which, sealed by torrents of blood, was -defended by writers such as Justin, Clement of Alexandria, Irenæus, -and Tertullian. The profound wisdom, the ravishing beauty of these -doctrines, explained by the Christian doctors, must have called -attention to the sources whence they flowed; it was natural that -curiosity thus excited should put the holy Scriptures into the hands -of many philosophers and jurists. Would it be strange if Epictetus had -imbibed some of the doctrines of the Sermon on the Mount, and if the -oracles of jurisprudence had imperceptibly received the inspiration -of a religion whose power, spreading in a wonderful manner, took -possession of all ranks of society? Burning zeal for truth and justice, -the spirit of brotherhood, grand ideas of the dignity of man, the -continued themes of Christian instruction, could not remain confined -among the children of the Church. More or less rapidly they penetrated -all classes; and when, by the conversion of Constantine, they acquired -political influence and imperial authority, it was only the repetition -of an ordinary phenomenon; when a system has become very powerful -in the social order, it ends by exerting an empire, or at least an -influence, in the political. - -I leave these observations to the judgment of thinking men with perfect -confidence; I am sure that if they do not adopt them, at least they -will not consider them unworthy of reflection. We live at a time -fruitful in great events, and when important revolutions have taken -place; therefore we are better able to understand the immense effects -of indirect and slow influences, the powerful ascendency of ideas, and -the irresistible force with which doctrines work their way. - -To this want of vital principles capable of regenerating society, -to all those elements of dissolution which society contained within -itself, was joined another evil of no slight importance,--the vice -of its political organization. The world being under the yoke of -Rome, hundreds of nations differing in manners and customs were -heaped together in confusion, like spoils on the field of battle, -and constrained to form a factitious body, like trophies placed upon -a spear. The unity of the government being violent, could not be -advantageous; and moreover, as it was despotic, from the emperor down -to the lowest proconsul, it will be seen that it could not produce -any other result than the debasement and degradation of nations, and -that it was impossible for them to display that elevation and energy -of character which are the precious fruit of a feeling of self-dignity -and love for national independence. If Rome had preserved her ancient -manners, if she had retained in her bosom warriors as celebrated for -the simplicity and austerity of their lives as for the renown of their -victories, some of the qualities of the conquerors might have been -communicated to the conquered, as a young and robust heart reanimates -with its vigor a body attenuated by disease. Unfortunately such was not -the case. The Fabiuses, the Camilluses, the Scipios, would not have -acknowledged their unworthy posterity; Rome, the mistress of the world, -like a slave, was trodden under the feet of monsters who mounted to the -throne by perjury and violence, stained their sceptres with corruption -and cruelty, and fell by the hands of assassins. The authority of the -Senate and people had disappeared; only vain imitations of them were -left, _vestigia morientis libertatis_, as Tacitus calls them, vestiges -of expiring liberty; and this royal people, who formerly disposed of -kingdoms, consulships, legions, and all, then thought only of two -things, food and games, - - "Qui dabat olim - Imperium, fasces, legiones, omnia, nunc se - Continet, atque duas tantum res anxius optat, - Panem et Circenses."--JUVENAL, _Satire_ X. - -At length, in the plenitude of time Christianity appeared; and without -announcing any change in political forms, without intermeddling in -the temporal and earthly, it brought to mankind a twofold salvation, -by calling them to the path of eternal felicity, but at the same time -bountifully supplying them with the only means of preservation from -social dissolution, the germ of a regeneration slow and pacific, -but grand, immense, and lasting, and secure from the revolutions of -ages; and this preservative against social dissolution, this germ -of invaluable improvements, was a pure and lofty doctrine, diffused -among all mankind, without exception of age, sex, and condition, as -the rain which falls like a mild dew on an arid and thirsty soil. No -religion has ever equalled Christianity in knowledge of the hidden -means of influencing man; none has ever, when doing so, paid so high -a compliment to his dignity; and Christianity has always adopted the -principle, that the first step in gaining possession of the whole man -is that of gaining his mind; and that it is necessary, in order either -to destroy evil or to effect good, to adopt intellectual means: thereby -it has given a mortal blow to the systems of violence which prevailed -before its existence; it has proclaimed the wholesome truth, that in -influencing men, the weakest and most unworthy method is force; a -fruitful and beneficial truth, which opened to humanity a new and happy -future. Only since the Christian era do we find the lessons of the -sublimest philosophy taught to all classes of the people, at all times -and in all places. The loftiest truths relating to God and man, the -rules of the purest morality, are not communicated to a chosen number -of disciples in hidden and mysterious instructions; the philosophy of -Christianity has been bolder; it has ventured to reveal to man the -whole naked truth, and that in public, with a loud voice, and that -generous boldness which is the inseparable companion of the truth. -"That which I tell you in the dark, speak ye in the light; and that -which you hear in the ear, preach ye upon the housetop." (Matt. x. 27.) - -As soon as Christianity and Paganism met face to face, the superiority -of the former was rendered palpable, not only by its doctrines -themselves, but by the manner in which it propagated them. It might -easily be imagined that a religion so wise and pure in its teachings, -and which, in propagating them, addressed itself directly to the mind -and heart, must quickly drive from its usurped dominion the religion -of imposture and falsehood. And, indeed, what did Paganism do for -the good of man? What moral truths did it teach? How did it check -the corruption of manners? "As to morals," says St. Augustine, "why -have not the gods chosen to take care of those of their adorers, and -prevent their irregularities? As to the true God, it is with justice -that He has neglected those who did not serve Him. But whence comes -it that those gods, the prohibition of whose worship is complained of -by ungrateful men, have not established laws to lead their adorers to -virtue? Was it not reasonable that, as men undertook their mysteries -and sacrifices, the gods, on their side, should undertake to regulate -the manners and actions of men? It is replied, that no one is wicked -but because he wishes to be so. Who doubts this? but the gods ought not -on that account to conceal from their worshippers precepts that might -serve to make them practise virtue. They were, on the contrary, under -the obligation of publishing those precepts aloud, of admonishing and -rebuking sinners by their prophets; of publicly threatening punishment -to those who did evil, and promising rewards to those who did well. -Was there ever heard, in the temples of the gods, a loud and generous -voice teaching any thing of the kind?" (_De Civit._ lib. ii. c. 4.) -The holy doctor afterwards paints a dark picture of the infamies and -abominations which were committed in the spectacles and sacred games -celebrated in honor of the gods--games and shows at which he had -himself assisted in his youth; he continues thus: "Thence it comes -that these divinities have taken no care to regulate the morals of the -cities and nations who adore them, or to avert by their threats those -dreadful evils which injure not only fields and vineyards, houses and -properties, or the body which is subject to the mind, but the mind -itself, the directress of the body, which was drenched with their -iniquities. Or if it be pretended that they did make such menaces, -let them be shown and proved to us. But let there not be alleged a -few secret words whispered in the ears of a small number of persons, -and which, with a great deal of mystery, were to teach virtue. It -is necessary to point out, to name the places consecrated to the -assemblies--not those in which were celebrated games with lascivious -words and gestures; not those feasts called _fuites_, and which -were solemnized with the most unbridled license; but the assemblies -where the people were instructed in the precepts of the gods for the -repression of avarice, moderating ambition, restraining immodesty; -those where these unfortunate beings learn what Perseus desires them -to know, when he says, in severe language, 'Learn, O unhappy mortals, -the reason of things, what we are, why we come into the world, what -we ought to do, how miserable is the term of our career, what bounds -we ought to prescribe to ourselves in the pursuit of riches, what use -we ought to make of them, what we owe to our neighbor, in fine, the -obligations we owe to the rank we occupy among men.' Let them tell us -in what places they have been accustomed to instruct the people in -these things by order of the gods; let them show us these places, as -we show them churches built for this purpose wherever the Christian -religion has been established." (_De Civit._ lib. ii. c. 6.) This -divine religion was too deeply acquainted with the heart of man ever -to forget the weakness and inconstancy which characterize it; and -hence it has ever been her invariable rule of conduct unceasingly -to inculcate to him, with untiring patience, the salutary truths on -which his temporal well-being and eternal happiness depend. Man easily -forgets moral truths when he is not constantly reminded of them; or -if they remain in his mind, they are there like sterile seeds, and do -not fertilize his heart. It is good and highly salutary for parents -constantly to communicate this instruction to their children, and that -it should be made the principal object of private education; but it -is necessary, moreover, that there should be a public ministry, never -losing sight of it, diffusing it among all classes and ages, repairing -the negligences of families, and reviving recollections and impressions -which the passions and time constantly efface. - -This system of constant preaching and instruction, practised at all -times and in all places by the Catholic Church, is so important for -the enlightenment and morality of nations, that it must be looked -upon as a great good, that the first Protestants, in spite of their -desire to destroy all the practices of the Church, have nevertheless -preserved that of preaching. We need not be insensible on this account -to the evils produced at certain times by the declamation of some -factious or fanatical ministers; but as unity had been broken, as -the people had been precipitated into the perilous paths of schism, -we say that it must have been extremely useful for the preservation -of the most important notions with respect to God and man and the -fundamental maxims of morality, that such truths should be frequently -explained to the people by men who had long studied them in the sacred -Scriptures. No doubt the mortal blow given to the hierarchy by the -Protestant system, and the degradation of the priesthood which was the -consequence, have deprived its preachers of the sacred characteristics -of the Holy Spirit; no doubt it is a great obstacle to the efficacy of -their preachers, that they cannot present themselves as the anointed -of the Lord, and that they are only, as an able writer has said, _men -clothed in black, who mount the pulpit every Sunday to speak reasonable -things_; but at least the people continue to hear some fragments of -the excellent moral discourses contained in the sacred Scriptures, -they have often before their eyes the edifying examples spread over -the Old and New Testament, and, what is still more precious, they are -reminded frequently of the events in the life of Jesus Christ,--of -that admirable life, the model of all perfection, which, even when -considered in a human point of view, is acknowledged by all to be the -purest sanctity _par excellence_, the noblest code of morality that was -ever seen, the realization of the finest _beau idéal_ that philosophy -in its loftiest thoughts has ever conceived under human form, and which -poetry has ever imagined in its most brilliant dreams. This we say is -useful and highly salutary; for it will always be salutary for nations -to be nourished with the wholesome food of moral truths, and to be -excited to virtue by such sublime examples. - - - - -CHAPTER XV. - - DIFFICULTIES WHICH CHRISTIANITY HAD TO OVERCOME IN THE WORK OF SOCIAL - REGENERATION.--OF SLAVERY.--COULD IT BE DESTROYED WITH MORE PROMPTNESS - THAN IT WAS BY CHRISTIANITY? - - -Although the Church attached the greatest importance to the propagation -of truth, although she was convinced that to destroy the shapeless -mass of immorality and degradation that met her sight, her first care -should be to expose error to the dissolving fire of true doctrines, -she did not confine herself to this; but, descending to real life, -and following a system full of wisdom and prudence, she acted in such -a manner as to enable humanity to taste the precious fruit which the -doctrines of Jesus Christ produce even in temporal things. The Church -was not only a _great and fruitful school; she was also a regenerative -association_; she did not diffuse her general doctrines by throwing -them abroad at hazard, merely hoping that they would fructify with -time; she developed them in all their relations, applied them to all -subjects, inoculated laws and manners with them, and realized them in -institutions which afforded silent but eloquent instructions to future -generations. Nowhere was the dignity of man acknowledged, slavery -reigned everywhere; degraded woman was dishonored by the corruption of -manners, and debased by the tyranny of man. The feelings of humanity -were trodden under foot, infants were abandoned, the sick and aged were -neglected, barbarity and cruelty were carried to the highest pitch -of atrocity in the prevailing laws of war; in fine, on the summit of -the social edifice was seen an odious tyranny, sustained by military -force, and looking down with an eye of contempt on the unfortunate -nations that lay in fetters at its feet. - -In such a state of things it certainly was no slight task to remove -error, to reform and improve manners, abolish slavery, correct the -vices of legislation, impose a check on power, and make it harmonize -with the public interest, give new life to individuals, and reorganize -family and society; and yet nothing less than this was done by the -Church. Let us begin with slavery. This is a matter which is the more -to be fathomed, as it is a question eminently calculated to excite -our curiosity and affect our hearts. What abolished slavery among -Christian nations? Was it Christianity? Was it Christianity alone, -by its lofty ideas on human dignity, by its maxims and its spirit of -fraternity and charity, and also by its prudent, gentle, and beneficent -conduct? I trust I shall prove that it was. No one now ventures to -doubt that the Church exercised a powerful influence on the abolition -of slavery; this is a truth too clear and evident to be questioned. -M. Guizot acknowledges the successful efforts with which the Church -labored to improve the social condition. He says: "No one doubts that -she struggled obstinately against the great vices of the social state; -for example, against slavery." But, in the next line, and as if he -were reluctant to establish without any restriction a fact which must -necessarily excite in favor of the Catholic Church the sympathies of -all humanity, he adds: "It has been often repeated that the abolition -of slavery in the modern world was entirely due to Christianity. I -believe that this is saying too much; slavery existed for a long time -in the bosom of Christian society without exciting astonishment or much -opposition." M. Guizot is much mistaken if he expects to prove that the -abolition of slavery was not due exclusively to Christianity, by the -mere representation that slavery existed for a long time amid Christian -society. To proceed logically, he must first see whether the sudden -abolition of it was possible, if the spirit of peace and order which -animates the Church could allow her rashly to enter on an enterprise -which, without gaining the desired object, might have convulsed the -world. The number of slaves was immense; slavery was deeply rooted in -laws, manners, ideas, and interests, individual and social; a fatal -system, no doubt, but the eradication of which all at once it would -have been rash to attempt, as its roots had penetrated deeply and -spread widely in the bowels of the land. - -In a census of Athens there were reckoned 20,000 citizens and 40,000 -slaves; in the Peloponnesian war no less than 20,000 passed over to -the enemy. This we learn from Thucydides. The same author tells us, -that at Chio the number of slaves was very considerable, and that -their defection, when they passed over to the Athenians, reduced their -masters to great extremities. In general, the number of slaves was so -very great everywhere that the public safety was often compromised -thereby. Therefore it was necessary to take precautions to prevent -their acting in concert. "It is necessary," says Plato (_Dial._ 6, -_de Leg._), "that slaves should not be of the same country, and that -they should differ as much as possible in manners and desires; for -experience has many times shown, in the frequent defections which have -been witnessed, among the Messenians, and in other cities that had a -great number of slaves of the same language, that great evils commonly -result from it." Aristotle in his Government (b. i. c. 5) gives -various rules as to the manner in which slaves ought to be treated; it -is remarkable that he is of the same opinion as Plato, for he says: -"That there should not be many slaves of the same country." He tells -us in his Politics (b. ii. c. 7), "That the Thessalians were reduced -to great embarrassments on account of the number of their Penestes, -a sort of slaves; the same thing happened to the Spartans on account -of the Helotes. The Penestes have often rebelled in Thessaly; and the -Spartans, during their reverses, have been menaced by the plots of the -Helotes." This was a difficulty which required the serious attention -of politicians. They did not know how to prevent the inconveniences -induced by this immense multitude of slaves. Aristotle laments the -difficulty there was in finding the best way of treating them; and we -see that it was the subject of grave cares; I will transcribe his own -words: "In truth," he says, "the manner in which this class of men -ought to be treated is a thing difficult and full of embarrassment; for -if they are treated mildly, they become insolent, and wish to become -equal to their masters; if they are treated harshly, they conceive -hatred, and conspire." - -At Rome, the multitude of slaves was such that when, at a certain -period, it was proposed to give them a distinctive dress, the Senate -opposed the measure, fearing that if they knew their own numbers the -public safety would be endangered; and certainly this precaution was -not vain, for already, a long time before, the slaves had caused great -commotions in Italy. Plato, in support of the advice which I have just -quoted, states, "That the slaves had frequently devastated Italy with -piracy and robbery." In more recent times Spartacus, at the head of -an army of slaves, was the terror of that country for some time, and -engaged the best generals of Rome. The number of slaves had reached -such an excess, that many masters reckoned them by hundreds. When the -Prefect of Rome, Pedanius Secundus, was assassinated, four hundred -slaves who belonged to him were put to death. (_Tac. Ann._ b. xiv.) -Pudentila, the wife of Apulcius, had so many that she gave four hundred -to her son. They became a matter of pomp, and the Romans vied with each -other in their number. When asked this question, _quod pascit servos_, -how many slaves does he keep, according to the expression of Juvenal -(_Sat._ 3, v. 140), they wished to be able to show a great number. The -thing had reached such a pass that, according to Pliny, the cortege of -a family resembled an army. - -It was not only in Greece and Italy that this abundance of slaves was -found; at Tyre they arose against their masters, and, by their immense -numbers, they were able to massacre them all. If we turn our eyes -towards barbarous nations, without speaking of some the best known, we -learn from Herodotus that the Scythians, on their return from Media, -found their slaves in rebellion, and were compelled to abandon their -country to them. Cæsar in his Commentaries (_de Bello Gall._ lib. vi.) -bears witness to the multitude of slaves in Gaul. As their number was -everywhere so considerable, it is clear that it was quite impossible -to preach freedom to them without setting the world on fire. Unhappily -we have, in modern times, the means of forming a comparison which, -although on an infinitely smaller scale, will answer our purpose. In -a colony where black slaves abound, who would venture to set them at -liberty all at once? Now how much are the difficulties increased, -what colossal dimensions does not the danger assume, when you have -to do, not with a colony, but with the world? Their intellectual and -moral condition rendered them incapable of turning such an advantage -to their own benefit and that of society; in their debasement, urged -on by the hatred and the desire of vengeance which ill-treatment had -excited in their minds, they would have repeated, on a large scale, the -bloody scenes with which they had already, in former times, stained -the pages of history; and what would then have happened? Society, -thus endangered, would have been put on its guard against principles -favoring liberty; henceforth it would have regarded them with prejudice -and suspicion, and the chains of servitude, instead of being loosened, -would have been the more firmly riveted. Out of this immense mass of -rude, savage men, set at liberty without preparation, it was impossible -for social organization to arise; for social organization is not the -creation of a moment, especially with such elements as these; and in -this case, since it would have been necessary to choose between slavery -and the annihilation of social order, the instinct of preservation, -which animates society as well as all beings, would undoubtedly have -brought about the continuation of slavery where it still existed, and -its re-establishment where it had been destroyed. Those who complain -that Christianity did not accomplish the work of abolishing slavery -with sufficient promptitude, should remember that, even supposing a -sudden or very rapid emancipation possible, and to say nothing of the -bloody revolutions which would necessarily have been the result, the -mere force of circumstances, by the insurmountable difficulties which -it would have raised, would have rendered such a measure absolutely -useless. Let us lay aside all social and political considerations, and -apply ourselves to the economical question. First, it was necessary to -change all the relations of property. The slaves played a principal -part therein; they cultivated the land, and worked as mechanics; in a -word, among them was distributed all that is called labor; and this -distribution being made on the supposition of slavery, to take away -this would have made a disruption, the ultimate consequences of which -could not be estimated. I will suppose that violent spoliations had -taken place, that a repartition or equalization of property had been -attempted, that lands had been distributed to the emancipated, and -that the richest proprietors had been compelled to hold the pickaxe -and the plough; I will suppose all these absurdities and mad dreams -to be realized, and I say that this would have been no remedy; for we -must not forget that the production of the means of subsistence must -be in proportion to the wants of those they are intended to support, -and that this proportion would have been destroyed by the abolition of -slavery. The production was regulated, not exactly according to the -number of the individuals who then existed, but on the supposition that -the majority were slaves; now we know that the wants of a freeman are -greater than those of a slave. - -If at the present time, after eighteen centuries, when ideas have -been corrected, manners softened, laws ameliorated; when nations -and governments have been taught by experience; when so many public -establishments for the relief of indigence have been founded; when so -many systems have been tried for the division of labor; when riches are -distributed in a more equitable manner; if it is still so difficult to -prevent a great number of men from becoming the victims of dreadful -misery, if that is the terrible evil, which, like a fatal nightmare, -torments society, and threatens its future, what would have been the -effect of a universal emancipation, at the beginning of Christianity, -at a time when slaves were not considered by the law as _persons_, -but as _things_; when their conjugal union was not looked upon as a -marriage; when their children were property, and subject to the same -rules as the progeny of animals; when, in fine, the unhappy slave -was ill-treated, tormented, sold, or put to death, according to the -caprices of his master? Is it not evident that the cure of such evils -was the work of ages? Do not humanity and political and social economy -unanimously tell us this? If mad attempts had been made, the slaves -themselves would have been the first to protest against them; they -would have adhered to a servitude which at least secured to them food -and shelter; they would have rejected a liberty which was inconsistent -even with their existence. Such is the order of nature: man, above -all, requires wherewith to live; and the means of subsistence being -wanting, liberty itself would cease to please him. It is not necessary -to allude to the individual examples of this, which we have in -abundance; entire nations have given signal proofs of this truth. -When misery is excessive, it is difficult for it not to bring with it -degradation, stifle the most generous sentiments, and take away the -magic of the words independence and liberty. "The common people," says -Cæsar, speaking of the Gauls (lib. vi. _de Bello Gall._), "are almost -on a level with slaves; of themselves they venture nothing; their -voice is of no avail. There are many of that class, who, loaded with -debts and tributes, or oppressed by the powerful, give themselves up -into servitude to the nobles, who exercise over those who have thus -delivered themselves up the same rights as over slaves." Examples of -the same kind are not wanting in modern times; we know that in China -there is a great number of slaves whose servitude is owing entirely to -the incapacity of themselves or their fathers to provide for their own -subsistence. - -These observations, which are supported by facts that no one can deny, -evidently show that Christianity has displayed profound wisdom in -proceeding with so much caution in the abolition of slavery. - -It did all that was possible in favor of human liberty; if it did -not advance more rapidly in the work, it was because it could not do -so without compromitting the undertaking--without creating serious -obstacles to the desired emancipation. Such is the result at which we -arrive when we have thoroughly examined the charges made against some -proceedings of the Church. We look into them by the light of reason, -we compare them with the facts, and in the end we are convinced that -the conduct blamed is perfectly in accordance with the dictates of the -highest wisdom and the counsels of the soundest prudence. What, then, -does M. Guizot mean, when, after having allowed that Christianity -labored with earnestness for the abolition of slavery, he accuses it -of having consented for a long time to its continuance? Is it logical -thence to infer that it is not true that this immense benefit is due -exclusively to Christianity? That slavery endured for a long time in -presence of the Church is true; but it was always declining, and it -only lasted as long as was necessary to realize the benefit without -violence--without a shock--without compromitting its universality and -its continuation. Moreover, we ought to subtract from the time of its -continuance many ages, during which the Church was often proscribed, -always regarded with aversion, and totally unable to exert a direct -influence on the social organization. We ought also, to a great extent, -to make exception of later times, as the Church had only begun to exert -a direct and public influence, when the irruption of the northern -barbarians took place, which, together with the corruption which -infected the empire and spread in a frightful manner, produced such -a perturbation, such a confused mass of languages, customs, manners, -and laws, that it was almost impossible to make the regulating power -produce salutary fruits. If, in later times, it has been difficult -to destroy feudality; if there remain to this day, after ages of -struggles, the remnants of that constitution; if the slave-trade, -although limited to certain countries and circumstances, still merits -the universal reprobation which is raised throughout the world against -its infamy; how can we venture to express our astonishment--how can -we venture to make it a reproach against the Church, that slavery -continued some ages after she had proclaimed men's fraternity with each -other, and their equality before God? - - - - -CHAPTER XVI. - -IDEAS AND MANNERS OF ANTIQUITY WITH RESPECT TO SLAVERY.--THE CHURCH -BEGINS BY IMPROVING THE CONDITION OF SLAVES. - - -Happily the Catholic Church was wiser than philosophers; she knew -how to confer on humanity the benefit of emancipation, without -injustice or revolution. She knew how to regenerate society, but not -in rivers of blood. Let us see what was her conduct with respect to -the abolition of slavery. Much has been already said of the spirit of -love and fraternity which animates Christianity, and that is sufficient -to show that its influence in this work must have been great. But -perhaps sufficient care has not been taken in seeking the positive -and practical means which the Church employed for this end. In the -darkness of ages, in circumstances so complicated or various, will it -be possible to discover any traces of the path pursued by the Catholic -Church in accomplishing the destruction of that slavery under which a -large portion of the human race groaned? Will it be possible to do any -thing more than praise her Christian charity? Will it be possible to -point out a plan, a system, and to prove the existence and development -of it, not by referring to a few expressions, to elevated thoughts, -generous sentiments, and the isolated actions of a few illustrious men, -but by exhibiting positive facts, and historical documents, which show -what were the _esprit de corps_ and tendency of the Church? I believe -that this may be done, and I have no doubt that I shall be able to do -it, by availing myself of what is most convincing and decisive in the -matter, viz. the monuments of ecclesiastical legislation. - -In the first place, it will not be amiss to remember what I have -already pointed out, viz. that when we have to do with the conduct, -designs, and tendencies of the Church, it is by no means necessary to -suppose that these designs were conceived in their fullest extent by -the mind of any individual in particular, nor that the merit and all -the prudence of that conduct was understood by those who took part -in it. It is not even necessary to suppose that the first Christians -understood all the force of the tendencies of Christianity with respect -to the abolition of slavery. What requires to be shown is, that the -result has been obtained by the doctrines and conduct of the Church, as -with Catholics, (although they know how to esteem at their just value -the merit and greatness of each man,) individuals, when the Church is -concerned, disappear. Their thoughts and will are nothing; the spirit -which animates, vivifies, and directs the Church, is not the spirit of -man, but that of God himself. Those who belong not to our faith will -employ other names; but at least we shall agree in this, that facts, -considered in this way, above the mind and the will of individuals, -preserve much better their real dimensions; and thus the great chain of -events in the study of history remains unbroken. Let it be said that -the conduct of the Church was inspired and directed by God; or that it -was the result of instinct; that it was the development of a tendency -contained in her doctrines; we will not now stay to consider the -expressions which may be used by Catholics, or by philosophers; what we -have to show is, that this instinct was noble and well-directed; that -this tendency had a great object in view, and knew how to attain it. - -The first thing that Christianity did for slaves, was to destroy the -errors which opposed, not only their universal emancipation, but even -the improvement of their condition; that is, the first force which -she employed in the attack was, according to her custom, the _force -of ideas_. This first step was the more necessary, as the same thing -applies to all other evils, as well as to slavery; every social evil is -always accompanied by some error which produces or foments it. There -existed not only the oppression and degradation of a large portion of -the human race, but, moreover, an accredited error, which tended more -and more to lower that portion of humanity. According to this opinion, -slaves were a mean race, far below the dignity of freemen: they were a -race degraded by Jupiter himself, marked by a stamp of humiliation, and -predestined to their state of abjection and debasement. A detestable -doctrine, no doubt, and contradicted by the nature of man, by history -and experience; but which, nevertheless, reckoned distinguished men -among its defenders, and which we see proclaimed for ages, to the -shame of humanity and the scandal of reason, until Christianity came -to destroy it, by undertaking to vindicate the rights of man. Homer -tells us (_Odys._ 17) that "Jupiter has deprived slaves of half the -mind." We find in Plato a trace of the same doctrine, although he -expresses himself, as he is accustomed to do, by the mouth of another; -he ventures to advance the following: "It is said that, in the mind -of slaves, there is nothing sound or complete; and that a prudent man -ought not to trust that class of persons; which is equally attested by -the wisest of our poets." Here Plato cites the above-quoted passage -of Homer (_Dial._ 8, _de Legibus_). But it is in the Politics of -Aristotle that we find this degrading doctrine in all its deformity -and nakedness. Some have wished to excuse this philosopher, but in -vain; his own words condemn him without appeal. In the first chapter -of his work, he explains the constitution of the family, and attempts -to state the relations of husband and wife, of master and slave; he -states that, as the wife is by nature different from the husband, so -is the slave from the master. These are his words: "Thus the woman and -the slave are distinguished by nature itself." Let it not be said that -this is an expression that escaped from the pen of the writer; it was -stated with a full knowledge, and is a _résumé_ of his theory. In the -third chapter, where he continues to analyze the elements which compose -the family, after having stated "that a complete family is formed of -free persons and slaves," he alludes particularly to the latter, and -begins by combating an opinion which he thinks too favorable to them: -"There are some," he says, "who think that slavery is a thing out of -the order of nature, since it is the law itself which makes some free -and others slaves, while nature makes no distinction." Before combating -this opinion, he explains the relations between master and slave, by -using the comparison of artist and instrument, and that of the soul -and body; he continues thus: "If we compare man to woman, we find that -the first is superior, therefore he commands; the woman is inferior, -therefore she obeys. The same thing ought to take place among all men. -_Thus it is that those among them who are as inferior with respect to -others, as the body is with respect to the soul, and the animal to man; -those whose powers principally consist in the use of the body, the only -service that can be obtained from them, they are naturally slaves._" -We should imagine, at first sight, that the philosopher spoke only of -idiots; his words would seem to indicate this; but we shall see, by -the context, that such is not his intention. It is evident that if he -spoke only of idiots, he would prove nothing against the opinion which -he desires to combat; for the number of them is nothing with respect to -the generality of men. If he spoke only of idiots, of what use would be -a theory founded on so rare and monstrous an exception? - -But we have no need of conjectures as to the real intention of the -philosopher, he himself takes care to explain it to us, and tells us at -the same time for what reason he ventures to make use of expressions -which seem, at first, to place the matter on another level. His -intention is nothing less than to attribute to nature the express -design of producing men of two kinds; one born for slavery, the other -for liberty. The passage is too important and too curious to be -omitted. It is this: "Nature has taken care to create the bodies of -free men different from those of slaves; the bodies of the latter are -strong, and proper for the most necessary labors: those of freemen, on -the contrary, well formed, although ill adapted for servile works, are -proper for civil life, which consists in the management of things in -war and peace. Nevertheless, the contrary often happens. To a free man -is given the body of a slave; and to a slave the soul of a free man. -There is no doubt that, if the bodies of some men were as much more -perfect than others, as we see is the case in the image of the Gods, -all the world would be of opinion that these men should be obeyed by -those who had not the same beauty. If this is true in speaking of the -body, it is still more so in speaking of the soul; although it is not -so easy to see the beauty of the soul as that of the body. Thus it -cannot be doubted that there are some men born for liberty, as others -are for slavery; a slavery which is not only useful to the slaves -themselves, but, moreover, just." A miserable philosophy, which, in -order to support that degraded state, was obliged to have recourse to -such subtilties, and ventured to impute to nature the intention of -creating different castes, some born to command and others to obey; a -cruel philosophy, which thus labored to break the bonds of fraternity -with which the Author of nature has desired to knit together the -human race, pretending to raise a barrier between man and man, and -inventing theories to support inequality; not that inequality which is -the necessary result of all social organization, but an inequality so -terrible and degrading as that of slavery. - -Christianity raises its voice, and by the first words which it -pronounces on slaves, declares them equal to all men in the dignity -of nature, and in the participation of the graces which the Divine -Spirit diffuses upon earth. We must remark the care with which St. -Paul insists on this point; it seems as if he had in view those -degrading distinctions which have arisen from a fatal forgetfulness -of the dignity of man. The Apostle never forgets to inculcate to -the faithful that there is no difference between the slave and the -freeman. "For in one Spirit were we all baptized into one body, -whether Jews or Gentiles, whether bond or free." (1 Cor. xii. 13.) -"For you are all children of God, by faith in Jesus Christ. For as -many of you as have been baptized in Christ have put on Christ. There -is neither Jew nor Greek; _there is neither bond or free_; there is -neither male or female. For you are all one in Christ Jesus." (Gal. -iii. 26-28.) "Where there is neither Gentile nor Jew, circumcision -nor uncircumcision, barbarian or Scythian, bond or free; but Christ -is all and in all." (Colos. iii. 11.) The heart dilates at the sound -of the voice thus loudly proclaiming the great principles of holy -fraternity and equality. After having heard the oracles of Paganism -inventing doctrines to degrade still more the unhappy slaves, we seem -to awake from a painful dream, and to find ourselves in the light of -day in the midst of the delightful reality. The imagination delights -to contemplate the millions of men who, bent under degradation and -ignominy, at this voice raised their eyes towards Heaven, and were -animated with hope. - -It was with this teaching of Christianity as with all generous and -fruitful doctrines; they penetrate the heart of society, remain -there as a precious germ, and, developed by time, produce an immense -tree which overshadows families and nations. When these doctrines -were diffused among men, they could not fail to be misunderstood and -exaggerated. Thus there were found some who pretended that Christian -freedom was the proclamation of universal freedom. The pleasing words -of Christ easily resounded in the ears of slaves: they heard themselves -declared children of God, and brethren of Jesus Christ; they saw that -there was no distinction made between them and their masters, between -them and the most powerful lords of the earth; is it, then, strange -that men only accustomed to chains, to labor, to every kind of trouble -and degradation, exaggerated the principles of Christian liberty, and -made applications of them which were neither just in themselves, nor -capable of being reduced to practice? We know, from St. Jerome, that -many, hearing themselves called to Christian liberty, believed that -they were thereby freed. Perhaps the Apostle alluded to this error -when, in his first epistle to Timothy, he said, "Whosoever are servants -under the yoke, let them count their masters worthy of all honor; lest -the name of the Lord and His doctrines be blasphemed." (1 Timothy vi. -1.) This error had been so general, that after three centuries it was -still much credited; and the Council of Gangres, held about 324, was -obliged to excommunicate those who, under pretence of piety, taught -that slaves ought to quit their masters, and withdraw from their -service. This was not the teaching of Christianity; besides, we have -clearly shown that it would not have been the right way to achieve -universal emancipation. Therefore this same Apostle, from whose mouth -we have heard such generous language in favor of slaves, frequently -inculcates to them obedience to their masters; but let us observe, that -while fulfilling this duty imposed by the spirit of peace and justice -which animates Christianity, he so explains the motives on which the -obedience of slaves ought to be based, he calls to mind the obligations -of masters in such affecting and energetic words, and establishes so -expressly and conclusively the equality of all men before God, that -we cannot help seeing how great was his compassion for that unhappy -portion of humanity, and how much his ideas on this point differed -from those of a blind and hardened world. There is in the heart of -man a feeling of noble independence, which does not permit him to -subject himself to the will of another, except when he sees that the -claims to his obedience are founded on legitimate titles. If they are -in accordance with reason and justice, and, above all, if they have -their roots in the great objects of human love and veneration, his -understanding is convinced, his heart is gained, and he yields. But -if the reason for the command is only the will of another, if it is -only man against man, these thoughts of equality ferment in his mind, -then the feeling of independence burns in his heart, he puts on a -bold front, and his passions are excited. Therefore, when a willing -and lasting obedience is to be obtained, it is necessary that the man -should be lost sight of in the ruler, and that he should only appear -as the representative of a superior power, or the personification of -the motives which convince the subject of the justice and utility of -his submission; thus he does not obey the will of another because it is -that will, but because it is the representative of a superior power, or -the interpreter of truth and justice; then man no longer considers his -dignity outraged, and obedience becomes tolerable and pleasing. - -It is unnecessary to say that such were not the titles on which was -founded the obedience of slaves before Christianity: custom placed them -in the rank of brutes; and the laws, outdoing it if possible, were -expressed in language which cannot be read without indignation. Masters -commanded because such was their pleasure, and slaves were compelled -to obey, not on account of superior motives or moral obligations, -but because they were the property of their masters, horses governed -by the bridle, and mere mechanical machines. Was it, then, strange -that these unhappy beings, drenched with misfortune and ignominy, -conceived and cherished in their hearts that deep rancor, that violent -hatred, and that terrible thirst for vengeance, which at the first -opportunity exploded so fearfully? The horrible massacre of Tyre, -the example and terror of the universe, according to the expression -of Justin; the repeated revolts of the Penestes in Thessaly, of the -Helotes in Sparta; the defections of the slaves of Chio and Athens; the -insurrection under the command of Herdonius, and the terror which it -spread in all the families of Rome; the scenes of blood, the obstinate -and desperate resistance of the bands of Spartacus; was all this any -thing but the natural result of the system of violence, outrage, and -contempt with which slaves were treated? Is it not what we have seen -repeated in modern times, in the catastrophes of the negro colonies? -Such is the nature of man, whoever sows contempt and outrage will -reap fury and vengeance. Christianity was well aware of these truths; -and this is the reason why, while preaching obedience, it took care -to found it on Divine authority. If it confirmed to masters their -rights, it also taught them an exalted sense of their obligation. -Wherever Christian doctrines prevailed, slaves might say: "It is true -that we are unfortunate; birth, poverty, or the reverses of war have -condemned us to misfortune; but at least we are acknowledged as men and -brethren; between us and our masters there is a reciprocity of rights -and obligations." Let us hear the Apostle: "You, slaves, obey those who -are your masters according to the flesh, with fear and trembling, in -the simplicity of your hearts, as to Jesus Christ himself. _Not serving -to the eye, as it were pleasing men_, but, as the servants of Christ, -doing the will of God from the heart. With a good will serving, as -to the Lord, and not to men. Knowing that whatsoever good things any -man shall do, the same shall he receive from the Lord, _whether he be -bond or free_. And you, masters, do the same thing to them, forbearing -threatenings, knowing that the Lord both of them and you is in heaven, -and _there is no respect of persons with Him_." (Eph. vi. 5-9.) In the -Epistle to the Colossians he inculcates the same doctrine of obedience -anew, basing it on the same motives; for, to console the unfortunate -slaves, he tells them: "You shall receive of the Lord the reward of -inheritance: serve ye the Lord Christ. For he that doth wrong shall -receive for that which he hath done wrongfully, and there is no respect -of persons with God" (Colos. iii. 24, 25); and lower down, addressing -himself to masters: "Masters, do to your servants that which is just -and equal, knowing that you also have a Master in heaven." (iv. 1.) - -The diffusion of such beneficent doctrines necessarily tended to -improve greatly the condition of slaves; their immediate effect was to -soften that excessive rigor, that cruelty which would be incredible if -it were not incontrovertibly proved. We know that the master had the -right of life and death, and that he abused that power even to putting -a slave to death from caprice, as Quintus Flaminius did in the midst of -a festival. Another caused one of these unfortunate beings to be thrown -to the fishes, because he broke a glass of crystal. This is related of -Vedius Pollio; and this horrible cruelty was not confined to the circle -of a few families subject to a master devoid of compassion; no, cruelty -was formed into a system, the fatal but necessary result of erroneous -notions on this point, and of the forgetfulness of the sentiments of -humanity. This violent system could only be supported by constantly -trampling upon the slave; and there was no cessation of tyranny until -the day when he, with superior power, attacked his master and destroyed -him. An ancient proverb said, "So many slaves, so many enemies." We -have already seen the ravages committed by men thus rendered savage by -revenge, whenever they were able to break their chains; but certainly, -when it was desired to terrify them, their masters did not yield to -them in ferocity. At Sparta, on one occasion when they feared the -ill-will of the Helotes, they assembled them all at the temple of -Jupiter, and put them to death. (_Thucyd._ b. iv.) At Rome, whenever -a master was assassinated, all his slaves were condemned to death. -We cannot read in Tacitus without a shudder (_Ann._ l. xiv. 43) the -horrible scene which was witnessed when the prefect of the town, -Pedanius Secundus, was assassinated by one of his slaves. Not less than -four hundred were to die; all, according to the ancient custom, were -to be led to punishment. This cruel and pitiable spectacle, in which -so many of the innocent were to suffer death, excited the compassion -of the people, who raised a tumult to prevent this horrid butchery. -The Senate, in doubt, deliberated on the affair, when an orator named -Cassius maintained with energy that it was necessary to complete the -bloody execution, not only in obedience to the ancient custom, but also -because without it it would be impossible to preserve themselves from -the ill-will of the slaves. His words are all dictated by injustice and -tyranny; he sees on all sides dangers and conspiracies; he can imagine -no other safeguards than force and terror. The following passage is -above all remarkable in his speech, as showing in a few words the ideas -and manners of the ancients in this matter: "Our ancestors," says the -senator, "always mistrusted the character of slaves, even of those who, -born on their possessions and in their houses, might be supposed to -have conceived from their cradle an affection for their masters; but as -we have slaves of foreign nations, differing in customs and religion, -this rabble can only be restrained by terror." Cruelty prevailed, the -boldness of the people was repressed, the way was filled with soldiers, -and the four hundred unfortunate beings were led to punishment. - -To soften this cruel treatment, to banish these frightful atrocities, -ought to have been the first effect of the Christian doctrines; and -we may rest assured that the Church never lost sight of so important -an object. She devoted all her efforts to improve as much as possible -the condition of slaves; in punishments she caused mildness to be -substituted for cruelty; and what was more important than all, she -labored to put reason in the place of caprice, and to make the -impetuosity of masters yield to the calmness of judges; that is to say, -she every day assimilated the condition of slaves more and more to that -of freemen, by making right and not might reign over them. The Church -never forgot the noble lesson which the Apostle gave when writing to -Philemon, and interceding in favor of a fugitive slave named Onesimus; -he spoke in his favor with a tenderness which this unhappy class had -never before inspired: "I beseech thee," he says to him, "for my son -Onesimus. Receive him as my own bowels; no more as a slave, but as a -most dear brother. If he hath wronged thee in any thing, or is in thy -debt, put that to my account." (Epis. to Phil.) The Council of Elvira, -held in the beginning of the fourth century, subjects the woman who -shall have beaten her slave so as to cause her death in three days to -many years of penance; the Council of Orleans, held in 549, orders -that if a slave guilty of a fault take refuge in a church, he is to be -restored to his master, but not without having exacted from the latter -a promise, confirmed by oath, that he will not do him any harm; that if -the master, in violation of his oath, maltreat the slave, he shall be -separated from the communion of the faithful and the sacraments. This -canon shows us two things: the habitual cruelty of masters, and the -zeal of the Church to soften the treatment of slaves. To restrain this -cruelty, nothing less than an oath was required; and the Church, always -so careful in these things, yet considered the matter important enough -to justify and require the invocation of the sacred name of God. - -The favor and protection which the Church granted to slaves rapidly -extended. It seems that in some places the custom was introduced of -requiring a promise on oath, not only that the slave who had taken -refuge in the church should not be ill-treated in his person, but -even that no extraordinary work should be imposed on him, and that he -should wear no distinctive mark. This custom, produced no doubt by -zeal for humanity, but which may have occasioned some inconveniences -by relaxing too much the ties of obedience, and allowing excesses on -the part of slaves, appears to be alluded to in a regulation of the -Council of Epaone (now Abbon, according to some), held about 517. This -Council labors to stop the evil by prescribing a prudent moderation; -but without withdrawing the protection already granted. It ordains, -in the 39th canon, "That if a slave, guilty of any atrocious offence, -takes refuge in a church, he shall be saved from corporal punishment; -but the master shall not be compelled to swear that he will not impose -on him additional labor, or that he will not cut off his hair, in order -to make known his fault." Observe that this restriction is introduced -only in the case when the slave shall have committed a heinous offence, -and even in this case all the power allowed to the master consists in -imposing on the slave extraordinary labor, or distinguishing him by -cutting his hair. - -Perhaps such indulgence may be considered excessive; but we must -observe that when abuses are deeply rooted, they cannot be eradicated -without a vigorous effort. At first sight it often appears as if the -limits of prudence were passed; but this apparent excess is only the -inevitable oscillation which is observed before things regain their -right position. The Church had therein no wish to protect crime, or -give unmerited indulgence; her object was to check the violence and -caprice of masters; she did not wish to allow a man to suffer torture -or death because such was the will of another. The establishment of -just laws and legitimate tribunals, the Church has never opposed; -but she has never given her consent to acts of private violence. The -spirit of opposition to the exercise of private force, which includes -social organization, is clearly shown to us in the 15th canon of the -Council of Merida, held in 666. I have already shown that slaves -formed a large portion of property. As the division of labor was made -in conformity with this principle, slaves were absolutely necessary -to those who possessed property, especially when it was considerable. -Now the Church found this to be the case; and as she could not change -the organization of society on a sudden, she was obliged to yield -to necessity, and admit slavery. But if she wished to introduce -improvements in the lot of slaves in general, it was good for her to -set the example herself: this example is found in the canon I have -just quoted. There, after having forbidden the bishops and priests -to maltreat the servants of the Church by mutilating their limbs, -the Council ordains that if a slave commit an offence, he shall be -delivered to the secular judges, but so that the bishops shall moderate -the punishment inflicted on him. We see by this canon that the right -of mutilation exercised by private masters was still in use; and -perhaps it was still more strongly established, since we see that -the Council limits itself to interdicting that kind of punishment to -ecclesiastics, without saying any thing as to laymen. No doubt, one of -the motives for this prohibition made to ecclesiastics, was to prevent -their shedding human blood, and thus rendering themselves incapable -of exercising their lofty ministry, the principal act of which is the -august sacrifice in which they offer a victim of peace and love; but -this does not in any way detract from the merit of the regulation, or -at all diminish its influence on the improvement of the condition of -slaves. It was the substitution of public vengeance for private; it -was again to proclaim the equality of slaves and freemen with respect -to the effusion of their blood; it was to declare that the hands which -had shed the blood of a slave, had contracted the same stain as if they -had shed that of a freeman. Now, it was necessary to inculcate these -salutary truths on men's minds in every way, for they ran in direct -contradiction to the ideas and manners of antiquity; it was necessary -to labor assiduously to destroy the shameful and cruel exceptions which -continued to deprive the majority of mankind of a participation in the -rights of humanity. There is, in the canon which I have just quoted, -a remarkable circumstance, which shows the solicitude of the Church -to restore to slaves the dignity and respect of which they had been -deprived. To shave the hair of the head was among the Goths a very -ignominious punishment; which, according to Lucas de Tuy, was to them -more cruel than death itself. It will be understood, that whatever was -the force of prejudice on this point, the Church might have allowed -the shaving of the hair without incurring the stain which was attached -to the shedding of blood. Yet she was not willing to allow it, which -shows us how attentive she was to destroy the marks of humiliation -impressed on slaves. After having enjoined priests and bishops to -deliver criminal slaves to the judges, she commands them "not to allow -them to be shaved ignominiously." No care was too great in this matter; -to destroy one after another the odious exceptions which affected -slaves, it was necessary to seize upon all favorable opportunities. -This necessity is clearly shown by the manner in which the eleventh -Council of Toledo, held in 675, expresses itself. This Council, in its -6th canon, forbids bishops themselves to judge crimes of a capital -nature, as it also forbids them to order the mutilation of members. -Behold in what terms it was considered necessary to state that this -rule admitted of no exception; "not even," says the Council, "with -respect to the slaves of the Church." The evil was great, it could not -be cured without assiduous care. Even the right of life and death, -the most cruel of all, could not be extirpated without much trouble; -and cruel applications of it were made in the beginning of the sixth -century, since the Council of Epaone, in its 34th canon, ordains that -"the master who, _of his own authority_, shall take away the life of -his slave, shall be cut off for two years from the communion of the -Church." After the middle of the ninth century, similar attempts were -still made, and the Council of Worms, held in 868, labored to repress -them, by subjecting to two years of penance the master who, of his own -authority, shall have put his slave to death. - - - - -CHAPTER XVII. - -MEANS EMPLOYED BY THE CHURCH TO ENFRANCHISE SLAVES. - - -While improving the condition of slaves and assimilating it as much -as possible to that of freemen, it was necessary not to forget the -universal emancipation; for it was not enough to ameliorate slavery, it -was necessary to abolish it. The mere force of Christian notions, and -the spirit of charity which was spread at the same time with them over -the world, made so violent an attack on the state of slavery, that they -were sure sooner or later to bring about its complete abolition. It -is impossible for society to remain for a long time under an order of -things which is formally opposed to the ideas with which it is imbued. -According to Christian maxims, all men have a common origin and the -same destiny; all are brethren in Jesus Christ; all are obliged to -love each other with all their hearts, to assist each other in their -necessities, to avoid offending each other even in words; all are equal -before God, for they will all be judged without exception of persons. -Christianity extended and took root everywhere--took possession of -all classes, of all branches of society; how, then, could the state -of slavery last--a state of degradation which makes man the property -of another, allows him to be sold like an animal, and deprives him of -the sweetest ties of family and of all participation in the advantages -of society? Two things so opposite could not exist together; the -laws were in favor of slavery, it is true; it may even be said that -Christianity did not make a direct attack on those laws. But, on the -other hand, what did it do? It strove to make itself master of ideas -and manners, communicated to them a new impulse, and gave them a -different direction. In such a case, what did laws avail? Their rigor -was relaxed, their observance was neglected, their equity began to be -doubted, their utility was disputed, their fatal effects were remarked, -and they gradually fell into desuetude, so that sometimes it was not -necessary to strike a blow to destroy them. They were thrown aside -as things of no use; or, if they deserved the trouble of an express -abolition, it was only for the sake of ceremony; it was a body interred -with honor. - -But let it not be supposed, after what I have just said, that in -attributing so much importance to Christian ideas and manners, I mean -that the triumph of these ideas and manners was abandoned to that -force alone, without that co-operation on the part of the Church which -the time and circumstances required. Quite the contrary: the Church, -as I have already pointed out, called to her aid all the means the -most conducive to the desired result. In the first place, it was -requisite, to secure the work of emancipation, to protect from all -assault the liberty of the freed--liberty which unhappily was often -attacked and put in great danger. The causes of this melancholy fact -may be easily found in the remains of ancient ideas and manners, in -the cupidity of powerful men, the system of violence made general by -the irruptions of the barbarians, in the poverty, neglect, and total -want of education and morality in which slaves must have been when they -quitted servitude. It must be supposed that a great number of them did -not know all the value of liberty; that they did not always conduct -themselves, in their new state, according to the dictates of reason and -the exigences of justice; and that, newly entered on the possession -of the rights of freemen, they did not know how to fulfil all their -new obligations. But these different inconveniences, inseparable -from the nature of things, were not to hinder the consummation of an -enterprise called for both by religion and humanity, and it was proper -to be resigned to them from the consideration of the numerous motives -for excusing the conduct of the enfranchised; the state which these -men had just quitted had checked the development of their moral and -intellectual faculties. - -The liberty of newly-emancipated slaves was protected against the -attacks of injustice, and clothed with an inviolable sanctity, from -the time that their enfranchisement was connected with things which -then exercised the most powerful ascendency. Now the Church, and all -that belonged to her, was in this influential position; therefore -the custom, which was then introduced, of performing the manumission -in the churches, was undoubtedly very favorable to the progress of -liberty. This custom, by taking the place of ancient usages, caused -them to be forgotten; it was, at the same time, a tacit declaration of -the value of human liberty in the sight of God, and a proclamation, -with additional authority, of the equality of men before Him; for the -manumission was made in the same place where it was so often read, -that before Him there was no exception of persons; where all earthly -distinctions disappeared, and all men were commingled and united by -the sweet ties of fraternity and love. This method of manumission more -clearly invested the Church with the right of defending the liberty of -the enfranchised. As she had been witness to the act, she could testify -to the spontaneity and the other circumstances which assured its -validity; she could even insist on its observance, by representing that -the promised liberty could not be violated without profaning the sacred -place, without breaking a pledge which had been given in the presence -of God himself. The Church did not forget to turn these circumstances -to the advantage of the freed. Thus we see that the first Council of -Orange, held in 441, ordains, in its 7th canon, that it was necessary -to check, by ecclesiastical censures, whoever desired to reduce to any -kind of servitude slaves who had been emancipated within the enclosure -of the church. A century later we find the same prohibition repeated in -the 7th canon of the fifth Council of Orleans, held in 549. - -The protection given by the Church to freed slaves was so manifest and -known to all, that the custom was introduced of especially recommending -them to her. This recommendation was sometimes made by will, as the -Council of Orange, which I have just quoted, gives us to understand; -for it orders that the emancipated who had been recommended to the -Church by will, shall be protected from all kinds of servitude, by -ecclesiastical censures. - -But this recommendation was not always made in a testamentary form. We -read in the sixth canon of the sixth Council of Toledo, held in 589, -that when any enfranchised persons had been recommended to the Church, -neither they nor their children could be deprived of the protection of -the Church: here they speak in general, without limitation to cases in -which there had been a will. The same regulation may be seen in another -Council of Toledo, held in 633, which simply says, that the Church will -receive under her protection only the enfranchised of individuals who -shall have taken care to recommend them to her. - -In the absence of all particular recommendation, and even when the -manumission had not been made in the Church, she did not cease to -interest herself in defending the freed, when their liberty was -endangered. He who has any regard for the dignity of man, and any -feeling of humanity in his heart, will certainly not find it amiss -that the Church interfered in affairs of this kind; indeed, she acted -as every generous man should do, in the exercise of the right of -protecting the weak. We shall not be displeased, therefore, to find -in the twenty-ninth canon of the Council of Agde in Languedoc, held -in 506, a regulation commanding the Church, in case of necessity, to -undertake the defence of those to whom their masters had given liberty -in a lawful way. - -The zeal of the Church in all times and places for the redemption of -captives has no less contributed to the great work of the abolition -of slavery. We know that a considerable portion of slaves owed their -servitude to the reverses of war. The mild character which we see in -modern wars would have appeared fabulous to the ancients. Woe to the -vanquished! might then be said with perfect truth; there was nothing -but slavery or death. The evil was rendered still greater by a fatal -prejudice, which was felt with respect to the redemption of captives--a -prejudice which was, nevertheless, founded on a trait of remarkable -heroism. No doubt the heroic firmness of Regulus is worthy of all -admiration. The hair stands upon our head when we read the powerful -description of Horace; the book falls from our hands at this terrible -passage: - - "Fertur pudicæ conjugis osculum - Parvosque natos, ut capitis minor, - Ab se removisse, et virilem - Torvus humi posuisse vultum."--Lib. iii. od. 5. - -Nevertheless, if we lay aside the deep impression which such heroism -produces on us, and the enthusiasm at all that shows a great soul, we -must confess that this virtue bordered on ferocity; and that, in the -terrible discourse of Regulus, that is a cruel policy, against which -the sentiments of humanity would strongly recoil, if the mind were not, -as it were, prostrated at the sight of the sublime disinterestedness of -the speaker. Christianity could not consent to such doctrines; it could -not allow the maxim to be maintained that, in order to render men brave -in battle, it was necessary to deprive them of hope. The wonderful -traits of valor, the magnificent scenes of force and constancy, which -shine in every page of the history of modern nations, eloquently show -that the Christian religion was not deceived; gentleness of manners -may be united with heroism. The ancients were always in excess, either -in cowardice or ferocity; between these two extremes there is a middle -way, and that has been taught to mankind by the Christian religion. -Christianity, in accordance with its principles of fraternity and love, -regarded the redemption of captives as one of the worthiest objects of -its charitable zeal. Whether we consider the noble traits of particular -actions, which have been preserved to us by history, or observe the -spirit which guided the conduct of the Church, we shall find therein -one of the most distinguished claims of the Christian religion to the -gratitude of mankind. - -A celebrated writer of our times, M. de Chateaubriand, has described -to us a Christian priest who, in the forests of France, voluntarily -made himself a slave, who devoted himself to slavery for the ransom -of a Christian soldier, and thus restored a husband to his desolate -wife, and a father to three unfortunate orphan children. The sublime -spectacle which Zachary offers us, when enduring slavery with calm -serenity for the love of Jesus Christ, and for the unhappy being for -whom he has sacrificed his liberty, is not a mere fiction of the -poet. More than once, in the first ages of the Church, such examples -were seen; and he who has wept over the sublime disinterestedness and -unspeakable charity of Zachary, may be sure that his tears are only -a tribute to the truth. "We have known," says St. Clement the Pope, -"many of ours who have devoted themselves to captivity, in order to -ransom their brethren." (_First Letter to the Corinth._ c. 55.) The -redemption of captives was so carefully provided for by the Church -that it was regulated by the ancient canons, and to fulfil it, she -sold, if necessary, her ornaments, and even the sacred vessels. When -unhappy captives were in question, her charity and zeal knew no bounds, -and she went so far as to ordain that, however bad might be the state -of her affairs, their ransom should be provided for in the first -instance. (_Caus._ 12, 5, 2.) In the midst of revolutions produced by -the irruption of barbarians, we see that the Church, always constant -in her designs, forgot not the noble enterprise in which she was -engaged. The beneficent regulations of the ancient canons fell not -into forgetfulness or desuetude, and the generous words of the holy -Bishop of Milan, in favor of slaves, found an echo which ceased not to -be heard amid the chaos of those unhappy times. We see by the fifth -canon of the Council of Mâcon, held in 585, that priests undertook -the ransom of captives by devoting to it the Church property. The -Council of Rheims, held in 625, inflicts the punishment of suspension -from his functions on the bishop who shall have destroyed the sacred -vessels; but with generous foresight, it adds, "for any other motive -than the redemption of captives;" and long afterwards, in the twelfth -canon of the Council of Verneuil, held in 844, we find that the -property of the Church was used for that merciful purpose. When the -captive was restored to liberty, the Church did not deprive him of -her protection; she was careful to continue it, by giving him letters -of recommendation, for the double purpose of protecting him from new -trouble during his journey, and of furnishing him with the means of -repairing his losses during his captivity. We find a proof of this -new kind of protection in the second canon of the Council of Lyons, -held in 583, which ordains that bishops shall state in the letters of -recommendation which they give to captives, the date and price of their -ransom. The zeal for this work was displayed in the Church with so -much ardor, that it went so far as to commit acts of imprudence which -the ecclesiastical authority was compelled to check. These excesses, -and this mistaken zeal, prove how great was the spirit of charity. -We know by a Council, called that of St. Patrick, held in Ireland in -the year 451 or 456, that some of the clergy ventured to procure the -freedom of captives by inducing them to run away. The Council, by its -thirty-second canon, very prudently checks this excess, by ordaining -that the ecclesiastic who desires to ransom captives must do so with -his own money; for to steal them, by inducing them to run away, was to -expose the clergy to be considered as robbers, which was a dishonor to -the Church. A remarkable document, which, while showing us the spirit -of order and equity which guides the Church, at the same time enables -us to judge how deeply was engraved on men's minds the maxim, that _it -is holy, meritorious, and generous to give liberty to captives_; for -we see that some persons had persuaded themselves that the excellence -of the work justified seizing them forcibly. The disinterestedness of -the Church on this point is not less laudable. When she had employed -her funds in the ransom of a captive, she did not desire from him any -recompense, even when he had it in his power to discharge the debt. -We have a certain proof of this in the letters of St. Gregory, where -we see that that Pope reassures some persons who had been freed with -the money of the Church, and who feared that after a time they would -be called upon to pay the sum expended for their advantage. The Pope -orders that no one, at any time, shall venture to disturb either them -or their heirs, seeing that the sacred canons allow the employment of -the goods of the Church for the ransom of captives. (L. 7, ep. 14.) - -The zeal of the Church for so holy a work must have contributed in -an extraordinary way to diminish the number of slaves; the influence -of it was so much the more salutary, as it was developed precisely -at the time when it was most needed, that is, in those ages when the -dissolution of the Roman empire, the irruption of the barbarians, the -fluctuations of so many peoples, and the ferocity of the invading -nations, rendered wars so frequent, revolutions so constant, and the -empire of force so habitual and prevailing. Without the beneficent and -liberating intervention of Christianity, the immense number of slaves -bequeathed by the old society to the new, far from diminishing, would -have been augmented more and more; for wherever the law of brute force -prevails, if it be not checked and softened by a powerful element, -the human race becomes rapidly debased, the necessary result of which -is the increase of slavery. This lamentable state of agitation and -violence was in itself very likely to render the efforts which the -Church made to abolish slavery useless; and it was not without infinite -trouble that she prevented what she succeeded in preserving on one -side, from being destroyed on the other. The absence of a central -power, the complication of social relations, almost always badly -determined, often affected by violence, and always deprived of the -guarantee of stability and consistency, was the reason why there was -no security either for things or persons, and that while properties -were unceasingly invaded, persons were deprived of their liberty. So -that it was at that time necessary to fight against the violence of -individuals, as had been formerly done against manners and legislation. -We see that the third canon of the Council of Lyons, held about 566, -excommunicates those who unjustly retain free persons in slavery; in -the seventeenth canon of the Council of Rheims, held in 625, it is -forbidden, under the same penalty, to pursue free persons in order to -reduce them to slavery: in the twenty-seventh canon of the Council of -London, held in 1102, the barbarous custom of dealing in men, like -animals, is proscribed: and in the seventh canon of the Council of -Coblentz, held in 922, he who takes away a Christian to sell him is -declared guilty of homicide; a remarkable declaration, when we see -liberty valued at as high a price as life itself. Another means of -which the Church availed herself to abolish slavery was, to preserve -for the unfortunate who had been reduced to that state by misery, a -sure means of quitting it. - -We have already remarked above that indigence was one of the causes -of slavery, and we have seen that this was frequently the cause among -the Gauls, as is evidenced by a passage of Cæsar. We also know that -by virtue of an ancient law, he who had fallen into slavery could not -recover his liberty without the consent of his master; as the slave -was really property, no one could dispose of him without the consent -of his master, and least of all himself. This law was in accordance -with Pagan doctrines, but Christianity regarded the thing differently; -and if the slave was still in her eyes a property, he did not cease -to be a man. Thus on this point the Church refused to follow the -strict rules of other properties; and when there was the least doubt, -at the first favorable opportunity she took the side of the slave. -These observations make us understand all the value of the new law -introduced by the Church, which ordained that persons who had been -sold by necessity should be able to return to their former condition -by restoring the price which they had received. This law, which is -expressly laid down in a French Council, held about 616 at Boneuil, -according to the common opinion, opened a wide field for the conquests -of liberty; it supported in the heart of the slave a hope which urged -him to seek and put into operation the means of obtaining his ransom, -and it placed his liberty within the power of any one who, touched with -his unhappy lot, was willing to pay or lend the necessary sum. Let us -remember what we have said of the ardent zeal which was awakened in -so many hearts for works of this kind; let us call to mind that the -property of the Church was always considered as well employed when it -was used for the succor of the unfortunate, and we shall understand the -incalculable influence of the regulation which we have just mentioned. -We shall see that it was to close one of the most abundant sources of -slavery, and prepare a wide path to universal emancipation. - - - - -CHAPTER XVIII. - -CONTINUATION OF THE SAME SUBJECT. - - -The conduct of the Church with respect to the Jews also contributed -to the abolition of slavery. This singular people, who bear on their -forehead the mark of proscription, and are found dispersed among all -nations, like fragments of insoluble matter floating in a liquid, seek -to console themselves in their misfortune by accumulating treasures, -and appear to wish to avenge themselves for the contemptuous neglect -in which they are left by other nations, by gaining possession of -their wealth by means of insatiable usury. In times when revolutions -and so many calamities must necessarily have produced distress, the -odious vice of unfeeling avarice must have had a fatal influence. The -harshness and cruelty of ancient laws and manners concerning debtors -were not effaced, liberty was far from being estimated at its just -value, and examples of persons who sold it to relieve their necessities -were not wanting; it was therefore important to prevent the power of -the wealthy Jews from reaching an exorbitant extent, to the detriment -of the liberty of Christians. The unhappy notoriety which, after so -many centuries, attaches to the Jews in this matter, proves that this -danger was not imaginary; and facts of which we are now witnesses -are a confirmation of what we advance. The celebrated Herder, in his -_Adrastus_, ventures to prognosticate that the children of Israel, from -their systematic and calculating conduct, will in time make slaves of -all Christians. If this extraordinary and extravagant apprehension -could enter the head of a distinguished man, in circumstances which are -certainly infinitely less favorable to the Jews, what was to be feared -from this people in the unhappy times of which we speak? From these -considerations, every impartial observer, every man who is not under -the influence of the wretched desire of taking the part of every kind -of sect, in order to have the pleasure of accusing the Catholic Church, -even at the risk of speaking against the interests of humanity; every -observer who is not one of those who are less alarmed by an irruption -of Caffres than by any regulation by which the ecclesiastical power -appears in the smallest degree to extend the circle of its prerogative; -every man, I say, who is neither thus bitter, little, nor pitiful, will -see, not only without being scandalized, but even with pleasure, that -the Church, with prudent vigilance, watched the progress of the Jews, -and lost no opportunity of favoring their Christian slaves, until they -were no longer allowed to have any. - -The third Council of Orleans, held in 538, by its 13th canon, forbids -Jews to compel Christian slaves to do things contrary to the religion -of Jesus Christ. This regulation, which guarantied the liberty of the -slave in the sanctuary of conscience, rendered him respectable even in -the eyes of his master: it was besides a solemn proclamation of the -dignity of man, it was a declaration that slavery could not extend -its dominion over the sacred region of the mind. Yet this was not -enough; it was proper also that the recovery of their liberty should -be facilitated to the slaves of Jews. Three years only pass away; a -fourth Council is held at Orleans; let us observe the progress which -the question had made in so short a time. This Council, by its 30th -canon, allows the Christian slaves who shall take refuge in the church -to be ransomed, on paying to their Jewish master the proper price. -If we pay attention, we shall see that such a regulation must have -produced abundant results in favor of liberty, as it gave Christian -slaves the opportunity of flying to the churches, and there imploring, -with more effect, the charity of their brethren, to gain the price of -their ransom. The same Council, in its 31st canon, ordains that the -Jew who shall pervert a Christian slave shall be condemned to lose -all his slaves; a new sanction given to the security of the slave's -conscience--a new way opened to liberty. The Church constantly advanced -with that unity of plan--that admirable consistency--which even her -enemies have acknowledged in her. In the short interval between the -period alluded to and the latter part of the same century, her progress -was more perceptible. We observe, in the canonical regulations of -the latter period, a wider scope, and, if we may so speak, greater -boldness. In the Council of Mâcon, held in 581 or 582, canon 16, Jews -are expressly forbidden to have Christian slaves; and it is allowed to -ransom those who are in their possession for twelve sous. We find the -same prohibition in the 14th canon of the Council of Toledo, held in -589; so that at this time the Church shows what her desire is; she is -unwilling that a Christian should be in any way the slave of a Jew. -Constant in her design, she checked the evil by all the means in her -power; if it was necessary, limiting the right of selling slaves, when -there was danger of their falling into the hands of Jews. Thus we see -that, by the 9th canon of the Council of Châlons, held in 650, it is -forbidden to sell slaves out of the kingdom of Clovis, lest they should -fall into the power of Jews. Yet the intention of the Church on this -point was not understood by all, and her views were not seconded as -they ought to have been; but she did not cease to repeat and inculcate -them. In the middle of the seventh century there were found clergy and -laity who sold their Christian slaves to Jews. The Church labored to -check this abuse. The tenth Council of Toledo, held in 657, by its 7th -canon, forbids Christians, and especially clerics, to sell their slaves -to Jews; the Council adds these noble words: "They cannot be ignorant -that these slaves have been redeemed by the blood of Jesus Christ; -wherefore they ought rather to buy than sell them." - -This ineffable goodness of a God made man, who had shed His blood for -the redemption of all men, was the powerful motive which urged the -Church to interest herself with so much zeal in the enfranchisement -of slaves; and, indeed, was it not enough to inspire horror for so -degrading an inequality, to think that these same men, reduced to -the level of brutes, had been, as well as their masters, as well as -the most powerful monarchs upon earth, the objects of the merciful -intentions of the Most High? "Since our Redeemer, the Creator of all -things," said Pope S. Gregory, "has deigned, in His goodness, to assume -the flesh of man, in order to restore to us our pristine liberty, -by breaking, through the means of His Divine grace, the bonds of -servitude, which held us captives, it is a salutary deed to restore to -men, by enfranchisement, their native liberty; for, in the beginning, -nature made them all free, and they have only been subjected to the -yoke of servitude by the law of nations." (L. 5, lett. 72.) - -During all times the Church has considered it very necessary to -limit, as much as possible, the alienation of her property; and it -may be said that the general rule of her conduct in this point was -to trust very little to the discretion of any one of her ministers -individually; she thus endeavored to prevent dilapidations, which -otherwise would have been frequent. As her possessions were dispersed -on all sides, and intrusted to ministers chosen from all classes of -the people, and exposed to the various influences which the relations -of blood, friendship, and a thousand other circumstances, the effects -of difference of character, knowledge, prudence, and even of times and -places, always exercise, the Church showed herself very watchful in -giving her sanction to the power of alienation; and, when requisite, -she knew how to act with salutary rigor against those ministers -who, neglecting their duty, wasted the funds confided to them. We -have seen that, in spite of all this, she was not stopped by any -consideration when the ransom of captives was in question; it may be -also shown that, with respect to property in slaves, she saw things in -a different light, and changed her rigor into indulgence. When slaves -had faithfully served the Church, the Bishops could grant them their -liberty, and add a gift to assist them in maintaining themselves. -This judgment as to the merit of slaves appears to have been confided -to the discretion of the Bishops; and it is evident that such a -regulation opened a wide door to their charity; at the same time, -it stimulated the slaves to behave themselves, so as to deserve so -precious a recompense. As it might happen that the succeeding Bishop -might raise doubts as to the sufficiency of the motives which induced -his predecessor to give liberty to a slave, and attempt afterwards -to call it in question, it was ordained that they should respect the -appointments of their predecessors on this point, and leave to the -enfranchised not only their liberty, but also the gratuity which had -been given to them in lands, vineyards, or houses: this is prescribed -in the 7th canon of the Council of Agde in Languedoc, held in the year -506. Let it not be objected that manumission is forbidden by the canons -of this Council in other places; they speak only in general terms, and -allude not to cases where slaves had merited well. Alienations or -mortgages made by a Bishop who left no property were to be revoked. -This regulation itself shows that it alludes to cases in which the -Bishops had acted against the canons. Yet if he had given liberty to -any slaves, the rigor of the law was mitigated in their favor, and -it was ordained that the enfranchised should continue to enjoy their -liberty. This is ordained by the 9th canon of the Council of Orleans, -held in 541. This canon only imposes on the enfranchised the obligation -of lending their services to the Church; services which were evidently -only those of the enfranchised. On the other hand, she recompensed them -with the protection which she always granted to men in this condition. - -As another proof of the indulgence of the Church with respect to -slaves, may be cited the 10th canon of the Council of Celchite, -in England, held in 816, the result of which must have been to -enfranchise, in a few years, all the English slaves of the Churches -existing in the countries where the Council was observed. Indeed, this -canon ordained that, at the death of a Bishop, all his English slaves -should be set at liberty; it added, that each of the other Bishops and -Abbots might enfranchise three slaves on the occasion, by giving each -of them three sous. Such regulations smoothed the way more and more, -and prepared circumstances and men's minds, so that, some time later, -was witnessed that noble scene, where, at the Council of Armagh, in -1172, liberty was given to all the English who were slaves in Ireland. - -The advantageous conditions enjoyed by the slaves of the Church were so -much the more valuable, because a regulation newly introduced prevented -their losing them. If they could have passed into the hands of other -masters, in this case they would have lost the benefits which they -derived from living under the rule of so kind a mistress. But happily, -it was forbidden to exchange them for others; and if they left the -power of the Church, it was for freedom. We have a positive proof of -this regulation in the decretals of Gregory IX. (l. 3, t. 19, chaps. -3 and 4). It should be observed that in this document the slaves of -the Church are regarded as consecrated to God; thereon is founded the -regulation which prevents their passing into other hands and leaving -the Church, except as freemen. We also see there that the faithful, for -the good of their souls, had the custom of offering their slaves to -God and the Saints. By placing them thus in the power of the Church, -they put them out of common dealing and prevented their again falling -into profane servitude. It is useless to enlarge on the salutary effect -which must have been produced by these ideas and manners, in which we -see religion so intimately allied with the cause of humanity; it is -enough to observe, that the spirit of that age was highly religious, -and that which was attached to the cause of religion was sure to ride -in safety. - -Religious ideas, by constantly developing their strength and directing -their action to all branches, were intended in a special manner to -relieve men by all possible means from the yoke of slavery. On this -subject we may be allowed to remark a canonical regulation of the time -of Gregory the Great. In a Council at Rome, held in 595, and presided -over by that Pope, a new means of escaping from their degraded state -was offered to slaves, by deciding that liberty should be given to all -those who desired to embrace the monastic life. The words of the holy -Pope are worthy of attention; they show the ascendency of religious -motives, and how much these motives preponderated over considerations -and interests of a worldly nature. This important document is found in -the letters of St. Gregory; it may be read in the notes at the end of -the volume. - -To imagine that such regulations would remain barren, is to mistake -the spirit of those times: on the contrary, they produced the most -important effects. We may form an idea of them by reading in the decree -of Gratian (_Distin._ 54, c. 12), that they led to scandal; slaves fled -from the houses of their masters and took refuge in monasteries, under -pretext of religion. It was necessary to check this abuse, against -which complaints arose on all sides. Without waiting to consider what -these abuses themselves indicate, is it difficult to imagine that -these regulations of the Church must have had valuable results? They -not only gained liberty for a great many slaves, but also raised them -very much in the eyes of the world, for they placed them in a state -which every day gained importance and acquired an immense prestige and -a powerful influence. We may form an idea of the profound change which -took place every day in the organization of society, thanks to these -various means, by fixing our attention for a moment on what resulted -with respect to the ordination of slaves. The discipline of the Church -on this point was in accordance with her doctrines. The slave was a man -like other men, and he could be ordained as well as the greatest noble. -Yet while he was subject to the power of his master, he was devoid of -the independence necessary for the dignity of the sacred ministry; -therefore it was required that he should not be ordained until he had -been previously set at liberty. Nothing could be more just, reasonable, -and prudent, than the limit thus placed on a discipline otherwise -so noble and generous--a discipline which was in itself an eloquent -protest in favor of the dignity of man. The Church solemnly declared -that the misfortune of being a slave did not reduce him below the level -of other men, for she did not think it unworthy of her to choose her -ministers from among those who had been in servitude. By placing in so -honorable a sphere those who had been slaves, she labored with lofty -generosity to disperse the prejudices which existed against those -who were placed in that unhappy condition, and created strong and -effective ties between them and the most venerated class of freemen. -The abuse which then crept in of conferring orders on slaves, without -the consent of their masters, is above all worthy of our attention; -an abuse, it is true, altogether contrary to the sacred canons, and -which was checked by the Church with praiseworthy zeal, but which is -not the less useful in enabling the observer duly to appreciate the -profound effect of religious ideas and institutions. Without attempting -in any way to excuse what was blamable therein, we may very well make -use of the abuse itself, by considering that it frequently happens -that abuses are only exaggerations of a good principle. Religious -ideas accord but ill with slavery, although supported by laws; thence -the incessant struggle, repeated under different aspects, but always -directed towards the same end, viz. universal emancipation. It appears -to us that we may now the more confidently avail ourselves of this kind -of argument, as we have seen the most dreadful attempts at revolution -treated with indulgence, on account of the principles with which the -revolutionists were imbued and the objects which they had in view; -objects which, as every one knows, were nothing less than an entire -change in the organization of society. The abuse to which we have -alluded, is attested by the curious documents which are found collected -in the decree of Gratian (_Dist._ 54, c. 9, 10, 11, 12). When we -examine these documents with attention, we find, 1st, that the number -of slaves thus freed was very considerable, since the complaints on -this subject were almost universal: 2d, that the Bishops were generally -in favor of the slaves; that they carried their protection very far; -that they labored in all ways to realize these doctrines of equality; -indeed, it is affirmed in these documents that there was hardly a -Bishop who could not be charged with this reprehensible compliance: 3d, -that slaves were aware of this spirit of protection, and were eager -to throw off their chains and cast themselves into the arms of the -Church: 4th, that this combination of circumstances must have produced -in men's minds a movement very favorable to liberty; and that this -affectionate communication established between slaves and the Church, -then so powerful and influential, must soon have weakened slavery, and -rapidly have promoted the advance of nations towards that liberty which -completely triumphed a few centuries later. The Church of Spain, whose -civilizing influence has received so many eulogiums from men certainly -but little attached to Catholicity, equally displays her lofty views -and consummate prudence on this point. Charitable zeal in favor of -slaves was so ardent, the tendency to raise them to the sacred ministry -so decided, that it was necessary to allow free scope to this generous -impulse, while reconciling it as much as possible with the sacredness -of the ministry. Such was the twofold object of the discipline -introduced into Spain, by virtue of which it was allowed to confer -sacred orders on the slaves of the Church, on their being previously -enfranchised. This is ordered by the 74th canon of the fourth Council -of Toledo, held in 633; it is also inferred from the 11th canon of the -ninth Council of Toledo, which ordains that Bishops shall not introduce -the slaves of the Church among the clergy without having previously -given them their liberty. - -It is remarkable that this regulation was extended by the 18th canon -of the Council of Merida, in 666, which gives to parish-priests the -right of selecting clerks among the slaves of their own church, with -the obligation of maintaining them according to their means. This wise -discipline prevented, without any injustice, all the difficulties that -might have ensued from the ordination of slaves; while it was a very -mild way of effecting the most beneficent results, since in conferring -orders on the slaves of the Church, it was easy to choose from among -them such as were most deserving by their intellectual and moral -qualifications. At the same time, it was affording the Church a most -favorable and honorable mode of liberating her slaves, by enrolling -them among her ministers. Finally, the Church by her generous conduct -towards slaves, gave a salutary example to the laity. We have seen that -she allowed the parochial clergy, as well as the bishops, the privilege -of setting them free; and this must have rendered it less painful for -laymen to emancipate their slaves, when circumstances seemed to call -the latter to the sacred ministry. - - - - -CHAPTER XIX. - -DOCTRINES OF S. AUGUSTINE AND S. THOMAS AQUINAS ON THE SUBJECT OF -SLAVERY.--RÉSUMÉ OF THE SUBJECT. - - -Thus did the Church, by a variety of means, break the chains of -slavery, without ever exceeding the limits marked out by justice and -prudence: thus did she banish from among Christians that degrading -condition, so contrary to their exalted ideas on the dignity of -man, and their generous feelings of fraternity and love. Wherever -Christianity shall be introduced, chains of iron shall be turned into -gentle ties, and humiliated men shall raise their ennobled heads. With -what pleasure do we read the remarks of one of the greatest men of -Christianity, S. Augustine, on this point (_De Civit. Dei_, l. xix. c. -14, 15, 16). He establishes in a few words the obligation incumbent -upon all who rule--fathers, husbands, and masters--to watch over the -good of those who are under them: he lays down the advantage of those -who obey, as one of the foundations for obedience; he says that the -just do not rule from ambition or pride, but from duty and the desire -of doing good to their subjects: "Neque enim dominandi cupiditate -imperant, sed officio consulendi, nec principandi superbia, sed -providendi misericordia;" and by these noble maxims he proscribes all -opinions which tend to tyranny, or found obedience on any degrading -notions; but on a sudden, as if this great mind apprehended some reply -in violation of human dignity, he grows warm, he boldly faces the -question; he rises to his full height, and, giving free scope to the -noble thoughts that ferment in his mind, he invokes the idea of nature -and the will of God in favor of the dignity of man thus menaced. He -says: "Thus wills the order of nature; thus has man been created by -God. He has given him to rule over the fishes of the sea, the birds of -the air, and the reptiles that crawl on the face of the earth. _He has -ordained that reasoning creatures, made according to His own image, -shall rule only over creatures devoid of reason. He has not established -the dominion of man over man, but that of man over the brute._" This -passage of S. Augustine is one of those bold features which shine forth -in writers of genius, when grieved by the sight of a painful object, -they allow their generous ideas and feelings to have free scope, and -cease to restrain their daring energies. Struck by the force of the -expression, the reader, in suspense and breathless, hastens to read the -succeeding lines; he fears that the author may be mistaken, seduced -by the nobleness of his heart, and carried away by the force of his -genius. But, with inexpressible pleasure, he finds that the writer -has in no degree departed from the path of true doctrine, when, like -a brave champion, he has descended into the arena to defend the cause -of justice and humanity. Thus does S. Augustine now appear to us: the -sight of so many unfortunate beings groaning in slavery, victims of the -violence and caprice of their masters, afflicted his generous mind. By -the light of reason and the doctrines of Christianity, he saw no reason -why so considerable a portion of the human race should be condemned -to live in such debasement; wherefore, when proclaiming the doctrines -of submission and obedience, he labors to discover the cause of such -ignominy; and not being able to find it in the nature of man, he seeks -for it in sin, in malediction. "The primitive just men," says he, "were -rather established as pastors over their flocks, than as kings over -other men; whereby God gives us to understand what was called for by -the order of creation, and what was required by the punishment of sin; -for the condition of slavery has, with reason, been imposed on the -sinner. Thus we do not find the word slave in the Scriptures before -the day when the just man, Noah, gave it as a punishment to his guilty -son; whence it follows that this word came from sin, and not from -nature." This manner of considering slavery as the offspring of sin, -as the fruit of the Divine malediction, was of the highest importance. -By protecting the dignity of human nature, that doctrine completely -destroyed all the prejudices of natural superiority which the pride of -free men could entertain. Thereby also, slavery was deprived of all -its supposed value as a political principle or means of government: -it could only be regarded as one of the numberless scourges inflicted -on the human race by the anger of the Most High. Henceforth slaves -had a motive for resignation, while the absolute power of masters was -checked, and the compassion of all free men was powerfully excited. -All were born in sin, all might have been in a state of slavery. To -make a boast of liberty would have been like the conduct of a man -who, during an epidemic, should boast of having preserved his health, -and imagine that on that account he had a right to insult the unhappy -sick. In a word, the state of slavery was a scourge, nothing more; like -pestilence, war, famine, or any thing else of the kind. The duty of -all men was to labor to remedy and abolish it. Such doctrines did not -remain sterile. Proclaimed in the face of day, they were heard in all -parts of the Catholic world; and not only were they put in practice, as -we have seen by numberless examples, but they were carefully preserved -as a precious theory, throughout the confusion of the times. After the -lapse of eight centuries, we see them repeated by one of the brightest -lights of the Catholic Church, S. Thomas Aquinas (I. p. q. xcvi. art. -4). That great man does not see in slavery either difference of race or -imaginary inferiority or means of government; he only considers it as a -scourge inflicted on humanity by the sins of the first man. - -Such is the repugnance with which Christians have looked upon slavery: -we see from this, how false is the assertion of M. Guizot: "It does -not seem that Christian society was surprised or much offended by -it." It is true there was not that blind disturbance and irritation -which, despising all barriers and paying no attention to the rules of -justice or the counsels of prudence, ran with foolish haste to efface -the mark of degradation and ignominy. But if that disturbance and -irritation are meant which are caused by the sight of oppression and -outrages committed against man, sentiments which can well accord with -longanimity and holy resignation, and which, without checking for a -moment the action of charitable zeal, nevertheless avoid precipitating -events, preferring mature arrangement in order to secure a complete -result; how can this perturbation of mind and holy indignation be -better proved to have existed in the bosom of the Church than by the -facts and doctrines which we have just quoted? What more eloquent -protest against the continuance of slavery can you have than the -doctrine of these two illustrious doctors? They declare it, as we -have just seen, to be the fruit of malediction, the chastisement of -the prevarication of the human race; and they only acknowledge its -existence by considering it as one of the great scourges that afflict -humanity. - -I have explained, with sufficient evidence, the profound reasons which -induced the Church to recommend obedience to slaves, and she cannot be -reproached on that account with forgetting the rights of humanity. We -must not suppose on that account that Christian society was wanting -in the boldness necessary for telling the whole truth; but it told -only the pure and wholesome truth. What took place with respect to the -marriages of slaves is a proof of what I advance. We know that their -union was not regarded as a real marriage, and that even that union, -such as it was, could not be contracted without the consent of their -masters, under pain of being considered as void. Here was a flagrant -violation of reason and justice. What did the Church do? She directly -reprobated so gross a violation of the rights of nature. Let us hear -what Pope Adrian I. said on this subject: "According to the words of -the Apostles, as in Jesus Christ we ought not to deprive either slaves -or freemen of the sacraments of the Church, so it is not allowed in -any way to prevent the marriage of slaves; and if their marriages have -been contracted in spite of the opposition and repugnance of their -masters, nevertheless they ought not to be dissolved in any way." (_De -Conju. Serv._, lib. iv. tom. 9, c. 1.) And let it not be supposed that -this regulation, which secured the liberty of slaves on one of the -most important points, was restricted to particular circumstances; -no, it was something more; it was a proclamation of their freedom in -this matter. The Church was unwilling to allow that man, reduced to -the level of the brute, should be forced to obey the caprice or the -interest of another, without regard to the feelings of his heart. St. -Thomas was of the same opinion, for he openly maintains that, with -respect to the contracting of marriage, slaves are not obliged to obey -their masters (2^a. 2, q. 104, art. 5). - -In the hasty sketch which I have given, I believe that I have kept the -promise which I made at the beginning, not to advance any proposition -without supporting it by undeniable documents, and not to allow myself -to be misled by enthusiasm in favor of Catholicity, so as to concede -to it that to which it is not entitled. By passing, rapidly it is -true, the course of ages, we have shown, by convincing proofs, which -have been furnished by times and places the most various, that it -was Catholicity that abolished slavery, in spite of ideas, manners, -interests, and laws, which opposed obstacles apparently invincible; -and that it has done so without injustice, without violence, without -revolutions,--with the most exquisite prudence and the most admirable -moderation. We have seen the Catholic Church make so extensive, so -varied, and so efficacious an attack on slavery, that that odious chain -was broken without a single violent stroke. Exposed to the action of -the most powerful agents, it gradually relaxed and fell to pieces. Her -proceedings may be thus recapitulated:-- - -First, she loudly teaches the truth concerning the dignity of man; she -defines the obligations of masters and slaves; she declares them equal -before God, and thus completely destroys the degrading theories which -stain the writings even of the greatest philosophers of antiquity. -She then comes to the application of her doctrines: she labors to -improve the treatment of slaves; she struggles against the atrocious -right of life and death; she opens her temples to them as asylums, -and when they depart thence, prevents their being ill-treated; she -labors to substitute public tribunals for private vengeance. At the -same time that the Church guarantees the liberty of the enfranchised, -by connecting it with religious motives, she defends that of those -born free; she labors to close the sources of slavery, by displaying -the most active zeal for the redemption of captives, by opposing the -avarice of the Jews, by procuring for men who were sold, easy means of -recovering their liberty. The Church gives an example of mildness and -disinterestedness; she facilitates emancipation, by admitting slaves -into monasteries and the ecclesiastical state; she facilitates it by -all the other means that charity suggests; and thus it is that, in -spite of the deep roots of slavery in ancient society--in spite of -the perturbation caused by the irruptions of the barbarians--in spite -of so many wars and calamities of every kind, which in great measure -paralyzed the effect of all regulating and beneficent action--yet -we see slavery, that dishonor and leprosy of ancient civilization, -rapidly diminish among Christians, until it finally disappears. Surely -in all this we do not discover a plan conceived and concerted by men. -But we do observe therein, in the absence of that plan, such unity of -tendencies, such a perfect identity of views, and such similarity in -the means, that we have the clearest demonstration of the civilizing -and liberating spirit contained in Catholicity. Accurate observers will -no doubt be gratified in beholding, in the picture which I have just -exhibited, the admirable concord with which the period of the empire, -that of the irruption of the barbarians, and that of feudality, all -tended towards the same end. They will not regret the poor regularity -which distinguishes the exclusive work of man; they will love, I repeat -it, to collect all the facts scattered in the seeming disorder, from -the forests of Germany to the fields of Bœotia--from the banks of -the Thames to those of the Tiber. I have not invented these facts; -I have pointed out the periods, and cited the Councils. The reader -will find, at the end of the volume, in the original and in full, -the texts of which I have just given an abstract--a _résumé:_ thus -he may fully convince himself that I have not deceived him. If such -had been my intention, surely I should have avoided descending to the -level ground of facts; I should have preferred the vague regions of -theory; I should have called to my aid high sounding and seductive -language, and all the means the most likely to enchant the imagination -and excite the feelings; in fine, I should have placed myself in one -of those positions where a writer can suppose at his pleasure things -which have never existed, and made the best use of the resources of -imagination and invention. The task which I have undertaken is rather -more difficult, perhaps less brilliant, but certainly more useful. - -We may now inquire of M. Guizot what were the _other causes_, the -_other ideas_, the _other principles of civilization_, the great -development of which, to avail myself of his words, was necessary -"to abolish this evil of evils, this iniquity of iniquities." Ought -he not to explain, or at least point out, these causes, ideas, and -principles of civilization, which, according to him, assisted the -Church in the abolition of slavery, in order to save the reader the -trouble of seeking or divining them? If they did not arise in the bosom -of the Church, _where_ did they arise? Were they found in the ruins -of ancient civilization? But could these remains of a scattered and -almost annihilated civilization effect what that same civilization, -in all its vigor, power, and splendor, never did or thought of -doing?--Were they in the _individual independence of the barbarians_? -But that individuality, the inseparable companion of violence, must -consequently have been the source of oppression and slavery. Were they -found in the _military patronage_ introduced, according to M. Guizot, -by the barbarians themselves; patronage which laid the foundation -of that aristocratical organization which was converted at a later -period into feudality? But what could this patronage--an institution -likely, on the contrary, to perpetuate slavery among the indigent in -conquered countries, and to extend it to a considerable portion of the -conquerors themselves--what could this patronage do for the abolition -of slavery? Where, then, is the idea, the custom, the institution, -which, born out of Christianity, contributed to the abolition of -slavery? Let any one point out to us the epoch of its formation, the -time of its development; let him show us that it had not its origin -in Christianity, and we will then confess that the latter cannot -exclusively lay claim to the glorious title of having abolished that -degraded condition; and he may be sure that this shall not prevent our -exalting that idea, custom, or institution which took part in the great -and noble enterprise of liberating the human race. - -We may be allowed, in conclusion, to inquire of the Protestant -churches, of those ungrateful daughters who, after having quitted the -bosom of their mother, attempt to calumniate and dishonor her, where -were you when the Catholic Church accomplished in Europe the immense -work of the abolition of slavery? and how can you venture to reproach -her with sympathizing with servitude, degrading man, and usurping his -rights? Can you, then, present any such claim entitling you to the -gratitude of the human race? What part can you claim in that great work -which prepared the way for the development and grandeur of European -civilization? Catholicity alone, without your concurrence, completed -the work; and she alone would have conducted Europe to its lofty -destinies, if you had not come to interrupt the majestic march of its -mighty nations, by urging them into a path bordered by precipices,--a -path the end of which is concealed by darkness which the eye of God -alone can pierce.[15] - - - - -CHAPTER XX. - -CONTRAST BETWEEN TWO ORDERS OF CIVILIZATION. - - -WE have seen that European civilization owes to the Catholic Church its -finest ornament, its most valuable victory in the cause of humanity, -the abolition of slavery. It was the Church that, by her doctrines, -as beneficent as elevated, by a system as efficacious as prudent, -by her unbounded generosity, her indefatigable zeal, her invincible -firmness, abolished slavery in Europe; that is to say, she took the -first step towards the regeneration of humanity, and laid the first -stone for the wide and deep foundation of European civilization; we -mean the emancipation of slaves, the abolition for ever of so degrading -a state,--universal liberty. It was impossible to create and organize -a civilization full of grandeur and dignity, without raising man from -his state of abjection, and placing him above the level of animals. -Whenever we see him crouching at another's feet, awaiting with anxiety -the orders of his master or trembling at the lash; whenever he is -sold like a beast, or a price is set upon his powers and his life, -civilization will never have its proper development, it will always be -weak, sickly, and broken; for thus humanity bears a mark of ignominy on -its forehead. - -After having shown that it was Catholicity that removed that obstacle -to all social progress, by, as it were, cleansing Europe of the -disgusting leprosy with which it was infected from head to foot, -let us examine what it has done towards creating and erecting the -magnificent edifice of European civilization. If we seriously reflect -on the vitality and fruitfulness of this civilization, we shall find -therein new and powerful claims on the part of the Catholic Church to -the gratitude of nations. In the first place, it is proper to glance at -the vast and interesting picture which European civilization presents -to us, and to sum up in a few words its principal perfections; thereby -we shall be enabled the more easily to account to ourselves for the -admiration and enthusiasm with which it inspires us. - -The individual animated by a lively sense of his own dignity, abounding -in activity, perseverance, energy, and the simultaneous development -of all his faculties; woman elevated to the rank of the consort of -man, and, as it were, recompensed for the duty of obedience by the -respectful regards lavished upon her; the gentleness and constancy of -family ties, protected by the powerful guarantees of good order and -justice; an admirable public conscience, rich in maxims of sublime -morality, in laws of justice and equity, in sentiments of honor -and dignity; a conscience which survives the shipwreck of private -morality, and does not allow unblushing corruption to reach the height -which it did in antiquity; a general mildness of manners, which in -war prevents great excesses, and in peace renders life more tranquil -and pleasing; a profound respect for man, and all that belongs to -him, which makes private acts of violence very uncommon, and in all -political constitutions serves as a salutary check on governments; -an ardent desire of perfection in all departments; an irresistible -tendency, sometimes ill-directed, but always active, to improve the -condition of the many; a secret impulse to protect the weak, to succour -the unfortunate--an impulse which sometimes pursues its course with -generous ardor, and which, whenever it is unable to develop itself, -remains in the heart of society, and produces there the uneasiness -and disquietude of remorse; a cosmopolitan spirit of universality, of -propagandism, an inexhaustible fund of resources to grow young again -without danger of perishing, and for self-preservation in the most -important junctures; a generous impatience, which longs to anticipate -the future, and produces an incessant movement and agitation, sometimes -dangerous, but which are generally the germs of great benefits, -and the symptoms of a strong principle of life; such are the great -characteristics which distinguish European civilization; such are the -features which place it in a rank immensely superior to that of all -other civilizations, ancient and modern. - -Read the history of antiquity; extend your view over the whole world; -wherever Christianity does not reign, and where the barbarous or -savage life no longer prevails, you will find a civilization which in -nothing resembles our own, and which cannot be compared with it for -a moment. In some of these states of civilization, you will perhaps -find a certain degree of regularity and some marks of power, for -they have endured for centuries; but how have they endured? Without -movement, without progress; they are devoid of life; their regularity -and duration are those of a marble statue, which, motionless itself, -sees the waves of generations pass by. There have also been nations -whose civilization displayed motion and activity; but what motion and -what activity? Some, ruled by the mercantile spirit, never succeeded -in establishing their internal happiness on a firm basis; their only -object was to invade new countries which tempted their cupidity, to -pour into their colonies their superabundant population, and establish -numerous factories in new lands: others, continually contending and -fighting for a few measures of political freedom, forgot their social -organization, took no care of their civil liberty, and acted in the -narrowest circle of time and space; they would not be even worthy -of having their names preserved for posterity, if the genius of the -beautiful had not shone there with indescribable charm, and if the -monuments of their knowledge, like a mirror, had not preserved the -bright rays of Eastern learning: others, great and terrible, it is -true, but troubled by intestine dissensions, bear inscribed upon their -front the formidable destiny of conquest; this destiny they fulfilled -by subjugating the world, and immediately their rapid and inevitable -ruin approached: others, in fine, excited by violent fanaticism, raged -like the waves of ocean in a storm; they threw themselves upon other -nations like a devastating torrent, and threatened to involve Christian -civilization itself in their deafening uproar; but their efforts were -vain; their waves broke against insurmountable barriers; they repeated -their attempts, but, always compelled to retire, they fell back again, -and spread themselves on the beach with a sullen roar: and now look at -the Eastern nations; behold them like an impure pool, which the heat -of the sun is about to dry up; see the sons and successors of Mahomet -and Omar on their knees at the feet of the European powers, begging a -protection, which policy sometimes affords them, but only with disdain. -Such is the picture presented to us by every civilization, ancient -and modern, except that of Europe, that is, the Christian. It alone -at once embraces every thing great and noble in the others; it alone -survives the most thorough revolutions; it alone extends itself to all -races and climates, and accommodates itself to forms of government -the most various; it alone, in fine, unites itself with all kinds of -institutions, whenever, by circulating in them its fertile sap, it can -produce its sweet and salutary fruits for the good of humanity. And -whence comes the immense superiority of European civilization over all -others? How has it become so noble, so rich, so varied, so fruitful; -with the stamp of dignity, of nobility, and of loftiness; without -castes, without slaves, without eunuchs, without any of those miseries -which prey upon other ancient and modern nations? It often happens -that we Europeans complain and lament more than the most unfortunate -portion of the human race ever did; and we forget that we are the -privileged children of Providence, and that our evils, our share of -the unavoidable patrimony of humanity, are very slight, are nothing -in comparison with those which have been, and still are, suffered by -other nations. Even the extent of our good fortune itself renders us -difficult to please, and exceedingly fastidious. We are like a man of -high rank, accustomed to live respected and esteemed in the midst of -ease and pleasure, who is indignant at a slighting word, is filled with -disquietude and affliction at the most trifling contradiction, and -forgets the multitude of men who are plunged in misery, whose nakedness -is covered with a few rags, and who meet with a thousand insults and -refusals before they can obtain a morsel of bread to satisfy the -cravings of hunger. - -The mind, when contemplating European civilization, experiences so -many different impressions, is attracted by so many objects that at -the same time claim its attention and preference, that, charmed by the -magnificent spectacle, it is dazzled, and knows not where to commence -the examination. The best way in such a case is to simplify, to -decompose the complex object, and reduce it to its simplest elements. -_The individual, the family, and society_; these we have thoroughly to -examine, and these ought to be the subjects of our inquiries. If we -succeed in fully understanding these three elements, as they really are -in themselves, and apart from the slight variations which do not affect -their essence, European civilization, with all its riches and all its -secrets, will be presented to our view, like a fertile and beautiful -landscape lit up by the morning sun. - -European civilization is in possession of the principal truths with -respect to the individual, to the family, and to society; it is to -this that it owes all that it is and all that it has. Nowhere have the -true nature, the true relations and object of these three things been -better understood than in Europe; with respect to them we have ideas, -sentiments, and views which have been wanting in other civilizations. -Now, these ideas and feelings, strongly marked on the face of European -nations, have inoculated their laws, manners, institutions, customs, -and language; they are inhaled with the air, for they have impregnated -the whole atmosphere with their vivifying aroma. To what is this owing? -To the fact, that Europe, for many centuries, has had within its bosom -a powerful principle which preserves, propagates, and fructifies the -truth; and it was especially in those times of difficulty, when the -disorganized society had to assume a new form, that this regenerating -principle had the greatest influence and ascendency. Time has passed -away, great changes have taken place, Catholicity has undergone vast -vicissitudes in its power and influence on society; but civilization, -its work, was too strong to be easily destroyed; the impulse which had -been given to Europe was too powerful and well secured to be easily -diverted from its course. Europe was like a young man gifted with a -strong constitution, and full of health and vigor; the excesses of -labor or of dissipation reduce him and make him grow pale; but soon the -hue of health returns to his countenance, and his limbs recover their -suppleness and vigor. - - - - -CHAPTER XXI. - - -OF THE INDIVIDUAL--OF THE FEELING OF INDIVIDUAL INDEPENDENCE ACCORDING -TO M. GUIZOT. - - -THE individual is the first and simplest element of society. If the -individual is not well constituted, if he is ill understood and ill -appreciated, there will always be an obstacle to the progress of -real civilization. First of all, we must observe, that we speak here -only of the individual, of man as he is in himself, apart from the -numerous relations which surround him when we come to consider him -as a member of society. But let it not be imagined from this, that -I wish to consider him in a state of absolute isolation, to carry -him to the desert, to reduce him to the savage state, and analyze -the individuality as it appears to us in a few wandering hordes, a -monstrous exception, which is only the result of the degradation of our -nature. Equally useless would it be to revive the theory of Rousseau, -that pure Utopianism which can only lead to error and extravagance. -We may separately examine the pieces of a machine, for the better -understanding of its particular construction; but we must take care not -to forget the purpose for which they are intended, and not lose sight -of the whole, of which they form a part. Without that, the judgment we -should form of them would certainly be erroneous. The most wonderful -and sublime picture would be only a ridiculous monstrosity, if its -groups and figures were considered in a state of isolation from its -other parts; in this way, the prodigies of Michael Angelo and Raffael -might be taken for the dreams of a madman. Man is not alone in the -world, nor is he born to live alone. Besides what is he in himself, -he is a part of the great scheme of the Universe. Besides the destiny -which belongs to him in the vast plan of creation, he is raised, by the -bounty of his Maker, to another sphere, above all earthly thoughts. -Good philosophy requires that we should forget nothing of all this. It -now remains for us to consider the individual and individuality. - -In considering man, we may abstract from his quality of citizen,--an -abstraction which, far from leading to any extravagant paradoxes, is -likely to make us thoroughly understand a remarkable peculiarity of -European civilization, one of the distinctive characteristics, which -will be alone sufficient to enable us to avoid confounding it with -others. All will readily understand that there is a distinction to -be made between the man and the citizen, and that these two aspects -lead to very different considerations; but it is more difficult to -say how far the limits of this distinction should extend; to what -extent the feeling of independence should be admitted; what is the -sphere which ought to be assigned to purely individual development; in -fine, whatever is peculiar to our civilization on this point. We must -justly estimate the difference which we find herein between our state -of society and that of others; we must point out its source, and its -result; we must carefully weigh its real influence on the advance of -civilization. This task is difficult; I repeat it,--for we have here -various questions, great and important, it is true, but delicate and -profound, and very easily mistaken,--it is not without much trouble -that we can fix our eyes with certainty on these vague, indeterminate, -and floating objects, which are connected together by no perceptible -ties. - -We here meet with the famous _personal independence_, which, according -to M. Guizot, was brought by the barbarians from the North, and played -so important a part, that we ought to look upon it as one of the -chief and most productive principles of European civilization. This -celebrated publicist, analyzing the elements of this civilization, -and pointing out the share which the Roman empire and the Church had -therein, in his opinion, finds a remarkable principle of productiveness -in the feeling of individuality, which the Germans brought with -them, and inoculated into the manners of Europe. It will not be -useless to discuss the opinion of M. Guizot on this important and -delicate matter. By thus explaining the state of the question, we -shall remove the important errors of some persons, errors produced -by the authority of this writer, whose talent and eloquence have -unfortunately given plausibility and semblance of truth to what is in -reality only a paradox. The first care we ought to take, in combating -the opinions of this writer, is not to attribute to him what he has -not really said; besides, as the matter we are treating of is liable -to many mistakes, we shall do well to transcribe the words of M. -Guizot at length. "What we require to know," he says, "is the general -condition of society among the barbarians. Now it is very difficult, -now-a-days, to give an account of it. We can understand, without too -much trouble, the municipal system of Rome, and the Christian Church; -their influence has continued down to our times; we find traces of -them in many institutions and existing facts. We have a thousand means -of recognising and explaining them. The manners, the social condition -of the barbarians, have entirely perished; we are compelled to divine -them, by the most ancient historical documents, or by an effort of -imagination." - -What has been preserved to us of the manners of the barbarians is, -indeed, little; this is an assertion which I will not deny. I will not -dispute with M. Guizot about the authority which ought to belong to -facts which require to be filled up by an effort of the imagination, -and which compel us to have recourse to the dangerous expedient of -divining. As for the rest, I am aware of the nature of these questions; -and the reflections which I have just made, as well as the terms which -I have used, prove that I do not think it possible to proceed with -rule and compass in such an examination. Nevertheless, I have thought -it proper to warn the reader on this point, and combat the delusion -into which he might be led by a doctrine which, when fully examined, -is, I repeat it, only a brilliant paradox. "There is a feeling, a -fact," continues M. Guizot, "which it is above all necessary to -understand well, in order to represent to ourselves with truth what a -barbarian was: this is, the pleasure of individual independence--the -pleasure of playing amid the chances of the world and of life, with -power and liberty; the joys of activity without labor; the taste -for an adventurous destiny, full of surprises, vicissitudes, and -perils. Such was the ruling feeling of the barbarian state, the moral -necessity which put these masses of men in motion. To-day, in the -regular society in which we live, it is difficult to represent to -one's self this feeling, with all the influence which it exercised -over the barbarians of the fourth and fifth centuries. There is -only one work, in my opinion, in which this character of barbarism -is described with all its force, viz. _The History of the Conquest -of England by the Normans_, of M. Thierry--the only book where the -motives, the inclinations, the impulses which actuate man in a social -state bordering on barbarism, are felt and described with a truth -really Homeric. Nowhere do we see so clearly what a barbarian was, -and what was his life. We also find something of this, although in a -very inferior degree, in my opinion, in a manner much less simple, -much less true, in the romances of Mr. Cooper on the American savages. -There is in the life of the savages of America, in the relations and -feelings which exist in those forests, something which reminds one, -to a certain extent, of the manners of the ancient Germans. No doubt -these pictures are a little ideal, a little poetical; the unfavorable -side of barbarian life and manners is not displayed in all its crudity. -I do not speak merely of the evils which these manners produce in -the individual social condition of the barbarian himself. In this -passionate love of personal independence, there was something more -rude and coarse than one would imagine from the work of M. Thierry; -there was a degree of brutality, of indolence, of apathy, which is not -always faithfully described in his pictures. Nevertheless, when one -examines the thing to the bottom, in spite of brutality, coarseness, -and this stupid _egotism_, the taste for individual independence is a -noble moral feeling, which draws its power from the moral nature of -man: it is the pleasure of feeling himself a man--the sentiment of -personality, of spontaneous action in his free development. Gentlemen, -it was by the German barbarians that this feeling was introduced -into the civilization of Europe; it was unknown to the Roman world, -unknown to the Christian Church, unknown to almost all the ancient -civilizations:--when you find liberty in the ancient civilizations, -it is political liberty, the liberty of the citizen. It is not with -his personal liberty that the man is prepossessed, but with his -liberty as a citizen. He belongs to an association--he is devoted to -an association--he is ready to sacrifice himself for an association. -It was the same with the Christian Church: there prevailed a feeling -of great attachment to the Christian corporation--of devotion to its -laws--a strong desire of extending its empire; the religious feeling -produced a reaction on the man himself--on his soul--an internal -struggle to subdue his own will, and make it submit to the demands of -his faith. But the feeling of personal independence, the taste for -liberty showing itself at any hazard, with hardly any other object than -its own satisfaction--this feeling, I repeat, was unknown to the Roman -and Christian society. It was brought in by the barbarians, and placed -in the cradle of modern civilization. It has played so great a part, -it has produced such noble results, that it is impossible not to bring -it to light as one of the fundamental elements thereof." (_Histoire -Générale de la Civilisation en Europe_, leçon 2.) This feeling of -personal independence, exclusively attributed to a nation--this -vague, undefinable feeling--a singular mixture of nobleness and -brutality, of barbarism and civilization--is in some degree poetical, -and is very likely to seduce the fancy; but, unfortunately, there -is in the contrast, intended to increase the effect of the picture, -something extraordinary, I will even say contradictory, which excites -the suspicion of cool reason that there is some hidden error which -compels it to be on its guard. If it be true that this phenomenon -ever existed, what was its origin? Will it be said that it was the -result of climate? But how can it be imagined that the snows of the -north protected what was not found in the ardent south? How comes it -that the feeling of personal independence was wanting precisely in -those southern countries of Europe, where the feeling of political -independence was developed with so much force? and would it not be a -strange thing, not to say an absurdity, if these different climates had -divided these two kinds of liberty between them, like an inheritance? -It will be said, perhaps, that this feeling arose from the social -state. But in that case, it cannot be made the characteristic mark -of one nation: it must be said, in general terms, that the feeling -belonged to all the nations who were in the same social condition as -the Germans. Besides, even according to this hypothesis, how could -that which was peculiar to barbarism have been a germ, a fruitful -principle of civilization? This feeling, which must have been effaced -by civilization, could not even preserve itself in the midst thereof, -much less contribute to its development. If its perpetuation in some -form was absolutely necessary, why did not the same thing take place -in the bosom of other civilizations? Surely the Germans were not the -only people who passed from barbarism to civilization. But I do not -pretend to say that the barbarians of the north did not present some -remarkable peculiarity in this point of view; and I do not deny that -we find in European civilization a feeling of personality, if I may so -speak, unknown to other civilizations. But what I venture to affirm -is, that it is little philosophical to have recourse to mysteries and -enigmas to explain the _individuality_ of the Germans, and that it -is useless to seek in their barbarism the cause of the superiority -which European civilization possesses in this respect. To form a clear -idea of this question, which is as complicated as it is important, -it is first of all necessary to specify, in the best way we can, the -real nature of the barbarian _individuality_. In a pamphlet which I -published some time ago, called _Observations Sociales, Politiques, -et Economiques, sur les Biens du Clergé_, I have incidentally touched -upon this individuality, and attempted to give clear ideas on this -point. As I have not changed my opinion since that time, but, on the -contrary, as it has been confirmed, I will transcribe what I then -said, as follows: "What was this feeling? Was it peculiar to those -nations? Was it the result of the influence of climate, of a social -position? Was it perchance a feeling formed in all places and at all -times, but which is here modified by particular circumstances? What -was its force, its tendency? How far was it just or unjust, noble or -degrading, profitable or injurious? What benefits did it confer on -society; what evils? How were these evils combated, by whom, by what -means, and with what result? These questions are numerous, but they -are not so complicated as they appear at first sight; when once the -fundamental idea shall be cleared up, the others will be understood -without difficulty, and the theory, when simplified, will immediately -be confirmed and supported by history. There is a strong, active, -an indestructible feeling in the human heart which urges men to -self-preservation, to avoid evils, and to attain to their well-being -and happiness. Whether you call it self-love, instinct of preservation, -desire of happiness or of perfection, egotism, _individuality_, or -whatever name you give to it, this feeling exists; we have it within -us. We cannot doubt of its existence; it accompanies us at every step, -in all our actions, from the time when we first see the light till we -descend into the tomb. This feeling, if you will observe its origin, -its nature, and its object, is nothing but a great law of all beings -applied to man; a law which, being a guarantee for the preservation and -perfecting of individuals, admirably contributes to the harmony of the -universe. It is clear that such a feeling must naturally incline us -to hate oppression, and to suffer with impatience what tends to limit -and fetter the use of our faculties. The cause is easily found; all -this gives us uneasiness, to which our nature is repugnant; even the -tenderest infant bears with impatience the tie that fastens him in his -cradle; he is uneasy, he is disturbed, he cries. - -"On the other hand, the individual, when he is not totally devoid -of knowledge of himself, when his intellectual faculties are at all -developed, will feel another sentiment arise in his mind which has -nothing in common with the instinct of self-preservation with which -all beings are animated, a sentiment which belongs exclusively to -intelligence; I mean, the feeling of dignity, of value of ourselves, -of that fire which, enkindled in our hearts in our earliest years, is -nourished, extended, and supported by the aliment afforded to it by -time, and acquires that immense power, that expansion which makes us -so restless, active, and agitated during all periods of our life. -The subjection of one man to another wounds this feeling of dignity; -for even supposing it to be reconciled with all possible freedom and -mildness, with the most perfect respect for the person subjected, this -subjection reveals a weakness or a necessity which compels him in some -degree to limit the free use of his faculties. Such is the second -origin of the feeling of personal independence. It follows from what -I have just said, that man always bears within himself a certain love -of independence, that this feeling is necessarily common to all times -and countries, for we have found its roots in the two most natural -feelings of man--viz. _the desire of well-being and the consciousness -of his own dignity_. It is evident that these feelings may be modified -and varied indefinitely, on account of the infinity of situations in -which the individual may be placed, morally and physically. Without -leaving the sphere which is marked out for them by their very essence, -these feelings may vary as to strength or weakness on the most -extensive scale; they may be moral or immoral, just or unjust, noble -or vile, advantageous or injurious. Consequently they may contribute -to the individual the greatest variety of inclinations, of habits, of -manners; and thereby give very different features to the physiognomy -of nations, according to the particular and characteristic manner in -which they affect the individual. These notions being once cleared up -by a real knowledge of the constitution of the heart of man, we see -how all questions which relate to the feeling of individuality must be -resolved; we also see that it is useless to have recourse to mysterious -language or poetical explanations, for in all this there is nothing -that can be submitted to a rigorous analysis. The ideas which man -forms of his own well-being and dignity, the means which he employs to -promote the one and preserve the other, these are what will settle the -degrees of energy, will determine the nature and signalize the tendency -of all these feelings; that is to say, all will depend on the physical -and moral state of society and the individual. Now, supposing all other -circumstances to be equal, give a man true ideas of his own well-being -and dignity, such as reason and above all the Christian religion teach, -and you will form a good citizen; give false, exaggerated, absurd -ideas, such as are entertained by perverted schools and promulgated -by agitators at all times and in all countries, and you spread the -fruitful seeds of disturbance and disorder. - -"In order to complete the clearing up of the important point which -we have undertaken to explain, we must apply this doctrine to the -particular fact which now occupies us. If we fix our attention on -the nations who invaded and overturned the Roman empire, confining -ourselves to the facts which history has preserved of them, to the -conjectures which are authorized by the circumstances in which they -were placed, and to the general data which modern science has been -able to collect from the immediate observation of the different tribes -of America, we shall be able to form an idea of what was the state of -society and of the individual among the invading barbarians. In their -native countries, among their mountains, in their forests covered -with frost and snow, they had their family ties, their relationships, -their religion, traditions, customs, manners, attachment to their -hereditary soil, their love of national independence, their enthusiasm -for the great deeds of their ancestors, and for the glory acquired -in battle; in fine, their desire of perpetuating in their children a -race strong, valiant, and free; they had their distinctions of family, -their division into tribes, their priests, chiefs, and government. -Without discussing the character of their forms of government, and -laying aside all that might be said of their monarchy, their public -assemblies, and other similar points, questions which are foreign to -our subject, and which besides are always in some degree hypothetical -and imaginary, I shall content myself with making a remark which -none of my readers will deny, viz. that among them the organization -of society was such as might have been expected from rude and -superstitious ideas, gross habits, and ferocious manners; that is to -say, that their social condition did not rise above the level which -had naturally been marked out for it by two imperious necessities: -first, that complete anarchy should not prevail in their forests; and -second, that in war they should have some one to lead their confused -hordes. Born in rigorous climates, crowding on each other by their -rapid increase, and on that account obtaining with difficulty even -the means of subsistence, these nations saw before their eyes the -abundance and the luxuries of ample and well-cultivated regions; they -were at the same time urged on by extreme want, and strongly excited -by the presence of plunder. There was nothing to oppose them but the -feeble legions of an effeminate and decaying civilization; their own -bodies were strong, their minds full of courage and audacity; their -numbers augmented their boldness; they left their native soil without -pain; a spirit of adventure and enterprise developed itself in their -minds, and they threw themselves on the Empire like a torrent which -falls from the mountains, and inundates the neighboring plains. However -imperfect was their social condition, and however rude were its ties, -it sufficed, nevertheless, in their native soil, and amid their ancient -manners; if the barbarians had remained in their forests, it may be -said that that form of government, which answered its purpose in its -way, would have been perpetuated; for it was born of necessity, it was -adapted to circumstances, it was rooted in their habits, sanctioned by -time, and connected with traditions and recollections of every kind. -But these ties were too weak to be transported without being broken. -These forms of government were, as we have just seen, so suited to the -state of barbarism, and consequently so circumscribed and limited, -that they could not be applied without difficulty to the new situation -in which these nations found themselves almost suddenly placed. Let -us imagine these savage children of the forest precipitated on the -south; their fierce chiefs precede them, and they are followed by -crowds of women and children; they take with them their flocks and -rude baggage; they cut to pieces numerous legions on their way; they -form intrenchments, cross ditches, scale ramparts, ravage the country, -destroy forests, burn populous cities, and take with them immense -numbers of slaves captured on the way. They overturn every thing that -opposes their fury, and drive before them multitudes who flee to -avoid fire and sword. In a short time see these same men, elated with -victory, enriched by immense booty, inured by so many battles, fires, -sackings, and massacres, transported, as if by enchantment, into a new -climate, under another sky, and swimming in abundance, in pleasure, -in new enjoyments of every kind. A confused mixture of idolatry and -Christianity, of truth and falsehood, is become their religion; their -principal chiefs are dead in battle; families are confounded in -disorder, races mixed, old manners and customs altered and lost. These -nations, in fine, are spread over immense countries, in the midst of -other nations, differing in language, ideas, manners, and usages; -imagine, if you can, this disorder, this confusion, this chaos, and -tell me whether the ties which formed the society of these nations are -not destroyed and broken into a thousand pieces, and whether you do -not see barbarian and civilized society disappear together, and all -antiquity vanish without any thing new taking its place? And at this -moment, fix your eyes upon the gloomy child of the North, when he feels -all the ties that bound him to society suddenly loosened, when all -the chains that restrained his ferocity break; when he finds himself -alone, isolated, in a position so new, so singular, so extraordinary, -with an obscure recollection of his late country and without affection -for that which he has just occupied; without respect for law, fear of -man, or attachment to custom. Do you not see him, in his impetuous -ferocity, indulge without limit his habits of violence, wandering, -plunder, and massacre? He confides in his strong arm and activity of -foot, and led by a heart full of fire and courage, by an imagination -excited by the view of so many different countries and by the hazards -of so many travels and combats, he rashly undertakes all enterprises, -rejects all subjection, throws off all restraint, and delights in -the dangers of fresh struggles and adventures. Do you not find here -the mysterious individuality, the feeling of personal independence, -in all its philosophical reality and all the truth which is assigned -to it by history? This brutal individuality, this fierce feeling of -independence, which was not reconcileable with the well-being or with -the true dignity of the individual, contained a principle of eternal -war and a continually wandering mode of life, and must necessarily -produce the degradation of man and the complete dissolution of society. -Far from containing the germ of civilization, it was this that was best -adapted to reduce Europe to the savage state; it stifled society in its -cradle; it destroyed every attempt made to reorganize it, and completed -the annihilation of all that remained of the ancient civilization." - -The observations which have just been made may be more or less well -founded, more or less happy, but at least they do not present the -inexplicable inconsistency, not to say contradiction, of allying -barbarism and brutality with civilization and refinement; they do -not give the name of an eminent and fruitful principle of European -civilization to that which a little further on is pointed out as one -of the strongest obstacles to the progress of social organization. -As M. Guizot, on this last point, agrees with the opinion which I -have just stated, and shows the incoherence of his own doctrines, the -reader will allow me to quote his own words. "It is clear," he says, -"that if men have no ideas extending beyond their own existence, if -their intellectual horizon is limited to themselves, if they give -themselves up to the caprices of their own passions and wills, if they -have not among them a certain number of common notions and feelings, -around which they rally; it is clear, I say, that no society can be -possible among them; that such individual, when he enters into any -association, will be a principle of disturbance and dissolution. -Whenever individuality almost absolutely prevails, or man only -considers himself, or his ideas do not extend beyond himself, or he -obeys only his own passions, society, I mean one with any thing of -extent or permanency, becomes almost impossible. Now such was the moral -condition of the conquerors of Europe at the period of which we speak. -I have pointed out, in the last lecture, that we owe the energetic -feeling of individual liberty and humanity to the Germans. Now, in a -state of extreme rudeness and ignorance, this feeling is egotism in all -its brutality, in all its unsociability. From the fifth to the eighth -century, such was the case among the Germans. They consulted only their -own interests, their own passions, their own wills; how could this -accord with the social state? It was attempted to make them enter it; -they attempted it themselves; they soon left it from some sudden act, -some sally of passion or misunderstanding. Every moment we see society -attempted to be formed; every moment we see it broken by the act of -man, by the want of the moral conditions necessary for its subsistence. -Such, gentlemen, were the two prevailing causes of the state of -barbarism. As long as they lasted, barbarism continued." (_Histoire -Générale de la Civilisation en Europe_, leçon 3.) - -With respect to his theory of _individuality_, M. Guizot has met with -the common fate of men of great talents. They are forcibly struck -by a singular phenomenon, they conceive an ardent desire of finding -its cause, and they fall into frequent errors, led away by a secret -tendency always to point out a new, unexpected, astonishing origin. -In his vast and penetrating view of European civilization, in his -parallel between this and the most distinguished ones of antiquity, he -discovered a very remarkable difference between the individuals of the -former and of the latter. He saw in the man of modern Europe, something -nobler, more independent than in the Greek or Roman; it was necessary -to point out the origin of this difference. Now this was not an easy -task, considering the peculiar situation in which the philosophical -historian found himself. From the first glance which he took at the -elements of European civilization, the Church presented herself to him -as one of the most powerful and the most influential agents on the -organization of society; and he saw issue from her the impulse which -was most capable of leading the world to a great and happy future. He -had already expressly acknowledged this, and had paid homage to the -truth in magnificent language; in order to explain this phenomenon, -should he again have recourse to Christianity, to the Church? This -would have been conceding to her the whole of the great work of -civilization; and M. Guizot was desirous, at all hazards, of giving her -coadjutors. Therefore, fixing his eyes upon the barbarian hordes, he -expects to discover in the swarthy brows, the savage countenances, and -the menacing looks of these children of the forest, a type, somewhat -rude but still very just, of the noble independence, the elevation, and -dignity which the European bears in his features. - -After having explained the mysterious personality of the Germans, and -shown that, far from being an element of civilization, it was a source -of disorder and barbarism; it is besides necessary to examine the -difference which exists between the civilization of Europe and other -civilizations, with respect to the feeling of dignity; it is necessary -to determine with precision what modifications have been undergone by -a feeling, which, considered by itself, is, as we have seen, common to -all men. In the first place, there is no foundation for this assertion -of M. Guizot, _that the feeling of personal independence, the taste -for liberty, displaying itself at all hazards, with scarcely any other -object than its own satisfaction, was unknown to Roman society_. It -is clear that in such a comparison, it is not meant to allude to the -feeling of independence in the savage state, in the state of barbarism; -for as well might it be said that civilized nations could not have the -distinctive character of barbarism. But laying aside that circumstance -of ferocity, we will say that the feeling was very active, not only -among the Romans, but also among the other most celebrated nations of -antiquity. "When you find in ancient civilization," says M. Guizot, -"liberty, it is political liberty, the liberty of the citizen. It -is not with his personal liberty that the man is prepossessed, it -is with his liberty as a citizen; he belongs to an association, he -is devoted to an association, he is ready to sacrifice himself for -an association." I will not deny that this spirit of sacrifice for -the benefit of an association did exist among ancient nations; I -acknowledge also that it was accompanied by remarkable peculiarities, -which I intend to explain further on; yet it may be doubted whether -_the taste for liberty, with scarcely any other object than its own -satisfaction_, was not more active with ancient nations than with -us. Indeed, what was the object of the Phœnicians, the Greeks of the -Archipelago and of Asia Minor, the Carthaginians, when they undertook -those voyages which, for such remote times, were as bold and perilous -as those of our most intrepid sailors? Was it, indeed, to sacrifice -themselves for an association that they sought new territories with -so much ardour, in order to amass there money, gold, and all kinds of -articles of value? Were they not led by the desire of acquiring _to -gratify themselves_? Where, then, is the association? Where do you find -it here? Do you see any thing but the individual, with his passions and -tastes, and his ardour in satisfying them? And the Greeks--those Greeks -so enervated, so voluptuous, so spoiled by pleasures, had they not the -most lively feeling of personal independence, the most ardent desire -of living with perfect freedom, with no other object but to gratify -themselves? Their poets singing of nectar and of love; their free -courtesans receiving the homage of the most illustrious citizens, and -making sages forget their philosophical moderation and gravity; and the -people celebrating their festivals amid the most fearful dissoluteness; -did they also only sacrifice on the altars of association? Had they -not the desire of gratifying themselves? With respect to the Romans, -perhaps it would not be so easy to demonstrate this, if we had to -speak of what are called the glorious times of the Republic; but we -have to deal with the Romans of the empire, with those who lived at -the time of the irruption of the barbarians; with those Romans, greedy -of pleasures, and devoured by that thirst for excess of which history -has preserved such shameful pictures. Their superb palaces, their -magnificent villas, their delicious baths, their splendid festive -halls, their tables loaded with riches, their effeminate dresses, their -voluptuous dissipation; do they not show us individuals who, without -thinking of the association to which they belonged, only thought of -gratifying their own passions and caprices; lived in the greatest -luxury, with every delicacy and all imaginable splendour; had no -care but to enjoy society, to lull themselves asleep in pleasure, to -gratify all their passions, and give way to a burning love of their own -satisfactions and amusements? - -It is not easy, then, to imagine why M. Guizot exclusively attributes -to the barbarians _the pleasure of feeling themselves men, the feeling -of personality, of human spontaneousness in its free development_. Can -we believe that such sentiments were unknown to the victors of Marathon -and Platæa, to those nations who have immortalized their names by so -many monuments? When, in the fine arts, in the sciences, in eloquence, -in poetry, the noblest traits of genius shone forth on all sides, -had they not among them the pleasure of feeling themselves men, the -feeling and the power of the free development of all their faculties? -and in a society where glory was so passionately loved, as we see it -was among the Romans, in a society which shows us men like Cicero -and Virgil, and which produced a Tacitus, who still, after nineteen -centuries, makes every generous heart thrill with emotion, _was there -no pleasure in feeling themselves men, no pride in appreciating their -own dignity? Was there no feeling of the spontaneousness of man in his -own free development?_ How can we imagine that the barbarians of the -north surpassed the Greeks and Romans in this respect? Why, then, these -paradoxes, this confusion of ideas? Of what avail are these brilliant -expressions meaning nothing? Of what use are these observations, of a -false delicacy, where the mind at first sight discovers vagueness and -inexactitude; and where it finds, after a complete examination, nothing -but incoherency and revery? - - - - -CHAPTER XXII. - -HOW THE INDIVIDUAL WAS ABSORBED BY ANCIENT SOCIETY. - - -IF we profoundly study this question, without suffering ourselves to -be led into error and extravagance, by the desire of passing for deep -observers; if we call to our aid a just and cool philosophy, supported -by the facts of history, we shall see that the principal difference -between the ancient civilizations and our own with respect to the -individual is, that, in antiquity, _man, considered as man, was not -properly esteemed_. Ancient nations did not want either _the feeling of -personal independence, or the pleasure of feeling themselves men_; the -fault was not in the heart, but in the head. What they wanted was the -comprehension of the dignity of man; the high idea which Christianity -has given us of ourselves, while, at the same time, with admirable -wisdom, it has shown us our infirmities. What ancient societies wanted, -what all those, where Christianity does not prevail, have wanted, and -will continue to want, is the respect and the consideration which -surround every individual, _every man, inasmuch as he is a man_. Among -the Greeks the Greeks are every thing; strangers, barbarians, are -nothing: in Rome, the title of Roman citizen makes the man; he who -wants this is nothing. In Christian countries, the infant who is born -deformed, or deprived of some member, excites compassion, and becomes -an object of the tenderest solicitude; it is enough that he is man, -and unfortunate. Among the ancients, this human being was regarded -as useless and contemptible; in certain cities, as for example at -Lacedæmon, it was forbidden to nourish him, and, by command of the -magistrates charged with the regulation of births, horrible to relate! -he was thrown into a ditch. He was a _human being_; but what matter? -He was a human being who would be of no use; and society, without -compassion, did not wish to undertake the charge of his support. If -you read Plato and Aristotle, you will see the horrible doctrine which -they professed on the subject of abortion and infanticide; you will see -the means which these philosophers imagined, in order to prevent the -excess of population; and you will be sensible of the immense progress -which society has made, under the influence of Christianity, in all -that relates to man. Are not the public games, those horrible scenes -where hundreds of men were slaughtered to amuse an inhuman multitude, -an eloquent testimony to the little value attached to man, when he was -sacrificed with so much barbarism for reasons so frivolous? - -The right of the strongest was exercised among the ancients in a -horrible manner; and this is one of the causes to which must be -attributed the state of annihilation, so to speak, in which we see the -individual with respect to society. Society was strong, the individual -was weak; society absorbed the individual, and arrogated to itself -all imaginable rights over him; and if ever he made opposition to -society, he was sure to be crushed by it with an iron hand. When we -read the explanation which M. Guizot gives us of this peculiarity of -ancient civilizations, we might suppose that there existed among them a -patriotism unknown to us; a patriotism which, carried to exaggeration, -and stripped of the feeling of personal independence, produced a kind -of annihilation of the individual in presence of society. If he had -reflected deeply on the matter, M. Guizot would have seen that the -difference is not in the feelings of antiquity, but in the immense -fundamental revolution which has taken place in ideas; hence he would -easily have concluded, that the difference observed in their feelings -must have been owing to the differences in the ideas themselves. -Indeed, it is not strange that the individual, seeing the little esteem -in which he was held, and the unlimited power which society arrogated -to itself over his independence and his life, (for it went so far -as to grind him to powder, when he opposed it,) on his side formed -an exaggerated idea of society and the public authority, so as to -annihilate himself in his own heart before this fearful colossus. Far -from considering himself as a member of an association the object of -which was the safety and happiness of every individual, the benefits -of which required from him some sacrifices in return, he regarded -himself as a thing devoted to this association, and compelled, without -hesitation, to offer himself as a holocaust on its altars. Such is -the condition of man; when a power acts upon him, for a long time, -unlimitedly, his indignation is excited against it, and he rejects it -with violence; or else he humbles, he debases, he annihilates himself -before the strong influence which binds and prostrates him. Let us see -if this be not the contrast which ancient societies constantly afford -us; the blindest submission and annihilation on the one hand, and, on -the other, the spirit of insubordination, of resistance, showing itself -in terrible explosions. It is thus, and thus only, that it is possible -to understand how societies, whose normal condition was confusion and -agitation, present us with such astonishing examples as Leonidas with -his three hundred Spartans perishing at Thermopylæ, Sævola thrusting -his hand into the fire, Regulus returning to Carthage to suffer and -die, and Marcus Curtius, all armed, leaping into the chasm which had -opened in the midst of Rome. All these phenomena, which at first sight -appear inexplicable, are explained when we compare them with what has -taken place in the revolutions of modern times. Terrible revolutions -have thrown some nations into confusion; the struggle of ideas and -interests, inflaming their passions, has made them forget their true -social relations, during intervals of greater or less duration. What -has happened? At the same time that unlimited freedom was proclaimed, -and the rights of individuals were incessantly extolled, there arose -in the midst of society a cruel power, which, concentrating in its own -hands all public authority, inflicted on them the severest blows. At -such periods, when the formidable maxim of the ancients, the _salus -populi_, that pretext for so many frightful attempts was in full force, -there arose, on the other hand, that mad and ferocious patriotism which -superficial men admire in the citizens of ancient republics. - -Some writers have lavished eulogiums on the ancients, and, above -all, on the Romans. It seemed as if, to gratify their ardent wishes, -modern civilization must be moulded according to the ancient. They -made absurd attempts; they attacked the existing social system with -unexampled violence; they labored to destroy, or at least to stifle, -Christian ideas concerning the individual and society, and they -sought their inspiration from the shades of the ancient Romans. It is -remarkable that, during the short time that the attempt lasted, there -were seen, as in ancient Rome, admirable traits of strength, of valor, -of patriotism, in fearful contrast with cruelties and crimes without -example. In the midst of a great and generous nation there appeared -again, to affright the human race, the bloody spectres of Marius and -Sylla; so true it is that man is everywhere the same, and that the same -order of ideas in the end produces the same order of events. Let the -Christian ideas disappear, let old ones regain their force, and you -will see that the modern world will resemble the ancient one. Happily -for humanity, this is impossible. All the attempts hitherto made to -produce such a result have been necessarily of short continuance, -and such will be the case in future. But the bloody page which these -criminal attempts have left in history offers an abundant subject -for reflection to the philosopher who desires to become thoroughly -acquainted with the intimate and delicate relations between ideas and -facts. There he will see fully exhibited the vast scheme of social -organization, and he will be able to appreciate at its just value the -beneficial or injurious influence of the various religious and the -different philosophical systems. - -The periods of revolutions, that is to say, those stormy times when -governments are swallowed up one after another like edifices built upon -a volcanic soil, have all this distinctive character, _the tyranny of -the interests of public authority over private interests_. Never is -this power feebler, or less lasting; but never is it more violent, -more mad. Every thing is sacrificed to its safety or its vengeance; -the shade of its enemies pursues it and makes it continually tremble; -its own conscience torments it and leaves it no repose; the weakness -of its organization, its instable position, warn it at every step -of its approaching fall, and in its impotent despair it makes the -convulsive efforts of one dying in agony. What, then, in its eyes are -the lives of citizens, if they excite the slightest, the most remote -suspicion? If the blood of thousands of victims could procure for it -a moment of security, and add a few days to its existence, "Perish -my enemies," it says; "this is required for the safety of the state, -that is, for mine!" Why this frenzy, this cruelty? It is because the -ancient government, having been overturned by force, and the new having -been enthroned in the same way, the idea of right has disappeared from -the sphere of power. Legitimacy does not protect it, even its novelty -betrays its little value; every thing forebodes its short existence. -Stripped of the reason and justice which it is obliged to invoke in -its own support, it seeks for both in the _very necessity of power_, a -social necessity, which is always visible, and it proclaims that the -safety of the people is the supreme care. Then the property and lives -of individuals are nothing; they are annihilated in the presence of the -bloody spectre which arises in the midst of society; armed with force, -and surrounded by guards and scaffolds, it says, "I am the public -power; to me is confided the safety of the people; it is I who watch -over the interests of society." - -Now, do you know what is the result of this absolute want of respect -for the individual, of this complete annihilation of man in presence of -the alarming power which claims to represent society? It is that the -feeling of association reappears in different directions; no longer a -feeling directed by reason, foresight, and beneficence, but a blind, -instinctive feeling, which urges man not to remain alone, without -defence, in the midst of a society which is converted into a field of -battle and a vast conspiracy; men then unite either to sustain power, -when, influenced by the whirlwind of revolution, they are identified -with it, and regard it as their only rampart, or to overturn it, if, -some motive having urged them into the opposite ranks, they see their -most terrible enemy in the existing power, and a sword continually -suspended over their heads. These men belong to an association, are -devoted to an association, are ready to sacrifice themselves for it, -for they cannot live alone; they know, they comprehend, at least -instinctively, that the individual is nothing; for as the restraints -that maintain social order have been broken, the individual no longer -has a tranquil sphere where he can live in peace and independence, -confident that a power founded on legitimacy and guided by reason and -justice watches over the preservation of public order and the respect -due to individual rights. Then timid men are alarmed and humbled, and -begin to represent that first scene of servitude where the oppressed -is seen to kiss the hand of the oppressor, and the victim to reverence -the executioner. Daring men resist and contend, or rather, conspiring -in the dark, they prepare terrible explosions. No one then belongs to -himself; the individual is absorbed on all sides, either by the force -which oppresses or by that which conspires. The tutelary divinity of -individuals is justice; when justice vanishes, they are no more than -imperceptible grains of dust carried away by the wind, or drops of -water in the stormy waves of ocean. Imagine to yourself societies where -this passing frenzy does not prevail, it is true, but which are yet -devoid of true ideas on the rights and duties of individuals, and of -those of public authority; societies where there are some wandering, -uncertain, obscure, imperfect notions thereon, stifled by a thousand -prejudices and errors; societies under which, nevertheless, public -authority is organized under one form or another, and has become -consolidated, thanks to the force of habit, and the absence of all -other government better calculated to satisfy urgent necessities; you -will then have an idea of the ancient societies, we should rather -say, societies without Christianity, and you will understand the -annihilation of the individual before the force of public power, either -under an Asiatic despotism or the turbulent democracy of the ancient -republics. And what you will then see will be precisely what you have -observed in modern societies at times of revolution, only with this -difference, that in these the evil is transitory and noisy, like the -ravages of the tempest, while among the ancients it was the normal -state, like the vitiated atmosphere which injures and corrupts all that -breathe it. - -Let us examine the cause of these two opposite phenomena, the lofty -patriotism of the Greeks and Romans, and the state of prostration and -political degradation in which other nations lay, and in which those -still lie who are not under the influence of Christianity; what is the -cause of this individual abnegation which is found at the bottom of -two feelings so contrary? and why do we not find among any of those -nations that individual development which is observed in Europe, and -which with us is connected with a reasonable patriotism, from which the -feeling of a legitimate personal independence is not excluded? It is -because in antiquity man did not know himself, or what he was; it is -because his true relations with society were viewed through a thousand -prejudices and errors, and consequently were very ill understood. This -will show that admiration for the patriotism, disinterestedness, and -heroic self-denial of the ancients has been sometimes carried too far, -and that these qualities, far from revealing in the men of antiquity a -greater perfection of the individual, a superior elevation of mind to -that of the men of modern times, rather indicate ideas less elevated -and feelings less independent than our own. Perhaps some blind admirers -of the ancients will be astonished at these assertions. Let them -consider the women of India throwing themselves on the funeral-pile -after the death of their husbands, and slaves putting themselves to -death because they could not survive their masters, and they will see -that personal self-denial is not an infallible sign of elevation of -mind. Sometimes man does not understand his own dignity; he considers -himself devoted to another being, absorbed by him, and then he regards -his own existence only as a secondary thing, which has no object but to -minister to the existence of another. We do not wish to underrate the -merit which rightly belongs to the ancients; we do not wish to lower -their heroism, as far as it is just and laudable, any more than we -wish to attribute to the moderns an egotistical individuality, which -prevents their sacrificing themselves for their country: our only -object is to assign to every thing its place, by dissipating prejudices -which are excusable up to a certain point, but do lamentable mischief -by falsifying the principal features of ancient and modern history. - -This annihilation of the individual among the ancients arose also -from the weakness and imperfection of his moral development, and from -his want of a rule for his own guidance, which compelled society to -interfere in all that concerned him, as if public reason was called -upon to supply the defect of private reason. If we pay attention, -we shall observe that in countries where political liberty was the -most cherished, civil liberty was almost unknown. While the citizens -flattered themselves that they were very free, because they took part -in the public deliberations, they wanted that liberty which is most -important to man, that which we now call civil liberty. We may form -an idea of the thoughts and manners of the ancients on this point, by -reading one of their most celebrated writers, Aristotle. In the eyes -of this philosopher, the only title which renders a man worthy of the -name of citizen, seems to be the participation in the government of the -republic; and these ideas, apparently very democratic and calculated -to extend the rights of the most numerous class, far from proceeding, -as one would suppose, from an exaggeration of the dignity of man, was -connected in his mind with a profound contempt for man himself. His -system was to reserve all honor and consideration for a very limited -number; the classes of citizens who were thus condemned to degradation -and nullity were all laborers, artisans, and tradesmen. (_Pol._ l. -vii. c. 9, 12; l. viii. c. 1, 2; l. iii. c. 1.) This theory supposed, -as may be seen, very curious ideas on individuals and society, and -is an additional confirmation of what I have said respecting the -eccentricities, not to say monstrosities, which we see in the ancient -republics. Let us never forget that one of the principal causes of -the evil was the want of an intimate knowledge of man; it was the -little value which was placed upon his dignity as man; the individual, -deprived of guides to direct him, could not conciliate esteem; in a -word, there was wanting the light of Christianity, which was alone -capable of illuminating the chaos. - -The feeling of the dignity of man is deeply engraven on the heart of -modern society; we find everywhere, written in striking characters, -this truth, that man, by virtue of his title of man, is respectable -and worthy of high consideration; hence it is that all the schools of -modern times that have foolishly undertaken to exalt the individual, at -the imminent risk of producing fearful perturbations in society, have -adopted as the constant theme of their instructions, this dignity and -nobility of man. They thus distinguish themselves in the most decided -manner from the democrats of antiquity; the latter acted in a narrow -sphere, without departing from a certain order of things, without -looking beyond the limits of their own country; in the spirit of modern -democrats, on the contrary, we find a tendency to invade all branches, -an ardent propagandism which embraces the whole world. They never -invoke mean ideas; _man, his reason, his imprescriptible rights_, these -are their perpetual theme. Ask them what is their design, and they will -tell you that they desire to level all things, to avenge the sacred -cause of humanity. This exaggeration of ideas, the pretext and motive -for so many crimes, shows us a valuable fact, viz. the immense progress -which Christianity has given to ideas with relation to the dignity -of our nature. When they have to mislead societies which owe their -civilization to Christianity, they find no better means than to invoke -the dignity of human nature. The Christian religion, the enemy of all -that is criminal, could not consent to see society overturned, under -the pretence of defending and raising the dignity of man; this is the -reason why a great number of the most ardent democrats have indulged in -insults and sarcasms against religion. On the other hand, as history -loudly proclaims that all our knowledge and feeling of what is true, -just, and reasonable on this point, is due to the Christian religion, -it has been recently attempted to make a monstrous alliance between -Christian ideas and the most extravagant of democratic theories. A -celebrated man has undertaken this enterprise; but true Christianity, -that is, Catholicity, rejects these adulterous alliances; it ceases -to acknowledge its most eminent apologists when they have quitted the -path of eternal truth. De Lamennais now wanders in the darkness of -error, embracing a deceitful shadow of Christianity; and the voice of -the supreme Pastor of the Church has warned the faithful against being -dazzled by the illusion of a name illustrious by so many titles.[16] - - - - -CHAPTER XXIII. - -THE PROGRESS OF INDIVIDUALITY UNDER THE INFLUENCE OF CATHOLICITY. - - -IF we give a just and legitimate meaning to the word individuality, -taking the feeling of personal independence in an acceptation which is -not repugnant to the perfection of the individual, and does not oppose -the constitutive principles of all society; moreover, if we seek the -various causes which have influenced the development of this feeling, -without speaking of that which we have already pointed out as one of -the most important, viz. the true notion of man, and his connections -with his fellows, we shall find many of them which are quite worthy of -attention in Catholicity. M. Guizot was greatly deceived when, putting -the faithful of the Church in the same rank with the ancient Romans, -he asserted that both were equally wanting in the feeling of personal -independence. He describes the faithful as absorbed by the association -of the Church, entirely devoted to her, ready to sacrifice themselves -for her; so that, according to him, it was the interests of the -association which induced them to act. There is an error here; but as -this error has originated in a truth, it is our duty to distinguish the -ideas and the facts with much attention. - -There is no doubt that from the cradle of Christianity the faithful -have had an extreme attachment to the Church, and it was always well -understood among them, that they could not leave the communion of -the Church without ceasing to be numbered among the true disciples -of Jesus Christ. It is equally undeniable that, in the words of M. -Guizot, "There prevailed in the Christian Church a feeling of strong -attachment to the Christian corporation, of devotion to its laws, and -an ardent desire to extend its empire;" but it is not true that the -origin and source of all these feelings was the spirit of association -alone, to the exclusion of all development of real individuality. -The Christian belonged to an association, but that association was -regarded by him as a means of obtaining eternal happiness, as the ship -in which he was embarked, amid the tempests of the world, to arrive -safe in the port of eternity: and although he believed it impossible -to be saved out of the Church, he did not understand from that that -he was devoted to the Church, but to God. The Roman was ready to -sacrifice himself for his country; the Christian, for his faith. When -the Roman died, he died for his country; the faithful did not die for -the Church, but for God. If we open the monuments of Church history, -and read the acts of the martyrs, we shall then see what passed in -that terrible moment, when the Christian, fully arousing himself, -showed in the presence of the instruments of torture, burning piles, -and the most horrible punishments, the true principle which acted on -his mind. The judge asks his name; he declares it, and adds, "I am a -Christian." He is asked to sacrifice to the gods. "We only sacrifice to -one God, the Creator of heaven and earth." He is reproached with the -disgrace of following a man who has been nailed to the cross; for him -the ignominy of the cross is a glory, and he loudly proclaims that the -Crucified is his Saviour and his God. He is threatened with tortures; -he despises them, for they are passing, and rejoices in being able to -suffer something for his Master. The cross of punishment is already -prepared, the pile is lighted before his eyes, the executioner raises -the fatal axe to strike off his head; what does it matter to him? all -this is but for a moment, and after that moment comes a new life of -ineffable and endless happiness. We thus see what influenced his heart; -it was the love of his God and the interest of his eternal happiness. -Consequently, it is utterly false that the Christian, like men of the -ancient republics, destroyed his individuality in the association to -which he belonged, allowing himself to be absorbed in that association -like a drop of water in the immensity of ocean. The Christian belonged -to an association which gave him the rule of his faith and conduct; -he regarded that association as founded and directed by God himself; -but his mind and his heart were raised to God, and when following the -voice of the Church, he believed that he was engaged with his own -individual affair, which was nothing less than his eternal happiness. -This distinction is quite necessary in an affair which has relations -so various and delicate that the slightest confusion may produce -considerable errors. Here a hidden fact reveals itself to us, which -is infinitely precious, and throws much light upon the development -and perfecting of the individual in Christian civilization. It is -absolutely necessary that there should be a social order to which -the individual must submit; but it is also proper that he should not -be absorbed by society to such an extent that he cannot be conceived -but as forming part of it, and remains deprived of his own sphere -of action. If this were the case, never would true civilization be -completely developed; as it consists in the simultaneous perfecting of -the individual and of society, it is necessary, for its existence, that -both should have a well determined sphere, where their peculiar and -respective movements may not check and embarrass each other. - -After these reflections, to which I especially call the attention of -all thinking men, I will point out a thing which has, perhaps, not yet -been remarked; it is, that Christianity has eminently contributed to -create that individual sphere in which man, without breaking the ties -which connect him with society, is free to develop all his peculiar -faculties. From the mouth of an Apostle went forth that generous -expression which strictly limits political power: "We ought to obey -God rather than man." (Acts v. 29.) "Obedire oportet Deo magis quam -hominibus." The Apostle thereby proclaims that the individual should -cease to acknowledge power, when power exacts from him what he believes -to be contrary to his conscience. It was among Christians that this -great example was witnessed for the first time; individuals of all -countries, of all ages, of both sexes, of all conditions, braving -the anger of authority, and all the fury of popular passions, rather -than pronounce a single word contrary to the principles which they -professed in the sanctuary of conscience; and this, not with arms in -their hands, in the midst of popular commotions, where their impetuous -passions are excited, which communicate to the mind temporary energy, -but in the solitude and obscurity of dungeons, amid the fearful -calmness of the tribunals, that is, in that situation where man, alone -and isolated, cannot show force and dignity without revealing the -elevation of his ideas, the nobleness of his feelings, the unalterable -firmness of his conscience, and the greatness of his soul. Christianity -engraved this truth deeply on the heart of man, that individuals -have duties to perform, even when the whole world is aroused against -them; that they have an immense destiny to fulfil, and that it is -entirely their own affair, the responsibility of which rests upon -their own free will. This important truth, unceasingly inculcated by -Christianity at all times, to both sexes, to all conditions, must have -powerfully contributed to excite in man an active and ardent feeling of -personality. This feeling, with all its sublimity, combining with the -other inspirations of Christianity, all full of dignity and grandeur, -has raised the human mind from the dust, where ignorance and rude -superstitions, and systems of violence, which oppressed it on all -sides, had placed and retained it. How strange and surprising to the -ears of Pagans must have been those energetic words of Justin, which -nevertheless expressed the disposition of mind of the majority of the -faithful, when, in his Apology, addressed to Antoninus Pius, he said, -"As we have not placed our hopes on present things, we contemn those -who kill us, death being, moreover, a thing which cannot be avoided." - -This full and entire self-consciousness, this heroic contempt of -death, this calm spirit of a man who, supported by the testimony of -intimate feeling, sets at defiance all the powers of earth, must have -tended the more to enlarge the mind, as they did not emanate from -that cold stoical impassibility, the constant effort of which was to -struggle against the nature of things without any solid motive. The -Christian feeling had its origin in a sublime freedom from all that -is earthly, in a profound conviction of the holiness of duty, and in -that undeniable maxim, that man, in spite of all the obstacles which -the world places in his way, should walk with a firm step towards -the destiny which is marked out for him by his Creator. These ideas -and feelings together communicated to the soul a strong and vigorous -temper, which, without reaching in any thing the savage harshness of -the ancients, raised man to all his dignity, nobleness, and grandeur. -It must be observed that these precious effects were not confined to a -small number of privileged individuals, but that, in conformity with -the genius of the Christian religion, they extended to all classes; for -one of the noblest characters of that divine religion is the unlimited -expansion which it gives to all that is good; it knows no distinction -of persons, and makes its voice penetrate the obscurest places of -society. It was not only to the elevated classes and philosophers, -but to the generality of the faithful, that St. Cyprian, the light of -Africa, addressed himself, when, summing up in a few words all the -grandeur of man, he marked with a bold hand the sublime position where -our soul ought to maintain itself with constancy. "Never," he says, -"never will he who feels himself to be the child of God admire the -words of man. _He falls from his noblest state who can admire any thing -but God._" (_De Spectaculis._) Sublime words, which make us boldly -raise our heads, and fill our hearts with noble feelings; words which, -diffusing themselves over all classes, like a fertilizing warmth, were -capable of inspiring the humblest of men with what previously seemed -exclusively reserved for the transports of the poet: - - Os homini sublime dedit, cœlumque tueri - Jussit, et erectos ad sidera tollere cultus. - -The development of the moral life, the interior life, that life -in which man, reflecting on himself, is accustomed to render a -circumstantial account of all his actions, of the motives which actuate -him, of the goodness or the wickedness of those motives, and the -object to which they tend, is principally due to Christianity, to its -unceasing influence on man in all his conditions, in all situations, in -all moments of his life. Such a progress of the individual life in all -that it has most intimate, most active, and most interesting for the -heart of man, was incompatible with that absorption of the individual -by society, with that blind self-denial, in which man forgot himself, -to think only of the association of which he formed a part. This moral -and interior life was unknown to the ancients, because they wanted -principles for supporting, rules for guiding, and inspirations for -exciting and nourishing it. Thus at Rome, where the political element -tries its ascendency over minds, when enthusiasm becomes extinguished -by the effect of intestine dissensions, when every generous feeling -becomes stifled by the insupportable despotism which succeeds to the -last agitations of the republic, we see baseness and corruption develop -themselves with fearful rapidity. The activity of mind which before -occupied itself in debates of the Forum and the glorious exploits -of war, no longer finding food, gave itself up to sensual pleasures -with an abandonment which we can hardly imagine now-a-days, in spite -of the looseness of morals which we so justly deplore. Thus we see -among the ancients only these two extremes, either the most exalted -patriotism, or the complete prostration of the faculties of the soul, -which abandons itself without reserve to the dictates of its irregular -passions; there man was the slave either of his own passions, of -another man, or of society. - -Since the moral tie which united men to Catholic society has been -broken, since religious belief has been weakened, in consequence of -the individual independence which Protestantism has proclaimed in -religious matters, it has unhappily become possible for us to conceive, -by means of examples found in European civilization, what man still -deprived of real knowledge of himself, his origin and destiny, must -have been. We will indicate in another place the points of resemblance -which are found between ancient and modern society in the countries -where the influence of religious ideas is enfeebled. It is enough now -to remark, that if Europe had completely lost Christianity, according -to the insane desires of some men, a generation would not have passed -away without there being revived among us the individual and society -such as they were among the ancients, except the modifications which -the difference of the material state of the two civilizations would -necessarily produce. - -The doctrine of free will, so loudly proclaimed by Catholicity, and -sustained by her with such vigour, not only against the old Pagan -teaching, but particularly against sectarians at all times, and -especially against the founders of the pretended Reformation, has -also contributed more than is imagined to develop and perfect the -individual, to raise his ideas of independence, nobleness, and dignity. -When man comes to consider himself as constrained by the irresistible -force of destiny, and attached to a chain of events over which he has -no control--when he comes to suppose that the operations of his mind, -those active proofs of his freedom, are but vain illusions--he soon -annihilates himself; he feels himself assimilated to the brute; he -ceases to be the prince of living beings, the ruler of the earth; he -is nothing more than a machine fixed in its place, which is compelled -to perform its part in the great system of the universe. The social -order ceases to exist; merit and demerit, praise and blame, reward -and punishment, are only unmeaning words. If man enjoys or suffers, -it is only in the same way as a shrub, which is sometimes breathed -upon softly by the zephyrs, and sometimes blasted by the north wind. -How different it is when man is conscious of his liberty! Then he is -master of his destiny; good and evil, life and death, are before his -eyes; he can choose, and nothing can violate the sanctuary of his -conscience. There the soul is enthroned, there she is seated, full of -dignity, and the whole world raging against her, the universe falling -upon her fragile body, cannot force her will. The moral order is -displayed before us in all its grandeur; we see good in all its beauty, -and evil in all its deformity; the desire of doing well stimulates, -and the fear of doing ill restrains us; the sight of the recompense -which can be obtained by an effort of free will, and which appears -at the end of the path of virtue, renders that path more sweet and -peaceful, and communicates activity and energy to the soul. If man is -free, there remains something great and terrible, even in his crime, in -his punishment, and even in the despair of hell. What is man deprived -of liberty and yet punished? What is the meaning of this absurd -proposition, a chief dogma of the founders of Protestantism? This man -is a weak and miserable victim, in whose torture a cruel omnipotence -delights; a God who has created him in order to see him suffer; a -tyrant with infinite power, that is, the most dreadful of monsters. But -if man is free, when he suffers, he suffers because he has deserved -it; and if we contemplate him in the midst of despair, plunged into -an ocean of horrors, his brow furrowed by the just lightnings of the -Eternal, we seem to hear him still pronounce those terrible words with -a haughty bearing and proud look, _non serviam, I will not obey_. - -In man, as in the universe, all is wonderfully united; all the -faculties of man have delicate and intimate relations with each other, -and the movement of one chord in the soul makes all the others vibrate. -It is necessary to call attention to this reciprocal dependence of all -our faculties on each other, in order to anticipate an objection which -may be made. We shall be told, all that has been said only proves that -Catholicity has developed the individual in a mystical sense. No, the -observations which I have made show something more than this; they -prove that we owe to Catholicity the clear idea and lively feeling -of moral order in all its greatness and beauty; they prove that we -owe her the real strength of what we call conscience, and that if the -individual believes himself to be called to a mighty destiny, confided -to his own free will, and the care of which belongs entirely to him, it -is to Catholicity he owes that belief; they prove that Catholicity has -given man the true knowledge which he has of himself, the appreciation -of his dignity, the respect which is paid to him as man; they prove -that she has developed in our souls the germs of the noblest and most -generous feelings; for she has raised our thoughts by the loftiest -conceptions, dilated our hearts by the assurance of a liberty which -nothing can take away, by the promise of an infinite reward, eternal -happiness, while she leaves in our hands life and death, and makes us -in a certain manner the arbiters of our own destiny. In all this there -is more than mere mysticism; it is nothing less than the development -of the entire man; nothing less than the true, the only noble, just, -and reasonable individuality; nothing less than the collected powerful -impulses which urge the individual towards perfection in every sense; -it is nothing less than the first, the most indispensable, the most -fruitful element of real civilization. - - - - -CHAPTER XXIV. - -OF THE FAMILY.--MONOGAMY.--INDISSOLUBILITY OF THE CONJUGAL TIE. - - -WE have seen what the individual owes to Catholicity; let us now see -what the family owes her. It is clear that the individual, being the -first element of the family, if it is Catholicity which has tended -to perfect him, the improvement of the family will thus have been -very much her work; but without insisting on this inference, I wish -to consider the conjugal tie in itself, for which purpose it is -necessary to call attention to woman. I will not repeat here what she -was among the Romans, and what she is still among the nations who -are not Christians; history, and still more the literature of Greece -and Rome, afford us sad or rather shameful proofs on this subject; -and all the nations of the earth offer us too many evidences of the -truth and exactness of the observation of Buchanan, viz. that wherever -Christianity does not prevail, there is a tendency to the degradation -of woman. Perhaps on this point Protestantism will be unwilling to -give way to Catholicity; it will assert that in all that affects -woman the Reformation has in no degree prejudiced the civilization -of Europe. We will not now inquire what evils Protestantism has -occasioned in this respect; this question will be discussed in another -part of the work; but it cannot be doubted, that when Protestantism -appeared, the Catholic religion had already completed its task as far -as woman is concerned. No one, indeed, is ignorant that the respect -and consideration which are given to women, and the influence which -they exercise on society, date further back than the first part of -the 16th century. Hence it follows that Catholicity cannot have had -Protestantism as a coadjutor; it acted entirely alone in this point, -one of the most important of all true civilization; and if it is -generally acknowledged that Christianity has placed woman in the rank -which properly belongs to her, and which is most conducive to the good -of the family and of society, this is a homage paid to Catholicity; for -at the time when woman was raised from abjection, when it was attempted -to restore her to the rank of companion of man, as worthy of him, those -dissenting sects that also called themselves Christians did not exist, -and there was no other Christianity than the Catholic Church. - -It has been already remarked in the course of this work, that when -I give titles and honours to Catholicity, I avoid having recourse -to vague generalities, and endeavour to support my assertions by -facts. The reader will naturally expect me to do the same here, and -to point out to him what are the means which Catholicity has employed -to give respect and dignity to woman; he shall not be deceived in his -expectation. First, and before descending to details, we must observe -that the grand ideas of Christianity with respect to humanity must -have contributed, in an extraordinary manner, to the improvement of -the lot of woman. These ideas, which applied without any difference -to woman as well as to man, were an energetic protest against the -state of degradation in which one-half of the human race was placed. -The Christian doctrine made the existing prejudices against woman -vanish for ever; it made her equal to man by unity of origin and -destiny, and in the participation of the heavenly gifts; it enrolled -her in the universal brotherhood of man, with his fellows and with -Jesus Christ; it considered her as the child of God, the coheiress of -Jesus Christ; as the companion of man, and no longer as a slave and -the vile instrument of pleasure. Henceforth that philosophy which had -attempted to degrade her, was silenced; that unblushing literature -which treated women with so much insolence found a check in the -Christian precepts, and a reprimand no less eloquent than severe in the -dignified manner in which all the ecclesiastical writers, in imitation -of the Scriptures, expressed themselves on woman. Yet, in spite of -the beneficent influence which the Christian doctrines must have -exercised by themselves, the desired end would not have been completely -attained, had not the Church undertaken, with the warmest energy, to -accomplish a work the most necessary, the most indispensable for the -good organization of the family and society, I mean the reformation of -marriage. The Christian doctrine on this point is very simple: _one -with one exclusively, and for ever_. But the doctrine would have been -powerless, if the Church had not undertaken to apply it, and if she had -not carried on this task with invincible firmness; for the passions, -above all those of man, rebel against such a doctrine; and they would -undoubtedly have trodden it under foot, if they had not met with an -insurmountable barrier, which did not leave them the most distant hope -of triumph. Can Protestantism, which applauded with such senseless joy -the scandal of Henry VIII., and accommodated itself so basely to the -desires of the Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, boast of having contributed -to strengthen that barrier? What a surprising difference! During many -centuries, amid circumstances the most various, and sometimes the -most terrible, the Catholic Church struggles with intrepidity against -the passions of potentates, to maintain unsullied the sanctity of -marriage. Neither promises nor threats could move Rome; no means could -obtain from her any thing contrary to the instructions of her Divine -Master: Protestantism, at the first shock, or rather at the first -shadow of the slightest embarrassment, at the mere fear of displeasing -a prince who certainly was not very powerful, yields, humbles itself, -consents to polygamy, betrays its own conscience, opens a wide door -to the passions, and gives up to them the sanctity of marriage, the -first pledge for the good of the family, the foundation-stone of true -civilization. - -Protestant society on this point, wiser than the miscalled reformers -who attempted to guide it, with admirable good sense repudiated the -consequences of the conduct of its chiefs; although it did not preserve -the doctrines of Catholicity, it at least followed the salutary impulse -which it had received from them, and polygamy was not established -in Europe. But history records facts which show the weakness of the -pretended reformation, and the vivifying power of Catholicity. It tells -us to whom it is owing that the law of marriage, that palladium of -society, was not falsified, perverted, destroyed, amid the barbarous -ages, amid the most fearful corruption, violence, and ferocity, which -prevailed everywhere, as well at the time when invading nations passed -pell-mell over Europe, as in that of feudality, and when the power of -kings had already been preponderant,--history will tell what tutelary -force prevented the torrent of sensuality from overflowing with all -its violence, with all its caprices, from bringing about the most -profound disorganization, from corrupting the character of European -civilization, and precipitating it into that fearful abyss in which the -nations of Asia have been for so many centuries. - -Prejudiced writers have carefully searched the annals of ecclesiastical -history for the differences between popes and kings, and have taken -occasion therein to reproach the Court of Rome with its intolerant -obstinacy respecting the sanctity of marriage; if the spirit of -party had not blinded them, they would have understood that, if this -intolerant obstinacy had been relaxed for a moment, if the Roman -Pontiff had given way one step before the impetuosity of the passions, -this first step once made, the descent into the abyss would have -been rapid; they would have admired the spirit of truth, the deep -conviction, the lively faith with which that august see is animated; -no consideration, no fear, has been able to silence her, when she -had occasion to remind all, and especially kings and potentates, of -this commandment: "They shall be two in one flesh; man shall not -separate what God has joined." By showing themselves inflexible on -this point, even at the risk of the anger of kings, not only have the -popes performed the sacred duty which was imposed on them by their -august character as chiefs of Christianity, but they have executed a -political _chef d'œuvre_, and greatly contributed to the repose and -well-being of nations. "For," says Voltaire, "the marriages of princes -in Europe decide the destiny of nations; and never has there been a -court entirely devoted to debauchery, without producing revolutions and -rebellions." (_Essai sur l'Histoire générale_, t. iii. c. 101.) - -This correct remark of Voltaire will suffice to vindicate the pope, -together with Catholicity, from the calumnies of their wretched -detractors: it becomes still more valuable, and acquires an immense -importance, if it is extended beyond the limits of the political order -to the social. The imagination is affrighted at the thought of what -would have happened, if these barbarous kings, in whom the splendor -of the purple ill disguised the sons of the forest, if those haughty -seigneurs, fortified in their castles, clothed in mail, and surrounded -by their timid vassals, had not found a check in the authority of -the Church; if at the first glance at a new beauty, if at the first -passion which, when enkindled in their hearts, would have inspired -them with a disgust for their legitimate spouses, they had not had the -always-present recollection of an inflexible authority. They could, -it is true, load a bishop with vexations; they could silence him with -threats or promises; they might control the votes of a particular -Council by violence, by intrigue, by subornation; but, in the distance, -the power of the Vatican, the shadow of the Sovereign Pontiff, appeared -to them like an alarming vision; they then lost all hope; all struggles -became useless; the most violent endeavors would never have given them -the victory; the most astute intrigues, the most humble entreaties, -would have obtained the same reply: "One with one only, and for ever." - -If we read but the history of the middle ages, of that immense scene -of violence, where the barbarian, striving to break the bonds which -civilization attempted to impose on him, appears so vividly; if we -recollect that the Church was obliged to keep guard incessantly and -vigilantly, not only to prevent the ties of a marriage from being -broken, but even to preserve virgins (and even those who were dedicated -to God) from violence; we shall clearly see that, if she had not -opposed herself, as a wall of brass, to the torrent of sensuality, -the palaces of kings and the castles of seigneurs would have speedily -become their seraglios and harems. What would have happened in the -other classes? They would have followed the same course; and the women -of Europe would have remained in the state of degradation in which -the Mussulman women still are. As I have mentioned the followers of -Mohammed, I will reply in passing to those who pretend to explain -monogamy and polygamy by climate alone. Christians and Mohammedans -have been for a long time under the same sky, and their religions have -been established, by the vicissitudes of the two races, sometimes in -cold and sometimes in mild and temperate climates; and yet we have not -seen the religions accommodate themselves to the climates; but rather, -the climates have been, as it were, forced to bend to the religions. -European nations owe eternal gratitude to Catholicity, which has -preserved monogamy for them, one of the causes which undoubtedly have -contributed the most to the good organization of the family, and the -exaltation of woman. What would now be the condition of Europe, what -respect would woman now enjoy, if Luther, the founder of Protestantism, -had succeeded in inspiring society with the indifference which he -shows on this point in his commentary on Genesis? "As to whether we -may have several wives," says Luther, "the authority of the patriarchs -leaves us completely free." He afterwards adds that "_it is a thing -neither permitted nor prohibited, and that he does not decide any -thing thereupon_." Unhappy Europe! if a man, who had whole nations as -followers, had uttered such words some centuries earlier, at the time -when civilization had not yet received an impulse strong enough to make -it take a decided line on the most important points, in spite of false -doctrines. Unhappy Europe! if at the time when Luther wrote, manners -had not been already formed, if the good organization given to the -family by Catholicity had not been too deeply rooted to be torn up by -the hand of man. Certainly the scandal of the Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel -would not then have remained an isolated example, and the culpable -compliance of the Lutheran doctors would have produced bitter fruits. -What would that vacillating faith, that uncertainty, that cowardice -with which the Protestant Church was seen to tremble at the mere demand -of such a prince as the Landgrave, have availed, to control the fierce -impetuosity of barbarous and corrupted nations? How would a struggle, -lasting for ages, have been sustained by those who, at the first -menace of battle, gave way, and were routed before the shock? - -Besides monogamy, it may be said that there is nothing more important -than the indissolubility of marriage. Those who, departing from the -doctrine of the Church, think that it is useful in certain cases to -allow divorce, so as to dissolve the conjugal tie, and permit each -of the parties to marry again, still will not deny that they regard -divorce as a dangerous remedy, which the legislator only avails himself -of with regret, and only on account of crime or faithlessness; they -will see, also, that a great number of divorces would produce very -great evils, and that in order to prevent these in countries where the -civil laws allow the abuse of divorce, it is necessary to surround this -permission with all imaginable precaution; they will consequently grant -that the most efficacious manner of preventing corruption of manners, -of guarantying the tranquillity of families, and of opposing a firm -barrier to the torrent of evils which is ready to inundate society, -is to establish the indissolubility of marriage as a moral principle, -to base it upon motives which exercise a powerful ascendency over the -heart, and to keep a constant restraint on the passions, to prevent -them from slipping down so dangerous a declivity. It is clear that -there is no work more worthy of being the object of the care and zeal -of the true religion. Now, what religion but the Catholic has fulfilled -this duty? What other religion has more perfectly accomplished so -salutary and difficult a task? Certainly not Protestantism, for it -did not even know how to penetrate the depth of the reasons which -guided the conduct of the Church on this point. I have taken care to -do justice in another place to the wisdom which Protestant society has -displayed in not giving itself up entirely to the impulse which its -chiefs wished to communicate to it. But it must not be supposed from -this that Protestant doctrines have not had lamentable consequences in -countries calling themselves reformed. Let us hear what a Protestant -lady, Madame de Staël, says in her book on Germany, speaking of a -country which she loves and admires: "Love," she says, "is a religion -in Germany, but a poetical religion which tolerates very freely all -that sensibility can excuse. It cannot be denied that in the Protestant -provinces the facility of divorce is injurious to the sanctity of -marriage. _They change husbands as quietly as if they were arranging -the incidents of a drama_: the good nature of the man and woman -prevents the mixture of any bitterness with their easy ruptures; and -as there is among the Germans more imagination than real passion, the -most curious events take place with singular tranquillity. Yet it is -thus that manners and characters lose all consistency; the paradoxical -spirit destroys the most sacred institutions, and there are no well -established rules on any subject." (_De l'Allemagne_, p. 1, c. 3.) -Misled by their hatred against the Roman Church, and excited by their -rage for innovation in all things, the Protestants thought they had -made a great reform in secularizing marriage, if I may so speak, and in -rejecting the Catholic doctrine, which declared it a real sacrament. -This is not the place to enter upon a dogmatical discussion of this -matter; I shall content myself with observing, that by depriving -marriage of the august seal of a sacrament, Protestantism showed that -it had little knowledge of the human heart. To consider marriage, not -as a simple civil contract, but as a real sacrament, was to place it -under the august shade of religion, and to raise it above the stormy -atmosphere of the passions; and who can doubt that this was absolutely -necessary to restrain the most active, capricious, and violent passion -of the heart of man? The civil laws are insufficient to produce such -an effect. Motives are required, which, being drawn from a higher -source, exert a more efficacious influence. The Protestant doctrine -overturned the power of the Church with respect to marriage, and gave -up matters of this kind exclusively to the civil power. Some one will -perhaps think that the increase of the secular power on this point -could not but serve the cause of civilization, and that to drive the -ecclesiastical authority from this ground was a magnificent triumph -gained over exploded prejudices, a valuable victory over unjust -usurpation. Deluded man! If your mind possessed any lofty thought, if -your heart felt the vibration of those harmonious chords which display -the passions of man with so much delicacy and exactness, and teach the -best means of directing them, you would see, you would feel, that to -place marriage under the mantle of religion, and to withdraw it as much -as possible from profane interference, was to purify, to embellish, -and to surround it with the most enchanting beauty; for thus is that -precious treasure, which is blasted by a look, and tarnished by the -slightest breath, inviolably preserved. Would you not wish to have the -nuptial bed veiled and strictly guarded by religion? - - - - -CHAPTER XXV. - -OF THE PASSION OF LOVE. - - -But it will be said to Catholics, "Do you not see that your doctrines -are too hard and rigorous? They do not consider the weakness and -inconstancy of the human heart, and require sacrifices above its -strength. Is it not cruel to attempt to subject the most tender -affections, the most delicate feelings, to the rigor of a principle? -Cruel doctrine, which endeavors to hold together, bound to each other -by a fatal tie, those who no longer love, who feel a mutual disgust, -who perhaps hate each other with a profound hatred! When you answer -these two beings who long to be separated, who would rather die than -remain united, with an eternal Never, showing them the divine seal -which was placed upon their union at the solemn moment, do you not -forget all the rules of prudence? Is not this to provoke despair? -Protestantism, accommodating itself to our infirmity, accedes more -easily to the demands, sometimes of caprice, but often also of -weakness; its indulgence is a thousand times preferable to your rigor." -This requires an answer; it is necessary to remove the delusion which -produces these arguments, too apt, unhappily, to mislead the judgment, -because they begin by seducing the heart. In the first place, it -is an exaggeration to say that the Catholic system reduces unhappy -couples to the extremity of despair. There are cases in which prudence -requires that they should separate, and then neither the doctrines -nor the practice of the Catholic Church oppose the separation. It is -true that this does not dissolve the conjugal tie, and that neither -of the parties can marry again. But it cannot be said that one of -them is subject to tyranny; they are not compelled to live together, -consequently they do not suffer the intolerable torment of remaining -united when they abhor each other. Very well, we shall be told, the -separation being pronounced, the parties are freed from the punishment -of living together; but they cannot contract new ties, consequently -they are forbidden to gratify another passion which, perhaps, their -heart conceals, and which may have been the cause of the disgust or the -hatred whence arose the unhappiness or discord of their first union. -Why not consider the marriage as altogether dissolved? Why should not -the parties become entirely free? Permit them to obey the feelings of -their hearts, which, newly fixed on another object, already foresee -happier days. Here, no doubt, the answer seems difficult, and the force -of the difficulty becomes urgent; but, nevertheless, it is here that -Catholicity obtains the most signal triumph; it is here it clearly -shows how profound is its knowledge of the heart of man, how prudent -its doctrines, and how wise and provident its conduct. Its rigor, -which seems excessive, is only necessary severity; this conduct, far -from meriting the reproach of cruelty, is a guarantee for the repose -and well-being of man. But it is a thing which it is difficult to -understand at first sight; thus we are compelled to develop this -matter by entering into a profound examination of the principles which -justify by the light of reason the conduct pursued by the Catholic -Church; let us examine this conduct, not only in respect to marriage, -but in all that relates to the direction of the heart of man. - -In the direction of the passions there are two systems, the one of -compliance, the other of resistance. In the first of these they are -yielded to as they advance; an invincible obstacle is never opposed to -them; they are never left without hope. A line is traced around them -which, it is true, prevents them from exceeding a certain boundary; but -they are given to understand that if they come to place their foot upon -this limit, it will retire a little further; so that the compliance -is in proportion to the energy and obstinacy of their demands. In the -second system, a line is equally marked out to the passions which they -cannot pass; but it is a line fixed, immovable, and everywhere guarded -by a wall of brass. In vain do they attempt to pass it; they have not -even the shadow of hope; the principle which resists them will never -change, will never consent to any kind of compromise. Therefore, no -resource remains but to take that course which is always open to man, -that of sin. The first system allows the fire to break out, to prevent -an explosion; the second hinders the beginning of it, in the fear of -being compelled to arrest its progress. In the first, the passions are -feared and regulated at their birth, and hopes of restraining them when -they have grown up are entertained; in the second, it is thought that, -if it is difficult to restrain them when they are feeble, it will be -still more so when they are strengthened. In the one, they act on the -supposition that the passions are weakened by indulgence; in the other, -it is believed that gratification, far from satiating, only renders -them every day more devouring. - -It may be said, generally speaking, that Catholicity follows the second -of these systems; that is to say, with respect to the passions, her -constant rule is to check them at the first step, to deprive them of -all hope from the first, and to stifle them, if possible, in their -cradle. It must be observed, that we speak here of the severity with -respect to the passions themselves, not with respect to man, who -is their prey; it is very consistent to give no truce to passion, -and to be indulgent towards the person under its influence; to be -inexorable towards the offence, and to treat the offender with extreme -mildness. With respect to marriage, this system has been acted on by -Catholicity with astonishing firmness; Protestantism has taken the -opposite course. Both are agreed on this point, that divorce, followed -by the dissolution of the conjugal tie, is a very great evil; but -there is this difference between them, that the Catholic system does -not leave even the hope of a conjuncture in which this dissolution -will be permitted; it forbids it absolutely, without any restriction; -it declares it impossible: the Protestant system, on the contrary, -consents to it in certain cases. Protestantism does not possess the -divine seal which guaranties the perpetuity of marriage, and renders it -sacred and inviolable; Catholicity does possess this seal, impresses -it on the mysterious tie, and from that moment marriage remains under -the shadow of an august symbol. Which of the two religions is the most -prudent in this point? Which acts with the most wisdom? To answer this -question, let us lay aside the dogmatical reasons, and the intrinsical -morality of the human actions which form the subject of the laws which -we are now examining; and let us see which of the two systems is the -most conducive to the difficult task of managing and directing the -passions. After having considered the nature of the human heart, and -consulted the experience of every day, it may be affirmed that the best -way to repress a passion is to leave it without hope; to comply with -it, to allow it continual indulgences, is to excite it more and more; -it is to play with fire amid a heap of combustibles, by allowing the -flame to be lit, from time to time, in the vain confidence of being -always able to put out the conflagration. Let us take a rapid glance -at the most violent passions of the heart of man, and observe what -is their ordinary course, according to the system which is pursued -in their regard. Look at the gambler, who is ruled by an indefinable -restlessness, which is made up of an insatiable cupidity and an -unbounded prodigality, at the same time. The most enormous fortune -will not satisfy him; and yet he risks all, without hesitation, to the -hazard of a moment. The man who still dreams of immense treasures amid -the most fearful misery, restlessly pursues an object which resembles -gold, but which is not it, for the possession thereof does not satisfy -him. His heart can only exist amid uncertainty, chances, and perils. -Suspended between hope and fear, he seems to be pleased with the rapid -succession of lively emotions which unceasingly agitate and torment -him. What remedy will cure this malady--this devouring fever? Will you -recommend to him a system of compliance? will you tell him to gamble, -but only to a certain amount, at certain times, and in certain places? -What will you gain by this? Nothing at all. If these means were good -for any thing, there would be no gambler in the world who would not be -cured of his passion; for there is no one who has not often marked out -for himself these limits, and often said to himself, "You shall only -play till such an hour, in such a place, and to such an amount." What -is the effect of these palliations--of these impotent precautions--on -the unhappy gambler? That he miserably deceives himself. The passion -consents, only in order to gain strength, and the better to secure the -victory: thus it gains ground; it constantly enlarges its sphere; and -leads its victim again into the same, or into greater excesses. Do -you wish to make a radical cure? If there be a remedy, it must be to -abstain completely; a remedy which may appear difficult at first, but -will be found the easiest in practice. When the passion finds itself -deprived of all hope, it will begin to diminish, and in the end will -disappear. No man of experience will raise the least doubt as to the -truth of what I have said; every one will agree with me, that the only -way to destroy the formidable passion of gambling is to deprive it at -once of all food, to leave it without hope. - -Let us pass to another example, more analogous to the subject which I -intend to explain. Let us suppose a man under the influence of love. -Do you believe that the best way to cure his passion will be to give -him opportunities, even though very rare, of seeing the object of -his passion? Do you think that it will be salutary to authorize him -to _continue_, while you forbid him to _multiply_, these dangerous -interviews? Will such a precaution quench the flame which burns in his -heart? You may be sure that it will not. The limits will even augment -its force. If you allow it any food, even with the most parsimonious -hand, if you permit it the least success, you see it constantly -increase, until it upset every thing that opposes it. But take away -all hope, send the lover on a long journey, or place before him an -impediment which precludes the probability, or even the possibility, -of success; then, except in very rare cases, you will obtain at -first distraction, and then forgetfulness. Is not this the daily -teaching of experience? Is it not the remedy which necessity every -day suggests to the fathers of families? The passions resemble fire. -They are extinguished by a large quantity of water; but a few drops -only render them more ardent. Let us raise our thoughts still higher; -let us observe the passions acting in a wider field, in more extended -regions. Whence comes it that so many strong passions are awakened -at times of public disturbance? It is, because then they all hope to -be gratified; it is, because the highest ranks, the oldest and most -powerful institutions, having been overturned, and replaced by others, -which were hitherto imperceptible, all the passions see a road open -before them, amid the tempest and confusion; the barriers apparently -insurmountable, the sight of which prevented their existence, or -strangled them in the cradle, do not exist; as all is then unprotected -and defenceless, it is only required to have boldness and intrepidity -enough to stand amid the ruins of all that was old. - -Regarding things in the abstract, there is nothing more strikingly -absurd than hereditary monarchy, the succession secured to a family -which may at any time place on the throne a child, a fool, or a wretch: -and yet in practice there is nothing more wise, prudent, and provident. -This has been taught by the long experience of ages, it has been shown -by reason, and proved by the sad warnings of those nations who have -tried elective monarchy. Now, what is the cause of this? It is what -we are endeavoring to explain. Hereditary monarchy precludes all the -hopes of irregular ambition; without that, society always contains a -germ of trouble, a principle of revolt, which is nourished by those -who conceive a hope of one day obtaining the command. In quiet times, -and under an hereditary monarchy, a subject, however rich, however -distinguished he may be for his talent or his valour, cannot, without -madness, hope to be king; and such a thought never enters his head. -But change the circumstances,--admit, I will not say, the probability, -but the possibility of such an event, and you will see that there will -immediately be ardent candidates. - -It would be easy to develop this doctrine more at length, and apply -it to all the passions of man; but enough has been said to show that -the first thing to be done when you have to subdue a passion, is to -oppose to it an insurmountable barrier, which it can have no hope of -passing. Then the passion rages for a little time, it rebels against -the obstacle that resists it; but when it finds that to be immovable, -it recedes, it is cast down, and, like the waves of the sea, it falls -back murmuring to the level which has been marked out for it. - -There is a passion in the heart of man, a passion which exerts a -powerful influence on the destinies of his life, and too often, by its -deceitful illusions, forms a long chain of sadness and misfortune. This -passion, which has for its necessary object the preservation of the -human race, is found, in some form, in all the beings of nature; but, -inasmuch as it resides in the soul of an intelligent being, it assumes -a peculiar character in man. In brutes, it is only an instinct, limited -to the preservation of the species; in man, the instinct becomes a -passion; and that passion, enlivened by the fire of imagination, -rendered subtile by the powers of the mind, inconstant and capricious, -because it is guided by a free will, which can indulge in as many whims -as there are different impressions for the senses and the heart, is -changed into a vague, fickle feeling, which is never contented, and -which nothing can satisfy. Sometimes it is the restlessness of a man -in a fever; sometimes the frenzy of a madman; sometimes a dream, which -ravishes the soul into regions of bliss; sometimes the anguish and -the convulsions of agony. Who can describe the variety of forms under -which this deceitful passion presents itself? Who can tell the number -of snares which it lays for the steps of unhappy mortals? Observe it -at its birth, follow it in its career, up to the moment when it dies -out like an expiring lamp. Hardly has the down appeared on the face of -man, when there arises in his heart a mysterious feeling, which fills -him with trouble and uneasiness, without his being aware of the cause. -A pleasing melancholy glides into his heart, thoughts before unknown -enter his mind, seductive images pervade his imagination, a secret -attraction acts on his soul, unusual gravity appears in his features, -all his inclinations take a new direction. The games of childhood no -longer please him; every thing shows a new life, less innocent, less -tranquil; the tempest does not yet rage, the sky is not darkened, but -clouds, tinged with fire, are the sad presage of what is to come. -When he becomes adolescent, that which was hitherto a feeling, vague, -mysterious, incomprehensible, even to himself, becomes, from that -time, more decided; objects are seen more clearly, they appear in -their real nature; the passion sees, and seizes on them. But do not -imagine that it becomes more constant on that account. It is as vain, -as changeable, as capricious as the multitude of objects which by -turns present themselves to it. It is constantly deluded, it pursues -fleeting shadows, seeks a satisfaction which it never finds, and -awaits a happiness which it never attains. With an excited imagination, -a burning heart, with his whole soul transported, and all his faculties -subdued, the ardent young man is surrounded by a brilliant chain of -illusions; he communicates these to all that environs him; he gives -greater splendor to the light of heaven, he clothes the earth with -richer verdure and more brilliant coloring, he sheds on all the -reflection of his own enchantment. - -In manhood, when the thoughts are more grave and fixed, when the heart -is more constant, the will more firm, and resolutions more lasting; -when the conduct which governs the destinies of life is subjected -to rule, and, as it were, confirmed in its faith, this mysterious -passion continues to agitate the heart of man, and it torments him -with unceasing disquietude. We only observe that the passion is become -stronger and more energetic, owing to the development of the physical -organization; the pride which inspires man with independence of life, -the feeling of greater strength, and the abundance of new powers, -render him more decided, bold, and violent; while the warnings and -lessons of experience have made him more provident and crafty. We -no longer see the candor of his earlier years. He now knows how to -calculate; he is able to approach his object by covert ways, and to -choose the surest means. Woe to the man who does not provide in time -against such an enemy! His existence will be consumed by a fever of -agitation; amid disquietudes and torments, if he does not die in the -flower of his age, he will grow old still ruled by this fatal passion; -it will accompany him to the tomb, surrounding him, in his last days, -with those repulsive and hideous forms which are exhibited in a -countenance furrowed by years, and in eyes which are already veiled by -the shades of death. - -What plan should be adopted to restrain this passion, to confine it -within just limits, and prevent its bringing misfortune to individuals, -disorder to families, and confusion to society? The invariable rule -of Catholicity, in the morality which she teaches, as well as in the -institutions which she establishes, is repression; Catholicism does not -allow a desire she declares to be culpable in the eyes of God; even a -look, when accompanied by an impure thought. Why this severity? For two -reasons; on account of the intrinsic morality which there is in this -prohibition; and also, because there is profound wisdom in stifling the -evil at its birth. It is certainly easier to prevent a man's consenting -to evil desires, than it is to hinder his gratifying them when he has -allowed them to enter his inflamed heart. There is profound reason in -securing tranquillity to the soul, by not allowing it to remain, like -Tantalus, with the water at his burning lips. "Quid vis videre, quod -non licet habere?" Why do you wish to see that which you are forbidden -to possess? is the wise observation of the author of the admirable -Imitation of Christ; thus summing up, in a few words, all the prudence -which is contained in the holy severity of the Christian doctrine. - -The ties of marriage, by assigning a legitimate object to the passions, -still do not dry up the source of agitation and the capricious -restlessness which the heart conceals. Possession cloys and disgusts, -beauty fades and decays, the illusions vanish, and the charms -disappear; man, in the presence of a reality which is far from reaching -the beauty of the dreams inspired by his ardent imagination, feels new -desires arise in his heart; tired with what he possesses, he entertains -new illusions; he seeks elsewhere the ideal happiness which he thought -he had found, and quits the unpleasing reality which thus deceives his -brightest hopes. - -Give, then, the reins to the passions of man; allow him in any way to -entertain the illusion that he can make himself any new ties; permit -him to believe that he is not attached for ever, and without recall, to -the companion of his life; and you will see that disgust will soon take -possession of him, that discord will be more violent and striking, -that the ties will begin to wear out before they are contracted, and -will break at the first shock. Proclaim, on the contrary, a law which -makes no exception of poor or rich, weak or powerful, vassals or kings, -which makes no allowance for difference of situation, of character, -health, or any of those numberless motives which, in the hands of -passions, and especially those of powerful men, are easily changed into -pretexts; proclaim that this law is from heaven, show a divine seal -on the marriage tie, tell the murmuring passions that if they will -gratify themselves they must do so by immorality; tell them that the -power which is charged with the preservation of this divine law will -never make criminal compliances, that it will never dispense with the -infraction of the divine law, and that the crime will never be without -remorse; you will then see the passions become calm and resigned; the -law will be diffused and strengthened, will take root in customs; you -will have secured the good order and tranquillity of families for ever, -and society will be indebted to you for an immense benefit. Now this is -exactly what Catholicity has done, by efforts which lasted for ages; -it is what Protestantism would have destroyed, if Europe had generally -followed its doctrine and example, if the people had not been wiser -than their deceitful guides. - -Protestants and false philosophers, examining the doctrines and -institutions of the Catholic Church through their prejudices and -animosity, have not understood the admirable power of the two -characteristics impressed at all times and in all places on the -ideas and works of Catholicity, viz. _unity and fixity_; _unity_ in -doctrines, and _fixity_ in conduct. Catholicity points out an object, -and wishes us to pursue it straight forward. It is a reproach to -philosophers and Protestants, that after having declaimed against unity -of doctrine, they also declaimed against fixity of conduct. If they had -reflected on man, they would have understood that this fixity is the -secret of guiding and ruling him, and, when desirable of restraining -his passions, of exalting his mind when necessary, and of rendering -him capable of great sacrifices and heroic actions. There is nothing -worse for man than uncertainty and indecision; nothing that weakens -and tends more to make him useless. Indecision is to the will what -skepticism is to the mind. Give a man a definite object, and if he will -devote himself to it, he will attain it. Let him hesitate between two -different ways, without a fixed rule to guide his conduct; let him be -ignorant of his intention; let him not know whither he is going, and -you will see his energy relax, his strength diminish, and he will stop. -Do you know by what secret great minds govern the world? Do you know -what renders them capable of heroic actions? And how all those who -surround them are rendered so? It is that they have a fixed object, -both for themselves and for others; it is that they see that object -clearly, desire it ardently, strive after it directly, with firm hope -and lively faith, without allowing any hesitation in themselves or in -others. Alexander, Cæsar, Napoleon, and the other heroes of ancient -and modern times, no doubt exercised a fascinating influence by the -ascendency of their genius; but the secret of this ascendency, the -secret of their power, and of that force of impulse by which they -surmounted all, was the unity of thought, the fixity of plan, which -produced in them that invincible, irresistible character which gave -them an immense superiority over other men. Thus Alexander passed the -Granicus, undertook and completed his wonderful conquest of Asia; thus -Cæsar passed the Rubicon, put Pompey to flight, triumphed at Pharsalia, -and made himself master of the world; thus did Napoleon disperse -those who parleyed about the fate of France, conquered his enemies at -Marengo, obtained the crown of Charlemagne, alarmed and astonished the -world by the victories of Austerlitz and Jena. - -Without unity there is no order, without fixity there is no stability; -and in the moral as in the physical world, without order and stability -nothing prospers. Protestantism, which has pretended to advance the -individual and society by destroying religious unity, has introduced -into creeds and institutions the multiplicity and fickleness of private -judgment; it has everywhere spread confusion and disorder, and has -altered the nature of European civilization by inoculating it with -a disastrous principle which has caused and will continue to cause -lamentable evils. And let it not be supposed, that Catholicity, on -account of the unity of her doctrines and the fixity of her conduct, -is opposed to the progress of ages. There is nothing to prevent that -which is _one_ from advancing, and there may be movement in a system -which has some fixed points. The universe whose grandeur astonishes -us, whose prodigies fill us with admiration, whose beauty and variety -enchant us, is united, is ruled by laws constant and fixed. Behold some -of the reasons which justify the strictness of Catholicity, behold why -she has not been able to comply with the demands of a passion which, -once let loose, has no boundary or barrier, introduces trouble into -hearts, disorder into families, takes away the dignity of manners, -dishonors the modesty of women, and lowers them from the noble rank -of the companions of men. I do not deny that Catholicity is strict -on this point; but she could not give up this strictness without -renouncing at the same time the sublime functions of the depository of -sound morality, the vigilant sentinel which guards the destinies of -humanity.[17] - - - - -CHAPTER XXVI. - -VIRGINITY IN ITS SOCIAL ASPECT. - - -We have seen, in the fifteenth chapter, with what jealousy Catholicity -endeavors to veil the secrets of modesty; with what perseverance she -imposes the restraint of morality on the most impetuous passion of -the human heart. She shows us all the importance which belongs to -the contrary virtue, by crowning with peerless splendor the total -abstinence from sensual pleasure, viz. virginity. Frivolous minds, -and principally those who are inspired by a voluptuous heart, do not -understand how much Catholicity has thus contributed to the elevation -of woman; but such will not be the case with reflecting men who are -capable of seeing that all that tends to raise to the highest degree -of delicacy the feeling of modesty, all that fortifies morality, all -that contributes to make a considerable number of women models of the -most heroic virtue, equally tends to place women above the atmosphere -of gross passion. Woman then ceases to be presented to the eyes of man -as the mere instrument of pleasure; none of the attractions with which -nature has endowed her are lost or diminished, and she has no longer to -dread becoming an object of contempt and disgust, after having been the -unhappy victim of profligacy. - -The Catholic Church is profoundly acquainted with these truths; and -while she watched over the sanctity of the conjugal tie, while she -created in the bosom of the family this admirable dignity of the -matron, she covered with a mysterious veil the countenance of the -Christian virgin, and she carefully guarded the spouses of the Lord in -the seclusion of the sanctuary. It was reserved for Luther, the gross -profaner of Catharine de Boré, to act in defiance of the profound -and delicate wisdom of the Church on this point. After the apostate -monk had violated the sacred seal set by religion on the nuptial bed, -his was the unchaste hand to tear away the sacred veil of virgins -consecrated to God: it was worthy of his hard heart to excite the -cupidity of princes, to induce them to seize upon the possessions -of these defenceless virgins, and expel them from their abodes. See -him everywhere excite the flame of sensuality, and break through all -control. What will become of virgins devoted to the sanctuary? Like -timid doves, will they not fall into the snares of the libertine? Is -this the way to increase the respect paid to the female sex? Is this -the way to increase the feeling of modesty and to advance humanity? -Was this the way in which Luther gave a generous impulse to future -generations, perfected the human mind, and gave vigor and splendor to -refinement and civilization? What man with a tender and sensitive heart -can endure the shameless declamation of Luther, especially if he has -read the Cyprians, the Ambroses, the Jeromes, and the other shining -lights of the Catholic Church, on the sublime honor of the Christian -virgin? Who, then, will object to see, during ages when the most savage -barbarism prevailed, those secluded dwellings where the spouses of the -Lord secured themselves from the dangers of the world, incessantly -employed in raising their hands to heaven, to draw down upon the earth -the dews of divine mercy? In times and countries the most civilized, -how sad is the contrast between the asylums of the purest and loftiest -virtue, and the ocean of dissipation and profligacy! Were these abodes -a remnant of ignorance, a monument of fanaticism, which the coryphæi of -Protestantism did well to sweep from the earth? If this be so, let us -protest against all that is noble and disinterested; let us stifle in -our hearts all enthusiasm for virtue; let every thing be reduced to the -grossest sensuality; let the painter throw away his pencil, the poet -his lyre; let us forget our greatness and our dignity; let us degrade -ourselves, saying, "Let us eat and drink, for to-morrow we die!" - -No; true civilization can never forgive Protestantism for this immoral -and impious work; true civilization can never forgive it for having -violated the sanctuary of modesty and innocence, for having employed -all its efforts to destroy respect for virginity; thus treading under -foot a doctrine professed by all the human race. It did not respect -what was venerated by the Greeks in the priestesses of Ceres, by the -Romans in their vestals, by the Gauls in their druidesses, by the -Germans in their prophetesses. It has carried the want of respect for -modesty farther than was ever done by the dissolute nations of Asia, -and the barbarians of the new world. It is certainly a disgrace for -Europe to have attacked what was respected in all parts of the world, -to have treated as a mistaken prejudice the universal belief of the -human race, sanctioned, moreover, by Christianity. What invasion of -barbarians was equal to this attack of Protestantism on all that ought -to be most inviolable among men? It has set the fatal example in modern -revolutions of the crimes which have been committed. - -When we see, in warlike rage, the barbarity of the conquerors remove -all restraint from a licentious soldiery, and let them loose against -the abodes of virgins consecrated to God, there is nothing but what -may be conceived. But when these holy institutions are persecuted by -system, when the passions of the populace are excited against them, by -grossly assailing their origin and object, this is more than brutal and -inhuman. It is a thing which cannot be described, when those who act in -this way boast of being Reformers, followers of the pure Gospel, and -proclaim themselves the disciples of Him who, in His sublime councils, -has pointed out virginity as one of the noblest virtues that can adorn -the Christian's crown. Now, who is ignorant that this was one of the -works to which Protestantism devoted itself with the greatest ardor? - -Woman without modesty will be an incentive to sensuality, but will -never attract the soul by the mysterious feeling which is called love. -It is very remarkable, that although the most urgent desire of the -heart of woman is to please, yet as soon as she forgets modesty she -becomes displeasing and disgusting. Thus it is wisely ordained that -what wounds her heart the most sharply, becomes the punishment of her -fault. Hence, every thing that maintains in woman the delicate feeling -of modesty, elevates her, adorns her, gives her greater ascendency -over the heart of man, and creates for her a distinguished place in -the domestic as well as in the social order. These truths were not -understood by Protestantism when it condemned virginity. It is true -this virtue is not a necessary condition of modesty, but it is its -_beau idéal_ and type of perfection; and certainly we cannot destroy -this model, by denying its beauty, by condemning its imitation as -injurious, without doing great injury to modesty itself, which, -continually struggling against the most powerful passion of the heart -of man, cannot be preserved in all its purity, unless it be accompanied -by the greatest precautions. Like a flower of infinite delicacy, of -ravishing colours, of the sweetest perfume, it can scarcely support -the slightest breath of wind; its beauty is destroyed with extreme -facility, and its perfume readily evaporates. - -But you will perhaps urge against virginity the injury which it does to -population; you will consider the offerings which are made on the altar -by this virtue as so much taken from the multiplication of the human -race. Fortunately the observations of the most distinguished political -economists have destroyed this delusion, originated by Protestantism, -and supported by the incredulous philosophy of the 18th century. Facts -have shown, in a convincing manner, two truths of equal importance in -vindicating Catholic doctrines and institutions; 1, that the happiness -of nations is not necessarily in proportion to the increase of their -population; 2, that the augmentation and diminution of the population -depend on many concurrent causes; that religious celibacy, if it be -among them, has an insignificant influence. - -A false religion and an illegitimate and egotistical philosophy have -attempted to assimilate the secrets of this increase of the human race -to that of other living beings. All idea of religion has been taken -away; they have seen in humanity only a vast field where nothing was to -be left sterile. Thus they have prepared the way for the doctrine which -considers individuals as machines from which all possible profit should -be drawn. No more was thought of charity, or the sublime instructions -of religion with respect to the dignity and destinies of man; thus -industry has become cruel, and the organization of labor, established -on a basis purely material, increases the present, but fearfully -menaces the future well-being of the rich. - -How profound are the designs of Providence! The nation which has -carried these fatal principles to the fullest extent now finds itself -overcharged with men and products. Frightful misery devours her most -numerous classes, and all the ability of her rulers will not be able to -avoid the rock she is running on, urged by the power of the elements to -which she has abandoned herself. The eminent professors of Oxford who, -it seems, begin to see the radical vices of Protestantism, would find -here a rich subject for meditation, if they would examine how far the -pretended reformers of the 16th century have contributed, in preparing -the critical situation in which England finds herself, in spite of her -immense progress. - -In the physical world all is disposed by number, weight, and measure; -the laws of the universe show infinite calculation--infinite geometry; -but let us not imagine that we can express all by our imperfect signs, -and include every thing in our limited combinations; let us, above all, -avoid the foolish error of assimilating too much the moral and the -physical world--of applying indiscriminately to the first what only -belongs to the second, and of upsetting by our pride the mysterious -harmony of the creation. Man is not born simply for multiplication of -his species; this is not the only part which he is intended to perform -in the great machine of the universe; he is a being according to the -image and likeness of God--a being who has his proper destiny--a -destiny superior to all that surrounds him on earth. Do not debase him, -do not level him with the earth, by inspiring him with earthly thoughts -alone; do not oppress his heart, by depriving him of noble and elevated -sentiments--by leaving him no taste for any but material enjoyments. -If religious thoughts lead him to an austere life--if the inclination -to sacrifice the pleasures of this life on the altar of the God whom -he adores takes possession of his heart--why should you hinder him? -What right have you to despise a feeling which certainly requires -greater strength of mind than is necessary for abandoning one's self to -pleasure? - -These considerations, which affect both sexes, have still greater force -when they are applied to the female. With her lively imagination, -her feeling heart, and ardent mind, she has greater need than man of -serious inspiration, of grave, solemn thoughts, to counterbalance the -activity with which she flies from object to object, receiving with -extreme facility impressions of every thing she touches, and, like a -magnetic agent, communicating them in her turn to all that surrounds -her. Allow, then, a portion of that sex to devote itself to a life of -contemplation and austerity; allow young girls and matrons to have -always before their eyes a model of all the virtues--a sublime type -of their noblest ornament, which is modesty. This will certainly not -be without utility. Be assured, these virgins are not taken away from -their families, nor from society--both will recover with usury what you -imagine they have lost. - -In fact, who can measure the salutary influence which the sacred -ceremonies with which the Catholic Church celebrates the consecration -of a virgin to God, must have exercised on female morals! Who can -calculate the holy thoughts, the chaste inspirations which have gone -forth from those silent abodes of modesty, erected sometimes in -solitary places, and sometimes in crowded cities! Do you not believe -that the virgin whose heart begins to be agitated by an ardent passion, -that the matron who has allowed dangerous feelings to enter her soul, -have not often found their passions restrained by the remembrance of -a sister, a relative, a friend, who, in one of these silent abodes, -raises her pure heart to Heaven, offering as a holocaust to the Divine -Son of the blessed Virgin all the enchantments of youth and beauty? -All this cannot be calculated, it is true; but this, at least, is -certain, that no thought of levity, no inclination to sensuality has -arisen therefrom. All this cannot be estimated; but can we estimate -the salutary influence exercised by the morning dew upon plants? can -we estimate the vivifying effect of light upon nature? and can we -understand how the water which filters through the bowels of the earth -fertilizes it by producing fruits and flowers? - -There is, then, an infinity of causes of which we cannot deny the -existence and the power, but which it is nevertheless impossible to -submit to rigorous examination. The cause of the impotence of every -work exclusively emanating from the mind of man is, that his mind is -incapable of embracing the _ensemble_ of the relations which exist in -facts of this kind; it is impossible for him to appreciate properly the -indirect influences--sometimes hidden, sometimes imperceptible--which -act there with an infinite delicacy. This is the reason why time -dispels so many illusions, belies so many prognostics, proves the -weakness of what was reckoned strong, and the strength of what was -considered weak. Indeed, time brings to light a thousand relations, the -existence of which was not suspected, and puts into action a thousand -causes which were either unknown or despised: the results advance in -their development, appearing every day in a more evident manner, until -at length we find ourselves in such a situation that we can no longer -shut our eyes to the evidence of facts, or any longer evade their force. - -One of the greatest mistakes made by the opponents of Catholicity is -this. They can only see things under one aspect; they do not understand -how a force can act otherwise than in a straight line; they do not see -that the moral world, as well as the physical, is composed of relations -infinitely varied, and of indirect influences, sometimes acting with -more force than if they were direct. All form a system correlative and -harmonious, the parts of which it is necessary to avoid separating, -more than is absolutely needful for becoming acquainted with the hidden -and delicate ties which connect the whole. It is necessary, moreover, -to allow for the action of time, that indispensable element in all -complete development, in every lasting work. - -I trust I shall be pardoned for this short digression, necessary for -the inculcation of the great truths which have not been sufficiently -attended to in examining the great institutions founded by Catholicity. -Philosophy is now compelled to withdraw propositions advanced too -boldly, and to modify principles applied too generally. It would -have avoided this trouble and mortification by being cautious and -circumspect in its investigations. In league with Protestantism, -it declared deadly war against the great Catholic institutions; it -loudly appealed against moral and religious centralization. And now -a unanimous shout is raised from all quarters of the world in favour -of the principle of unity. The instinct of nations seeks for it; -philosophers examine the secrets of science to discover it. Vain -efforts! No other foundation can be established than that which is -already laid; duration depends upon solidity. - - - - -CHAPTER XXVII. - -OF CHIVALRY AND BARBARIAN MANNERS, IN THEIR INFLUENCE ON THE CONDITION -OF WOMEN. - - -An indefatigable zeal for the sanctity of marriage, and an anxious -solicitude to carry the principle of modesty to the highest degree -of delicacy, are the two rules which have guided Catholicity in her -efforts for the elevation of woman. These are the two great means she -has employed in attaining her object, and hence comes the influence -and importance of women in Europe. M. Guizot is, therefore, wrong in -saying that "it is to the development, to the necessary preponderance -of domestic manners in the feudal system, that this change, this -improvement in their condition is chiefly owing." I will not discuss -the greater or less influence of the feudal system on the development -of European manners. Undoubtedly when the feudal lord "shall have his -wife, his children, and scarcely any others in his house, they alone -will form his permanent society; they alone will share his interests, -his destiny. It is impossible for domestic influence not to acquire -great power." (_Leçon 4._) But if the lord, returning to his castle, -found one wife there, and not many, to what was that owing? Who forbade -him to abuse his power by turning his house into a harem? Who bridled -his passions and prevented his making victims of his timid vassals? -Surely these were the doctrines and morals introduced into Europe, -and deeply rooted there by the Catholic Church; it was the strict -laws which she imposed as a barrier to the invasions of the passions; -therefore, even if we suppose that feudality did produce this good, it -is still owing to the Catholic Church. - -That which has no doubt tended to exaggerate the influence of feudality -in all that raises and ennobles women, is a fact that appears very -evidently at that period, and is dazzling at first sight. This is the -brilliant spirit of chivalry, which, rising out of the bosom of the -feudal system, and rapidly diffusing itself, produced the most heroic -actions, gave birth to a literature rich in imagination and feeling, -and contributed in great measure to soften and humanize the savage -manners of the feudal lords. This period is particularly distinguished -for the spirit of gallantry; not the gallantry which consists generally -in the tender relations of the two sexes, but a greatly exaggerated -gallantry on the part of man, combining, in a remarkable way, the most -heroic courage with the most lively faith and the most ardent religion. -God and his lady; such is the constant thought of the knight; this -absorbs all his faculties, occupies all his time, and fills up all -his existence. As long as he can obtain a victory over the infidels, -and is supported by the hope of offering at the feet of his lady the -trophies of his triumph, no sacrifice costs him any thing, no journey -fatigues, no danger affrights, no enterprise discourages him. His -excited imagination transports him into a world of fancy; his heart -is on fire; he undertakes all, he finishes all; and the man who has -just fought like a lion on the plains of Spain, or of Palestine, melts -like wax at the name of the idol of his heart; then he turns his eyes -amorously towards his country, and is intoxicated with the idea that -one day, sighing under the castle of his beloved, he may obtain a -pledge of her affection, or a promise of love. Woe to any one who is -bold enough to dispute his treasure, or indiscreet enough to fix his -eyes on those battlements. The lioness who has been robbed of her cubs -is not more terrible, the forest torn to pieces by the hurricane is -not more agitated than his heart; nothing can stop his vengeance, _he -must destroy his rival or die_. In examining this mixture of mildness -and ferocity, of religion and passion, which, no doubt, has been -exaggerated by the fancies of chroniclers and troubadours, but which -must have had a real type, we shall observe that it was very natural -at that time, and that it is not so contradictory as it appears at -first sight. Indeed, nothing was more natural than violent passions -among men whose ancestors, not long before, had come from the forests -of the north to pitch their bloody tents on the site of ruined cities; -nothing was more natural than that there should be no other judge than -strength of arm among men whose only profession was war, and who lived -in an embryo society, where there was no public law strong enough to -restrain private passions. Nothing, too, was more natural to those -men than a lively sense of religion, for religion was the only power -which they acknowledged; she had enchanted their imaginations by the -splendour and magnificence of her temples, by the majesty and pomp of -her worship. She had filled them with astonishment, by placing before -their eyes the most sublime virtue, by addressing them in language as -lofty as it was sweet and insinuating; language, no doubt, imperfectly -understood by them, but which, nevertheless, convinced them of the -holiness and divinity of the Christian mysteries and precepts, inspired -them with respect and admiration, and also exercising a powerful -influence on their minds, enkindled enthusiasm and produced heroism. -Thus we see that all that was good in this exalted sentiment emanated -from religion; if we take away faith, we shall find nothing but the -barbarian, who knew no other law than his spear, and no other rule of -conduct than the inspirations of his fiery soul. - -The more we penetrate into the spirit of chivalry and examine in -particular the feelings which it professed towards women, the more -we shall see that, instead of raising them, it supposes them already -raised and surrounded by respect. Chivalry does not give a new place -to women; it finds them already honoured and respected; and indeed, -if it were not so, how could it imagine a gallantry so exaggerated, -so fantastical? But if we imagine to ourselves the beauty of a virgin -covered by the veil of Christian modesty; if we imagine this charm -increased by illusion, we shall then understand the madness of the -knight. If we imagine, at the same time, the virtuous matron, the -companion of man, the mother of a family, the only woman in whom were -concentrated all the affections of husband and children, the Christian -wife, we shall understand why the knight was intoxicated at the mere -idea of obtaining so much happiness, why his love was more than a -sensual feeling, it was a respect, a veneration, a worship. - -It has been attempted to find the origin of this kind of worship in -the manners of the Germans; on the strength of some expressions of -Tacitus, the social amelioration of woman's lot has been attributed -to the respect with which the barbarians surrounded her. M. Guizot -rejects this assertion, and justly combats it by observing that what -Tacitus tells us of the Germans was not exclusively applicable to -them, since "phrases similar to those of Tacitus, and sentiments and -customs analogous to those of the ancient Germans, are met with in the -statements of many observers of savage or barbarous nations." Yet in -spite of this wise remark, the same opinion has been maintained: it is -necessary, then, to combat it again. - -The passage of Tacitus is this: "Inesse quin etiam sanctum aliquid -et providum putant, nec aut consilia eorum aspernantur, aut responsa -negligunt. Vidimus sub Divo Vespasiano Velledam diu apud plerosque -numinis loco habitare." (_De Mor. Germ._) "They go so far as to think -that there is in women something holy and prophetical; they do not -despise their counsels, and they listen to their predictions. In the -time of the divine Vespasian, we have seen the greater part of them -for a long time regard Velleda as a goddess." It seems to me that it -is mistaking the passage of Tacitus, to extend its meaning to domestic -manners, and to see in it a trait of married life. If we attend to -the historian's words, we shall see that such an explanation is far -from his idea. His words only relate to the superstition which made -the people attribute to some women the prophetic character. Even the -example chosen by Tacitus serves to show the truth and justness of -this observation. "Velleda," he says, "was regarded as a goddess." In -another part of his works, Tacitus explains his idea by telling us, of -this same Velleda, "that this girl of the nation of Bructeres enjoyed -great power, owing to an ancient custom among the Germans, which made -them look upon many women as prophetesses, and, in fine, with the -progress of superstition, as real divinities." "Ea virgo nationis -Bructeræ late imperitabat, vetere apud Germanos more quo plerasque -fœminarum fatidicas et augescente superstitione arbitrantur deas." -(_Hist. 4._) The text which I have just quoted proves to demonstration -that Tacitus speaks of superstition and not of family regulations, -very different things; as it might easily happen that some women were -regarded as divinities, while the rest of their sex only occupied a -place in society inferior to that which belonged to them. At Athens, -great importance was given to the priestesses of Ceres; at Rome to the -Vestals, the Pythonesses; and the history of the Sibyls shows that it -was not peculiar to the Germans to attribute the prophetical character -to women. It is not for me now to explain the cause of these facts; -it is enough for my purpose to state them; perhaps, on this point, -physiology might throw light on the philosophy of history. - -When Tacitus, in the same work, describes the severity of the manners -of the Germans with respect to marriage, it is easy to observe that -the order of superstition and the order of the family were among them -very different. We have no longer here any thing of the _sanctum et -providum_; we find only a jealous austerity in maintaining the line -of duty; and we see woman, instead of being regarded as a goddess, -given up to the vengeance of the husband, if she has been unfaithful. -This curious passage proves that the power of man over woman was not -much limited by the customs of the Germans. "Accisis crinibus," says -Tacitus, "nudatam coram propinquis expellit domo maritus, ac per omnem -vicum verbere agit." "After having cut off her hair, the husband drives -her from his house in presence of her relations, and beats her with -rods ignominiously through the village." Certainly this punishment -gives us an idea of the infamy which was attached to adultery among -the Germans; but it was little calculated to increase the respect -entertained for them publicly; this would have been greater had they -been stoned to death. - -When we read in Tacitus the description of the social state of the -Germans, we must not forget that some traits of their manners are -purposely embellished by him, which is very natural for a writer of his -sentiments. We must not forget that Tacitus was indignant and afflicted -at the sight of the fearful corruption of manners at that time in Rome. -He paints, it is true, in glowing colours, the sanctity of marriage -among the Germans; but who does not see that, when doing so, he had -before his eyes matrons who, according to Seneca, reckoned their years -not by the succession of consuls, but by change of husbands, and women -without a shadow of modesty, given up to the greatest profligacy? -We can easily see to whom he alludes when he makes these severe -remarks: "Nemo enim illic vitia ridet, nec corrumpere et corrumpi -sæculum vocatur." "There vice is not laughed at, and corruption is -not called the fashion." A strong expression, which describes the -age, and explains to us the secret joy with which Tacitus cast in the -face of Rome, so refined and so corrupted, the pure image of German -manners. That which sharpened the raillery of Juvenal andenvenomed -his bitter satires, excited the indignation of Tacitus, and drew from -his grave philosophy these severe reprimands. Other information which -we possess shows us that the pictures of Tacitus are embellished, and -that the manners of this people were far from being as pure as he -wishes to persuade us. Perhaps they may have been strict with respect -to marriage; but it is certain that polygamy was not unknown among -them. Cæsar, an eye-witness, relates, that the German king Ariovistus -had two wives (_De Bello Gallico_, l. i.); and this was not a solitary -instance, for Tacitus himself tells us that a few of them had several -wives at once, not on account of sensuality, but for distinction. -"Exceptis admodum paucis, qui non libidine, sed ob nobilitatem, -pluribus nuptiis ambiuntur." This distinction, _non libidine sed ob -nobilitatem_, is amusing; but it is clear that the kings and nobles, -under one pretence or another, allowed themselves greater liberty than -the severe historian would have approved of. - -Who can tell what was the state of morality among those forests? If we -may be allowed to conjecture by analogy, from the resemblance which -may naturally be supposed to exist among the different nations of -the North, what an idea might we conceive of it from certain customs -of the Britons, who, in bodies of ten or twelve, had their wives in -common; chiefly brothers with brothers, and fathers with sons; so -that they were compelled to distinguish the families conventionally, -by giving the children to him who had first married the woman! It is -from Cæsar, an eye-witness, that we also learn this: "Uxores habent -(Britanni) deni duodenique inter se communes, et maxime fratres cum -fratribus et parentes cum liberis; sed si qui sunt ex his nati, eorum -habentur liberi a quibus primum virgines quæque ductæ sunt." (_De Bello -Gallico_, l. v.) - -However this may have been, it is at least certain that the principle -of monogamy was not so much respected among the Germans as people -have been willing to suppose; an exception was made in favour of the -nobles, that is, of the powerful; and that was enough to deprive the -principle of all its force, and to prepare its ruin. In such a matter, -to establish an exception to the law in favour of the powerful, is -almost to abrogate it. It may be said, I admit, that the powerful -will never want means of violating it; but it is one thing for the -powerful to violate the law, and another for the law itself to retire -before them, leaving the way open: in the first case, the employment -of force does not destroy the law--the very shock which breaks it, -makes its existence felt, and visibly shows the wrong and injustice; -in the second case, the law prostitutes itself, if I may so speak; the -passions have no need of force to open for themselves a passage, the -law itself opens the door for them. From that time it remains degraded -and disgraced; its own baseness has undermined the moral principle -on which it was founded; and, owing to its own fault, it becomes -itself the subject of animadversion to those who are still compelled -to observe it. Thus the right of polygamy, once recognised among the -Germans in favour of the great, must, with time, have become general -among the other classes of the people; and it is very probable that -this was the case when the conquest of more productive countries, the -enjoyment of more genial climates, and some improvement in their social -condition furnished them more abundantly with the means of gratifying -their inclinations. An evil so great could only be withstood by the -inflexible severity of the Catholic Church. Nobles and kings still had -a strong inclination towards the privileges which we have seen their -predecessors enjoying before they embraced the Christian religion. -Thence it came that, in the first centuries after the irruption of -the barbarians, the Church had so much trouble in restraining their -violent inclinations. Would not those who have endeavored to find among -the Germans so large a portion of the constitutive elements of modern -civilization have shown more wisdom, if they had recognised, in the -manners which we have been examining, one of the causes which made the -struggles between the secular princes and the Church so frequent? - -I do not see why we should seek in the forests of the barbarians for -the origin of one of the finest attributes of our civilization, or why -we should give to those nations virtues of which they showed so little -evidence when they invaded the countries of the south. - -Without monuments, without history--almost without any index as to -their social condition--it is difficult, not to say impossible, to -know any thing certain with respect to their manners; but I ask, what -must have been their morality, in the midst of such ignorance, such -superstition, and such barbarism? - -The little that we know about these nations has been necessarily taken -from the Roman historians; and unfortunately this is not one of the -purest sources. It almost always happens that observers, especially -when they are conquerors, only give some slight notions with regard -to the political state of a people, and are almost silent as to their -social and domestic condition. In order to form an idea of this part of -the condition of a nation, it is necessary to mingle with them, and be -intimate with them; now this is generally prevented by their different -states of civilization, especially when the observers and the observed -are exasperated against each other by long years of war and slaughter. -Add to this, that, in such cases, the attention is particularly -attracted by what favors or opposes the designs of the conquerors, -who for the most part attach no great importance to moral subjects; -this will show us how it is that nations who are observed in this way -are only superficially known, and why such statements with respect to -religion and manners are unworthy of much confidence. - -The reader will judge whether these reflections are out of place in -estimating the value of what the Romans have told us about the state -of the barbarians. It is enough to fix our eyes on the scenes of blood -and horror prevailing for centuries, which show us, on the one hand, -the ambition of Rome, which, not content with the empire of the then -known world, wished to extend its power over the most distant forests -of the North; and, on the other, the indomitable spirit of barbarian -independence, breaking in pieces the chains which were attempted -to be imposed upon them, and destroying, by their bold incursions, -the ramparts which the skill of the Roman generals labored to raise -against them. See, then, what we ought to think of barbarian society, -as described by Roman historians. What shall we think, if we consult -the few traits which the barbarians themselves have left us, of -their manners and maxims with respect to their social condition? It -is always risking much to seek in barbarism for the origin of one -of the most beautiful results of civilization, and to attribute to -vague and superstitious feelings what, during centuries, forms the -normal state of the most advanced nations. If these noble sentiments, -which are represented to us as emanating from the barbarians, really -existed among them, how did they avoid perishing in the midst of their -migrations and revolutions? How did they alone remain, when every thing -relating to the social condition of the barbarians disappeared? - -These sentiments would not have been preserved in a stationary state, -but we should have seen them stripped of their superstition and -grossness, purified, ennobled, and made reasonable, just, salutary, -chivalrous, and worthy of civilized nations. Such assertions have, -from the first sight, the character of bold paradoxes. Certainly, when -we have to explain great phenomena in the social order, it is rather -more philosophical to seek for their origin in ideas which for a long -time have exercised a powerful influence on society, in manners and -institutions emanating from them, in laws, in fine, which have been -recognised and respected for many centuries as established by Divine -power. - -Why, then, attempt to explain the respect in which women are held in -Europe, by the superstitious veneration which barbarous nations offered -in their forests to Velleda, Aurinia, and Gauna? Reason and good sense -tell us that the real origin of this wonderful phenomenon is not to -be found there, and that we must seek elsewhere for the causes which -have contributed to produce it. History reveals to us these causes, -and renders them palpable to us, by showing us facts which leave no -doubt as to the source whence this powerful and salutary influence -emanated. Before Christianity, woman, oppressed by the tyranny of man, -was scarcely raised above the rank of slavery; her weakness condemned -her to be the victim of the strong. The Christian religion, by its -doctrines of fraternity in Jesus Christ, and equality before God, -destroys the evil in its root, by teaching man that woman ought not -to be his slave, but his companion. From that moment the amelioration -of woman's lot was felt wherever Christianity was spread; and woman, -as far as the degradation of ancient manners allowed, began to gather -the fruit of a doctrine which was to make a complete change in her -condition, by giving her a new existence. This is one of the principal -causes of the amelioration of woman's lot: a sensible, palpable cause, -which is easily shown without making any gratuitous supposition, a -cause which is not founded on conjecture, but which appears evident on -the first glance at the most notorious facts of history. - -Moreover, Catholicity, by the severity of its morality, by the lofty -protection which it affords to the delicate feeling of modesty, -corrected and purified manners; thus it very much elevated woman, whose -dignity is incompatible with corruption and licentiousness. In fine, -Catholicity itself, or the Catholic Church, (and observe, I do not say -Christianity,) by its firmness in establishing and preserving monogamy -and the indissolubility of the marriage tie, restrained the caprices -of man, and made him concentrate his affections on one wife, who could -not be divorced. Thus woman passed from a state of slavery to that of -the companion of man. The instrument of pleasure was changed into the -mother of a family, respected by her children and servants. Thus was -created in the family identity of interests; thus was guarantied the -education of children, which produced the close intimacy which among -us unites husband and wife, parents and children. The atrocious right -of life and death was destroyed; the father had not even the right -to inflict punishments too severe; and all this admirable system was -strengthened by ties strong but mild, was based on the principles -of sound morality, sustained by prevailing manners, guarantied and -protected by the laws, fortified by reciprocal interests, sanctioned by -time, and endeared by love. This is the truly satisfactory explanation -of the enigma; this is the origin of the honor and dignity of woman -in Europe; thence we have derived the organization of the family,--an -inestimable benefit which Europeans possess without appreciating it, -without being sufficiently acquainted with it, and watching over its -preservation as they ought. - -In treating of this important matter, I have purposely distinguished -between Christianity and Catholicity, in order to avoid a confusion in -words, which would have entailed a confusion in things. In reality, -the true, the only Christianity is Catholicity; but, unfortunately, -we cannot now employ these words indiscriminately, not only on -account of Protestantism, but also on account of the monstrous -philosophico-Christian nomenclature which ranks Christianity among -philosophical sects, as if it were nothing more than a system imagined -by man. As the principle of charity plays a great part wherever the -religion of Jesus Christ is found, and as this principle is evident -even to the eyes of the incredulous, philosophers who have wished -to persevere in their incredulity without incurring the scandalous -epithet of disciples of Voltaire, have adopted the words fraternity -and humanity, to make them the theme of their instructions; they have -consented to give to Christianity the chief glory of originating -its sublime ideas and generous sentiments: thus they appear not to -contradict the history of the past as the philosophy of the age gone by -in its madness did; but they pretend to accommodate all to the present -time, and prepare the way for a greater and happier future. For these -philosophers Christianity is not a divine religion; by no means. With -them it is an idea, fortunate, magnificent, and fruitful in grand -results, but purely human; it is the result of long and painful human -labors. Polytheism, Judaism, the philosophy of the East, of Egypt, -of Greece, were all preparatory to that great work. Jesus Christ, -according to them, only moulded into form an idea which was in embryo -in the bosom of humanity. He fixed and developed it, and, by reducing -it to practice, made the human race to take a step of great importance -in the path of progress into which it has entered. But, He is always, -in the eyes of these philosophers, nothing more than a philosopher -of Judea, as Socrates was of Greece, and Seneca of Rome. Still we -should rejoice that they grant to Him this human existence, and do not -transform Him into a mythological being, by considering the Gospel -narrative as a mere allegory. - -Thus, at the present time, it is of the first importance to distinguish -between Christianity and Catholicity, whenever we have to bring -to light and present to the gratitude of mankind the unspeakable -benefits for which they are indebted to the Christian religion. It is -necessary to show that what has regenerated the world was not an idea -thrown at hazard among all those who have struggled for preference -and pre-eminence; but that it was a collection of truths sent from -Heaven, transmitted to the human race by a God made Man, by means of -a society formed and authorized by Himself, in order to perpetuate to -the end of time the work which His word had established, which His -miracles had sanctioned, and which He had sealed with His blood. It is -consequently necessary to exhibit this society, that is, the Catholic -Church, realizing in her laws and institutions the inspirations and -instructions of her Divine Master, and accomplishing the lofty mission -of leading men towards eternal happiness, while ameliorating their -condition here below, and consoling them in this land of misfortune. In -this way we form a correct idea of Christianity, if we may so speak, -or rather we show it as it really is, not as men vainly represent it. -And observe, that we ought never to fear for the truth, when the facts -of history are fully and searchingly examined. If in the vast field -into which our investigations lead us, we sometimes find ourselves in -obscurity, walking for a long time in dark vaults which the rays of -the sun do not visit, and where the soil under our feet threatens to -swallow us up, let us fear nothing, let us advance with courage and -confidence; amid the darkest windings we shall discover at a distance -the light that shines upon the end of our journey; we shall see truth -seated on the threshold, placidly smiling at our terrors and anxieties. - -To philosophers, as well as to Protestants, we would say, if -Christianity were not realized in a visible society, always in contact -with man, and provided with the authority necessary for teaching and -guiding him, it would be only a theory, like all others that have -been and still are seen on the earth; consequently it would be either -altogether sterile, or at least unable to produce any of those great -works which endure unimpaired for ages. Now one of these is undoubtedly -Christian marriage, and the family organization which has been its -immediate consequence. It would have been vain to advance notions -favorable to the dignity of woman and tending to improve her lot, if -the sanctity of marriage had not been guarantied by a power generally -acknowledged and revered. That power is continually struggling against -the passions which labor to overcome it; what would have happened if -they had had to contend with no other obstacle than a philosophic -theory, or a religious idea without reality in society, and without -power to obtain submission and obedience? - -We have, then, no need of recurring to that extravagant philosophy -which seeks for light in the midst of darkness, and which, on seeing -order arise out of chaos, has conceived the singular notion of -affirming that it was produced by it. If we find in the doctrines, in -the laws of the Catholic Church the origin of the sanctity of marriage -and the dignity of woman, why should we seek for it in the manners of -brutal barbarians, who had no veil for modesty and the privacy of the -nuptial couch? Let us hear Cæsar speaking of the Germans: "Nulla est -occultatio, quod et promiscui in fluminibus perluuntur, et pellibus aut -rhenorum tegumentis utuntur, magna corporis parte nuda." (_De Bello -Gall._, l. vi.) - -I have been obliged to oppose authority to authority; I was under the -necessity of destroying the fantastical systems into which men have -been seduced by an over love of subtilty, by the mania of finding -extraordinary causes for phenomena, the origin of which may easily -be discovered when we have recourse, in good faith and sincerity, to -the concurring instructions of philosophy and history. It was highly -necessary, in order to clear up one of the most delicate questions in -the history of the human race, and to find the source of one of the -most fruitful elements of European civilization. My task was nothing -less than to explain the organization of families, that is, to fix one -of the poles on which the axis of society turns. - -Let Protestantism boast of having introduced divorce, of having -deprived marriage of the beautiful and sublime character of a -sacrament, of having withdrawn from the care and protection of the -Church the most important act of human life; let it rejoice in having -destroyed the sacred asylums of virgins consecrated to God; let it -declaim against the most angelic and heroic virtue; let us, after -having defended the doctrine and conduct of the Catholic Church at -the tribunal of philosophy and history, conclude by appealing to -the judgment, not indeed of high philosophy, but of good sense and -feeling.[18] - - - - -CHAPTER XXVIII. - -OF THE PUBLIC CONSCIENCE IN GENERAL. - - -When enumerating, in the twentieth chapter, the characteristics -which mark European civilization, I pointed out, as one of them, "an -admirable public conscience, rich in sublime maxims of morality, in -rules of justice and equity, in sentiments of honor and dignity, a -conscience which survives the shipwreck of private morality, and does -not allow the open corruption to go so far as it did in ancient times." -We must now explain more at length in what this public conscience -consists, what is its origin, what are its results, showing at the -same time what share Catholicity and Protestantism have had in its -formation. This delicate and important question is, I will venture to -say, untouched; at least I do not know that it has yet been attempted. -Men constantly speak of the excellence of Christian morality, and on -this point all the sects, all the schools of Europe are agreed; but -they do not pay sufficient attention to the way in which that morality -has become predominant, by first destroying Pagan corruption, then by -maintaining itself for centuries in spite of the ravages of infidelity, -so as to form an admirable public conscience; a benefit which we now -enjoy without appreciating it as we ought, and without even thinking -of it. In order fully to comprehend this matter, it is above all -necessary to form a clear idea of what is meant by conscience. -Conscience in the general, or rather ideological sense of the word, -means the knowledge which each man has of his own acts. Thus we say -that the soul is conscious of its thoughts, of the acts of its will, -and of its sensations; so that the word conscience, taken in this -sense, expresses a perception of what we do and feel. Applied to the -moral order, this word signifies the judgment which we ourselves form -of our actions as good or evil. Thus, when we are about to perform an -action, conscience points it out to us as good or bad, and consequently -lawful or unlawful; and it thus directs our conduct. The action being -performed, it tells us whether we have done well or ill, it excuses -or condemns us, it rewards us with peace of mind, or punishes us with -remorse. - -This explanation being given, we shall easily understand what is -meant by public conscience; it is nothing but the judgment formed of -their actions by the generality of men. It results from this that, -like private conscience, the public conscience may be right or wrong, -strict or relaxed; and that there must be differences on this point -among societies of men, the same as there are among individuals; that -is to say, that, as in the same society we find men whose consciences -are more or less right or wrong, more or less strict or relaxed, we -must also find societies superior to others in the justice of the -judgment which they form on actions, and in the delicacy of their moral -appreciation. - -If we observe closely, we shall see that individual conscience is the -result of widely different causes. It is an error to suppose that -conscience resides solely in the intelligence; it is also rooted in the -heart. It is a judgment, it is true; but we judge of things in a very -different way according to the manner in which we feel them. Add to -this, that the feelings have an immense influence on moral ideas and -actions; the result is, that conscience is formed under the influence -of all the causes which forcibly act on our hearts. Communicate to two -children the same moral principles, by teaching them from the same book -and under the same master; but suppose that one in his own family sees -what he is taught constantly practised, while the other sees there -nothing but indifference to it; suppose, moreover, that these two -children grow up with the same moral and religious conviction, so that -as far as the intellect is concerned there is no difference between -them; nevertheless, do you believe that their judgment of the morality -of actions will be the same? By no means; and why? Because the one has -only convictions, while the other has also feelings. In the one, the -doctrine enlightens the mind; while, in the other, example engraves it -constantly on the heart. Thus what one regards with indifference, the -other looks upon with horror; what the one does with negligence, the -other performs with the greatest care; and the same subject that to one -is of slight interest, is to the other of the highest importance. - -Public conscience, which, in fact, is the sum of private consciences, -is subject to the same influences as they are; so that mere instruction -is not enough for it, and it requires the concurrence of other -causes to act on the heart, as well as the mind. When we compare -Christian with pagan society, we instantly see that the former must be -infinitely superior to the latter on this point; not only on account -of the purity of its morality, and the strength of the principles and -motives sanctioning it, but also because it follows the wise course of -continually inculcating this morality, and impressing it strongly on -the mind by constant repetition. By this constant repetition of the -same truths, Christianity has done what other religions never could do; -none of them, indeed, have ever succeeded in organizing and putting -into practice so important a system. But I have said enough on this -point in the fourteenth chapter; it is useless to repeat it here; I -pass on to some observations on the public conscience in Europe. - -It cannot be denied that, generally speaking, reason and justice -prevail in that public conscience. If you examine laws and actions, -you will not find those shocking acts of injustice or those revolting -immoralities which are to be met with among other nations. There -are certainly evils, and very grave ones, but they are at least -acknowledged, and called by their right names. We do not hear good -called evil, or evil good; that is to say, society, in certain things, -is like those persons of good principles and bad morals who are -the first to acknowledge that their conduct is blamable, and that -their words and deeds contradict each other. We often lament the -corruption of morals, the profligacy of our large towns; but what is -all the corruption and profligacy of modern society compared with -the debauchery of the ancients? It certainly cannot be denied that -there is a fearful extent of dissoluteness in some of the capitals of -Europe. The records of the police, as well as those of the benevolent -establishments where the fruits of crime are received, show shocking -demoralization. In the highest classes dreadful ravages are caused by -conjugal infidelity, and all sorts of dissipation and disorder; yet -these excesses are very far from reaching the extent which they did -among the best-governed nations of antiquity, the Greeks and Romans. So -that our society, which we so bitterly lament, would have appeared to -them a model of modesty and decorum. Need we call to mind the infamous -vices then so common and so public, and which have scarcely a name -among us now, whether it be because they are so rarely committed, or -because the fear of public conscience forces them to hide themselves -in the dark places, and, so to speak, in the bowels of the earth? -Need we recall to mind the infamies which stain the writings of the -ancients as often as they describe the manners of their times? Names -illustrious in science and in arms have passed down to posterity -with stains so black that we cannot consent to describe them. Now, -how corrupt must have been the state of the other classes, when such -degradation was attributed to men who, by their elevated positions or -other circumstances, were the lights of society! - -You talk of the avarice which is so prevalent now-a-days; but look at -the usurers of antiquity who sucked the blood of the people everywhere; -read the satirical poets, and you will see what was the state of -manners on this point; consult, in fine, the annals of the Church, and -you will see what pains she took to diminish the effects of this vice; -read the history of ancient Rome, and you will find the _cursed thirst -for gold_, and lenders without mercy, who, after having impudently -robbed, carried in triumph the fruits of their rapine to live with -scandalous ostentation, and buy votes again to raise them to command. -No, in European civilization, among nations taught and elevated by -Christianity, such evils would not be long tolerated. If we suppose -administrative disorder, tyranny, and corruption of morals carried as -far as you please, still public opinion would raise its voice and frown -on the oppressors. Partial injustice may be committed, but rapine will -never be formed into a shameless system, or be regarded as the rule of -government. Rely upon it, the words _justice_, _morality_, _humanity_, -which constantly resound in our midst, are not vain words; this -language produces great results; it destroys immense evils. These ideas -impregnate the atmosphere we breathe; they frequently restrain the -arm of criminals, and resist with incredible force materialistic and -utilitarian doctrines; they continue to exert an incalculable influence -on society. We have among us a feeling of morality which mollifies and -governs all; which is so powerful that vice is compelled to assume the -appearance of virtue, and cover itself with many veils, in order to -escape becoming the subject of public execration. - -Modern society, it would seem, ought to have inherited the corruption -of the old, since it was formed out of its ruins, at a time when its -morals were most dissolute. We must observe, that the irruption of the -barbarians, far from improving society, contributed, on the contrary, -to make it worse; and this, not only on account of the corruption -belonging to their fierce and brutal manners, but also on account of -the disorder introduced among the nations they invaded, by violating -laws, throwing their manners and customs into confusion, and destroying -all authority. Whence it follows, that the improvement of public -opinion among modern nations is a very singular fact; and that this -progress can only be attributed to the influence of the active and -energetic principle which has existed in the bosom of Europe for so -many centuries. - -Let us observe the conduct of the Church on this point--it is perhaps -one of the most important facts in the history of the middle ages. -Imagine an age when corruption and injustice most unblushingly raised -their heads, and you will see that, however impure and disgusting -the fact may be, the law is always pure; that is to say, that reason -and justice always found some one to proclaim them, even when they -appeared to be listened to by nobody. The state of ignorance was the -darkest, licentious passions were uncontrolled; but the instructions -and admonitions of the Church were never wanting; it is thus that, -amidst the darkest night, the lighthouse shines from afar, to guide the -mariners in safety. - -When in reading the history of the Church we see on all sides assembled -councils proclaiming the principles of the gospel morality, while -at every step we meet with the most scandalous proceedings; when we -constantly hear inculcated the laws which are so often trodden under -foot, it is natural to ask, of what use was all this, and of what -benefit were instructions thus unheeded? Let us not believe that these -proclamations were useless, nor lose courage if we have to wait long -for their fruits. - -A principle which is proclaimed for a long time in society will in -the end acquire influence; if it is true, and consequently contains -an element of life, it will prevail in the end over all that opposes -it, and will rule over all around it. Allow, then, the truth to -speak--allow it to protest continually; this will prevent the -prescription of vice. Thus vice will preserve its proper name; and you -will prevent misguided men from deifying their passions, and placing -them on their altars after having adored them in their hearts. Be -confident that this protest will not be useless. Truth in the end will -be victorious and triumphant; for the protests of truth are the voice -of God condemning the usurpations of His creatures. This is what really -happened; Christian morality, first contending with the corrupt manners -of the empire, and afterwards with the brutality of the barbarians, -had for centuries rude shocks to sustain; but at last it triumphed -over all, and succeeded in governing legislation and public morals. -We do not mean to say that it succeeded in raising law and morals -to the degree of perfection which the purity of the gospel morality -required, but at least it did away the most shocking injustice; it -banished the most savage customs; it restrained the license of the most -shameless manners; it everywhere gave vice its proper name; it painted -it in its real colors, and prevented its being deified as impudently -as it was among the ancients. In modern times, it has had to contend -against the school which proclaims that private interest is the only -principle of morals; it has not been able, it is true, to prevent this -fatal doctrine from causing great evils, but at least it has sensibly -diminished them. Unhappy for the world will be the day when men shall -say without disguise, "_My own advantage is my virtue_; _my honor is -what is useful to myself_; _all is good or evil, according as it is -pleasing or displeasing to me_." Unhappy for the world will be the day -when such language will no longer be repudiated by public conscience. -The opportunity now presenting itself, and wishing to explain so -important a matter as fully as possible, I will make some observations -on an opinion of Montesquieu respecting the censors of Greece and Rome. -This digression will not be foreign to the purpose. - - - - -CHAPTER XXIX. - -OF THE PRINCIPLE OF PUBLIC CONSCIENCE ACCORDING TO -MONTESQUIEU--HONOR--VIRTUE. - - -Montesquieu has said that republics are preserved by virtue, and -monarchies by honor. He observes, moreover, that honor renders the -censors, who were required among the ancients, unnecessary among us. -True it is, that in modern times there are no censors charged with -watching over the public morals; but the cause of this is not as stated -by this famous publicist. Among Christian nations, the ministers of -religion are the natural censors of public morals. The plenitude of -this office belongs to the Church, with this difference, that the -censorial power of the ancients was purely civil, while that of the -Church is a religious power, which has its origin and sanction in -divine authority. The religion of Greece and Rome neither did, nor -could, exercise this censorial power over morals. To be convinced of -this, it is enough to read the passage from St. Augustine, quoted -in the fourteenth chapter--a passage so interesting on this matter, -that I will venture to ask the reader to peruse it again. This is the -reason why we find among the Greeks and Romans censors who are not seen -among Christian nations. These censors were an addition to the Pagan -religion, the impotence of which they clearly showed--a religion which -was mistress of society, and yet could not fulfil one of the first -duties of all religions--that of watching over the public morals. What -I assert is so perfectly true, that in proportion as the influence of -religion and the ascendency of its ministers have been lowered among -modern nations, the ancient censors have reappeared in some sort in the -institution of police. When moral means are wanting, it is necessary to -have recourse to physical ones; violence is substituted for persuasion, -and instead of a zealous and charitable missionary, delinquents fall -into the hands of the ministers of public justice. - -Much has been already written of the system of Montesquieu, with -respect to the principles on which the different forms of government -are based; but perhaps sufficient attention has not been paid to -the phenomenon which has served to mislead him. As this question is -intimately connected with the point which I have just touched upon, in -relation to the existence of the censorial authority, I shall explain -myself at some length. In the time of Montesquieu, the Christian -religion was not so fully understood as it now is with respect to its -social importance; and although on this point the author of the _Esprit -des Lois_ has done homage to her, it is well to remember what were his -antichristian prejudices during his youth, and also that this work is -still far from rendering to the true religion what is due to her. The -ideas of an irreligious philosophy which, some years later, misled so -many fine intellects, had begun at that time to gain the ascendant, -and Montesquieu had not sufficient strength of mind to make a decided -opposition to the prejudices which threatened universal dominion. To -this cause we must add another, which, although distinct from the last, -yet had the same origin, viz. a prejudice in favor of all that was old, -and a blind admiration for every thing Roman or Grecian. It seemed to -the philosophers of that time, that social and political perfection -had reached their greatest height among the ancients, that there was -nothing to be added to or taken from it, and that even in religion the -fables and festivals of antiquity were a thousand times preferable to -the faith and worship of the Christian religion. In the eyes of the -new philosophers, the heaven of the Apocalypse could not sustain a -comparison with that of the Elysian fields; the majesty of Jehovah was -inferior to that of Jupiter; all the loftiest Christian institutions -were a legacy of ignorance and fanaticism; the most holy and beneficent -institutions were the work of tortuous and interested views--the -vehicle and expression of sordid interests; public authority was -only an atrocious tyranny; and the only noble, just, and salutary -institutions were those of Paganism. There every thing was wise, and -evinced profound designs highly advantageous to society; the ancients -alone had enjoyed social advantages, and had succeeded in organizing -public authority, with guarantees for the liberty of citizens. Modern -nations should bitterly lament not being able to mingle in the -agitation of the forum, being deprived of such orators as Demosthenes -and Cicero,--having no Olympic games, or contests of athletæ; in fine, -they must always regret a religion which, although full of illusion -and falsehood, gave to all nature a dramatic interest, gave life to -fountains, rivers, cascades, and seas, peopled the fields, the meadows, -and the woods with beautiful nymphs, gave to man gods as the companions -of his hearth, and above all, knew how to render life pleasant and -charming, by giving full scope to all the passions, and deifying them -under the most enchanting forms. - -How, in the midst of such prejudices, was it possible to discover the -truth in modern institutions? Every thing was in the most deplorable -state of confusion; all that was established was condemned without -appeal, and every one who attempted to defend it was considered a fool -or a knave. Religion and political constitutions, which seemed destined -soon to disappear, could reckon on no other support than the prejudices -or the interests of governments. Lamentable aberration of the human -mind! What would these writers now say if they could arise from their -tombs? And yet a century has not yet elapsed since the epoch when their -school began to acquire its influence. They have, for a long time, -ruled the world at their pleasure; and they have only shed torrents of -blood, heaping lesson upon lesson, and deception upon deception, in the -history of humanity. - -But let us return to Montesquieu. This publicist, who was so much -affected by the atmosphere in which he lived, and who had no small -share in perverting the age, saw the facts which are here so apparent; -he recognised the results of that public opinion which has been -created among European nations by the influence of Christianity. But -while observing the effects, he did not ascertain the real causes, -and labored in every way to accommodate them to his own system. In -comparing ancient with modern society, he discovered between them a -remarkable difference in the conduct of men; he observed that we see -accomplished among us the noblest and most heroic actions, while we -avoid a great part of the vices which defile the ancients; but, on the -other hand, Montesquieu, like others, could not help seeing that men -among us have not always that high moral aim which ought to be the -motive of their laudable conduct. Avarice, ambition, love of pleasure, -and other passions, still reign in the world, and are easily discovered -everywhere. Still these passions do not reach the excess they did among -the ancients; there is a mysterious power which restrains them; before -giving way to their impulses, they throw a cautious glance around -them, and do not indulge in certain excesses unless they are sure of -being able to do so in secret. They have great dread of being seen by -man; they can only live in solitude and darkness. The author of the -_Esprit des Lois_ asked himself what is the cause of this phenomenon. -Men, he said to himself, often act, not from moral virtue, but from -respect for the judgment which other men will pass upon their actions; -this is to act from honor. Now, this is the case in France and in the -other monarchies of Europe; it must be, therefore, the distinctive -characteristic of monarchical governments; it must be the base of that -form of government, the distinction between a republic and despotism. -Let us hear the author himself: "Dans quel governement," says he, -"faut il des censeurs? Il en faut dans une république, où le principe -du governement est la vertu. Ce ne sont pas seulement les crimes qui -detruisent la vertu, mais encore les negligences, les fautes, une -certaine tiédeur dans l'amour de la patrie, des exemples dangereux, -des semences de corruption; ce qui ne choque point les lois, mais les -élude; ce qui ne les détruit pas, mais les affaiblit. Tout cela doit -être corrigé par les censeurs. * * * Dans les monarchies il ne faut -point de censeurs, elles sont fondées sur l'honneur; et la nature de -l'honneur est d'avoir pour censeur tout l'univers. Tout homme qui y -manque est soumis aux reproches de ceux mêmes qui n'en ont point." -(_De l'Esprit des Lois_, liv. v. chap. 19.) Such is the opinion of -this publicist. But if we reflect on the matter, we shall see that -he was wrong in transferring to politics, and explaining by simply -political causes, a fact purely social. Montesquieu points out, as -the distinguishing characteristic of monarchies, what is the general -characteristic of all modern European society; he seems not to have -understood why the institution of censors was not necessary in Europe, -any more than he did the real reason why they were required among the -ancients. Monarchical forms have not exclusively prevailed in Europe. -Powerful republics have existed there; and there are still some not to -be despised. Monarchy itself has undergone numerous modifications; it -has been allied sometimes with democracy, sometimes with aristocracy; -sometimes its power has been very limited, and sometimes it has been -unbounded; and yet we always find this restraint which Montesquieu -speaks of, and which he calls honor; that is, a powerful influence -stimulating to good deeds and deterring from bad, and all this from -respect for the judgments which other men will pass. - -"Dans les monarchies," says Montesquieu, "il ne faut point de censeurs, -elles sont fondées sur l'honneur; et la nature de l'honneur est d'avoir -pour censeur tout l'univers;" remarkable words, which reveal to us the -ideas of the writer, and at the same time show us the origin of his -mistake. They will assist us in solving the enigma. In order to explain -this point as fully as the importance of the subject requires, and -with as much clearness as the multitude and intricacy of its relations -demand, I shall endeavour to convey my ideas with as much precision as -possible. - -Respect for the judgment of others is a feeling innate in man; -consequently it is in his nature to do or avoid many things on account -of this judgment. All this is founded on the simple fact of self-love: -this is nothing but love of our own good fame, the desire of appearing -to advantage, and the fear of appearing to disadvantage, in the eyes -of our fellows. These things are so simple and clear, that they do -not require or even admit of proofs or comments. Honor is a stimulant -more or less active, or a restraint more or less powerful, according -to the degree of severity which we expect in the judgments of others. -Thus it is that the miser, when among the generous, makes an effort to -appear liberal; the prodigal restrains himself in the presence of the -lovers of strict economy; in meetings where decorum generally reigns we -see that even libertines control themselves, while men whose manners -are usually correct allow themselves certain freedoms in licentious -societies. Now the society in which we live is, as it were, one vast -company. If we know that strict principles prevail there, if we hear -everywhere proclaimed the rules of sound morality, if we think that the -generality of the men with whom we live give the right name to every -action, without allowing the irregularity of their conduct to falsify -their judgment, we see ourselves surrounded on all sides by witnesses -and judges who cannot be corrupted; and this checks us at every step -when we wish to do evil, and urges us on when we wish to do good. It -will be far otherwise if we have reason to expect indulgence from -the society in which we move. In this case, and supposing us all to -entertain the same convictions, vice will not appear to us so horrible, -crime so detestable, or corruption so disgusting; our ideas with regard -to the morality of our conduct will be very different, and in the end -our actions will show the fatal influence of the atmosphere in which we -live. It follows from this, that, in order to infuse into our hearts a -feeling of honor strong enough to produce good, it is necessary that -principles of sound morality should regulate society, and that they -should be generally and fully believed. This being granted, social -habits will be formed, which will regulate manners; and even if these -habits do not succeed in hindering the corruption of a great number of -individuals, they will, nevertheless, be sufficient to compel vice to -adopt certain disguises, which, although hypocritical, will not fail -to add to the decorum of manners. The salutary effects of these habits -will still continue after the faith on which their moral principles are -based has been considerably weakened, and society will still gather in -abundance the beneficent fruits of the despised or forgotten tree. This -is the history of the morality of modern nations: although lamentably -corrupt, they are still not so bad as the ancients. They preserve in -their legislation, and in their morals, a fund of morality and dignity -which the ravages of irreligion have not been able to destroy. Public -opinion never dies; every day it censures vice, and extols the beauty -and advantages of virtue; it reigns over governments and nations, -and exercises the powerful ascendency of an element which is found -universally diffused. - -"Outre l'Aréopage," says Montesquieu, "il y avait à Athènes des -gardiens des mœurs et des gardiens des lois. A Lacédémone, tous les -vieillards étaient censeurs. A Rome, deux magistrats particuliers -avaient la censure. Comme le Senat veille sur le peuple, il faut que -des censeurs aient les yeux sur le peuple et sur le Senat. Il faut -qu'ils rétablissent dans la république tout ce qui a été corrompu, -qu'ils notent la tiédeur, jugent les négligences, et corrigent les -fautes, comme les lois punissent les crimes." (_De l'Esprit des Lois_, -liv. v. chap. 7.) In describing the duties of the censors of antiquity, -the author seems to state the functions of religious authority. To -penetrate where the civil laws do not extend; to correct, and in some -measure to chastise, what they leave unpunished; to exercise over -society an influence more delicate and minute than that which belongs -to legislation,--such are the objects of the censorial power; and who -does not see that that power has been replaced by religious authority? -and that if the former has been unnecessary among modern nations, it is -owing to the existence of the latter, or to the influence which it has -exercised for many centuries? - -It cannot be denied that religious authority has for a long time -gained a decided ascendency over men's minds and hearts; this fact is -written in every page of the history of Europe. As to the results of -that influence, so calumniated and ill understood, we meet with them -every day,--we who see the principles of justice and sound morality -still reigning over public conscience, in spite of the ravages which -irreligion and immorality have committed among individuals. - -The powerful influence of public conscience will be best explained -by some examples. Let us suppose that the richest of nobles, or the -most powerful of monarchs, indulged in the abominable excesses of a -Tiberius, a Nero, or the other monsters who disgraced the imperial -throne, what would happen? We will not predict; but we are confident -that the universal shout of indignation and horror would be so -loud, and the monster would be so crushed under the load of public -execration, that it appears to us impossible for him to exist. It seems -to us an anachronism, an impossibility at this time. Even if we admit -that there might be men immoral enough to commit such enormities, -sufficiently perverted in mind and heart to exhibit such depravity, -we see that it would be an outrage against universal morals, and that -such a spectacle could not stand for a moment in presence of public -opinion. I could draw numberless contrasts, but I shall content myself -with one, which, while it reminds us of a fine trait in ancient -history, exhibits, with the virtue of a hero, the manners of the -time and the melancholy condition of the public conscience. Let us -suppose that a general of modern Europe captures by assault a town in -which a distinguished lady, the wife of one of the principal leaders -of the enemy, falls into the hands of the soldiers. The beautiful -prisoner is brought to the general; what should be his conduct? Every -one will immediately say, that she ought to be treated with the most -delicate attention, that she ought to be immediately set at liberty -and allowed to rejoin her husband. Such conduct appears to us so -strictly obligatory, so much according to the order of things, and so -conformable to our ideas and sentiments, that there certainly does -not appear to us to be any peculiar merit in adopting it. We should -say that the general had performed a strict and sacred duty, which he -could not evade without covering himself with shame and ignominy. We -certainly should not immortalize such an action in history; we should -allow it to pass unnoticed in the ordinary course of events. Now, -this is what Scipio did with respect to the wife of Mardonius at the -taking of Carthagena; and ancient history records this generosity as -an eternal monument of his virtues. This parallel explains better than -any commentary the immense progress of morality and public conscience -under the influence of Christianity. Now, such conduct, which among -us is considered as simple, natural, and strictly obligatory, does -not flow from the honor belonging to monarchies, as Montesquieu -asserts, but from more lofty notions of human dignity, from a clearer -knowledge of the true state of society, from a morality the purer -and more powerful because it is established on eternal foundations. -This, indeed, is found and felt everywhere, it governs the good and -is respected even by the bad; this is what would stop the licentious -man, who, in a case of this sort, would be inclined to indulge his -cruelty or his other passions. The author of the _Esprit des Lois_ -would doubtless have perceived these truths if he had not been -prejudiced by the favorite distinction established at the beginning of -his work, and which throughout bound him to an inflexible system. We -know what a preconceived system is--one that serves as the mould for -a work. Like the bed of Procrustus, ideas and facts, right or wrong, -are accommodated to the system; what is too much is taken away, and -what is wanting is added. Thus Montesquieu finds in political motives, -founded on the republican form of government, the reason for the power -exercised over Roman women by their husbands. The cruel rights given to -fathers over their children, the unlimited paternal power established -by the Roman laws, also appeared to him to flow from political causes, -as if it were not evident that these two regulations of the ancient -Roman law were owing to causes purely domestic and social, altogether -independent of the form of government.[19] - - - - -CHAPTER XXX. - -ON THE DIFFERENT INFLUENCE OF PROTESTANTISM AND CATHOLICITY ON THE -PUBLIC CONSCIENCE. - - -We have defined the nature of public conscience; we have pointed out -its origin and effects. It now remains to examine whether Protestantism -has had any share in forming it, and whether it is fairly entitled -to the glory of having been of any service to European civilization -on this point. We have already shown that the origin of this public -conscience is to be found in Christianity. Now Christianity may be -considered under two aspects--as a doctrine, and as an institution -intended to realize that doctrine; that is to say, Christian morality -may be considered in itself, or as taught and inculcated by the Church. -To form the public conscience, and make Christian morality regulate -it, it was not enough to announce this doctrine; there was still -required a society, not only to preserve it in all its purity, that it -might be transmitted from generation to generation, but to preach it -incessantly to man, and apply it continually to all the acts of life. -We must observe that ideas, however powerful they may be, have only -a precarious existence until they are realized, and become embodied, -as it were, in an institution which, while it is animated, moved, and -guided by them, serves them as a rampart against the attacks of other -ideas and other interests. Man is formed of body and soul; the whole -world is a collection of spiritual and corporeal beings--a system of -moral and physical relations; thus it is that all ideas, even the -greatest and the loftiest, begin to fall into oblivion when they have -no outward expression--no organ by which they make themselves heard and -respected. They are then confounded and overwhelmed amid the confusion -of the world, and in the end disappear altogether. Therefore, all -ideas that are to have a lasting influence on society, necessarily -tend to create an institution to represent them, in which they may be -personified; not satisfied with addressing themselves to the mind, -and with descending to practice by indirect means, they seek to give -form to matter, they present themselves to the eyes of humanity in a -palpable manner. These observations, which I submit with confidence to -the judgment of sensible men, contain a condemnation of the Protestant -system. So far from the pretended Reformation being able to claim -any part in the salutary events which we are explaining, we should -rather say that, by its principles and conduct, it would have been an -obstacle in their way, if, as was happily the case, Europe had not -been of adult age in the sixteenth century, and consequently almost -incapable of losing the doctrines, feelings, habits, and tendencies -which the Catholic Church had communicated to it during an education -of so many centuries. Indeed, the first thing that Protestantism did -was to attack authority, not by a mere act of resistance, but by -proclaiming resistance to be a real right, by establishing private -judgment as a dogma. From that moment Christian morality remained -without support, for there was no longer a society which could claim -the right of explaining and teaching it; that is to say, it was reduced -to the level of those ideas which, not being represented or supported -by an institution, and not having any authorized organ to explain them, -possessed no direct means of acting on society, and had no means of -protection when attacked. - -But I shall be told that Protestantism _has_ preserved the institution -which realizes this idea; for it has preserved its ministers, worship, -and preaching--in a word, all that truth requires in dealing with man. - -I will not deny that there is some truth in this, and I will repeat -what I have not hesitated to affirm in the fourteenth chapter of this -work, "That we ought to regard it as a great good, that the first -Protestants, in spite of their desire to upset all the practices of -the Church, have yet preserved that of preaching." I added in the -same place: "It is not necessary to deny on this account the evils -produced at certain times by the declamation of some ministers, either -furious or fanatical; but as unity was broken, and as the people had -been hurried into the perilous path of schism, we say that it must -have been very conducive to the preservation of the most important -ideas concerning God and man, and the fundamental maxims of morality, -for such truths to be frequently explained to the people by men who -had long studied them in the Holy Scriptures." I repeat here what I -there said: preaching practised among Protestants must have had very -good effects; but this only amounts to saying, that it did not do so -much mischief as was to be feared from its own principles. On this -point, they were like men of immoral opinions, who are not so bad as -they would be, were their hearts in accordance with their minds: they -had the good fortune to be inconsistent. Protestantism had proclaimed -the abolition of authority, and the right of private judgment without -limit; but in practice it did not quite act up to these doctrines. -Thus, it devoted itself with ardor to what it called gospel preaching, -and its ministers were called gospellers. So that, at the very time -when they just established the principle that every individual had the -free right of private judgment, and ought to be guided by reason or -private inspiration alone, without listening to any external authority, -Protestant ministers were seen spreading themselves everywhere, and -claiming to be the legitimate organs of the divine word. - -The better to understand the strange nature of such a doctrine, we must -remember the maxims of Luther with respect to the priesthood. We know -that this heresiarch, embarrassed by the hierarchy which constitutes -the ministry of the Church, pretended to overturn it at one blow, by -maintaining that all Christians are priests, and that, to exercise the -sacred ministry, a simple appointment is necessary, which adds nothing -essential or characteristic to the quality of priests, which is the -universal patrimony of all Christians. It follows from this doctrine, -that the Protestant preacher wanting a mission is not distinguished -from other Christians by any characteristic; he cannot, consequently, -speak to them with any authority; he is not allowed, like Jesus Christ, -to speak _quasi potestatem habens_ (as having authority); he is nothing -more than an orator who addresses the people with no other right than -what he derives from his education, knowledge, or eloquence. - -This preaching without authority, which, in reality and according to -the preacher's own principles, was only human, although it committed -the glaring inconsistency of pretending to be divine, may, no doubt, -have contributed something to the preservation of good moral principles -when they were already everywhere established; but it would certainly -have been unable to establish them in a society where they were -unknown, especially if it had had to struggle with other principles -directly opposed to it, and supported by ancient prejudices, by deeply -rooted passions, and by strong interests. - -Yes, we repeat it, this preaching would have been unable to introduce -its principles into such a society; unable to preserve them in -safety amid the most alarming revolutions and the most unexampled -catastrophes; unable to impart them to barbarous nations, who, proud of -their triumph, listened to no other voice than that of their ferocious -instinct; unable to make the conquerors and the conquered bow before -these principles, to mould the most different nations into one people, -by stamping on their laws, institutions, and manners the same seal, -in order to form from them that admirable society, that assemblage of -nations, or rather that one great nation, which is called Europe. In -a word, Protestantism, from its very constitution, would have been -incapable of realizing what the Catholic Church has done. - -Moreover, this attempted preaching preserved by Protestantism is, at -bottom, an effort to imitate the Church that it may not remain unarmed -in the presence of so redoubtable an adversary. It required a means of -influencing the people,--a channel open to communicate, at the will -of each usurper of religious authority, different interpretations of -the Bible; this is the reason why, in spite of violent declamation -against all that emanated from the chair of St. Peter, it preserved the -valuable practice of preaching. - -But the best way to feel the inferiority of Protestantism in regard -to the knowledge and comprehension of the means proper to extend and -strengthen morality, and make it prevail in all the acts of life, is -to observe, that it has interrupted all communication between the -conscience of the faithful and the direction of the priest; it only -leaves to the latter a general direction, which, owing to its being -extended over all at the same time, is exerted with effect over none. -If we confine ourselves to the consideration of the abolition of the -sacrament of Penance among Protestants, we may rest assured that they -have thereby given up one of the most legitimate, powerful, and gentle -means of rendering human conduct conformable to the principles of sound -morality. Its action is legitimate; for nothing can be more legitimate -than direct and intimate communication between the conscience of -man who is to be judged by God, and the conscience of the man who -represents God on earth;--an action which is powerful, because this -intimate communication, established between man and man, between soul -and soul, identifies, as it were, the thoughts and affections; because, -in the presence of God alone, to the exclusion of every other witness, -admonitions have more force, precepts more authority, and advice more -unction and sweetness to penetrate into the inmost soul;--an action -full of gentleness, for it supposes the voluntary manifestation of the -conscience which seeks guidance--a manifestation which is commanded, -it is true, by authority, but which cannot be enforced by violence, as -God alone is the judge of its sincerity;--an action, I repeat, which -is gentle, for the minister is compelled to the strictest secrecy; -all imaginable precautions have been taken by the Church to prevent a -betrayal, and man may rest with tranquillity in the assurance that the -secrets of his conscience will never be revealed. - -But you will ask me, do you believe all this is necessary to establish -and preserve a good state of morality? If morality is to be any thing -more than a mere worldly probity, which is exposed to destruction at -the first shock of interest, or easily seduced by the passions; if it -is to be a morality delicate, strict, and profound, extending over all -the acts of life, guiding and ruling the heart of man, and transforming -it into that _beau idéal_ which we admire in Catholics who are really -devoted to the observances and practices of their religion; if this is -the morality which you mean, it is necessary, undoubtedly, that, placed -under the inspection of religious authority, it should be directed and -guided by a minister of the sanctuary, by a faithful communication -of the secrets of our hearts and the numberless temptations which -continually assail our weak nature. This is the doctrine of the -Catholic Church; and I will add, that it is pointed out by experience -and taught by philosophy. I do not mean to say, that Catholics alone -are capable of performing virtuous actions; this would be to contradict -the experience of every day. I only wish to prove the efficacy of a -Catholic institution which is despised by Protestants. I speak of the -great influence which this institution has in infusing into our hearts, -and preserving in them, a morality which is cordial, constant, and -applicable to all the acts of our souls. - -No doubt, there is in man a monstrous mixture of good and evil; I know -that it is not given him to attain in this life to that ineffable -degree of perfection which consists in a perfect conformity with -Divine truth and holiness--a perfection which he will not be able even -to conceive until the moment when, stripped of his mortal body, he -will be plunged into the pure ocean of light and love. But we cannot -be permitted to doubt that man, in this earthly abode, in the land -of misery and darkness, can, nevertheless, attain to the universal, -delicate, and profound state of morality which I have just described; -and, however much the present corruption of the world may be a too -legitimate subject of affliction, it must be allowed that we still -find, in our own days, a considerable number of honorable exceptions -in the multitude of persons who conform to the strict rule of gospel -morality in their conduct, their wishes, and even in their thoughts and -inmost affections. To attain to this degree of morality (and observe, -I do not say of evangelical perfection, but of mere morality), it is -necessary that the religious principle should be visibly present to the -eyes of the soul, that it should act continually upon her, urging on -or restraining her in an infinite variety of circumstances which, in -the course of life, occur to mislead from the path of duty. The life of -man is, as it were, a chain composed of an infinite variety of acts, -which cannot be constantly in accordance with reason and the eternal -law, unless it remains constantly in the hands of a fixed and universal -regulator. And let it not be said that such a state of morality is a -_beau idéal_, the existence of which would bring such confusion into -the acts of the soul, and complication of the whole life, as in the -end to make it insupportable. No, this is not a mere fancy; it is a -reality which is frequently seen by our eyes, not only in the cloister -and the sanctuary, but amid the confusion and distractions of the -world. That which establishes a fixed rule cannot bring confusion -into the acts of the soul, or complicate the affairs of life. Quite -the contrary; instead of confusion, it serves to distinguish and -illuminate; instead of complicating, it puts in order and simplifies. -Establish this rule, and you will have unity; and with unity general -order. - -Catholicity is always distinguished by its extreme vigilance with -respect to morality, by its care in regulating all the acts of life, -and even the most secret movements of the heart. Superficial observers -have declaimed against the prolixity of moralists--against the minute -and detailed study which they make of human actions considered under -a moral aspect; they should have observed, that if Catholicity is -the religion in the bosom of which has appeared so great a number -of moralists, by whom all human actions have been examined in the -greatest detail, it is because this religion has for its object to -moralize for the whole man, as it were, in all his relations with -God, with his neighbor, and with himself. It is clear that such -an enterprise requires a more profound and attentive examination -than would be necessary, if it had only to give to man an imperfect -morality, stopping at the surface of actions, and not penetrating -to the bottom of the heart. With respect to Catholic moralists, and -without attempting to excuse the excess into which some among them have -fallen, either by too great subtility, or by a spirit of party and -dispute (excesses which cannot be imputed to the Catholic Church, since -she has testified her displeasure when she has not expressly condemned -them), it must be observed, that this abundance, this superfluity, if -you will, of moral studies, has contributed more than people think to -direct minds to the intimate study of man, by furnishing a multitude of -facts and observations to those who have subsequently wished to devote -themselves to this important science. Now, can there be a more worthy -or more useful object for our labors? In another part of this work, -I propose to develop the relations of Catholicity with the progress -of science and literature; I shall not, therefore, enter more fully -on the matter now. Still I may be allowed briefly to observe, that -the development and education of the human mind have been principally -theological; and that on this point, as well as on many others, -philosophers are more indebted to theologians than they seem to imagine. - -Let us return to the comparison of the Protestant and Catholic -influence on the formation and preservation of a sound public -conscience. We have showed that Catholicity, having constantly -maintained the principle of authority which Protestantism rejects, has -given to moral ideas a force and influence which Protestantism could -not. Protestantism, indeed, by its nature and fundamental principles, -has never given to these ideas any other support than they might have -derived from a school of philosophy. But you will perhaps ask me, do -you not acknowledge the force of these ideas; a force peculiar to them, -and inherent in their nature, and which frequently changes the face of -the world, by deciding its doctrines? Do you not know that they always, -in the end, force a passage, in spite of every obstacle, and of all -resistance? Have you forgotten the teaching of all history; and do you -pretend to deprive human thought of that vital, creative force, which -renders man superior to all that surrounds him? Such is the common -panegyric on the strength of ideas; thus we see them transformed every -moment into all-powerful beings, whose magical wand is capable of -changing every thing at their pleasure. - -However this may be, I am full of respect for human thought, and allow -that there is much truth in what is called the force of an idea; yet -I must beg leave to offer a few observations to these enthusiasts, -not directly to combat their opinion, but to make some necessary -modifications. In the first place, ideas, in the point of view in -which we are now considering them, must be divided into two orders; -some flattering our passions, the others checking them. It cannot be -denied that the former have an immense expansive force. They have -a motion of their own; they act in all places; they exert a rapid, -violent power; one would say that they overflow with life and activity. -The latter have great difficulty in making their way; they advance -slowly, they cannot pursue their career without an institution to -secure their stability. And why? Because it is not the ideas themselves -which act in the former case, but the passions which accompany them, -and assume their names; thus masking what is repulsive in them at -first sight. In the latter case, on the contrary, it is the truth -that speaks. Now, in this land of misfortune, the truth is but little -attended to; for it leads to good; and the heart of man, as the -Scripture says, is inclined to evil from his youth. Those who vaunt so -much the native force of ideas, should point out to us, in ancient or -modern history, one idea which, without going out of its own circle, -that of the purely philosophical order, is entitled to the glory of -having materially contributed to the amelioration of individuals and -society. - -It is commonly said that the force of ideas is immense; that once shown -among men, they will fructify sooner or later; that once deposited in -the bosom of humanity, they will remain there as a precious legacy, -and contribute wonderfully to the improvement of the world, to the -perfection towards which the human race advances. No doubt these -assertions contain some truth; as man is an intelligent being, all that -immediately affects his mind must certainly influence his destiny. -Thus no great change is worked in society without being first realized -in the order of ideas; all that is established contrary to our ideas, -or without them, must be weak and passing. But it is by no means to -be supposed that every useful idea contains in itself a conservative -force capable of dispensing with all institutions; that is to say, with -support and defence, even during times of social disorder: between -these two propositions there is a gulf which cannot be closed without -contradicting all history. Now humanity, considered by itself, and -given up to its own strength, as it appears to philosophers, is not -so safe a depositary as people wish to suppose. Unhappily we have -melancholy proofs of this truth: we see too clearly that the human -race, far from being a faithful trustee, has but too much imitated the -conduct of a foolish spendthrift. In the cradle of the human race, we -find great ideas on the unity of God, on man, on relations of man with -God and their fellowmen. These ideas were certainly true, salutary, -and fruitful: and yet, what did man do with them? Did he not lose them -by modifying, mutilating, and distorting them in the most deplorable -way? Where were they when Jesus Christ came into the world? What had -humanity done with them? One nation alone preserved them; but in what -way? Fix your attention on the chosen people, the Jews, and you will -see that there was a continual struggle between truth and error; -you will see that, by an inconceivable blindness, they incessantly -inclined to idolatry; they had a constant tendency to substitute the -abominations of the Gentiles for the sublime law of Mount Sinai. And -do you know how the truth was preserved among this people? Observe -it well; it was supported by the strongest institutions that can be -imagined; it was armed with all the means of defence with which an -inspired legislator could surround it. It will be said that they were -a hard-hearted nation, in the language of the Scriptures; unhappily, -since the fall of our first parent, this hardness of heart is become -the patrimony of humanity; _the heart of man is inclined to evil from -his youth_; ages before the existence of the Jews, God had covered the -earth with the waters of heaven, and had blotted out man from the face -of the world; _for all flesh had corrupted its way_. We must conclude -from this, that the preservation of great moral ideas requires powerful -institutions; it is evident, therefore, that they cannot be abandoned -to the fickleness of the human mind without being disfigured, or even -lost. I will say, moreover, that institutions are not only necessary -to teach, but also to apply them. Moral ideas, especially those which -openly contradict the passions, are never reduced to practice without -great efforts; now the ideas themselves do not suffice to make these -great efforts, and means of action are required capable of connecting -ideas with facts; this is one of the reasons of the impotence of -philosophical schools when they attempt to construct any thing. They -are often powerful in destroying; momentary action is enough for this, -and this action may be easily acquired in a moment of enthusiasm. But -when they wish to establish and reduce their conceptions to practice, -they are impotent; their only resource is what is called the force of -ideas. Now, as ideas constantly vary and change--an inconstancy of -which these schools themselves afford the first example--it happens -that what we hear them announce one moment as an infallible means of -human progress, is the next reduced to a mere object of curiosity. - -These last observations anticipate the objection that may be urged -against us with respect to the immense force which printing has -given to ideas. But this is so far from being a preserver, that it -may be said to be the best destroyer of all opinions. If we measure -the immense orbit which the human mind has passed through since that -important discovery, we shall see that the _consummation_ of opinions -(if I may be allowed the expression) is increased in a prodigious -degree. The history of the human race, especially since the press -has become periodical, appears to be the representation of a rapid -drama, where the decorations change every moment, where the scenes -succeed each other, scarcely allowing the spectator to catch any of -the author's words. Half of this century has not yet passed away, -and already it seems as if many centuries had elapsed, so great has -been the number of schools which have been born and are dead, of -reputations which, after being raised to the highest pitch of renown, -have been soon forgotten. This rapid succession of ideas, so far from -contributing to increase their force, necessarily renders them weak and -unproductive. The natural order in the progress of ideas is this: at -first to make their appearance, then to be realized in an institution -representing them, and in fine to exert their influence on facts by -means of an institution in which they are personified. Now, it is -necessary that during these transformations, which essentially require -time, ideas should preserve their credit, if they are to produce any -favorable result. But when they succeed each other too rapidly, time -is wanting for their successive transformations; new ideas strive to -discredit the old ones, and consequently to render them useless. This -is the reason why the strength of ideas, that is, of philosophy, was -never so little to be relied on as now, to produce any thing durable -and consistent in the moral order: in this respect, the gain to modern -society may well be questioned. More is conceived, but less matured; -what the mind gains in extent, it loses in depth, and the pretension -in theory makes a sad contrast with the impotence of practice. Of what -importance is it that our predecessors were not so ready as we are in -_improvising_ a discussion on great social and political questions, if -they nevertheless organized and founded such admirable institutions? -The architects who raised the astonishing monuments of ages which we -call barbarous, were certainly not so learned or so cultivated as -those of our time; and yet who has the boldness even to commence what -they have finished? Thus it is in the social and political order. Let -us remember that great thoughts are produced rather by intuition than -by reasoning; in practice, success depends more upon the invaluable -quality called tact, than upon enlightened reflection; and experience -often teaches that he who knows much, sees little. The genius of Plato -would not have been the best guide for Solon or Lycurgus; and all the -knowledge of Cicero would not have succeeded in doing what was done -by the tact and good sense of two unlettered men like Romulus and -Numa.[20] - - - - -CHAPTER XXXI. - -ON GENTLENESS OF MANNERS IN GENERAL. - - -A certain general gentleness of manners, which in war prevents great -atrocities, and in peace renders life more quiet and agreeable:--such -is one of the valuable qualities which I have pointed out as forming -the distinguishing characteristics of European civilization. This is a -fact which does not require proof; we see and feel it everywhere when -we look around; it is evident to all who open the pages of history, -and compare our times with any others. Wherein does this gentleness -of manners in modern times consist? what is the cause of it? what has -favoured it? what has opposed it? These interesting questions directly -apply to our present subject; for they lead straight to the examination -of other questions, such as the following: has Catholicity contributed -in any way to this gentleness of manners; or, on the other hand, has -it opposed or retarded it? in fine, what part has Protestantism played -in the work, for good or evil? First of all, we must determine wherein -gentleness of manners consists. Although we have here to deal with an -idea which every one sees, or rather feels, we must still endeavor -to explain and analyze it by a definition as complete and exact as -possible. Gentleness of manners consists _in the absence of force_; so -that manners will be more or less gentle according as force is less -or more employed. Thus, we must not confound gentle with charitable -manners; the latter work good, the former only exclude the idea of -force. We must also distinguish gentle manners from those that are -pure, and conformable to reason and justice. Immorality is often -gentle, when, instead of resorting to force, it makes use of seduction -and stratagem. This gentleness of manners consists in directing the -human mind, not by violence which constrains the body, but by reasons -which address themselves to the intellect, or by appeals to the -passions. Thus it is that gentle manners are not always under the -influence of reason; but their rule is always intellectual, although -they are often made the slaves of the passions by golden chains of -their own formation. - -If gentleness of manners consists in not making use, in human -transactions, of other means than those of conviction, persuasion, -or seduction, it is clear that the most advanced society--that is, -that in which intelligence has been most developed--should always -participate more or less in this social advantage. There the mind -rules, because it is strong; while material force disappears, because -the body has less strength. Moreover, in societies very much advanced, -where relations and interests are necessarily much multiplied, there -is an indispensable want of means capable of acting in a universal and -lasting manner, and applicable to all the details of life. These means -are, unquestionably, moral and intellectual: the mind operates without -destruction, while force dashes violently against obstacles, and breaks -itself to pieces, if it cannot overturn them. Thus it is the cause -of continual commotions, which cannot subsist in a society which has -numerous and complicated relations, without throwing into confusion and -destroying society itself. - -We always observe in young nations a lamentable abuse of force. Nothing -is more natural: the passions ally themselves with force, because they -resemble it; they are energetical as violence, and rude as its shocks. -When society has reached a great degree of development, the passions -are divorced from force, and become allied with the intelligence; they -cease to be violent, in order to become artful. In the first case, if -it is the people who struggle, they make war on, they contend with, and -destroy each other; in the second case, they contend with the arms of -industry, commerce, and contraband. Governments attack, in the first -case, by arms and invasions; and in the second by diplomacy. In the -first epoch, warriors are every thing; in the second, they are nothing; -they have not a very important part to play when negotiation, and not -fighting, is required. When we look at ancient civilization, we observe -a remarkable difference between the character of its manners and the -gentleness of ours. Neither the Greeks nor Romans ever regarded this -precious quality in the light in which we regard it, for the honor of -European civilization. Those nations became enervated, but they did -not become gentle; we may say that their manners were made effeminate, -but they were not softened; for we see them make use of force on all -occasions, when neither vigor of body nor energy of mind was required. -There is nothing more worthy of observation than this peculiarity of -ancient civilization, especially of that of Rome. Now this phenomenon, -which at first sight appears to us to be very strange, has very deep -causes. Besides the principal of these causes, which is, the want of -an element of civilization such as that which modern nations have had -in Christian charity, we shall find among the ancients, if we descend -to the details of their social organization, certain causes which -necessarily hindered this gentleness of manners being established among -them. - -In the first case, slavery, one of the constituent elements of their -social and domestic organization, was an eternal obstacle to the -introduction of this precious quality. The man who has the power of -throwing another to the fishes, and of punishing with death the crime -of breaking a glass; he who during a feast, to gratify his caprice, -can take away the life of one of his brethren; he who can rest upon -a voluptuous couch, surrounded by the most sumptuous magnificence, -while he knows that hundreds of men, crowded together in dark vaults, -work incessantly for his cupidity and his pleasures; he who can hear -without emotion the lamentations of a crowd of unhappy beings imploring -a morsel of bread to pass through the night's misery which is to unite -their labors and fatigues of the evening with those of the morning, -such a man may have effeminate, but he cannot have gentle manners; his -heart may become enervated, but it will not cease to be cruel. This -was precisely the situation of the free man in ancient society: the -organization of which we have just stated the results was regarded as -indispensable; they could not even conceive the possibility of any -other order of things. What removed this obstacle? was it not the -Catholic Church, by abolishing slavery, after having ameliorated the -cruel lot of slaves? Those who revert to the 15th, 16th, 17th, 18th, -and 19th chapters of this work, with the notes appended to them, will -find the truth of this demonstrated by incontestable reasons and -documents. - -In the second place, the right of life and death, given by the laws to -the paternal power, introduced into families an element of severity -which could not but produce injurious effects. Happily, the hearts of -fathers were continually contending against the power thus granted -by law: but if this feeling did not prevent some deeds the perusal -of which makes us shudder, must we not suppose that, in the ordinary -course of life, cruel scenes constantly reminded the members of -families of this atrocious right with which the chief was invested? -Will not he who is possessed of the power of killing with impunity, be -frequently hurried into acts of cruel despotism? Now this tyrannical -extension of the rights of paternal authority, carried far beyond the -limits pointed out by nature, was taken away by the force of laws and -manners which were much aided by the influence of Catholicity (see the -24th chap. of this work). To the two causes which I have just pointed -out, may be added another perfectly analogous, viz. the despotism which -the husband exercised over his wife, and the little respect which was -paid to her. Public spectacles were, among the Romans, another element -of severity and cruelty. What could be expected of a people whose -principal amusement is to look coolly upon homicide--who took pleasure -in witnessing the slaughter in the arena of hundreds of men fighting -against each other, or against wild beasts? - -As a Spaniard, I feel called upon here to insert a paragraph, in -reply to the observations which will be made against me on this -point: I allude to the Spanish bull-fights. I shall naturally be -asked, Is it not in a Christian and Catholic country that the custom -of making men fight against animals is preserved? The objection, -however plausible it may seem, can be answered. In the first place, -to avoid any misunderstanding, I declare that this popular amusement -is, in my opinion, barbarous, and ought, if possible, to be completely -extirpated. But after this full and explicit avowal, let me be -permitted to make a few observations, to screen the honor of my -country. In the first place, it must be remarked, that there is in the -human heart a secret taste for risks and dangers; in order to make -an adventure interesting, it is necessary that the hero should be -encompassed with great and multiplied perils; if a history is to excite -curiosity to a high degree, it must not be an uninterrupted chain of -peaceful and happy events. We wish to find ourselves frequently in the -presence of extraordinary and surprising facts; and, however unpleasant -may be the avowal, our hearts, while they feel the tenderest compassion -for the unfortunate, seem to require the contemplation of scenes of a -more violent and exciting character. Hence the taste for tragedies: -hence the love of scenes in which the actors incur great risks, in -appearance or in reality. It is not my duty here to explain the -origin of this phenomenon; it is enough for me here to point out its -existence to show foreigners who accuse us of being barbarians, that -the taste of the Spanish people for bull-fights is only the application -to a particular case, of an inclination inherent everywhere in the -heart of man. Those who, with respect to this custom of the Spanish -people, affect so much humanity, would do well to answer the following -questions: To what is owing the pleasure taken by the multitude in -every exhibition, when the actors run any risk in one way or another? -Whence comes it that all would willingly be present at the bloodiest -battle, if they could do so without danger? Whence comes it that -everywhere an immense multitude assembles to witness the agonies and -the last convulsions of a criminal on the gibbet? Whence comes it, in -fine, that foreigners, when at Madrid, render themselves accomplices -in the barbarity of Spaniards by assisting at these bull-fights? I -say this, not in any degree to excuse a custom which appears to me to -be unworthy of a civilized people, but to show that in this point, as -well as in almost all that relates to the Spanish people, there are -exaggerations which ought to be reduced within reasonable limits. Let -us add an important observation, which is the best excuse that can be -made for this reprehensible exhibition: instead of fixing our attention -on the spectacle itself, let us consider the evils that flow from -it. Now, I ask, how many men die in Spain in bull-fights? The number -is extremely small, and altogether insignificant in proportion to -the frequency of these spectacles; so that if a comparison were made -between the accidents which occur in consequence of this amusement -and those that happen in other sports, such as horse-races and others -of the same kind, we should perhaps find that bull-fights, however -barbarous they may be in themselves, still do not deserve all the -anathemas with which foreigners have loaded them. To return to our -principal object, how, we ask, is it possible to compare an amusement -which, perhaps, may not cost the life of one man during many years, -to those terrible shows in which death was a necessary condition for -the pleasure of the spectators? After the triumph of Trajan over the -Dacians, the public games lasted twenty-three days, and the fearful -number of six thousand gladiators was slain. Such were the amusements -at Rome, not only of the populace, but of the highest classes; -such were the horrible spectacles required by a people who added -voluptuousness to the most atrocious cruelty. This is a most convincing -proof of what I have said, viz. that manners may be effeminate without -being gentle, and that the brutality of unbounded luxury is not -inconsistent with the instinct of blood-thirsty ferocity. - -It is impossible that such spectacles should be tolerated among modern -nations, however corrupt their manners may be. The principle of charity -has extended its empire too universally for such excesses to be -renewed. This charity, it is true, does not induce men to do all the -good to each other that they ought; but, at least, it prevents their -coldly perpetrating evil, and assisting quietly at the slaughter of -their brethren to gratify the pleasure of the moment. Christianity, at -its birth, cast into society the seed of this aversion to homicide. -Who is not aware of the repugnance of Christians for the shows of the -Gentiles--a repugnance prescribed and kept alive by the admonitions -of the early pastors of the Church? It was an acknowledged fact, that -Christian charity prohibited the being present at games where homicide -formed part of the spectacle. "As for us," said one of the apologists -of the early ages, "we make little difference between committing murder -and seeing it committed."[21] - - - - -CHAPTER XXXII. - -THE IMPROVEMENT OF MANNERS BY THE ACTION OF THE CHURCH. - - -Modern society ought, it would seem, to be distinguished for severity -and cruelty, since it was formed from that of the Romans and -barbarians, from both of whom it should have inherited these qualities. -Who is not aware of the fierce manners of the northern barbarians? The -historians of that time have left us statements that make us shudder -when we read them. It was believed that the end of the world was at -hand; and, indeed, it was excusable to consider the last catastrophe -as near, when so many other melancholy ones had already been heaped -upon humanity. The imagination cannot figure to itself what would have -happened to the world at this crisis, if Christianity had not existed. -Even supposing that society would have been organized anew under one -form or another, it is certain that private and public relations would -have remained in a state of lamentable disorder, and that legislation -would have been unjust and inhuman. Thus the influence of the Church on -civil legislation was an inestimable benefit; thus even the power of -the clergy in temporal things was one of the greatest safeguards of the -highest interests of society. - -Attacks are often made upon this temporal power of the clergy and this -influence of the Church in worldly affairs. But, in the first place, it -should be remembered, that this power and influence were brought about -by the very nature of things; that is to say, they were natural, and, -consequently, to assail them is to declaim in vain against the force of -events, of which no man could hinder the realization. This power and -influence, besides, were legitimate; for when society is in danger, -nothing can be more legitimate than that that which can save it should -save it. Now, at the time we speak of, the Church alone could save -society. The Church, which is not an abstract being, but a real and -substantial society, acted upon civil society by real and substantial -means. If the purely material interests of society were in question, -the minister of the Church ought, in some way or other, to take part -in the direction of those interests. These reflections are so natural -and simple, that their truth must be seen by good sense. All those who -know any thing of history are now generally agreed on this point; and -if we are not aware how much it generally costs the human mind to enter -upon the path of truth, and, above all, how much bad faith there has -been in the examination of these questions, we shall have a difficulty -in understanding that so much time should have been required to bring -the world to agree on a thing which is apparent to those who read -history. But let us return to our subject. This extraordinary mixture -of the cruelty of a cultivated but corrupted people with the atrocious -ferocity of a barbarous one, proud of its triumphs, and intoxicated -with blood during long wars, placed in European society a germ of -severity and cruelty which fermented there for ages, and the remains of -which we find at a late period. The precept of Christian charity was in -men's heads, but Roman cruelty and barbarian ferocity still prevailed -in their hearts; ideas were pure and beneficent, since they proceeded -from a religion of love, but they encountered a terrible resistance -in the habits, manners, institutions, and laws, for all these were -more or less disfigured by the two mixed principles which I have just -pointed out. If we reflect upon the constant and obstinate struggle -between the Catholic Church and the elements which contended with her, -we shall clearly see that Christian ideas could never have prevailed -in legislation and manners, if Christianity had been a religious idea -abandoned to human caprice, as Protestants imagine; it was necessary -for it to be realized in a powerful institution, in a strongly -constituted society, such as we find in the Catholic Church. In order -to give an idea of the efforts made by the Church, I will point out -some of the regulations which she made for the purpose of improving -manners. Private animosities were very violent at the time of which we -speak; and right was decided by force, and the world was threatened -with becoming the patrimony of the strongest. Public law did not -exist, or was hurried away and confounded by outrages which its feeble -hand could never prevent or repress; it was altogether powerless in -rendering manners pacific, and in subjecting men to reason and justice. -Then we see that the Church, besides the instruction and the general -admonitions inseparable from her sacred mission, adopted at that time -certain measures calculated to restrain the torrent of violence which -ravaged and destroyed every thing. The Council of Arles, celebrated in -the middle of the fifth century, between 443 and 452, ordains, in its -50th canon, that the Church should be interdicted to those who have -public animosities, until they were reconciled. The Council of Angers, -celebrated in 453, proscribes, by its 3d canon, acts of violence and -mutilation. The Council of Agde, in Languedoc, celebrated in 506, -ordains, in its 31st canon, that enemies who would not be reconciled -should be admonished by the priests, and excommunicated if they did not -follow their apostolical counsels. - -The Franks at that time had the custom of going armed, and they always -entered the churches with their arms. It will be understood that such -a custom must have produced great evils; the house of prayer was often -converted into an arena of blood and vengeance. In the middle of the -seventh century, the Council of Chalons-sur-Saone, in its 17th canon, -pronounces excommunication against all laymen who excite tumults, -or draw their swords to strike any one in the churches or in their -precincts. Thus, we see the prudence and foresight which dictated the -29th canon of the third Council of Orleans, celebrated in 538, which -forbids any one to be present at mass or vespers, armed. It is curious -to observe the uniformity of design and plan pursued by the Church. -In countries the most distant from each other, and at times when -communication could not be frequent, we find regulations analogous to -those which we have pointed out. The Council of Lerida, held in 546, -ordains, by its 7th canon, that he who shall have sworn not to be -reconciled with his enemy, shall be deprived of the participation of -the body and blood of Jesus Christ until he has done penance for his -oath and been reconciled. - -Centuries passed away, acts of violence continued, the precept of -fraternal charity, which obliges us to love even our enemies, always -met with open resistance in the harsh character and fierce passions -of the descendants of the barbarians; but the Church did not cease to -preach the divine command; she continually inculcated and labored -to render it efficacious by means of spiritual penalties. More than -four hundred years had elapsed since the celebration of the Council -of Arles, where we have seen the church forbidden to those who were -openly at variance; we then see the Council of Worms, held in 868, -pronouncing, in its 41st canon, excommunication against enemies who -refused to be reconciled. It will suffice to have some idea of the -disorders of that time, to know whether it was possible to appease the -violence of animosities during this long period. One would fancy that -the Church would have been wearied of inculcating a precept which the -unhappy state of circumstances so often rendered fruitless; but such -was not the case: she continued to speak as she had spoken for ages; -she never lost her confidence that her words would produce fruit in the -present, and would be productive in the future. Such is her system; -one would think that she heard these words constantly repeated, "Cry -out, cry out without ceasing; raise thy voice like a trumpet." It is -then that she triumphs over all resistance; when she cannot exert -her power over the will of a nation, she makes her voice heard with -indefatigable diligence in the sanctuary. There she assembles seven -thousand who have not bent the knee to Baal; and while she endeavors to -confirm them in faith and good works, she protests, in the name of God, -against those who resist the Holy Spirit. Let us imagine that, amid -the dissipation and distraction of a populous city, we enter a sacred -place, where seriousness and moderation reign, in the bosom of silence -and religious retirement; there a minister of the sanctuary, surrounded -by a chosen number of the faithful, utters from time to time some -serious and solemn words. This is the personification of the Church in -times disastrous from weakened faith and corrupted morals. One of the -rules of conduct of the Catholic Church has been, not to bend before -the powerful. When she has proclaimed a law, she has proclaimed it for -all, without distinction of rank. In the time of the power of those -petty tyrants, who, under different names, persecuted the people, this -conduct of the Church contributed in an extraordinary degree to render -the ecclesiastical laws popular; for nothing was more likely to make -a law tolerable to the people than to show that it applied to nobles, -and even to kings. In the times of which we speak, hatred and violence -among plebeians were severely proscribed; but the same law extended -to great men and to royalty. A short time after the establishment -of Christianity in England, we find a very curious example in that -country, applicable to this question. It is nothing less than -excommunication pronounced against three kings in the same year, and -in the same town; all these were compelled by the Councils to do -penance for the crimes which they had committed. The town of Llandaff, -in Wales, within the metropolitan see of Canterbury, witnessed the -celebration of three Councils, in the year 560. In the first, Monric, -king of Glamorgan, was excommunicated for having put to death King -Cinétha, although he had sworn the peace on the sacred relics; in the -second, King Morcant was excommunicated for having put to death Friac, -his uncle, in whose favor he had equally sworn the peace; in the third, -King Guidnert was excommunicated for having put to death his brother, -the competitor for the throne. - -Thus, these barbarian chiefs, just changed into kings, and prone to -slaughter, are compelled to acknowledge the authority of a superior -power, and to expiate by penance the murder of their relatives and -the violation of sacred engagements; it is useless to point out how -much this must have contributed to the improvement of manners. "It was -easy," the enemies of the Church will say--those who endeavor to lower -the merit of her acts--"it was easy to preach gentleness of manners, -to impose the observance of divine precepts on chiefs whose power was -limited, and who had only the name of kings; it was easy to manage -those petty barbarian chiefs, who, rendered fanatical by a religion of -which they understood nothing, humbly bowed before the first priest who -ventured to menace them on the part of God. But of what importance -was that? What influence could it have on the course of great events? -The history of European civilization presents a vast theatre, where -events must be studied on a large scale, and where none but the most -important scenes exercised any influence on the spirit of nations." Let -us observe, that these petty barbarian kings were the origin of the -principal families which now occupy the most important thrones of the -world. To place the germ of real civilization in their hearts, was to -graft the tree which was one day to overshadow the earth. But without -staying to show the futility of such reasoning, and as our opponents -desire great scenes capable of influencing European manners on a -large scale, let us open the history of the Church in the first ages, -and we shall soon find a page which redounds to the eternal honor of -Catholicity. The whole of the known world was subject to an emperor, -whose name, then universally venerated, will continue to be respected -by the remotest posterity. In an important city, the rebellious -inhabitants put to death the commander of the garrison; the emperor, -transported with anger, orders them to be exterminated. Returning to -himself, he revokes the order; but it was too late, the order was -executed, and thousands of victims had been involved in the horrible -carnage; at the news of this dreadful catastrophe, a bishop quits the -court of the emperor, leaves the city, and writes to him in this grave -language: "I dare not offer the sacrifice if you attempt to be present -at it; the blood of one innocent person would suffice to forbid me; how -much more the massacre of a large number." The emperor, confident in -his power, takes no notice of this letter, and goes towards the church. -When he arrives at the door, he finds himself in the presence of a -venerable man, who, with a grave and stern countenance, stops him and -forbids him to enter the church. "Thou hast imitated David in crime," -he says, "imitate him also in penance." The emperor yields, humbles -himself, and submits to the regulations of the bishop, and religion and -humanity gain an immortal triumph. This unhappy city was Thessalonica; -the emperor was Theodosius; the prelate was St. Ambrose, Archbishop of -Milan. - -We find face to face, in this sublime fact, force and justice -personified. Justice triumphs over force; but why? Because he who -represents justice, represents it in the name of Heaven; because -the sacred vestments and the imposing attitude of the man who stops -the emperor reminds Theodosius of the divine mission of the holy -bishop, and of the office which he holds in the sacred ministry. Put -a philosopher in the place of the bishop, and tell him to arrest the -proud culprit by an injunction of doing penance, and you will see -whether human wisdom can do as much as the Catholic priest speaking -in the name of God. Put, if you please, a bishop of the Church, who -has acknowledged spiritual supremacy in the civil power, and you will -see whether in his mouth words have the same effect in obtaining so -glorious a triumph. The spirit of the Church was always the same; her -arms were always directed towards the same end; her language was always -equally strict, equally strong, whether she spoke to the Roman plebeian -or a barbarian, whether she addressed her admonitions to a patrician of -the empire or to a noble German. She was no more afraid of the purple -of the Cæsars than of the frowns of the long-haired kings. The power -which she possessed during the middle ages was not exclusively owing -to her having preserved alone the light of science and the principles -of government; but it was also owing to the invincible firmness, which -no resistance and no attack could destroy. What would Protestantism -have effected in such difficult and dangerous circumstances? Without -authority, without a centre of action, without security for her own -faith, without confidence in her resources, what means would she -have had to assist her in restraining the torrent of violence--that -impetuous torrent, which, after having inundated the world, was about -to destroy the remains of ancient civilization, and opposed to all -attempts at social reorganization an obstacle almost insurmountable? -Catholicity, with its ardent faith, its powerful authority, its -undivided unity, its well-compacted hierarchy, was able to undertake -the lofty enterprise of improving manners; and it brought to the -undertaking that constancy which is inspired by conscious strength, and -that boldness which animates a mind secure of triumph. - -We must not, however, imagine that the conduct of the Church, in her -mission of improving manners, always brought her into collision with -force. We also see her employ indirect means, limit her demands to what -she could obtain, and ask for as little, in order to obtain as much as -possible. In a capitulary of Charlemagne, given at Aix-la-Chapelle in -813, and consisting of twenty-six articles, which are nothing more than -a sort of confirmation and _résumé_ of the five Councils held a little -before in France, we find in an appendix of two articles the method of -proceeding judicially against those who, under pretext of the right -called _faida_, excited tumults on Sundays, holidays, and also working -days. We have already seen above that they had recourse to the holy -relics, to give greater authority to the oaths of peace and friendship -taken by kings towards each other--an august act, in which Heaven was -invoked to prevent the effusion of blood, and to establish peace on -earth. We see in the capitulary which we have just quoted, that the -respect for Sundays and holidays was made use of to bring about the -abolition of the barbarous custom, which authorized the relations of -a murdered man to avenge his death in the blood of the murderer. The -deplorable state of European society at that time is vividly painted -by the means which the ecclesiastical power was compelled to use, to -diminish in some degree the disasters occasioned by the prevailing -violence. Not to attack, not to maltreat any one, not to have recourse -to force to obtain reparation or to gratify a desire of vengeance, -appears to us to be so just, so reasonable, and so natural, that -we can hardly imagine another way of acting. If, now, a law were -promulgated, to forbid one to attack one's enemy on such or such a day, -at such or such an hour, it would appear to us the height of folly and -extravagance. But it was not so at that time; such prohibitions were -made continually, not in obscure hamlets, but in great towns, in very -numerous assemblies, when bishops were present in hundreds, and where -counts, dukes, princes, and kings were gathered together. This law, by -which authority was glad to make the principles of justice respected, -at least on certain days,--principally on the great solemnities,--this -law, which now would appear to us so strange, was, in a certain way, -and for a long period, one of the chief points of public and private -law in Europe. It will be understood that I allude to the truce of God, -a privilege of peace very necessary at that time, as we see it very -often renewed in various countries. Of all that I might say on this -point, I shall content myself with selecting a few of the decisions -of Councils at the time. The Council of Tubuza, in the diocese of -Elne, in Roussillon, held by Guifred, Archbishop of Narbonne, in 1041, -established the truce of God, from the evening of Friday until Monday -morning. Nobody during that time could take any thing by force, or -revenge any injury, or require any pledge in surety. Those who violated -this decree were liable to the same legal composition as if they had -merited death; in default of which, they were excommunicated and -banished from the country. - -The practice of this ecclesiastical regulation was considered so -advantageous, that many other Councils were held in France during the -same year, on the same subject. Moreover, care was taken frequently -to repeat the obligation, as we see by the Council of Saint Gilles, -in Languedoc, held in 1042, and by that of Narbonne, held in 1045. In -spite of these, repeated efforts did not obtain all the desired fruit; -this is indicated by the changes which we observe in the regulations -of the law. Thus we see that, in the year 1047, the truce of God was -fixed for a less time than in 1041; the Council of Telugis, in the same -diocese of Elne, held in 1047, only ordains that it is forbidden to -any one in all the _comté_ of Roussillon to attack his enemy between -the hours of none on Sunday and prime on Monday; the law was then -much less extensive than in 1041, when, as we have seen, the truce of -God was extended from Friday evening till Monday morning. We find in -the same Council a remarkable regulation, the object of which was to -preserve from all attack men who were going to church or returning -from it, or who were accompanying women. In 1054, the truce of God -had gained ground; we see it extended, not only from Friday evening -till Monday morning after sunrise, but over considerable periods of -the year. Thus we see that the Council of Narbonne, held by Archbishop -Guifred, in 1045, after having included in the truce of God the time -from Friday evening till Monday morning, declares it obligatory during -the following periods: from the first Sunday of Advent till the octave -of the Epiphany; from Quinquagesima Sunday till the octave of Easter; -from the Sunday preceding the Ascension till the octave of Pentecost; -the festival days of Our Lady, of St. Peter, of St. Laurence, of -St. Michael, of All Saints, of St. Martin, of St. Just and Pasteur, -titularies of the Church of Narbonne, and all fasting days, under pain -of anathema and perpetual banishment. The same Council gives some other -regulations, so beautiful that we cannot pass them over in silence, -when we are engaged in showing the influence of the Catholic Church in -improving manners. The 9th canon forbids the cutting of olive-trees; -a reason for it is given, which, in the eyes of jurists, will not -appear sufficiently general or adequate, but which, in the eyes of -the philosophy of history, is a beautiful symbol of the beneficial -influence exercised over society by religion. This is the reason -given by the Council: "It is," it says, "_that the olive-trees may -furnish matter for the holy chrism, and feed the lamps that burn in -the churches_." Such a reason was sure to produce more effect than any -that could be drawn from Ulpian and Justinian. It is ordained in the -10th canon that shepherds and their flocks shall enjoy at all times the -security of the truce; the same favor is extended by the 11th canon to -all houses within thirty paces of the churches. The 18th canon forbids -those who have a suit, to take any active steps, to commit the least -violence, until the cause has been judged in presence of the bishop and -lord of the place. The other canons forbid the robbing of merchants and -pilgrims, and the commission of wrong against any one, under pain of -being separated from the Church, if the crime be committed during the -time of the truce. - -In proportion as we advance in the 11th century, we see the salutary -practice of the truce of God more and more inculcated; the Popes -interpose their authority in its favor. At the Council of Gironne, held -by Cardinal Hugues-le-Blanc, in 1068, the truce of God is confirmed -by the authority of Alexander II., under pain of excommunication; the -Council held in 1080, at Lillebonne, in Normandy, gives us reason -to suppose that the truce was then generally established, since it -ordains, by its first canon to bishops and lords, to take care that it -was observed, and to inflict on offenders against it censures and other -penalties. In the year 1093, the Council of Troja, in Apulia, held -by Urban II., continues the truce of God. To judge of the extent of -this canonical regulation, we should know that this Council consisted -of sixty-five bishops. The number was much greater at the Council of -Clermont, in Auvergne, held by the same Urban II., in 1095; it reckoned -no less than thirteen archbishops, two hundred and twenty bishops, and -a great number of abbots. The first canon of this Council confirms the -truce for Thursday, Friday, Saturday, and Sunday; it wishes, moreover, -that it should be observed on all the days of the week, with respect to -monks, clergy, and women. The canons 29 and 30 ordain, that if a man -pursued by an enemy take refuge near a cross, he should be in safety, -as if he had found asylum in a church. The sublime sign of redemption, -after having given salvation to the world, by drinking on Calvary the -blood of the Son of God, had already proved a refuge, during the sack -of Rome, to those who fled from the fury of the barbarians; centuries -later, we find it erected on the roads, to save the unfortunate, who, -by embracing it, escaped their enemies, who were thus deterred from -vengeance. - -The Council of Rouen, held in 1096, extending still further the benefit -of the truce, ordains the observance of it from the Sunday before -Ash Wednesday till the second feast after the octave of Pentecost, -from sunset on Wednesday preceding Advent to the octave of Epiphany, -and every week from Friday after sunset till the Monday following at -sunrise; in fine, on all the feasts and vigils of the Virgin and the -Apostles. The 2d canon of the same Council secures perpetual peace to -all clergy, monks, and nuns, to women, to pilgrims, to merchants and -their servants, to oxen and horses of labor, to carmen and laborers; -it gives the same privileges to all lands that belong to sacred -institutions; all such persons, animals, and lands are protected from -the attacks of pillage and all kinds of violence. At this time the -law felt itself stronger; it could now call for obedience in a firmer -tone; we see, indeed, that the third canon of the same Council enjoins -upon all who have reached the age of twelve, to engage by oath to -observe the truce; in the fourth canon, all who refuse to take this -oath are excommunicated. Some years after, in 1115, the truce, instead -of comprising certain stated parts of the year, embraces whole years; -the Council of Troja in Apulia, held in that year by Pope Pascal, -establishes the truce for three years. - -The Popes pursued with ardor the work thus commenced; they sanctioned -it with their authority, and extended the observance of the truce by -means of their influence, then universal and powerful over all Europe. -Although the truce was apparently only a testimony of respect paid to -religion by the violent passions, which, in her favor, consented to -suspend their hostilities, it was, in reality, a triumph of right over -might, and one of the most admirable devices ever used to improve the -manners of a barbarous people. The man who, during four days of the -week, and during long periods of the year, was compelled to suspend the -exercise of force, was necessarily led to more gentle manners; he must, -in the end, entirely renounce it. The difficulty is not, to convince -a man that he does ill, but to make him lose the habit of doing so; -and it is well known that habits are engendered by the repetition of -acts, and are lost when they cease for a time. Nothing is more pleasing -to the Christian soul than to see the Popes laboring to maintain and -extend this truce. They renew the command of it with a power the more -efficacious and universal according to the number of bishops who assist -at the Councils where their supreme authority presides. At the Council -of Rheims, opened by Pope Calixtus II. in person, in 1119, a decree -confirming the truce is promulgated. Thirteen archbishops, more than -two hundred bishops, and a great number of abbots and ecclesiastics, -distinguished for their rank, assisted at this Council. The same -command is renewed at the General Council of Lateran, held under the -care of the same Pontiff, Calixtus II., in 1123. There were assembled -more than three hundred archbishops and bishops, and more than six -hundred abbots. In 1130, the Council of Clermont, in Auvergne, held by -Innocent II., insists on the same point, and repeats the regulations -concerning the observance of the truce. The Council of Avignon, -held in 1209, by Hugh, Bishop of Riez, and Milon, notary of Pope -Innocent III., both legates of the Holy See, confirms the laws before -enacted on the subject of the peace and the truce, and condemns the -rebellious who dare to infringe them. In the year 1215, at the Council -of Montpellier, assembled by Robert de Courçon, and presided over by -Cardinal Benavent, in his office as legate of the province, all the -regulations established at different times for the public safety, and -more recently to secure peace between lord and lord, and town and town, -are renewed and confirmed. - -Those who have regarded the intervention of the ecclesiastical power -in civil affairs as a usurpation of the rights of public authority, -should tell us how it is possible to usurp that which does not exist, -and how a power which is unable to exercise the authority which ought -to belong to it, can reasonably complain when that authority passes -into the hands of those who have force and skill to make use of it. -At that time, the public authority did not at all complain of these -pretended usurpations. Governments and nations looked upon them as -just and legitimate; for, as we have said above, they were natural and -necessary, they were brought about by the force of events, they were -the result of the situation of affairs. Certainly, it would now seem -extraordinary to see bishops provide for the security of roads, publish -edicts against incendiaries, against robbers, against those who cut -down olive-trees and commit other injuries of the kind; but, at the -time we are speaking of, this proceeding was very natural, and more, -it was necessary. Thanks to the care of the Church, to that incessant -solicitude which has been since so inconsiderately blamed, the -foundations of the social edifice, in which we now dwell in peace, were -laid; an organization was realized which would have been impossible -without the influence of religion and the action of ecclesiastical -authority. If you wish to know whether any fact of which you have to -judge is the result of the nature of things, or the fruit of well -contrived combinations, observe the manner in which it appears, the -places where it takes its rise, the times which witness its appearance; -and if you shall find it reproduced at once in places far distant from -each other, by men who can have had no concert, be assured that it is -not the result of human contrivance, but of the force of events. These -conditions are found united in a palpable manner in the action of the -ecclesiastical power on public affairs. Open the Councils of those -times, and everywhere the same facts meet your eyes; thus, to quote a -few examples, the Council of Palentia, in the kingdom of Leon, held in -1129, decrees, in its 12th canon, exile or seclusion in a monastery, -against those who attack the clergy, monks, merchants, pilgrims, and -women. Let us pass into France; the Council of Clermont, in Auvergne, -held in 1130, pronounces, in its 13th canon, excommunication against -incendiaries. In 1157, the Council of Rheims, in the 3d canon, orders -to be respected, during war, the persons of the clergy, of monks, -women, travellers, laborers, and vine-dressers. Let us pass into -Italy; the 11th Council of Lateran, a General Council, convoked in -1179, forbids, in its 22d canon, to maltreat or disturb monks, clergy, -pilgrims, merchants, peasants, either travelling or engaged in the -labors of agriculture, and animals laboring in the fields. In its 24th -canon, the same Council excommunicates those who make slaves of, or -rob, Christians on voyages of commerce, or for other lawful purposes; -those who plunder the shipwrecked are subjected to the same penalty, -unless they make restitution. Let us go to England; there the Council -of Oxford, held in 1222, by Stephen Langton, Archbishop of Canterbury, -forbids, by its 20th canon, any one to have robbers in their service. -In Sweden, the Council of Arbogen, held in 1396, by Henry, Archbishop -of Upsala, directs, by its 5th canon, that church-burial shall -be refused to pirates, ravishers, incendiaries, highway robbers, -oppressors of the poor, and other malefactors; so that in all parts, -and at the same periods, we see the same fact appear, viz. the -Church struggling against injustice and violence, and endeavoring to -substitute in their stead the empire of law and justice. - -In what spirit must they read the history of the Church, who do not -feel the beauty of the picture presented to us by the multitude of -regulations, scarcely indicated here, all tending to protect the weak -against the strong? The clergy and monks, on account of the weakness -consequent on their peaceful profession, find in the canons which -we have just quoted peculiar protection; but the same is granted to -females, to pilgrims, to merchants, to villagers, travelling, or -engaged in rural labors, and to beasts of labor--in a word, to all that -is weak; and observe, that this protection is not a mere passing effort -of generosity, but a system practised in widely different places, -continued for centuries, developed and applied by all the means that -charity suggests--a system inexhaustible in resources and contrivances, -both in producing good and in preventing evil. And surely it cannot be -said that the Church was influenced in this by views of self-interest: -what interested motive could she have in preventing the spoliation of -an obscure traveller, the violence inflicted on a poor laborer, or the -insult offered to a defenceless woman? The spirit which then animated -her, whatever might be the abuses which were introduced during unhappy -times, was, as it now is, the spirit of God himself--that spirit which -continually communicates to her so marked an inclination towards -goodness and justice, and always urges her to realize, by any possible -means, her sublime desires. I leave the reader to judge whether or not -the constant efforts of the Church to banish the dominion of force -from the bosom of society were likely to improve manners. I now speak -only of times of peace; for I need not stay to prove that during the -time of war that influence must have had the happiest results. The _væ -victis_ of the ancients has disappeared from modern history, thanks -to the divine religion which knew how to inspire man with new ideas -and new feelings--thanks to the Catholic Church, whose zeal for the -redemption of captives has softened the fierce maxims of the Romans, -who, as we have seen, had considered it necessary to take from brave -men the hope of being redeemed from servitude, when by the chances of -war they had fallen into the hands of their enemies. The reader may -revert to the seventh chapter of this work, and the third paragraph of -the fifteenth note, where there are, in the original text, numerous -documents that may be quoted in support of our assertion; he will thus -be better able to judge of the gratitude which is due to the charity, -disinterestedness, and indefatigable zeal of the Catholic Church in -favor of the unfortunate, who groaned in bondage in the power of their -enemies. We must also consider that, slavery once abolished, the system -was necessarily improved; for if those who surrendered could no longer -be put to death, or be kept in slavery, the only thing to be done was, -to retain them for the time necessary to prevent their doing mischief, -or until they were ransomed. Now, this is the modern system, which -consists in retaining prisoners till the end of the war, or until they -are exchanged. - -Although the amelioration of manners, as I have said above, consists, -properly speaking, in the exclusion of force, we must yet avoid -considering this exclusion of force in the abstract, and believing that -such an order of things was possible, by virtue of the mere development -of mind. All is connected in this world; it is not enough, to -constitute the real improvement of manners, that they avoid violence as -much as possible; they must also be benevolent. As long as they are not -so, they will be less gentle than enervated; the use of force will not -be banished from society, but it will remain artificially disguised. -It will be understood, then, that we are obliged here to take a survey -of the principle whence European civilization has drawn the spirit of -benevolence which distinguishes it; we shall thus succeed in showing -that the gentleness of our present manners is principally owing to -Catholicity. There is, besides, in the examination of the principle -of benevolence, so much importance of its own, independently of its -connection with the question which now occupies us, that we cannot -avoid devoting some pages to it, in the course of an analytical review -of the elements of our civilization.[22] - - - - -CHAPTER XXXIII. - -ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF PUBLIC BENEFICENCE IN EUROPE. - - -Never will manners be perfectly gentle without the existence of public -beneficence; so that gentleness of manners and beneficence, although -distinct, are sisters. Public beneficence, properly so called, was -unknown among the ancients. Individuals might be beneficent there, -but society was without compassion. Thus, the foundation of public -establishments of beneficence formed no part of the system of -administration among ancient nations. What, then, did they do with -the unfortunate? We will answer with the author of the _Génie de -Christianisme_, that they had no resources but infanticide and slavery. -Christianity having become predominant everywhere, we see the authority -of the Church employed in destroying the remains of cruel customs. In -the year 442, the Council of Vaison, establishing a regulation for the -legitimate possession of foundlings, decrees ecclesiastical censure -against those who disturb by importunate reproaches charitable persons -who have received children. The Council adopts this measure with the -view of protecting a beneficent custom; for, adds the canon, _these -children were exposed to be eaten by dogs_. There were still found -fathers unnatural enough to kill their children. The Council of Lerida, -held in 546, imposes seven years of penance on those who commit such -a crime; and that of Toledo, held in 589, forbids, in the 17th canon, -parents to commit this crime. Still, the difficulty did not consist in -correcting these excesses; crimes thus opposed to the first notions of -morality--so much in contradiction to the feelings of nature--tended -to their own extirpation. The difficulty consisted in finding proper -means to organize a vast system of beneficence, to provide constant -succor, not only for children, but for old men, for the sick, for the -poor incapable of living by their own labor; in a word, for all the -necessitous. Familiarized as we are with such a system universally -established, we see nothing in it but what is simple and natural; we -can hardly find any merit in it. But let us suppose for a moment that -such institutions do not exist; let us transport ourselves to the times -when there was not even the first idea of them, what continued efforts -would there not be required to establish and organize them! - -It is clear that by the mere extension of Christian charity in the -world the various wants of humanity must have been more frequently -succored, and with more efficacy, than they were before; and this -even if we suppose that the exercise of charity was limited to purely -individual means. Assuredly, there would always have been a great -number of the faithful who would have remembered the doctrines and -example of Jesus Christ. Our Saviour did not content Himself with -teaching us by his discourses the obligation of loving our neighbor -as ourselves, nor with a barren affection, but by giving food to -the hungry, drink to the thirsty, clothes to the naked; by visiting -the sick and prisoners. He showed us in his own conduct a model of -the practice of charity. He could have shown in a thousand ways the -power which belonged to Him in heaven and on earth; his voice could -have controlled all the elements, stopped the motions of the stars, -and suspended all the laws of nature; but He delighted above all in -displaying his beneficence; He only attested his divinity by miracles -which healed or consoled the unfortunate. His whole life is summed -up in the sublime simplicity of these two words of the sacred text: -_pertransiit benefaciendo; He went about doing good_. - -Whatever good might be expected from Christian charity when left to -its own inspiration, and acting in a sphere purely individual, it -was not desirable to leave it in this state. It was necessary to -realize it in permanent institutions, and not to leave the consolation -of the unfortunate to the mercy of man and passing circumstances; -this is the reason why there was so much wisdom and foresight in the -idea of founding establishments of beneficence. It was the Church -that conceived and executed this idea. Therein she only applied to a -particular case her general rule of conduct; which is, never to leave -to the will of individuals what can be connected with an institution: -and observe, that this is one of the causes of the strength inherent -in all that belongs to Catholicity. As the principle of authority -in matters of faith preserves to her unity and constancy therein, -so the rule of intrusting every thing to institutions secures the -solidity and duration of all her works. These two principles have an -intimate connection; for if you examine them attentively, the one -supposes that she distrusts the intellect of man, the other, that she -distrusts his individual will and capacity. The one supposes that man -is not sufficient of himself to attain to, and preserve the knowledge -of, certain truths; the other, that he is so feeble and capricious, -that it is unwise to leave to his weakness and inconstancy the care -of doing good. Now, neither one nor the other is injurious to man; -neither one nor the other lowers his proper dignity. The Church only -tells him, that he is, in reality, subject to error, inclined to -evil, inconstant in his designs, and very miserable in his resources. -These are melancholy truths; but the experience of every day attests -them, and the Christian religion explains them, by establishing, as a -fundamental dogma, the fall of man in the person of our first parent. -Protestantism, following principles diametrically opposite, applies the -same spirit of individuality to the will as to the intelligence; it -is even the natural enemy of institutions. Without going further than -our present subject, we see that its first step, on its appearance, -was to destroy what existed, without in any way replacing it. Will -it be believed that Montesquieu went so far as to applaud this work -of destruction? This is another proof of the fatal influence exerted -over minds by the pestilential atmosphere of the last century: "Henri -VIII.," says Montesquieu, "voulant réformer l'église d'Angleterre, -détruisit les moines: nation paresseuse elle-même, et qui entretenait -la paresse des autres, parceque, practiquant l'hospitalité, une -infinité de gens oisifs, gentilhommes et bourgeois, passoient leur vie -à courir de couvent en couvent. _Il ôta encore les hôpitaux, où le bas -peuple trouvait sa subsistence_, comme les gentilhommes trouvaient la -leur dans les monastères. Depuis ce changement, l'esprit de commerce -et d'industrie s'établit en Angleterre." (_De l'Esprit des Lois_, liv. -xxiii. chap. 19.) That Montesquieu should praise this conduct of Henry -VIII., and the destruction of monasteries, for the miserable reason, -that it was good to deprive the idle of the hospitality of the monks, -is a notion which ought not to astonish us, as such vulgar ideas were -in accordance with the taste of the philosophy which had then begun to -prevail. It attempted to find profound economical and political reasons -for all that was in opposition to the institutions of Catholicity; and -this was not difficult, for a prejudiced mind always finds in books, -as well as in facts, what it seeks. We might inquire of Montesquieu, -however, what is become of the property of the monasteries? As these -rich spoils were in great part given to the same nobles who found -hospitality with the monks, we might observe to him, that it was a -singular way of diminishing the idleness of people, to give them as -their own the property which they had previously enjoyed as guests. -It cannot be denied, that to take to the houses of the nobles the -property which had supported the hospitality which the monks showed -them, was certainly to save them the trouble of _running from monastery -to monastery_. But what we cannot tolerate is, to hear vaunted as a -political _chef-d'œuvre_, the _suppression of the hospitals where the -poor people found their subsistence_. What! are these your lofty views, -and is your philosophy so devoid of compassion, that you think the -destruction of the asylums of misfortune proper means for encouraging -industry and commerce? The worst of it is, that Montesquieu, seduced by -the desire of offering new and piquant observations, goes so far as -to deny the utility of hospitals, pretending that, in Rome, they make -all live in comfort except those who labor. He does not wish to have -them in rich nations or in poor ones. He supports this cruel paradox by -a reason stated in the following words: "Quand la nation est pauvre," -says he, "la pauvreté particulière dérive de la misère générale, et -elle est, pour ainsi dire, la misère générale. Tous les hôpitaux du -monde ne sauraient guérir cette pauvreté particulière; _au contraire -l'esprit de paresse qu'ils inspirent augmente la pauvreté générale, -et par conséquent la particulière_." Thus, hospitals are represented -as dangerous to poor nations, and consequently condemned. Let us now -listen to what is said of rich ones: "J'ai dit que les nations riches -avaient besoin d'hôpitaux, parceque la fortune y était sujette a mille -accidents; mais _on sent que les recours passagers vaudraient bien -mieux que les établissements perpétuels_. Le mal est momentané; il faut -donc des secours de même nature, et qui soient applicables à l'accident -particulier." (_De l'Esprit des Lois_, liv. xxiii. chap. 19.) It is -difficult to find any thing more empty or more false. Undoubtedly, if -we were to judge, by these passages, of the _Esprit des Lois_, the -merit of which has been so much exaggerated, we should be compelled to -condemn it in terms more severe than those employed by M. de Bonald, -when he called it "the most profound of superficial works." Happily for -the poor, and for the good order of society, Europe in general has not -adopted these maxims; and on this point, as on many others, prejudices -against Catholicity have been laid aside, in order to continue, with -more or less modification, the system which she taught. We find in -England herself a considerable number of establishments of beneficence; -and it is not believed in that country that it is necessary, in order -to excite the activity of the poor, to expose them to the danger -of dying of hunger. We should always remember that the system of -public establishments for beneficence, now general in Europe, would -not have existed without Catholicity; indeed, we may rest assured, -that if the religious schism had taken place before the foundation -and organization of this system, European society would not now have -enjoyed these establishments which do it so much honor, and are so -precious an element of good government and public tranquillity. It is -one thing to found and maintain an establishment of this kind, when a -great number of similar ones already exist,--when governments possess -immense resources, and strength sufficient to protect all interests; -but it is a very different thing to establish a multitude of them in -all places, when there is no model to be copied, when it is necessary -to _improvise_ in a thousand ways the indispensable resources,--when -public authority has no _prestige_ or force to control the violent -passions that struggle to gain every thing that they can feed on. Now, -in modern times, since the existence of Protestantism, the first only -of these things has been done; the second was accomplished centuries -before by the Catholic Church; and let it be observed, that what has -been done in Protestant countries in favor of public beneficence, has -been done by administrative acts of the government, acts which were -necessarily inspired by the view of the happy results already obtained -from similar institutions. But Protestantism, by itself, considered as -a separate Church, has done nothing, and it could do nothing; for in -all places where it preserves any thing of hierarchical organization, -it is the mere instrument of the civil power; consequently it -cannot there act by its own inspirations. Such is the vice of its -constitution. Its prejudice against the religious institutions, both -of men and women, make it sterile in this respect. Thus, indeed, -it is deprived of one of the most powerful elements possessed by -Catholicity to accomplish the most arduous and laborious works of -charity. For the great works of charity, it is necessary to be free -from worldly attachments and self-love; and these qualities are found -in an eminent degree in persons who are devoted to charity in religious -institutions. There they commence with that freedom which is the root -of all the rest--the absence of self-love. The Catholic Church has -not been instigated to this by the civil power; she has considered -it as one of her own peculiar duties to provide for the unfortunate. -Her bishops have always been looked upon as the protectors and the -natural inspectors of beneficent establishments. Therefore there was -a law which placed hospitals under the charge of the bishops; and -thence it comes that that class of charitable institutions has always -occupied a distinguished place in canonical legislation. The Church, -from remote times, has made laws concerning hospitals. Thus, we see -the Council of Chalcedon place under the authority of the bishop the -clergy residing in Ptochüs,--that is, as explained by Zonarus, in the -establishments destined to support and provide for the poor: "Such," -he says, "as those where orphans and the old and infirm are received -and cared for." The Council makes use of this expression, _according to -the tradition of the holy Fathers_; thereby indicating that regulations -had been made of old by the Church concerning establishments of this -kind. The learned also know what the ancient _diaconies_ were,--places -of charity, where poor widows, orphans, old men, and other unfortunate -persons, were received. - -When the irruption of the barbarians had introduced everywhere the -reign of force, the possessions which hospitals already had, and those -which they afterwards gained, were exposed to unbounded rapacity. The -Church did all she could to protect them. It was forbidden to take -them, under the severest penalties; those who made the attempt were -punished as murderers of the poor. The Council of Orleans, held in -549, forbids, in its 13th canon, taking the property of hospitals; the -15th canon of the same Council confirms the foundation of a hospital -at Lyons, a foundation due to the charity of King Childebert and -Queen Ultrogotha. The Council takes measures to secure the safety and -good management of the funds of that hospital; all violating these -regulations are anathematized as guilty of homicide of the poor. - -We find, with respect to the poor, in very ancient Councils, -regulations of charity and police at the same time, quite similar -to measures now adopted in certain countries. For example, parishes -are enjoined to make a list of their poor, to maintain them, &c. The -Council of Tours, held in 566 or 567, by its 5th canon orders every -town to maintain its poor; and the priests in the country, as well as -the faithful, to maintain their own, in order to prevent mendicants -from wandering about the towns and provinces. With respect to lepers, -the 21st canon of the Council of Orleans, before quoted, prescribes -to bishops to take particular care of these unfortunate beings in all -dioceses, and to furnish them with food and clothing out of the Church -funds; the Council of Lyons, held in 583, in its 6th canon ordains -that the lepers of every town and territory shall be supported at the -expense of the Church under the care of the bishop. The Church had -a register of the poor, intended to regulate the distribution which -was made to them of a portion of the ecclesiastical property; it -was expressly forbidden to demand any thing from the poor for being -inscribed in this book of charity. The Council of Rheims, held in -874, in the second of its five articles forbids receiving any thing -from the poor thus inscribed, and that under pain of deposition. Zeal -for improving the condition of prisoners, a kind of charity which has -been so much displayed in modern times, is extremely ancient in the -Church. We must observe that in the sixth century there was already -an inspector of prisons; the archdeacon or the provost of the church -was obliged to visit prisoners on all Sundays; no class of criminals -was excluded from the benefit of this solicitude. The archdeacon was -bound to learn their wants, and to furnish them, by means of a person -recommended by the bishop, with food and all they stood in need of. -This was ordered by the 20th canon of the Council of Orleans, held -in 549. It would be too long to enumerate even a small part of the -ordinances which attest the zeal of the Church for the comfort and -consolation of the unfortunate; besides, it would be beyond my purpose, -for I have only undertaken to compare the spirit of Protestantism -with that of Catholicity with respect to works of charity. Yet, and as -the development of this question has naturally led me to state several -historical facts, I shall allude to the 141st canon of the Council of -Aix-la-Chapelle, enjoining upon prelates to found, according to the -example of their predecessors, a hospital to receive all the poor that -the revenues of the Church were able to support. Prebendaries were -bound to give to the hospital the tenth of their fruits; one of them -was appointed to receive the poor and strangers, and to watch over the -administration of the hospital. Such was the rule of prebendaries. -In the rule destined for the canonesses, the same Council ordains -that a hospital shall be established close to the house, and that it -shall itself contain a place reserved for poor women. Therefore, were -there seen, many centuries later, in various places, hospitals near -to prebendal churches. As we approach our own times, we everywhere -see innumerable institutions founded for charity. Ought we not to -admire the fruitfulness with which there arise, on all sides, as many -resources as are necessary to succour all the unfortunate? We cannot -calculate with precision what would have happened if Protestantism had -not appeared, but at least there is a conjecture authorized by reasons -of analogy. If the development of European civilization had been fully -carried out under the principle of religious unity, if the so-called -Reformation had not plunged Europe into continual revolutions and -reactions, there would certainly have been produced in the bosom of the -Catholic Church some general system of beneficence, which, organized -on a grand scale and in conformity with the new progress of society, -would have been able to prevent or effectually to remedy the sore of -pauperism, that cancer of modern nations. What was not to be expected -from all the intelligence and all the resources of Europe, working in -concert to obtain this great result? Unhappily, the unity of faith was -broken; authority, the proper centre, past, present, and future, was -rejected. From that time Europe, which was destined to become a nation -of brothers, was changed into a most fiercely-contested battle-field. -Hatred, engendered by religious differences, prevented any united -efforts for new arrangements; and the necessities which arose out of -the bosom of the social and political organization, which was for -Europe the fruit of so many centuries of labor, could not be provided -for. Bitter disputes, rebellions, and wars were acclimatized among us. - -Let us remember that the Protestant schism not only prevented the -union of all the efforts of Europe to attain the end in question, but, -moreover, it has been the reason why Catholicism has not been able to -act in a regular manner even in those countries where it has preserved -its complete empire, or a decided predominance. In these countries it -has been compelled to hold itself in an attitude of defence; it has -been obliged, by the attacks of its enemies, to employ a great part of -its resources in defending its own existence: it is very probably for -this reason that the state of things in Europe is entirely different -from what it would have been on a contrary supposition; and perhaps -in the latter case there would not have existed the sad necessity of -exhausting itself in impotent efforts against an evil, which, according -to all appearances, and unless hitherto unknown means can be devised, -appears without remedy. I shall be told that the Church in this case -would have had an excessive authority over all that relates to charity, -and would have unjustly usurped the civil power. This is a mistake; -the Church has never claimed any thing that is not quite conformable -to her indelible character of protector of all the unfortunate. During -some centuries, it is true, we hardly hear any other voice or perceive -any other action than hers, in all that relates to beneficence; -but we must observe that the civil power during that time was very -far from possessing a regular and vigorous administration, capable -of doing without the aid of the Church. The latter was so far from -being actuated by any motives of ambition, that her double charge of -spiritual and temporal things imposed on her all sorts of sacrifices. - -Three centuries have passed away since the event of which we now -lament the fatal results. Europe during this period has been submitted -in great part to the influence of Protestantism, but it has made no -progress thereby. I cannot believe that these three centuries would -have passed away under the exclusive influence of Catholicity, without -producing in the bosom of Europe a degree of charity sufficient -to raise the system of beneficence to the height demanded by the -difficulties and new interests of society. If we look at the different -systems which ferment in minds devoted to the study of this grave -question, we shall always find there _association_ under one form or -another. Now association has been at all times one of the favorite -principles of Catholicity, which, by proclaiming unity in faith, -proclaims it also in all things; but there is this difference, that -a great number of associations which are conceived and established -in our days are nothing but an agglomeration of interests; they want -unity of will and of aim, conditions which can be obtained only by -means of Christian charity. Yet these two conditions are indispensably -necessary to accomplish great works of beneficence, if any thing else -is required than a mere measure of public administration. As to the -administration itself, it is of little avail when it is not vigorous; -and unfortunately, in acquiring the necessary vigor, its action becomes -somewhat stiff and harsh. Therefore it is that Christian charity is -required, which, penetrating on all sides like a balsam, softens all -that is harsh in human action. I pity the unfortunate who in their -necessities find only the succor of the civil authorities, without the -intervention of Christian charity. In reports presented to the public, -philanthropy may and will exaggerate the care which it lavishes on the -unfortunate, but things will not be so in reality. The love of our -brethren, when it is not founded on religious principle, is as fruitful -in words as it is barren in deeds. The sight of the poor, of the sick, -of impotent old age, is too disagreeable for us long to bear it, unless -we are urged to it by very powerful motives. Even much less can we hope -that a vague feeling of humanity will suffice to make us encounter, as -we should, the constant cares required to console these unfortunate -beings. When Christian charity is wanting, a good administration will -no doubt enforce punctuality and exactitude--all that can be demanded -of men who receive a salary for their services: but one thing will be -wanting, which nothing can replace and money cannot buy, viz. love. -But it will be asked, have you no faith in philanthropy? No; for as M. -de Chateaubriand says, philanthropy is only the false coin of charity. -It was then perfectly reasonable that the Church should have a direct -influence in all branches of beneficence, for she knew better than any -others how to make Christian charity active, by applying it to all -kinds of necessities and miseries. Therein she did not gratify her -ambition, but found food for her zeal; she did not claim a privilege, -but exerted a right. In fine, if you will persevere in calling such a -desire ambition, you cannot deny at least that it was ambition of a -new kind. An ambition truly worthy of glory and reward, is that which -claims the right of succoring and consoling the unfortunate.[23] - - - - -CHAPTER XXXIV. - -ON TOLERATION IN RELIGIOUS MATTERS. - - -The question of the improvement of manners, treated in the preceding -chapters, naturally leads me to another, sufficiently thorny in itself, -and rendered still more so by innumerable prejudices. I allude to -toleration in matters of religion. The word Catholicity, to certain -persons, is the synonyme of intolerance; and the confusion of ideas -on this point has become such, that no more laborious task can be -undertaken than to clear them up. It is only necessary to pronounce the -word intolerance, to raise in the minds of some people all sorts of -black and horrible ideas. Legislation, institutions, and men of past -times, all are condemned without appeal, the moment there is seen the -slightest appearance of intolerance. More than one cause contributes -to this universal prejudice. Yet, if called upon to point out the -principal one, we would repeat the profound maxim of Cato, who, when -accused at the age of eighty-six of certain offences of his past life, -committed at times long gone by, said, "It is difficult to render an -account of one's own conduct to men belonging to an age different from -that in which one has lived." There are some things of which one cannot -accurately judge without, not only a knowledge of them, but also a -complete appreciation of the times when they occurred. How many men are -capable of attaining to this? There are few who are able to succeed -in freeing their minds from the influence of the atmosphere which -surrounds them; but there are fewer still who can do the same with -their hearts. The age in which we live is precisely the reverse of the -ages of intolerance; and this is the first difficulty which meets us in -discussing questions of this kind. The prejudice and bad faith of some -who have applied themselves to this subject, have contributed also in -a considerable degree to erroneous opinions. There is nothing in the -world which cannot be undervalued by showing only one side of it; for -thus considered, all things are false, or rather are not themselves. -All bodies have three dimensions; only to look at one is not to form an -idea of the body itself, but of a quantity very different from it. Take -any institution, the most just and useful that can be imagined, then -all the inconveniences and evils which it has caused, taking care to -bring together into a few pages what in reality was spread over a great -many ages; then your history will be disgusting, hideous, and worthy -of execration. Let a partisan of democracy describe to you in a narrow -compass, and by means of historical facts, all the inconveniences and -evils of monarchy, the vices and the crimes of kings; how will monarchy -then appear to you? But let a partisan of monarchy paint to you, in his -turn, by the same method of historical facts, democracy and demagogues; -and what will you then think of democracy? Assemble in one picture all -the evils occasioned to nations by a high degree of development of the -social state; civilization and refinement will then appear detestable. -By seeking and selecting in the annals of the human mind certain -traits, the history of science may be made the history of folly, and -even of crime. By heaping together the fatal accidents that have -occurred to masters of the healing art, their beneficent profession may -be represented as a career of homicide. In a word, every thing may be -falsified by proceeding in this way. God himself would appear to us as -a monster of cruelty and tyranny, if, taking away his goodness, wisdom, -and justice, we only attended to the evils which we see in a world -created by his power and governed by his providence. - -Having laid down these principles, let us apply them. The spirit of the -age, particular circumstances, and an order of things quite different -from ours, are all forgotten, and the history of the religious -intolerance of Catholics is composed by taking care to condense into a -few pages, and paint in the blackest colours, the severity of Ferdinand -and Isabella, of Philip II., of Mary of England, of Louis XIV., and -every thing of the kind that occurred during three centuries. The -reader who receives, almost at the same moment, the impression of -events which occurred during a period of three hundred years,--the -reader, accustomed to live in society where prisons are being converted -into houses of recreation, and where the punishment of death is -vigorously opposed, can he behold the appearance of darksome dungeons, -the instruments of punishment, the _san-benitos_ and scaffolds, without -being deeply moved? He will bewail the unfortunate lot of those who -perish; he will be indignant against the authors of what he calls -horrible atrocities. Nothing has been said to this candid reader of the -principles and conduct of Protestants at the same time; he has not been -reminded of the cruelty of Henry VIII. and of Elizabeth of England. -Thus all his hatred is directed against Catholics, and he is accustomed -to regard Catholicity as a religion of tyranny and blood. But will a -judgment thus formed be just? Will this be a sentence passed with a -full knowledge of the cause? What would impartiality direct us to do, -if we met with a dark picture, painted in the way we have described, -of monarchy, democracy, or civilization, of science, or of the healing -art? What we should do, or rather what we ought to do, is to extend -our view further, to examine the subject in its different phases; to -inquire into its good as well as its evil: this would be to look upon -these evils as they really are, that is, spread at great distances over -the course of centuries; this would weaken the impression they had -made upon us: in a word, we should thus be just, we should take the -balance in hand to weigh the good and evil, to compare the one with -the other, as we ought always to do when we have duly to appreciate -things in the history of humanity. In the case in question, we should -act in the same way, in order to provide against the error into which -we may be led by the false statements and exaggerations of certain men, -whose evident intention it has been to falsify facts by representing -only one side of them. The Inquisition no longer exists, and assuredly -there is no probability of its being re-established; the severe laws in -force on this matter in former times no longer exist; they are either -abrogated or they are fallen into desuetude: no one, therefore, has an -interest in representing this institution in a false point of view. It -may be imagined that some men had an interest in this while they were -engaged in destroying their ancient laws, but that once attained, the -Inquisition and its laws are become a historical fact, which ought to -be examined here with attention and impartiality. We have here two -questions, that of principle, and that of its application; in other -words, that of intolerance, and that of the manner of showing it. -We must not confound these two things, which, although very closely -connected, are very different. I shall begin with the first. - -The principle of universal toleration is now proclaimed, and all kind -of intolerance is condemned without appeal. But who takes care to -examine the real meaning of these words? who undertakes to analyze -the ideas which they contain by the light of reason, and explain them -by means of history and experience? Very few. They are pronounced -mechanically; they are constantly employed to establish propositions of -the highest importance, without even the suspicion that they contain -ideas, the right or wrong comprehension and application of which is -every thing for the preservation of society. Few persons consider -that these words include questions as profound as they are delicate, -and the whole of a large portion of history; very few observe that, -according to one solution given to the problem of toleration, all the -past is condemned, and all the present overturned; nothing is left -thereby to build on for the future but a moving bed of sand. Certainly, -the most convenient way in such a case is, to adopt and employ these -words such as we already find them in circulation, in the same way as -we take and circulate the current coin, without considering whether -it be composed of alloy or not. But what is the most convenient is -not always the most useful; and, as when receiving coins of value, -we carefully examine them, so we ought to weigh words the meaning of -which is of such paramount importance. Toleration--what is the meaning -of this word? It means, properly speaking, the patience with which -we suffer a thing which we judge to be bad, but which we think it -desirable not to punish. Thus, some kinds of scandals are tolerated; -prostitutes are tolerated; such and such abuses are tolerated; so that -the idea of toleration is always accompanied by the idea of evil. -When toleration is exercised in the order of ideas, it always supposes -a misunderstanding, or error. No one will say that he tolerates the -truth. We have an observation to make here. The phrase _to tolerate -opinions_ is commonly used: now, opinion is very different from error. -At first sight, the difficulty appears great; but if we examine the -thing well, we shall be able to explain it. When we say that we -tolerate an opinion, we always mean an opinion contrary to our own. In -this case, the opinion of another is, according to us, an error; for -it is impossible to have an opinion on any point whatever--that is, to -think that a thing is or is not, is in one way or in another--without -thinking at the same time that those who judge otherwise are deceived. -If our opinion is only an opinion--that is, if our judgment, although -based on reasons which appear to us to be good, has not attained to a -degree of complete certainty--our judgment of another will be only a -mere opinion; but if our conviction has become completely established -and confirmed--that is, if it has attained to certainty--we shall be -sure that those who form a judgment opposed to ours are deceived. -Thence it follows, that the word toleration, applied to opinions, -always means the toleration of an error. He who says, yes, thinks no -is false; and he who says, no, thinks yes is a mistake. This is only -an application of the well-known principle, _that it is impossible -for the same thing to be and not to be at the same time_. But, we -shall be asked, What do you mean when you use these words, 'to respect -opinions?' is it always understood that we respect errors? No; for -these words can have two different and equally reasonable meanings. -The first is founded on the feebleness of the conviction of the person -from whom the respect comes. When on any particular point we have only -just formed an opinion, it is understood that we have not reached -certainty; consequently, we know that there are reasons on the other -side. In this sense, we may well say that we respect the opinions of -others: we express thereby our conviction that it is possible that we -are deceived--that it is possible the truth is not on our side. In the -second meaning, to respect opinions is to respect, sometimes those who -profess them, sometimes their good faith, sometimes their intentions. -Thus, when we say that we respect prejudices, it is clear that we do -not mean a real respect professed in this place. We see thus, that the -expression 'to respect the opinions of others' has a very different -meaning, according as the person from whom the respect comes has or has -not assured convictions in the contrary sense. - -In order the better to understand what toleration is, what its origin -and its effects, it is necessary, before we examine it in society, -to reduce it to its simplest element. Let us analyze toleration -considered in the individual. An individual is called tolerant, when -he is habitually in a disposition of mind to bear without irritation -or disturbance opinions contrary to his own. This toleration will -bear different names, according to the different matters to which it -relates. In religious matters, tolerance as well as intolerance may be -found in those who have religion as well as in those who have none; so -that neither of these situations, with respect to religion, necessarily -implies the one or the other. Some people imagine that tolerance is -peculiar to the incredulous, and intolerance to the religious; but they -are mistaken. Who is more tolerant than St. Francis de Sales? who more -intolerant than Voltaire? - -Tolerance in religious men--that tolerance which does not come from -want of faith, and which is not inconsistent with an ardent zeal -for the preservation and propagation of the faith--is born of two -principles, charity and humility. Charity, which makes us love all -men, even our greatest enemies; charity, which inspires us with -compassion for their faults and errors, and obliges us to regard them -as brothers, to employ all the means in our power to withdraw them from -being fatally deceived; charity, which forbids us ever to regard them -as deprived of the hope of salvation as long as they live. Rousseau -has said, that "it is impossible to live in peace with those that -one believes to be damned." We do not, and we cannot, believe in the -condemnation of any man as long as he lives; however great may be his -iniquity, the mercy of God and the value of the blood of Jesus Christ -are still greater. We are so far from thinking with the philosopher -of Geneva, "that to love such people would be to hate God," that no -one could maintain such a doctrine among us without ceasing to belong -to our faith. The other source of tolerance is Christian humility: -humility, which inspires us with a profound sense of our weakness, -and makes us consider all that we have as given by God; humility, -which makes us consider our advantages over our neighbor as so many -more powerful motives for acknowledging the liberality of Providence; -humility, which, placing before our eyes the spectacle of humanity -in its proper light, makes us regard ourselves and all others as -members of the great family of the human race, fallen from its ancient -dignity by the sin of our first parent; humility, which shows us the -perverse inclinations of our hearts, the darkness of our minds, and the -claims which man has to pity and indulgence in his faults and errors; -humility, that virtue sublime even in its abasement. "If humility is so -pleasing to God," is the admirable observation of St. Theresa, "it is -because it is the truth." This is the virtue which renders us indulgent -towards all men, by never allowing us to forget that we ourselves, -perhaps, more than any others, have need of indulgence. - -Yet for a man to be tolerant, in the full extent of the word, it is -not enough for him to be humble and charitable; this is a truth which -experience teaches and reason explains to us. In order perfectly to -clear up a point, the obscurity of which produces the confusion which -almost always prevails in these questions, let us make a comparison -between two men equally religious, whose principles are the same, -but whose conduct is very different. Let us suppose two priests both -distinguished for learning and eminent virtue. The one has passed -his life in retirement, surrounded by pious persons, and having no -intercourse with any but Catholics: the other has been a missionary -in countries where different religions are established, he has been -obliged to live and converse with men of creeds different from his -own; he has been under the necessity of witnessing the establishment -of temples of a false religion close to those of the true one. The -principles of Christian charity will be the same with both these -priests; both will look upon faith as a gift of God, which he has -received, and must preserve; their conduct, however, will be very -different, if they meet with a man of a faith different from their -own, or of none at all. The first, who, never having had intercourse -with any but the faithful, has always heard religion spoken of with -respect, will be horrified, will be indignant, at the first word he -shall hear against the faith or ceremonies of the Church; it will be -impossible, or nearly so, for him to remain calm during a conversation -or discussion on the question: the second, accustomed to such things, -to hear his faith impugned, to dispute with men of creeds opposed to -his own, will remain tranquil; he will engage in a discussion with -coolness, if it be necessary; he will skilfully avoid one, if prudence -shall advise such a course. Whence comes this difference? It is not -difficult to discover. The second of these priests, by intercourse -with men, by experience, by contradiction, has obtained a clear notion -of the real condition of men's minds in the world; he is aware of the -fatal combination of circumstances which has led a great number of -unfortunate persons into error, and keeps them there; he knows how, -in some measure, to put himself in their place; and the more lively -is his sense of the benefit conferred upon him by Providence, the -more mild and indulgent he is towards others. The other may be as -virtuous, as charitable, and as humble as you please; but how can you -expect of him that he will not be deeply moved, and give utterance -to his indignation, the first time that he hears that denied which -he has always believed with the most lively faith? He has up to this -time met with no opposition in the world, but a few arguments in -books. Certainly he was not ignorant that there existed heretics and -unbelievers, but he has not frequently met with them, he has not heard -them state their hundred different systems, and he has not witnessed -the erroneous creeds of men of all sorts, of different characters, and -the most varied minds; the lively susceptibility of his mind, which -has never met with resistance, has not been blunted; for this reason, -although endowed with the same virtues, and, if you will, with the same -knowledge as the other, he has not acquired that penetration, that -vivacity, so to speak, with which a man of practised intellect enters -into the minds of those with whom he has to deal, discerns the reasons, -seizes the motives which blind them and hinder them from obtaining a -knowledge of the truth. - -Thus tolerance, in a person who is religious, supposes a certain -degree of gentleness of mind, the fruit of intercourse with men, and -the habits thereby engendered; yet this quality is consistent with -the deepest conviction, and the purest and most ardent zeal for the -propagation of the truth. In the moral, as in the physical world, -friction polishes, use wears away, and nothing can remain for a long -time in an attitude of violence. A man will be indignant, once, twice, -a hundred times, when he hears his manner of thinking attacked; but it -is impossible for him to remain so always; he will, in the end, become -accustomed to opposition; he will, by habit, bear it calmly. However -sacred may be his articles of belief, he will content himself with -defending and putting them forward at convenient opportunities; in all -other cases, he will keep them in the bottom of his soul, as a treasure -which he is desirous to preserve from any thing that may injure them. -Tolerance, then, does not suppose any new principles in a man, but -rather a quality acquired by practice; a disposition of mind, into -which a man finds himself insensibly led; a habit of patience, formed -in him by constantly having to bear with what he disapproves of. - -Now, if we consider tolerance in men who are not religious, we shall -observe that there are two ways of being irreligious. There are men who -not only have no religion, but who have an animosity against it, either -on account of some fatal error they entertain, or because they find it -an obstacle to their designs. These men are extremely intolerant; and -their intolerance is the worst of all, because it is not accompanied -by any moral principle which can restrain it. A man thus circumstanced -feels himself, as it were, continually at war with himself and the -human race; with himself, because he must stifle the cries of his own -conscience: with the human race, because all protest against the mad -doctrine that pretends to banish the worship of God from the earth. -Therefore we find among men of this kind much rancor and spleen; -therefore their words are full of gall; therefore they have constantly -recourse to raillery, insult, and calumny. - -But there is another class of men who, although devoid of religion, -are not strongly prejudiced against the faith. They live in a kind of -skepticism, into which the reading of bad books, or the observations -of a superficial and frivolous philosophy, have led them; they are -not attached to religion, but they are not its enemies. Many of them -acknowledge the importance of religion for the good of society, and -some of them even feel within themselves a certain desire to return -to the faith; in their moments of recollection and meditation, they -remember with pleasure the days when they offered to God an obedient -spirit and a pure heart; and at the sight of the rapid course of life, -they perhaps love to cherish the hope of becoming reconciled with the -God of their fathers, before they descend into the grave. These men -are tolerant; but, if carefully examined, their tolerance is not a -principle or a virtue, it is only a necessity resulting from their -position. It is difficult to be indignant at the opinions of others, -when we have none of our own--when, consequently, we do not come -into collision with any. It is difficult to be violently opposed to -religion, when we consider it as a thing necessary for the welfare of -society; there can be no hatred or rancor towards faith in a soul which -desires its mercy, and which, perhaps, fixes its eyes upon it as the -last beam of hope amid the terrors of an alarming future. Tolerance, in -this case, is nothing strange; it is natural and necessary. Intolerance -would be inconceivable and extravagant, and could arise only from a bad -heart. - -In applying these remarks to society instead of individuals, it must -be observed that tolerance, as well as intolerance, may be considered -in government, or in society. It sometimes happens that government and -society are not agreed; while the former maintains one principle, the -reverse may prevail in the latter. As governments are composed of a -limited number of individuals, all that has been said of tolerance, -considered individually, may be applied to them. Let us not forget, -however, that men placed in authority are not free to give themselves -up without limit to the impulses of their own opinions or feelings; -they are often forced to immolate their own feelings on the altar of -public opinion. They may, owing to peculiar circumstances, oppose or -impede that opinion for a time; but it will soon stop them, and force -them to change their course. - -As sooner or later government becomes the expression of the ideas -and feelings of society, we shall content ourselves with considering -tolerance in the latter; we shall observe that society, with respect to -tolerance, follows the same path as individuals. This is with it not -the effect of a principle, but of a habit. Men of different creeds, who -live together for a long time in the same society, end by tolerating -each other; they are led to this by growing weary of collision with -each other, and by the wish for a kind of life more quiet and peaceful. -But when men, thus divided in creed, find themselves face to face for -the first time, a shock more or less rude is the inevitable result. The -causes of this phenomenon are to be found in human nature itself; it is -one of those necessities against which we struggle in vain. - -Some modern philosophers have imagined that society is indebted to them -for the spirit of toleration which prevails there; they have not seen -that it is much rather a fact slowly brought about by the force of -circumstances, than it is the fruit of their doctrines. Indeed, what -have they said that is new? They have recommended universal fraternity; -but this has always been one of the doctrines of Christianity. They -have exhorted men of all the different religions to live in peace -together; but before they had opened their mouths to tell them this, -men began to adopt this course in many countries of Europe; for, -unhappily, religions in many countries were so numerous and different, -that none of them could pretend to exclusive dominion. It is true -that some infidel, philosophers have a claim, and a deplorable one, -in support of their pretensions with respect to the development of -toleration; it is, that, by their efforts to disseminate infidelity -and skepticism, they have succeeded in making general, in nations and -governments, that false toleration which has nothing virtuous, but is -indifference with respect to all religions. Indeed, why is tolerance -so general in our age? or, rather, in what does our tolerance consist? -If you observe well, you will find that it is nothing but the result -of a social condition perfectly similar to that of the individual -who has no creed, but who does not hate creeds, because he considers -them as conducive to the public good, and cherishes a vague hope of -one day finding a last asylum therein. All that is good in this is -in no degree owing to the infidel philosophers, but may rather be -said to be a protest against them. Indeed, when they could not obtain -the supreme command, they lavished calumnies and sarcasms on all -that is most sacred in heaven and on earth; and, when they did raise -themselves to power, they overturned with indescribable fury all -that existed, and destroyed millions of victims in exile or on the -scaffolds. The multitude of religions,--infidelity, indifference, the -improvement of manners, the lassitude produced by wars,--industrial -and commercial organization, which every day becomes more powerful in -society,--communication rendered more frequent among men by means of -travelling,--the diffusion of ideas by the press;--such are the causes -which have produced in Europe that universal tolerance which has taken -possession of all, and has been established in fact when it could not -by law. These causes, as it is easy to observe, are of different kinds; -no doctrine can pretend to an exclusive influence; they are the result -of a thousand different influences, which act simultaneously on the -development of civilization.[24] - - - - -CHAPTER XXXV. - -ON THE RIGHT OF COERCION IN GENERAL. - - -How much, during the last century, was said against intolerance! A -philosophy less superficial than that which then prevailed would have -reflected a little more on a fact which may be appreciated in different -ways, but the existence of which cannot be denied. In Greece, Socrates -died drinking hemlock. Rome, whose tolerance has been so much vaunted, -tolerated, indeed, foreign gods; but these were only foreign in name, -since they formed a part of that system of pantheism which was the -foundation of the Roman religion; gods, who, in order to be declared -gods of Rome, only needed the mere formality, as it were, of receiving -the name of citizens. But Rome did not admit the gods of Egypt any -more than the Jewish or Christian religion. She had, no doubt, many -false ideas with respect to these religions; but she was sufficiently -acquainted with them to know that they were essentially different -from her own. The history of the Pagan emperors is the history of -the persecution of the Church; as soon as they became Christians, a -system of penal legislation was commenced against those who differed -from the religion of the state. In subsequent centuries, intolerance -continued under various forms; it has been perpetuated down to our -times, and we are not so free from it as some would wish to make us -believe. The emancipation of Catholics in England is but of recent -date; the violent disputes of the Prussian government with the Pope, -on the subject of certain arbitrary acts of that government against -the Catholic religion, are of yesterday; the question of Argau, in -Switzerland, is still pending; and the persecution of Catholicity by -the Russian government is pursued in as scandalous a manner as at any -former period. Thus it is with religious sects. As to the toleration of -the _humane_ philosophers of the 18th century, it was exemplified in -Robespierre. - -Every government professing a religion is more or less intolerant -towards those which it does not profess; and this intolerance is -diminished or destroyed, only when the professors of the obnoxious -religions are either feared on account of their great power, or -despised on account of their weakness. Apply to all times and countries -the rule which we have just laid down, you will everywhere find it -exact; it is an abridgment of the history of governments in their -relations with religions. The Protestant government of England has -always been intolerant toward Catholics; and it will continue to be so, -more or less, according to circumstances. The governments of Russia -and Prussia will continue to act as they have done up to this time, -with the exception of modifications required by difference of times; -in the same way, in countries where Catholicity prevails, the exercise -of the Protestant worship will always be more or less interfered with. -I shall be told of the instance of France as a proof of the contrary; -in that country, where the immense majority profess the Catholic -religion, other worships are allowed, without any disposition on the -part of the state to disturb them. This toleration will perhaps be -attributed to public opinion; it comes, I think, from this, that no -fixed principle prevails there in the government: all the policy of -France, internal and external, is a constant compromise to get out -of difficulties in the best possible way. This is shown by facts; -it appears from the well-known opinions of the small number of men -who, for some years, have ruled the destinies of France. It has been -attempted to establish in principle universal toleration, and refuse -to government the right of violating consciences in religious matters; -nevertheless, in spite of all that has been said, philosophers have -not been able to make a very clear exposition of their principle, -still less have they been able to procure its general adoption as a -system in the government of states. In order to show that the thing is -not quite so simple as has been supposed, I will beg leave to ask a -few questions of these _soi-disant_ philosophers. If a religion which -required human sacrifices were established in your country, would you -tolerate it? No. And why? Because we cannot tolerate such a crime. -But then you will be intolerant; you will violate the consciences of -others, by proscribing, as a crime, what in their eyes is a homage to -the Divinity. Thus thought many nations of old, and so think some now. -By what right do you make your conscience prevail over theirs?--It -matters not; we shall be intolerant, but our intolerance will be for -the good of humanity.--I applaud your conduct; but you cannot deny that -it is a case in which intolerance with respect to a religion appears to -you a right and a duty. Still further: if you proscribe the exercise -of this atrocious worship, would you allow the doctrine to be taught -which preaches as holy and salutary the practice of human sacrifices? -No; for that would be permitting the teaching of murder. Very well, -but you must acknowledge that this is a doctrine with respect to -which you have a right to be, and are obliged to be, intolerant. Let -us pursue our subject. You are aware, no doubt, of the sacrifices -offered in antiquity to the goddess of Love, and the infamous worship -which was paid to her in the temples of Babylon and Corinth. If such -a worship reappeared among you, would you tolerate it? No; for it is -contrary to the sacred laws of modesty. Would you allow the doctrine -on which it was based to be taught? No; for the same reason. This, -then, is another case in which you believe you have the right and the -obligation to violate the consciences of others; and the only reason -you can assign for it is, that you are compelled to do so by your own -conscience. Moreover, suppose that some men, over-excited by reading -the Bible, desired to establish a new Christianity, in imitation of -Mathew of Haarlem or John of Leyden; suppose that these sectaries began -to propagate their doctrines, to assemble together in bodies, and that -their fanatical declamation seduced a portion of the people, would you -tolerate this new religion? No; for these men might renew the bloody -scenes of Germany in the 16th century, when, in the name of God, and -to fulfil, as they said, the order of the Most High, the Anabaptists -invaded all property, destroyed all existing power, and spread -everywhere desolation and death. This would be to act with as much -justice as prudence; but you cannot deny that you would thereby commit -an act of intolerance. What, then, becomes of universal toleration, -that principle so evident, so predominant, if you are compelled at -every step to limit, and I will say more, to lay it aside, and act in a -way diametrically opposite to it? You will say that the security of the -state, the good order of society, and public morality compel you to act -in this way. But then, what sort of a principle is it that, in certain -cases, is in opposition to the interests of morality and to society, -and to the safety of the state? Do you think that the men against whom -you declaim did not intend also to protect these interests, by acting -with that intolerance which is so revolting to you? - -It has been acknowledged at all times and in all countries, as an -incontestable principle, that the public authority has, in certain -cases, the right of prohibiting certain acts, in violation of the -consciences of individuals who claim the right of performing them. -If the constant testimony of history were not enough, at least the -dialogue which we have just held ought to convince us of this truth; -we have seen that the most ardent advocates of tolerance may well be -compelled, in certain cases, to be intolerant. They would be obliged to -be so in the name of humanity, of modesty, of public order; universal -toleration, then, with respect to doctrines and religions--that -toleration which is proclaimed as the duty of every government--is an -error; it is a theory which cannot be put in practice. We have clearly -shown that intolerance has always been, and still is, a principle -recognised by all governments, and the application of which, more or -less indulgent or severe, depends on circumstances, and above all, on -the particular point of view in which the government considers things. - -A great question of right now presents itself--a question which seems, -at first sight, to require to be solved by condemning all intolerance, -both with respect to doctrines and acts; but which, when thoroughly -examined, leads to a very different result. If we grant that the -mind is incapable of completely removing the difficulty by means of -direct reasoning, it is not the less certain that indirect means, and -the reasoning called _ad absurdum_, are here sufficient to show us -the truth, at least as far as it is necessary for us to know it as -a guide for human prudence, always uncertain. The question is this: -"By what right do you hinder a man from professing a doctrine, and -acting in conformity with it, if he is convinced that it is true, and -that he only fulfils his duty, or exercises a right, by acting as -it prescribes?" In order to prevent the prohibition being vain and -ridiculous, there must be a penalty attached to it; now, if you inflict -this penalty, you punish a man who, according to his own conscience, -is innocent. Punishment by the hand of justice supposes culpability; -and no one is culpable without being so first in his conscience. -Culpability has its root in the conscience; and we cannot be -responsible for the violation of a law, unless that law has addressed -us through our conscience. If our conscience tells us that an action is -bad, we cannot perform it, whatever may be the injunctions of the law -which prescribes it; on the contrary, if conscience tells us that an -action is a duty, we cannot omit it, whatever may be the prohibitions -of the law. This is, in a few words, and in all its force, the whole -argument that can be alleged against intolerance in regard to doctrines -and facts emanating from them. Let us now see what is the real value of -these observations, apparently so conclusive. - -It is apparent that the admission of this principle would render -impossible the punishment of any political crime. Brutus, when -plunging his dagger into the heart of Cæsar; Jacques Clement, when he -assassinated Henry III., acted, no doubt, under the influence of an -excitement of mind, which made them view their attempts as deeds of -heroism; and yet, if they had both been brought before a tribunal, -would you have thought them entitled to impunity--the one on account -of his love of country, and the other on account of his zeal for -religion? Most political crimes are committed under a conviction of -doing well; and I do not speak merely of those times of trouble, when -men of parties the most opposed are fully persuaded that they have -right on their side. Conspiracies contrived against governments in -times of peace are generally the work of some individuals who look -upon them as illegal and tyrannical; when working to overthrow them, -they are acting in conformity with their own principles. Judges punish -them justly when they inflict on them the penalties appointed by -legislators; and yet, neither legislators when they decree the penalty, -nor the judges when they inflict it, are, or can be, ignorant of the -condition of mind of the delinquent who has violated the law. It may be -said, that compassion and indulgence with respect to political crimes -increase every day, for these reasons. I shall reply, that if we lay -down the principle that human justice has not the right to punish, -when the delinquent acts according to his conviction, we must not -only mitigate our punishments, but even abolish them. In this case, -capital punishment would be a real murder, a fine a robbery, and -other penalties so many acts of violence. I shall remark in passing, -that it is not true that severity towards political crimes diminishes -as much as it is said to do; the history of Europe of late years -affords us some proofs to the contrary. We do not now see those cruel -punishments which were in use at other times; but that is not owing -to the conscience of the criminal being considered by the judge, but -to the improvement of manners, which, being everywhere diffused, has -necessarily influenced penal legislation. It is extraordinary that so -much severity has been preserved in laws relating to political crimes, -when so great a number of legislators among the different nations of -Europe knew well that they themselves, at other times, had committed -the same crimes. And there is no doubt that more than one man, in the -discussion of certain penal laws, has inclined to indulgence, from the -presentiment that these very laws might one day apply to himself. The -impunity of political crimes would bring about the subversion of social -order, by rendering all government impossible. Without dwelling longer -on the fatal results which this doctrine would have, let us observe, -that the benefit of impunity in favor of the illusions of conscience -would not be due to political crimes alone, but would be applicable -also to those of an ordinary kind. Offences against property are crimes -of this nature; and yet we know that many at former periods regarded, -and that unfortunately some still regard, property as a usurpation and -an injustice. Offences against the sanctity of marriage are ordinarily -considered crimes; and yet have there not been sects in whose sight -marriage was unlawful, and others who have desired, and still -desire, a community of women? The sacred laws of modesty and respect -for innocence have alike been regarded by some sects as an unjust -infringement of the liberty of man; to violate these laws, therefore, -was a meritorious action. At the time when the mistaken ideas and blind -fanaticism of the men who professed these principles were undoubted, -would any one have been found to deny the justice of the chastisement -which was inflicted on them when, in pursuance of their doctrines, they -committed a crime, or even when they had the audacity to diffuse their -fatal maxims in society? - -If it were unjust to punish the criminal for acting according to his -conscience, all imaginable crimes would be permitted to the atheist, -the fatalist, the disciple of the doctrine of private interest; for by -destroying, as they do, the basis of all morality, these men do not -act against their consciences; they have none. If such an argument -were to hold good, how often would we have reason to charge tribunals -with injustice, when they inflict any punishment on men of this class. -By what right, we would say to magistrates, do you punish this man, -who, not admitting the existence of God, does not acknowledge himself -culpable in his own eyes, or consequently in yours? You have made a -law, by virtue of which you punish him; but this law has no power over -the conscience of this man, for you are his equals; and he does not -acknowledge the existence of any superior, to give you the power of -controlling his liberty. By what right do you punish another, who is -convinced that all his actions are the effect of necessary causes, -that free-will is a chimera, and who, in the action which you charge -on him as a crime, believes that he had no more power of restraining -himself than the wild beast, when he throws himself upon the prey -before his eyes, or upon any other animal that excites his fury? With -what justice do you punish him, who is persuaded that all morality is -a lie; that there is no other principle than individual interest; that -good and evil are nothing but this interest, well or ill understood? -If you make him undergo any punishment, it will not be because he is -culpable in his own conscience; you will punish him for being deceived -in his calculation, for having ill-understood the probable result of -the action which he was about to commit. Such are the necessary and -inevitable deductions from the doctrine, which refuses to the public -authority the power of punishing crimes committed in consequence of an -error of the mind. - -But I shall be told that the right of punishment only extends to -actions, and not to doctrines; that actions ought to be subject to the -law, but that doctrines are entitled to unbounded liberty. Do you mean -doctrines shut up in the mind and not outwardly manifested? It is clear -that not only the right, but also the possibility of punishing them is -wanting, for God alone can tell the secrets of the heart of man. If -avowed doctrines are meant, then the principle is false; and we have -just shown that those who maintain it in theory, find it impossible to -reduce it to practice. In fine, we shall be told that, however absurd -in its results may be the doctrine which we have been combating, it -is still impossible to justify the punishment of an action which was -ordered or authorized by the conscience of the man who committed it. -How is this difficulty to be solved? How is this great obstacle to be -removed? Is it lawful in any case to treat as culpable the man who is -not so at the tribunal of his own conscience? - -Although this question seems entirely to turn upon some point on which -men of all opinions are agreed, there is nevertheless a wide difference -in this respect between Catholics on one side and unbelievers and -Protestants on the other. The first lay it down as an incontestable -principle, _that there are errors of the understanding which are -faults_; the others, on the contrary, think, _that all errors of the -understanding are innocent_. The first consider error in regard to -great moral and religious truths, as one of the gravest offences which -man can commit against God; their opponents look upon errors of this -kind with great indulgence, and they ought to do so in order to be -consistent. Catholics admit the possibility of invincible ignorance -with respect to some very important truths; but with them this -possibility is limited to certain circumstances, out of which they -declare man to be culpable: their opponents constantly extol liberty of -thought, without any other restriction than that imposed by the taste -of each one in particular; they constantly affirm that man is free to -hold the opinions which he thinks proper; they have gone so far as to -persuade their followers that there are no culpable errors or opinions, -that man is not obliged to search into the secret recesses of his soul, -to make sure that there are no secret causes which induce him to reject -the truth; they have in the end monstrously confounded physical with -moral liberty of thought; they have banished from opinions the ideas of -lawful and unlawful, and have given men to understand that such ideas -are not applicable to thought. That is to say, in the order of ideas, -they have confounded right with fact, declaring, in this respect, the -uselessness and incompetency of all laws, divine and human. Senseless -men! as if it were possible for that which is most noble and elevated -in human nature to be exempt from all rule; as if it were possible for -the element which makes man the king of the creation, to be exempted -from concurring in the ineffable harmony of all parts of the universe -with themselves and with God; as if this harmony could exist, or even -be conceived in man, unless it were declared to be the first of human -obligations to adhere constantly to truth. - -This is one of the profound reasons which justify the Catholic Church, -when she considers the sin of heresy as one of the greatest that man -can commit. You, who smile, with pity and contempt at these words, -_the sin of heresy_; you, who consider this doctrine as the invention -of priests to rule over consciences, by retrenching the liberty of -thought; by what right do you claim the power of condemning heresies -which are opposed to your orthodoxy? By what right do you condemn those -societies that profess opinions hostile to property, public order, -and the existence of authority? If the thought of man is free, if you -cannot attempt to restrain it without violating sacred rights, if it -is an absurdity and a contradiction to wish to oblige a man to act -against his conscience, or disobey its dictates--why do you interfere -with those men who desire to destroy the existing state of society? -Why baffle, why oppose those dark conspiracies, which, from time to -time, send one of their members to assassinate a king? You invoke your -convictions to declare unjust and cruel the intolerance which has been -practised at certain times against your enemies; but you must remember -that such societies and such men can also invoke their convictions. You -say that the doctrines of the Church are human inventions; they say -that the doctrines prevailing in society are also human inventions. You -say that the ancient social order was a monopoly; they say the present -social order is a monopoly. In your eyes, the ancient authorities -were tyrannical; in theirs the present ones are so. You pretended to -destroy what existed, in order to found new institutions conducive to -the good of humanity; to-day these men hold the same language. You -have proclaimed holy the war which was waged against ancient power; -they proclaim holy the war against present power. When you availed -yourselves of the means which offered themselves, you pretended that -necessity rendered them legitimate; they declare to be not less -legitimate the only means which they possess, that of combinations, of -preparing for their opportunity, and of hastening it by assassinating -great men. You have pretended to make all opinions respected, even -atheism, and you have taught that nobody has a right to prevent your -acting in conformity with your principles; but the fanatics in question -have also their horrible principles and their dreadful convictions. -Do you require a proof of this? See them amid the gayety of public -celebrations, glide, pale and gloomy, among the joyful multitude, -choose the fitting moment to cast desolation over a royal family, and -cover a nation with mourning, while they accumulate on their own heads -the public execration, certain, moreover, of finishing their lives -on the scaffold. But our adversaries will say, such convictions are -inexcusable. Yours are so also. All the difference is, that you have -contrived your ambitious and fatal systems amid ease and pleasure, -perhaps in opulence, and under the shadow of power, while they have -conceived their abominable doctrines in the bosom of obscurity, -poverty, misery, and despair. - -Indeed, the inconsistency of some men is shocking to the last degree. -To ridicule all religions, to decry the spirituality and immortality -of the soul, and the existence of God, to overturn all morality, and -sap its deepest foundations, all this they have considered excusable, -and we may even say, worthy of praise; moreover, the writers who have -undertaken this fatal task are worthy of apotheosis; men must expel -the Divinity from his temples to place there the names and busts of -the leaders of their schools; under the vaults of splendid basilicas, -where repose the ashes of Christians awaiting the resurrection, they -must raise the mausoleum of Voltaire and Rousseau, in order that future -generations, when they descend into their dark and silent abodes, may -receive the inspirations of their genius. But have they, then, a right -to complain that property, and domestic life, and social order are -attacked? Property is sacred; but is it more sacred than God? However -great may be the importance of the truths relating to the family and -to society, are they of a superior order to the eternal principles of -morality, or rather, are they any thing more than the application of -these principles? - -But let us resume the thread of our discourse. When the principle, -that there are culpable errors, is once established (a principle which -in practice, if not in theory, must be received by all men, but which -Catholicity alone can logically maintain in theory), it is easy to see -the reason of the punishments which human power decrees against the -propagation and teaching of certain doctrines; and we can understand -why it is legitimate to punish, without considering the conviction -that animated the culprit, the actions which are the result of his -doctrines. The law shows that this mortal error has existed, or can -exist; but in this case it declares the error itself to be culpable; -and if man adduces the testimony of his own conscience, the law -reminds him that it is his duty to rectify his conscience. Such is, in -truth, the foundation of a legislation which has appeared so unjust; a -foundation which it is necessary to point out, in order to vindicate -a great many human laws from a deep disgrace; for it would be a great -disgrace to claim the right of punishing a man who was really innocent. -Such an absurd right is so far from belonging to human justice, that it -does not belong even to God. The infinite justice of God would cease to -be what it is, if it could punish the innocent. - -Perhaps another origin will be assigned for the right which governments -possess, of punishing the propagation of certain doctrines and the -actions committed in consequence of them, when the criminal has acted -from the deepest conviction. "Governments," it may be said, "act in -the name of society, which, like every being, possesses the right of -self-defence. There are certain doctrines which menace its existence; -it has, therefore, of necessity and right, the power of resisting those -who promulgate them." Such a reason, however plausible it may appear, -is liable to this grave objection, that it destroys at one blow the -idea of punishment and justice. To wound an aggressor in self-defence -is not to chastise but to resist him. If we consider society in this -point of view, the criminal led to punishment will no longer be a real -criminal, but the unfortunate victim of a rash and unequal struggle. -The voice of the judge condemning him will no longer be the august -voice of justice; his sentence will only be the act of society avenging -the attack made upon it. The word punishment will then assume quite -a different meaning; the gradations of it will depend entirely upon -calculations, and not on justice. We must remember this; if we suppose -that society, by virtue of the right of self-defence, inflicts a -punishment upon the man whom it considers quite innocent, it no longer -judges or condemns, but fights and struggles. That which is perfectly -suitable with respect to the relations between one society and another, -is in no way suitable to society in its relations with individuals. It -then appears like a combat between a giant and a pigmy. The giant takes -the pigmy in his hand, and crushes him against a stone. - -The doctrine which I have just explained evidently shows the value -of the much vaunted principle of universal toleration; it has been -demonstrated that that principle is as impracticable in fact as it is -unsustainable in theory; consequently all the accusations made against -the Catholic Church on the subject of intolerance are overturned. It -has been clearly shown that intolerance is in some measure the right of -all public power; this has always been acknowledged; it is acknowledged -still, generally speaking, when philosophers, the partisans of -tolerance, attain to power. No doubt, governments have a thousand times -abused this principle; no doubt, more than once the truth has been -persecuted in virtue of it; but what do men not abuse? Their duty, -then, as good philosophers, was not to establish principles that cannot -be sustained, and are extremely dangerous; not to declaim to satiety -against the times and institutions which have preceded us; but to -endeavor to propagate sentiments of mildness and indulgence, and, above -all, not to impugn important truths, without which society cannot be -sustained, and which cannot be destroyed without abandoning the world -to the empire of force, and, consequently, to despotism and tyranny. - -Men have attacked dogmas; but they have not been willing to see that -morality was intimately connected with dogmas, and that it was itself a -dogma. By proclaiming unbounded liberty of thought, they have asserted -the impeccability of the mind; error has ceased to figure among the -faults of which men can be guilty. They have forgotten that, in order -to _will_, it was necessary to _know_; and that to _will rightly_, it -was necessary to _know truly_. If we examine the greater part of the -errors of our hearts, we shall see that they have their source in a -misunderstanding; is it possible, then, that it should not be the duty -of man to preserve his mind from error? But since it has been said -that opinions are of little importance, that man is free to choose such -as please him, even in matters of religion and morality, truth has lost -its value; its intrinsic worth is no longer what it was in the eyes of -man; and too many consider themselves exempt from attempting to attain -it,--a deplorable condition of mind, which is one of the greatest evils -afflicting society.[25] - - - - -CHAPTER XXXVI. - -ON THE INQUISITION IN SPAIN. - - -I find myself naturally led to make a few observations on the -intolerance of certain Catholic princes, on the Inquisition, and in -particular on that of Spain. I must make a rapid examination of the -charges against Catholicity on account of its conduct during the last -centuries. The dungeons, the burnings of the Inquisition, and the -intolerance of some Catholic princes, have furnished the enemies of -the Church with one of their most effective arguments in depreciating -her, and rendering her the object of odium and hatred; and it must -be allowed that they have, in attacks of this kind, many advantages, -which give them good prospects of success. Indeed (as we have said -above, for the generality of readers, who, without undertaking to -examine things to the bottom, naïvely allow themselves to be led away -by a subtle writer; as we have said, for all those who have sensitive -hearts, and are prompt to pity the unfortunate), what is more likely to -excite indignation than the exhibition of dark dungeons, instruments -of torture, _san-benitos_, and burnings? Imagine what effect must be -produced, amid our toleration, our gentle manners, our humane penal -codes, by the sudden exhibition of the severities, the cruelties of -another age; the whole exaggerated and grouped into one picture, -where are shown all the melancholy scenes which occurred in different -places, and were spread over a long period of time. They take care to -remind us that all this was done in the name of the God of peace and -love; thereby the contrast is rendered more vivid, the imagination -is excited, the heart becomes indignant; and the result is, that the -clergy, magistrates, kings, and popes of those remote times, appear -like a troop of executioners, whose pleasure consists in tormenting -and desolating the human race. Writers, who have ventured to act in -this way, have certainly not added to their reputation for delicacy of -conscience. There is a rule which orators and writers ought never to -forget, viz. that it is not allowable to excite the passions, until -they have convinced the reason, unless it had been convinced before. -Besides, there is a degree of bad faith in appealing to the feelings -with respect to matters which ought to be examined by the light of -reason alone, if they are to be examined properly. In such a case we -ought not to begin by moving, but by convincing; to do otherwise is to -deceive the reader. - -I am not going to write the history of the Inquisition, or of the -different systems which various countries have adopted with respect -to religious intolerance; this would be impossible within my narrow -limits; besides, it would lead me away from the object of my work. -Ought we to draw from the Inquisition in general, that of Spain in -particular, or from the greater or less intolerance of the legislation -of some countries, an accusation against Catholicity? Can it, in -this respect, be put in comparison with Protestantism? Such are the -questions I have to examine. - -Three things at first present themselves to the eyes of the observer: -1st, the legislation and institutions proceeding from the principle of -intolerance; 2d, the use which has been made of this legislation and -these institutions; 3d, the intolerant acts which have been committed -illegally. With respect to the latter, I must say at once that they -have nothing to do with the question. The Massacre of St. Bartholomew, -and other atrocities committed in the name of religion, ought not to -trouble the apologists of religion: to render her responsible for -all that has been done in her name, would be to act with manifest -injustice. Man is endowed with so strong and lively a sense of the -excellence of virtue, that he endeavors to cover the greatest crimes -with her mantle;--would it be reasonable to banish virtue from the -earth on that account? There are, in the history of mankind, terrible -periods, where a fatal giddiness seizes upon the mind; rage, inflamed -by disorder, blinds the intellect and changes the heart; evil is -called good, and good evil; the most horrible attempts are made under -the most respectable names. Historians and philosophers, in treating -of such periods, should know what ought to be their line of conduct; -strictly accurate in the narration of such facts, they ought to -beware of drawing from them a judgment as to the prevailing ideas and -institutions. Society then resembles a man in a state of delirium; -we should ill judge of the ideas, character, and conduct of such a -man, from what he says and does in that deplorable condition. What -party, in those calamitous times, can boast of not having committed -great crimes? If we fix our eyes on the period just mentioned, do we -not see the leaders of both parties assassinated by treason? Admiral -Coligny died by the hands of the assassins who began the massacre of -St. Bartholomew; but the Duke of Guise had been also assassinated -by Poltrot, before Orleans. Henry III. was assassinated by Jacques -Clement; but this same Henry III. had treacherously murdered the other -Duke of Guise in the corridors of his palace, and his brother, the -Cardinal, in the tower of Moulins; this same Henry III. had taken -part in the massacre of St. Bartholomew. We see atrocities committed -by the Catholics; but did not their opponents also commit them? Let -us throw a veil over these catastrophes, over these afflicting proofs -of the misery and perversity of the human heart. The tribunal of -the Inquisition, considered in itself, is only the application to a -particular case of that doctrine of intolerance, which, to a greater -or less degree, is that of every existing power. Thus, we have only to -examine the character of that particular application, and see whether -its enemies are correct in their charges against it. In the first -place, we must observe that those who extol antiquity, sadly falsify -history, if they pretend that intolerance only appeared after the time -when, according to them, the Church had degenerated from her primitive -purity. As for myself, I see that from the earliest times, when the -Church began to exert political influence, heresy began to figure in -the codes as a crime; and I have never been able to discover a period -of complete tolerance. I must here make an important remark, which -shows one of the causes of the rigor displayed in later centuries. -The Inquisition was first directed against the Manichean heretics; -that is, against the sectaries who at all times were treated with -the greatest severity. In the 11th century, when the punishment of -fire had not yet been applied to the crime of heresy, the Manicheans -were excepted from this rule. Even in the time of the Pagan emperors, -these sectaries were treated with extreme rigor. In the year 296, we -see Diocletian and Maximilian, by an edict, condemning to different -punishments the Manicheans who had not abjured their dogmas, and -consigning their leaders to the fire. These sectaries have always been -considered as great criminals; and to punish them has always been -judged necessary, not only for the interests of religion, but even for -the morals and good order of society. This was one of the causes of -the rigor of the Inquisition at its commencement: if we add to this, -the turbulent character of the sects which, under various names, arose -in the 11th, 12th, and 13th centuries, we shall have two of the causes -that contributed to produce those scenes which now we can scarcely -credit. In studying the history of those centuries, and fixing our -attention on the troubles and disasters which ravaged the south of -France, we clearly see that it was not a dispute as to a particular -dogma, but that the whole social system was compromised. The sectaries -of those times were precursors of those of the 16th century; with this -difference, that the latter, if we except the frantic Anabaptists, were -less democratic, less apt to address the multitude. Amid the cruelties -of those times, when long ages of violence and revolution had given an -excessive preponderance to brute force, what could be expected from -governments incessantly menaced with such imminent danger? It is clear -that the laws, and their application, must savour of the times. - -As to the Spanish Inquisition, which was only an extension of that -which was established in other countries, we must divide it, with -respect to its duration, into three great periods;--we omit the time of -its existence in the kingdom of Aragon, before its introduction into -Castille. The first of these comprehends the time when the Inquisition -was principally directed against the relapsed Jews and Moors, from -the day of its installation under the Catholic sovereigns, till the -middle of the reign of Charles V. The second extends from the time -when it began to concentrate its efforts to prevent the introduction -of Protestantism into Spain, until that danger entirely ceased; that -is, from the middle of the reign of Charles V. till the coming of -the Bourbons. The third and last period is that when the Inquisition -was limited to repress infamous crimes, and exclude the philosophy -of Voltaire; this period was continued until its abolition in the -beginning of the present century. It is clear that, the institution -being successively modified according to circumstances at these -different epochs,--although it always remained fundamentally the -same,--the commencement and termination of each of these three periods -which we have pointed out cannot be precisely marked; nevertheless, -these three periods really existed in its history, and present us with -very different characters. - -Every one knows the peculiar circumstances in which the Inquisition -was established in the time of the Catholic sovereigns; yet it is -worthy of remark, that the Bull of establishment was solicited by Queen -Isabella; that is, by one of the most distinguished sovereigns in our -history,--by that queen who still, after three centuries, preserves the -respect and admiration of all Spaniards. Isabella, far from opposing -the will of the people in this measure, only realized the national -wish. The Inquisition was established chiefly against the Jews; the -Papal Bull had been sent in 1478; now, before the Inquisition published -its first edict, dated Seville, in 1481, the Cortes of Toledo, in 1480, -had adopted severe measures on the subject. To prevent the injury -which the intercourse between Jews and Christians might occasion to -the Catholic faith, the Cortes had ordered that unbaptized Israelites -should be obliged to wear a distinctive mark, dwell in separate -quarters, called _Juiveries_, and return there before night. Ancient -regulations against them were renewed; the professions of doctor, -surgeon, shopkeeper, barber, and tavern-keeper, were forbidden them. -Intolerance was, therefore, popular at that time. If the Inquisition be -justified in the eyes of friends to monarchy, by conformity with the -will of kings, it has an equal claim to be so in the eyes of lovers of -democracy. - -No doubt the heart is grieved at reading the excessive severities -exercised at that time against the Jews; but must there not have -been very grave causes to provoke such excesses? The danger which -the Spanish monarchy, not yet well established, would have incurred -if the Jews, then very powerful on account of their riches and their -alliances with the most influential families, had been allowed to act -without restraint, has been pointed out as one of the most important -of these causes. It was greatly to be feared that they would league -with the Moors against the Christians. The respective positions of the -three nations rendered this league natural: this is the reason why it -was looked upon as necessary to break a power which was capable of -compromising anew the independence of the Christians. It is necessary -also to observe, that at the time when the Inquisition was established, -the war of eight hundred years against the Moors was not yet finished. -The Inquisition was projected before 1474; it was established in -1480, and the conquest of Granada did not take place till 1492. Thus -it was founded at the time when the obstinate struggle was about -to be decided; it was yet to be known whether the Christians would -remain masters of the whole peninsula, or whether the Moors should -retain possession of one of the most fertile and beautiful provinces; -whether these enemies, shut up in Granada, should preserve a position, -excellent for their communication with Africa, and a means for all the -attempts which, at a later period, the Crescent might be disposed to -make against us. Now, the power of the Crescent was very great, as was -clearly shown by its enterprises against the rest of Europe in the next -century. In such emergencies, after ages of fighting, and at the moment -which was to decide the victory for ever, have combatants ever been -known to conduct themselves with moderation and mildness? It cannot be -denied that the system of repression pursued in Spain, with respect -to the Jews and the Moors, was inspired, in great measure, by the -instinct of self-preservation: we can easily believe that the Catholic -princes had this motive before them when they decided on asking for the -establishment of the Inquisition in their dominions. The danger was not -imaginary: it was perfectly real. In order to form an idea of the turn -which things might have taken if some precaution had not been adopted, -it is enough to recollect the insurrections of the last Moors in later -times. - -Yet it would be wrong, in this affair, to attribute all to the policy -of royalty; and it is necessary here to avoid exalting too much the -foresight and designs of men; for my part, I am inclined to think that -Ferdinand and Isabella naturally followed the generality of the nation, -in whose eyes the Jews were odious when they persevered in their creed, -and suspected when they embraced the Christian religion. Two causes -contributed to this hatred and animadversion. First, the excited state -of religious feeling then general in all Europe, and especially in -Spain; 2d, the conduct by which the Jews had drawn upon themselves the -public indignation. - -The necessity of restraining the cupidity of the Jews, for the sake -of the independence of the Christians, was of ancient date in Spain: -the old assemblies of Toledo had attempted it. In the following -centuries the evil reached its height; a great part of the riches of -the peninsula had passed into the hands of the Jews, and almost all the -Christians found themselves their debtors. Thence the hatred of the -people against the Jews; thence the frequent troubles which agitated -some towns of the peninsula; thence the tumults which more than once -were fatal to the Jews, and in which their blood flowed in abundance. -It was difficult for a people accustomed for ages to set themselves -free by force of arms, to resign themselves peacefully and tranquilly -to the lot prepared for them by the artifices and exactions of a -strange race, whose name, moreover, bore the recollection of a terrible -malediction. - -In later times, an immense number of Jews were converted to the -Christian religion; but the hatred of the people was not extinguished -thereby, and mistrust followed these converts into their new state. It -is very probable that a great number of these conversions were hardly -sincere, as they were partly caused by the sad position in which the -Jews who continued in Judaism were placed. In default of conjectures -founded on reason in this respect, we will regard as a sufficient -corroboration of our opinion, the multitude of Judaizing Christians -who were discovered as soon as care was taken to find out those who -had been guilty of apostacy. However this may be, it is certain that -the distinction between _new and old_ Christians was introduced; -the latter denomination was a title of honor, and the former a -mark of ignominy; the converted Jews were contemptuously called -_marranos_,--impure men, pigs. With more or less foundation, they were -accused of horrible crimes. In their dark assemblies they committed, -it was said, atrocities which could hardly be believed, for the honor -of humanity. For example, it was said that, to revenge themselves on -the Christians and in contempt of religion, they crucified Christian -children, taking care to choose for the purpose the greatest day -among Christian solemnities. There is the often-repeated history of -the knight of the house of Guzman, who, being hidden one night in the -house of a Jew whose daughter he loved, saw a child crucified at the -time when the Christians celebrated the institution of the sacrifice -of the Eucharist. Besides infanticide, there were attributed to the -Jews, sacrileges, poisonings, conspiracies, and other crimes. That -these rumors were generally believed by the people is proved by the -fact, that the Jews were forbidden by law to exercise the professions -of doctor, surgeon, barber, and tavern-keeper; this shows what degree -of confidence was placed in their morality. It is useless to stay to -examine the foundations for these sinister accusations. We are not -ignorant how far popular credulity will go, above all when it is under -the influence of excited feelings, which makes it view all things -in the same light. It is enough for us to know that these rumors -circulated everywhere and with credit, to understand what must have -been the public indignation against the Jews, and consequently how -natural it was that authority, yielding to the impulse of the general -mind, should be urged to treat them with excessive rigor. - -The situation in which the Jews were placed is sufficient to show, that -they might have attempted to act in concert to resist the Christians; -what they did after the death of St. Peter Arbues shows what they -were capable of doing on other occasions. The funds necessary for the -accomplishment of the murder, the pay of the assassins, and the other -expenses required for the plot, were collected by means of voluntary -contributions imposed on themselves by all the Jews of Aragon. Does not -this show an advanced state of organization, which might have become -fatal if it had not been watched. - -In alluding to the death of St. Peter Arbues, I wish to make an -observation on what has been said on this subject, as proving the -unpopularity of the establishment of the Inquisition in Spain. -What more evident proof, we shall be told, can you have than the -assassination of the Inquisitor? Is it not a sure sign that the -indignation of the people was at its height, and that they were quite -opposed to the Inquisition? Would they otherwise have been hurried -into such excesses? If by 'the people' you mean the Jews and their -descendants, I will not deny that the establishment of the Inquisition -was indeed very odious to them; but it was not so with the rest of the -nation. The event we are speaking of gave rise to a circumstance which -proves just the reverse. When the report of the death of the Inquisitor -was spread through the town, the people made a fearful tumult to -avenge his death. They spread through the town, they went in crowds in -pursuit of the _new Christians_, so that a bloody catastrophe would -have ensued, had not the young Archbishop of Saragossa, Alphonsus of -Aragon, presented himself to the people on horseback, and calmed them -by the assurance that all the rigor of the laws should fall on the -heads of the guilty. Was the Inquisition as unpopular as it has been -represented; and will it be said that its adversaries were the majority -of the people? Why, then, could not the tumult at Saragossa have been -avoided in spite of all the precautions which were no doubt taken -by the conspirators, at that time very powerful by their riches and -influence? - -At the time of the greatest rigor against the Judaizing Christians, -there is a fact worthy of attention. Persons accused, or threatened -with the pursuit of the Inquisition, took every means to escape the -action of that tribunal: they left the soil of Spain and went to -Rome. Would those who imagine that Rome has always been the hotbed of -intolerance, the firebrand of persecution, have imagined this? The -number of causes commenced by the Inquisition, and summoned from Spain -to Rome, is countless, during the first fifty years of the existence -of that tribunal; and it must be added, that Rome always inclined to -the side of indulgence. I do not know that it would be possible to -cite one accused person who, by appealing to Rome, did not ameliorate -his condition. The history of the Inquisition at that time is full of -contests between the Kings and Popes; and we constantly find, on the -part of the Holy See, a desire to restrain the Inquisition within the -bounds of justice and humanity. The line of conduct prescribed by the -court of Rome was not always followed as it ought to have been; thus we -see the Popes compelled to receive a multitude of appeals, and mitigate -the lot that would have befallen the appellants, if their cause had -been definitely decided in Spain. We also see the Pope name the judge -of appeal, at the solicitation of the Catholic sovereigns, who desired -that causes should be finally decided in Spain: the first of these -judges was Dr. Inigo Manrique, Archbishop of Seville. Nevertheless, at -the end of a short time, the same Pope, in a Bull of the 2d of August, -1483, said that he had received new appeals, made by a great number -of the Spaniards of Seville, who had not dared to address themselves -to the judge of appeal for fear of being arrested. Such was then the -excitement of the public mind; such was, at that time, the necessity -of preventing injustice, or measures of undue severity. The Pope -added, that some of those who had had recourse to his justice had -already received the absolution of the Apostolical Penitentiary, and -that others were about to receive it; he afterwards complained that -indulgences granted to divers accused persons had not been sufficiently -respected at Seville; in fine, after several other admonitions, he -observed to Ferdinand and Isabella, that mercy towards the guilty was -more pleasing to God than the severity which it was desired to use; and -he gave the example of the good Shepherd following the wandering sheep. -He ended by exhorting the sovereigns to treat with mildness those who -voluntarily confessed their faults, desiring them to allow them to -reside at Seville, or in some other place they might choose; and to -allow them the enjoyment of their property, as if they had not been -guilty of the crime of heresy. - -Moreover, it is not to be supposed that the appeals admitted at Rome, -and by virtue of which the lot of the accused was improved, were -founded on errors of form and injustice committed in the application -of the law. If the accused had recourse to Rome, it was not always -to demand reparation for an injustice, but because they were sure of -finding indulgence. We have a proof of this in the considerable number -of Spanish refugees convicted at Rome of having fallen into Judaism. -Two hundred and fifty of them were found at one time; yet there was not -one capital execution. Some penances were imposed on them, and when -they were absolved, they were free to return home, without the least -mark of ignominy. This took place at Rome in 1498. - -It is a remarkable thing that the Roman Inquisition was never known to -pronounce the execution of capital punishment, although the Apostolic -See was occupied during that time by Popes of extreme rigor and -severity in all that relates to the civil administration. We find -in all parts of Europe scaffolds prepared to punish crimes against -religion; scenes which sadden the soul were everywhere witnessed. Rome -is an exception to the rule; Rome, which it has been attempted to -represent as a monster of intolerance and cruelty. It is true, that -the Popes have not preached, like Protestants, universal toleration; -but facts show the difference between the Popes and Protestants. The -Popes, armed with a tribunal of intolerance, have not spilled a drop of -blood; Protestants and philosophers have shed torrents. What advantage -is it to the victim to hear his executioners proclaim toleration? It -is adding the bitterness of sarcasm to his punishment. The conduct -of Rome in the use which she made of the Inquisition, is the best -apology of Catholicity against those who attempt to stigmatize her as -barbarous and sanguinary. In truth, what is there in common between -Catholicity and the excessive severity employed in this place or that, -in the extraordinary situation in which many rival races were placed, -in the presence of danger which menaced one of them, or in the interest -which the kings had in maintaining the tranquillity of their states, -and securing their conquests from all danger? I will not enter into a -detailed examination of the conduct of the Spanish Inquisition with -respect to Judaizing Christians; and I am far from thinking that the -rigor which it employed against them was preferable to the mildness -recommended and displayed by the Popes. What I wish to show here is, -that rigor was the result of extraordinary circumstances,--the effect -of the national spirit, and of the severity of customs in Europe at -that time. Catholicity cannot be reproached with excesses committed -for these different reasons. Still more, if we pay attention to the -spirit which prevails in all the instructions of the Popes relating -to the Inquisition; if we observe their manifest inclination to -range themselves on the side of mildness, and to suppress the marks -of ignominy with which the guilty, as well as their families, were -stigmatized, we have a right to suppose that, if the Popes had not -feared to displease the kings too much, and to excite divisions which -might have been fatal, their measures would have been carried still -further. If we recollect the negotiations which took place with respect -to the noisy affair of the claims of the Cortes of Aragon, we shall see -to which side the court of Rome leaned. - -As we are speaking of intolerance with regard to the Judaizers, let us -say a few words as to the disposition of Luther towards the Jews. Does -it not seem that the pretended reformer, the founder of independence of -thought, the furious declaimer against the oppression and tyranny of -the Popes, should have been animated with the most humane sentiments -towards that people? No doubt the eulogists of this chieftain of -Protestantism ought to think thus also. I am sorry for them; but -history will not allow us to partake of this delusion. According to -all appearances, if the apostate monk had found himself in the place -of Torquemada, the Judaizers would not have been in a better position. -What, then, was the system advised by Luther, according to Seckendorf, -one of his apologists? "Their synagogues ought to be destroyed, their -houses pulled down, their prayer-books, the Talmud, and even the books -of the Old Testament, to be taken from them; their rabbis ought to -be forbidden to teach, and be compelled to gain their livelihood by -hard labor." The Inquisition, at least, did not proceed against the -Jews, but against the Judaizers; that is, against those who, after -being converted to Christianity, relapsed into their errors, and added -sacrilege to their apostacy, by the external profession of a creed -which they detested in secret, and which they profaned by the exercise -of their old religion. But Luther extended his severity to the Jews -themselves; so that, according to his doctrines, no reproach can be -made against the sovereign who expelled the Jews from their dominions. - -The Moors and the Mooriscoes no less occupied the attention of the -Inquisition at that time; and all that has been said on the subject -of the Jews may be applied to them with some modifications. They were -also an abhorred race--a race which had been contended with for eight -centuries. When they retained their religion, the Moors inspired -hatred; when they abjured it, mistrust; the Popes interested themselves -in their favor also in a peculiar manner. We ought to remark a Bull -issued in 1530, which is expressed in language quite evangelical: it is -there said, that the ignorance of these nations is one of the principal -causes of their faults and errors; the first thing to be done to render -their conversion solid and sincere was, according to the recommendation -contained in this Bull, to endeavor to enlighten their minds with sound -doctrine. - -It will be said that the Pope granted to Charles V. the Bull which -released him from the oath taken in the Cortes of Saragossa in the year -1519; an oath, by which he had engaged not to make any change with -respect to the Moors; whereby, it is said, the Emperor was enabled to -complete their expulsion. But, we must observe, that the Pope for a -long time resisted that concession; and, that if he at length complied -with the wishes of the Emperor, it was only because he thought that the -expulsion of the Moors was indispensable to secure the tranquillity of -the kingdom. Whether this was true or not, the Emperor, and not the -Pope, was the better judge; the latter, placed at a great distance, -could not know the real state of things in detail. Moreover, it was not -the Spanish monarch alone who thought so; it is related that Francis -I., when a prisoner at Madrid, one day conversing with Charles V., told -him that tranquillity would never be established in Spain, if the Moors -and Mooriscoes were not expelled. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXVII. - -SECOND EPOCH OF THE INQUISITION IN SPAIN. - - -It has been said that Philip II. founded a new Inquisition in Spain, -more terrible than that of the Catholic sovereigns; at the same -time the Inquisition of Ferdinand and Isabella receives a certain -degree of indulgence, which is refused to that of their successors. -At the very outset, we find an important historical mistake in this -assertion. Philip did not establish a new Inquisition; he maintained -that which the Catholic sovereigns had left him, and which Charles -V., his father and predecessor, had particularly recommended to him -by will. The Committee of the Cortes of Cadiz, in the project for the -abolition of the tribunal of the Inquisition, excuses the conduct of -the Catholic sovereigns, and blames with severity that of Philip II.; -it attempts to make all the fault and odium fall on that prince. An -illustrious French writer, very recently treating of this important -question, has allowed himself to be led into the same errors, with -that candor which sometimes accompanies genius. "There were," says M. -Lacordaire, "in the Spanish Inquisition, two solemn periods, which -must not be confounded; the one at the end of the fifteenth century, -under Ferdinand and Isabella, before the Moors were expelled from -Granada, their last asylum; the other, in the middle of the sixteenth, -under Philip II., when Protestantism threatened to propagate itself in -Spain. The Committee of the Cortes has perfectly distinguished these -two epochs; and while it stigmatizes the Inquisition of Philip II., -expresses itself with moderation with respect to that of Ferdinand and -Isabella." After these words the writer quotes a text, where it is -affirmed that Philip II. was the real founder of the Inquisition; if -that institution attained in the end to a high degree of power, it was -owing, it says, to the refined policy of that prince. We read, a little -further on, that Philip II. was the inventor of the _auto-da-fé_, to -terrify heretics; and that the first of these bloody spectacles was -seen at Seville in 1559. (_Mémoire pour le rétablissement de l'Ordre -des Frères Precheurs_, chap, vi.) Setting aside the historical mistake -with respect to the _auto-da-fés_, it is well known that neither the -_san-benitos_ nor the fagots were the invention of Philip II. Such -mistakes easily escape a writer who is satisfied with alluding to a -fact incidentally; if we bring forward this one, it is because it -contains an accusation against a monarch to whom, for a long time, -too little justice has been done. Philip II. continued the work which -had been begun by his predecessors; if they are excused, he ought not -to be treated with greater severity. Ferdinand and Isabella directed -the Inquisition against the apostate Jews; why could not Philip II. -avail himself of it against Protestants? But I shall be told he abused -his right and carried rigor to excess. Certainly there was not more -indulgence in the times of Ferdinand and Isabella. Are the numerous -executions at Seville and other places forgotten? Or what Mariana -says in his history, and the public measures taken by the Popes for -the purpose of checking the excessive severity? The words quoted -against Philip II. are taken from the work called _La Inquicitión sin -mascura_ (the Inquisition unveiled,) published in Spain in 1811. We -may judge of the value of this authority, when we know that the author -of the book was distinguished till his death by a deep hatred to the -Spanish kings. The book bears the name of Nathanael Jomtob; but the -real author is a well-known Spaniard, who, in his latter writings, -seems to have undertaken to avenge, by his unbounded exaggerations -and furious invectives, all that he had previously attacked; a writer -who assails, with an intolerable partiality, all that presents itself -before him--religion, country, classes of society, individuals, and -opinions--insulting and tearing to pieces all, as if he had been -seized with a sally of passion, and not even sparing the men of his -own party. Is it, then, surprising that this writer regarded Philip -II. as Protestants and philosophers do, that is, as a monarch placed -on the earth for the disgrace and misfortune of humanity,--a monster -of Machiavellianism, anxious to diffuse darkness, in order to maintain -himself in safety in his cruelty and perfidy? I will not undertake -to justify, on all points, the policy of Philip II.; I will not deny -that there are exaggerations in the eulogiums which some Spanish -writers have given to that prince. But, on the other hand, it cannot be -doubted, that Protestants and the political enemies of Philip II. have -ever been careful to denounce him. And do you know why Protestants have -done this? It is because it was he who prevented Protestantism from -penetrating into Spain; it was he who, at that period of agitation, -maintained the cause of Catholicity. Let us set aside the great events -of the rest of Europe, of which each one will judge as he pleases; -let us limit ourselves to Spain. We do not fear to assert, that the -introduction of Protestantism into that country was imminent and -inevitable without the system which he pursued. Whether Philip used -the Inquisition for political purposes, in certain cases, is not the -question we have to examine here; but at least it must be acknowledged -that it was not a mere instrument of ambitious projects; it was an -institution strengthened and maintained in presence of an imminent -danger. - -It appears, from the proceedings of the Inquisition at this time, -that Protestantism began to spread in an incredible manner in Spain; -eminent ecclesiastics, monks, nuns, seculars of distinction, in a word, -individuals of the most influential classes, were attached to the new -errors. Could the efforts of Protestants to introduce their creed -into Spain remain altogether unproductive, when they employed every -stratagem in their ardor to introduce their books? They went so far as -to place their prohibited writings in casks of Champagne and Burgundy -wine, with so much art as to deceive the custom-house men: thus wrote -the Spanish Ambassador at Paris. - -To perceive the whole danger, it is enough to observe with attention -the state of minds in Spain at this time; besides, incontestable -facts come in support of conjectures. The Protestants, taking great -care to declaim against abuses, represented themselves as reformers, -and labored to draw to their side all who were animated by an ardent -desire for reform. This desire for reform had existed for a long time -in the Church; but with some it was inspired by bad intentions; in -other words, the specious name of reform concealed the real intention -of many, which was to destroy. At the same time, with some sincere -Catholics, this desire, although pure in principle, went to imprudent -zeal, and reached an ill-regulated ardor. It is probable that such -zeal, carried to too great an extent, was, with many, changed into -acrimony; thence a certain facility in receiving the insidious -suggestions of the enemies of the Church. Many people who had begun -with indiscreet zeal, perhaps fell into exaggeration, then into -bitterness, and finally into heresy. Spain was not exempt from this -disposition of mind, from whence the course of events might have drawn -very bitter results, if Protestantism had obtained any footing on our -soil. We know that the Spaniards at the Council of Trent distinguished -themselves by their reforming zeal, and their boldness in expressing -their opinions. Let us remark, moreover, that religious discord being -once introduced into a country, minds are excited by disputes, they are -irritated by frequent shocks, and it sometimes happens that respectable -men precipitate themselves into excesses which they would have abhorred -a short time before. It is difficult to say with precision what would -have happened if the rigor had been at all relaxed on this point. -Certain it is, that, when reading some passages of Luis Vives, of Arias -Montanus, of Carranza, and of the consultation of Melchior Cano, we can -fancy we find, at the bottom of their minds, a sort of disquietude and -agitation, which may best be compared to those heavy murmurings which -announce from afar the commencement of a tempest. - -The famous trial of the Archbishop of Toledo, Fray Bartolomé de -Carranza, is one of the facts which are most frequently cited to show -the arbitrary nature of the proceedings of the Spanish Inquisition. -We certainly cannot see without emotion, shut up in prison for many -years, one of the most learned men in Europe, the Archbishop of Toledo, -honored with the intimate confidence of Philip II. and the Queen of -England, allied in friendship with the most distinguished men of the -time, and known to all Christendom by the brilliant part which he had -played at the Council of Trent. The process lasted seventeen years; -and although the cause was carried to Rome, where the Archbishop must -have found powerful friends, a declaration of innocence in his favor -could not be obtained. Without staying to notice the many incidents -of a cause so long and so complicated, without insisting on the more -or less reason which the discourses and writings of Carranza may have -afforded for suspicions against his faith, I am quite certain, in my -own mind, that, in his own conscience and before God, he was perfectly -innocent. Here is a proof that places my opinion beyond a doubt. A -short time after the judgment was given, he fell ill; his malady was -supposed to be mortal, and the sacraments were administered to him. -At the moment of receiving the Viaticum, in the presence of a large -concourse, he declared, in the most solemn manner, that he had never -left the Catholic faith, that his conscience acquitted him of all the -accusations made against him; and he confirmed his declaration by -calling to witness God, in whose presence he was, whom he was about to -receive under the most sacred species, and before whose awful tribunal -he was in a few moments to appear. This pathetic act drew tears from -all present; all suspicions against him were dissipated as by a breath, -and a new sympathy was added to that which his continued misfortunes -had excited. The Sovereign Pontiff did not doubt the sincerity of the -declaration, as a magnificent epitaph was placed upon his tomb, which -certainly would not have been allowed if there had been the least doubt -of it. It certainly would be rash to refuse to believe a declaration so -explicit from the mouth of such a man as Carranza, expiring, and in the -presence of Jesus Christ Himself. - -After having paid this tribute to the knowledge, virtues, and -misfortunes of Carranza, it remains for us to examine whether, whatever -may have been the purity of his conscience, it can be justly said that -his trial was a perfidious intrigue, carried on by envy and hatred. -This is not the place to examine the immense procedure in this case; -but since allusion has been made to it to condemn Philip II. and the -adversaries of Carranza, I wish, in my turn, to make some observations, -to endeavor to place the affair in its proper light. In the first -place, is it not astonishing that a trial devoid of all foundation -should have had so extraordinary a duration? At least there must have -been some appearance of it. Besides, if the cause had been decided in -Spain, the length of the trial might not have been so extraordinary. -But it was not so; the cause remained pending in Rome many years. Were -the judges so blind or so wicked that they could not discover the -calumny, or that they wanted the virtue to destroy it, supposing it -to have been as clear and evident as it has been pretended? It may be -replied to this, that the intrigues of Philip II., who was determined -on the destruction of the Archbishop, prevented the truth from -appearing; in proof of this assertion, have we not the difficulties -which the king made to allow the prisoner to be transferred to Rome? -It was necessary, it is said, for Pius V. to effect this by the threat -of excommunication. I will not deny that Philip II. attempted to -aggravate the situation of the Archbishop, and wished for a sentence -little favorable to the illustrious accused. Yet, before deciding -that the conduct of the king was criminal, we must know whether he -acted thus from personal resentment, from conviction, or from the -suspicion that the Archbishop inclined towards Lutheranism. Carranza, -before his disgrace, was highly favored and esteemed by Philip, as -appears from the missions which were confided to him in England, and -from his elevation to the first ecclesiastical dignity in Spain. How, -then, can we presume that so much good-will was converted on a sudden -into personal and violent hatred? Is it not, at least, necessary that -history should afford a fact in support of this conjecture? Now, I find -this nowhere in history, nor am I aware that others have done so. If -Philip took so decided a part against the Archbishop, it was evidently -because he believed, or strongly suspected him of being heretical. In -that case, Philip may have been rash, imprudent--all that you please; -but it cannot be said that, in the pursuit, he was moved by the spirit -of vengeance, or by low animosity. - -Other men of the time were equally accused. Among the rest, Melchior -Cano. Carranza himself seemed to be suspicious; he bitterly complained -that Melchior Cano had ventured to say that the Archbishop was as -heretical as Luther. But Salazar de Mendoza, when relating the fact in -the life of Carranza, asserts that Cano, hearing this, openly denied -it, saying, that he had said nothing of the kind. Indeed, the mind -is easily inclined to believe him; men with intellects as favored as -his, have, in their own dignity, too powerful a preservative against -baseness, to allow them to be suspected of playing the infamous part of -calumniators. - -I do not believe that it is necessary to seek for the cause of the -misfortunes of Carranza in private hatred or jealousy; it is found -in the critical circumstances of the time, and in the character of -this illustrious man himself. The grave symptoms which produced alarm -lest Protestantism might make proselytes in Spain; the efforts of -the Protestants to introduce their books and emissaries there; the -experience of what happened in other countries, and particularly in -the kingdom of France, created so much dread in men's minds, rendered -them so fearful and mistrustful, that the least suspicion of error, -above all, in persons elevated in dignity or distinguished for their -knowledge, occasioned disquietude and apprehension. We are aware of -the hot disputes which took place with respect to the Polyglot of -Antwerp and Arias Montanus, and we are not ignorant of the sufferings -of the famous Fray Luis de Leon, and some other illustrious men of that -time. Another conjuncture which contributed to push things to extremes -was, the political situation of Spain with respect to strangers. -The Spanish monarchy had too many enemies and rivals for her not to -have reason to fear that heresy, in the hands of her adversaries, -would become a means of introducing discord and civil war into her -bosom. These causes united, naturally rendered Philip suspicious and -mistrustful; the hatred of heresy combining in his mind with the desire -of self-preservation, he showed himself severe and inexorable with -respect to all that could affect the purity of the Catholic faith in -his empire. - -On the other hand, it must be acknowledged that the character of -Carranza was not exactly what was required, in such critical times, -to avoid all dangerous wanderings. We perceive, in reading his -commentaries on the Catechism, that he was a man of acute penetration, -of vast erudition, of profound learning, of severe character, and of a -heart generous and frank. He spoke his thoughts without circumlocution, -without regard to the displeasure which his words might give to this -person or that. When he believed that he had discovered an abuse, -he pointed it out and condemned it openly, wherein he resembled his -supposed adversary, Melchior Cano, in more features than one. The -accusations against him in the trial were founded, not only on his -writings, but also on some of his sermons and private conversations. -I know not to what extent he exceeded the just limits; but I hesitate -not to affirm, that a man who wrote in the tone which we find in his -works, must have expressed himself _viva voce_ with great force, and -perhaps with excessive boldness. It must be added, to speak the whole -truth, that when treating of justification, in his commentaries on -the Catechism, he does not explain himself with all the clearness -desirable, and is wanting in the simplicity required by the unhappy -circumstances of the times. Men versed in this delicate matter know how -delicate certain points are. These points were then the subject of the -errors of Germany; and it may be easily imagined how much the attention -must have been fixed on the words of Carranza, and how alarming the -least shadow of ambiguity must have been. It is certain that, at Rome -he was not acquitted of all the accusations; he was compelled to abjure -a series of propositions, with respect to which he was judged liable -to suspicion; and some penances were imposed on him. Carranza on his -death-bed protested his innocence; but he took care to declare that -he did not regard the sentence of the Pope as unjust. The explanation -of the enigma is this: the innocence of the heart is not always -accompanied by the prudence of the lips. - -I have dwelt upon this famous cause because it involves considerations -which strikingly exhibit the spirit of the age. These considerations -have, besides, the advantage of showing the truth in its proper light, -and prevent every thing being explained according to the wretched -measure of the malice of men. There is unhappily a tendency to explain -all in this way; and it may be truly said, that men too often give a -just foundation for it; yet, whenever there is no evident necessity -to do so, we ought to abstain from condemnation. The picture of the -history of humanity is sombre enough in itself; let us not take -pleasure in darkening it still more by new stains. We often call crime -that which was only ignorance. Man is inclined to evil; but he is not -less subject to error, and error is not always culpable. - -Moreover, I believe that to Protestants themselves were owing the rigor -and anxious mistrust which the Inquisition of Spain displayed at that -time. They excited a religious revolution; and it is a constant law, -that all revolutions either destroy the power assailed, or render it -more harsh and severe. What before was looked upon as indifferent, is -now considered as suspected; and what, in all other circumstances, -would only have appeared a fault, is now regarded as a crime. Men are -in continual dread of seeing liberty converted into licentiousness; -and as revolutions destroy all, while they profess to reform, -whoever ventures to speak of reform, runs the risk of being blamed -as a disturber. Even prudent conduct is stigmatized as hypocritical -caution; frank and sincere language is termed insolence and dangerous -suggestion; reserve is a concealment full of cunning; even silence -itself assumes a meaning--it becomes alarming dissimulation. We have -seen so many things come to pass in our days, that we are placed in -an incomparable situation easily to understand the various phases of -the history of humanity. It is an undoubted fact, that Protestantism -produced a reaction in Spain. Its errors and excesses were the -reason why the ecclesiastical and civil power infinitely restrained -the liberty which had been previously enjoyed in all that related to -religion. Spain was preserved from the Protestant doctrines, when all -the probabilities were in favor of their being introduced there, in one -way or another. It is clear that this could not be obtained without -extraordinary efforts. Spain, at that time, appears to me like a place -besieged by a powerful enemy, where the leaders continually watched, -not only against attacks from without, but also against treason from -within. I will confirm these observations by an example, which will -serve for many others. Let us remember what took place with respect -to Bibles in the vulgar tongue; we shall then have an idea of what -passed with relation to all the rest, according to the natural order -of things. I have before me a testimony of what I have just said, as -respectable as it is worthy of interest--that of Carranza himself. -Hear what he says in his prologue to his commentaries on the Christian -Catechism: "Before the heresies of Luther had come from the infernal -regions to the light of this world, I do not know that the Holy -Scriptures in the vulgar tongue were anywhere forbidden. In Spain, -Bibles were translated into it by order of the Catholic sovereigns, -at the time when the Moors and Jews were allowed to live among the -Christians according to their own law. After the expulsion of the Jews -from Spain, the judges of religion found that some of those who had -been converted to our holy faith instructed their children in Judaism, -and taught them the ceremonies of the law of Moses by means of those -Bibles in the vulgar tongue, which they took care to have printed in -Italy, in the town of Ferrara. This is the real cause why Bibles in the -vulgar tongue were forbidden in Spain; but the possession and reading -of them were always allowed to colleges and monasteries, as well as -to persons of distinction above all suspicion." Carranza continues to -give, in a few words, the history of these prohibitions in Germany, -France, and other countries; then he adds: "In Spain, which was, and -still is, by the grace and goodness of God, pure from the cockle, care -was taken to forbid generally all the translations of the Scriptures in -the vulgar tongue, in order to prevent strangers having an opportunity -of holding controversy with simple and ignorant persons, and also -because they had, and still have, experience of certain particular -cases, and of the errors which began to arise in Spain from the -ill-understood reading of certain passages of the Bible. What I have -just stated is the real history of what took place; this is why the -Bible in the vulgar tongue was prohibited." - -This curious passage of Carranza shows us, in a few words, the progress -of things. At first there was no prohibition; but the abuse committed -by the Jews provoked one, although still confined, as we have just -seen, within certain limits. Afterwards came the Protestants, upsetting -all Europe by means of their Bibles; Spain is threatened with the -introduction of the new errors; it is discovered that some persons -have been misled by the false interpretation of certain passages of -the Bible; they are compelled to take away this weapon from these -strangers, who attempt to use it to seduce simple people: from that -time the prohibition becomes rigorous and general. - -To return to Philip II., let us not forget that this monarch was one -of the firmest defenders of the Catholic Church; and that in him was -personified the policy of the faithful ages, amid the vertigo which, -under the impulse of Protestantism, had taken possession of European -policy. If the Catholic Church, amid these great perturbations, could -reckon on a powerful protection from the princes of the earth, it was -in great measure owing to Philip II. This age was critical and decisive -in Europe. If it is true that he was unfortunate in Flanders, it is -not less undoubted that his power and ability afforded a counterpoise -to the Protestant power, which prevented it making itself master of -Europe. Even supposing that the efforts of Philip had only the result -of gaining time, by breaking the first shock of the Protestant policy, -this was not a slight service rendered to the Catholic Church, then -attacked on so many sides. What would have happened to Europe, if -Protestantism had been introduced into Spain as into France? if the -Huguenots had been able to count on the assistance of the Peninsula? -And what would have happened in Italy, if she had not been held in -respect by the power of Philip? Would not the sectaries of Germany have -succeeded in introducing their errors there? Here I appeal to all men -who are acquainted with history, whether, if Philip had abandoned his -much-decried policy, the Catholic religion would not have run the risk -of finding itself, at the beginning of the seventeenth century, under -the hard necessity of existing only as a tolerated religion in the -generality of the kingdoms of Europe? Now, we know what this toleration -is worth to the Catholic Church; England has told us for centuries; -Prussia shows us at this moment, and Russia adds her testimony in -a manner still more lamentable. Such is the point of view in which -we must consider Philip II. One is forced to allow that, considered -in this way, that prince is a great historical personage,--one of -those who have left the deepest marks on the policy of the age which -followed,--one of those who exert the greatest influence after them on -the course of events. - -Spaniards, who anathematize the founder of the Escurial, have you, -then, forgotten our history, or do you esteem it of no value? Do you -stigmatize him as an odious tyrant? Do you not know that, in denying -his glory, in covering it with ignominy, you efface a feature of your -own glory, and throw into the mud the diadem which encircled the brows -of Ferdinand and Isabella? If you cannot pardon Philip II. for having -sustained the Inquisition,--if that reason alone obliges you to load -his name with execration, do the same with his illustrious father, -Charles V.; and, going back to Isabella of Castille, write also on -the list of the tyrants and scourges of humanity that name which -was venerated by both worlds, and which is the emblem of the glory -and power of the Spanish monarchy. They all took part in the fact -which excites your indignation; do not curse some, while you lavish -hypocritical indulgence on the others. If that indulgence is found in -your words, it is that the feeling of nationality which beats in your -bosom compels you to partiality--to inconsistency; you recoil when you -are about to efface the glories of Spain with a stroke of the pen--to -wither all her laurels--to deny your country. We have nothing left, -unfortunately, but great recollections; let us at least avoid despising -them: these recollections are, in a nation, like the titles of ancient -nobility in a fallen family; they raise the mind, they fortify the soul -in adversity; and, nourishing hope in the bottom of the heart, they -serve to prepare what is to come. - -The immediate effect of the introduction of Protestantism into Spain -would have been, as in other countries, civil war; and this war -would have been more fatal to us than to other people, because the -circumstances were much more critical for us. The unity of the Spanish -monarchy could not have resisted the shocks and disturbances of -intestine dissension; the different parts were so heterogeneous among -themselves, and were so slightly united, that the least blow would -have parted them. The laws and manners of the kingdoms of Navarre and -Aragon were very different from those of Castille; a lively feeling -of independence, supported by frequent meetings of their own Cortes, -was kept alive in the hearts of those unconquered nations; they would -certainly have availed themselves of the first opportunity to shake -off a yoke which was not pleasing to them. Moreover, in the other -provinces, factions were not wanting to distract the country. The -monarchy would have been miserably divided at a time when it was -necessary to make head in the affairs of Europe, Africa, and America. -The Moors were still in sight of our coasts; the Jews had not had time -to forget Spain: certainly both would have availed themselves of the -conjuncture to raise themselves by means of our discords. On the policy -of Philip depended not only the tranquillity, but perhaps even the -existence of the Spanish monarchy. He is now accused of having been a -tyrant; if he had pursued another course, he would have been taxed with -incapacity and weakness. - -One of the most unjust attacks of the enemies of religion against -her friends is, to attribute bad faith to them, to accuse them of -having in every thing false intentions, tortuous and interested views. -When they speak of the Machiavellianism of Philip II., they suppose -that the Inquisition, while apparently only religious in its object, -was, in reality, an obedient instrument of policy in the hands of a -crafty monarch. Nothing is more specious to the man in whose eyes -history is only a matter for piquant and malicious observations; but -nothing is more false according to facts. Some people, seeing in the -Inquisition an extraordinary tribunal, have not been able to imagine -the existence of that exceptional tribunal, without supposing, in the -monarch who sustained and encouraged it, profound reasons, and views -carried much further than appears on the surface of things. They have -not been willing to see that an epoch has its spirit, its own manner -of regarding things, its own system of action, both in doing good -and in preventing evil. During those times, when all the nations of -Europe appealed to fire and sword to decide questions of religion, -when Protestants and Catholics burnt their adversaries, when England, -France, and Germany assisted at the bloodiest scenes, to bring a -heretic to the scaffold was a natural and customary thing, which gave -no shock to prevailing ideas. We feel our hair grow stiff on our heads -at the mere idea of burning a man alive. Placed in society where the -religious sentiment is considerably diminished; accustomed to live -among men who have a different religion, and sometimes none at all; we -cannot bring ourselves to believe that it could be at that time quite -an ordinary thing to see heretics or the impious led to punishment. -But, if we read the authors of the time, we shall see the immense -difference on this point between their manners and ours; and we shall -remark, that our language of moderation and toleration would not even -have been understood by the man of the sixteenth century. - -Do you know what Carranza himself, who suffered so much from the -Inquisition, thought of this matter? Every time that he has occasion -to touch on this point in the work which I have quoted, he expresses -the ideas of his time, without even staying to prove them; he gives -them as undoubted principles. In England, with Queen Mary, he did not -fear to express his opinions as to the rigor with which heretics ought -to be treated; and he was certainly far from suspecting that his name -would one day be made use of to attack this intolerance. Kings and -peoples, ecclesiastics and seculars, were all agreed on this point. -What would be said now-a-days of a king who would carry with his own -hands the wood to burn heretics, and would condemn blasphemers to -have their tongues pierced with a hot iron? Now, the first of these -things is related of St. Ferdinand, and we know that the second was -done by St. Louis. We now exclaim in seeing Philip II. assisting at -an _auto-da-fé_; but, if we consider that the court, the great men, -all that was most select in society, surrounded the king on these -occasions, we shall understand that, if this spectacle is horrible -and intolerable to us, it was not so in the eyes of those men, widely -different from us in ideas and feelings. And let it not be said that -they were forced there by the will of the monarch,--that they were -compelled to obey: this was not the effect of the monarch's will; it -was only a consequence of the spirit of the age. No monarch would have -been sufficiently powerful to perform such a ceremony, if the spirit -of the age had been opposed to it; besides, no monarch is so hard and -insensible as not to feel the influence of the times in which he lives. -Suppose the most absolute despot of our time, Napoleon, at the height -of his power, or the present Emperor of Russia, and see whether they -could thus violate the manners of the age. - -An anecdote is related which is little adapted to confirm the opinion -of those who assert that the Inquisition was a political instrument in -the hands of Philip. As it paints in a curious and interesting manner -the customs and ideas of the age, I will insert it here. Philip II. -held his court at Madrid; a certain preacher, in a sermon delivered in -presence of the king, advanced, that _sovereigns had an absolute power -over the persons as well as over the property of their subjects_. The -proposition was not of a nature to displease a king; the preacher at -one blow relieved kings from all control over the exercise of their -power. Now, it seems that at that time all men were not in such abject -subjection to despotic control as we have been led to believe; some -one was found to denounce to the Inquisition the words in which the -preacher had not been ashamed to flatter the absolute power of kings. -Surely the orator had chosen a secure asylum; and our readers may well -suppose that this denunciation coming into collision with the power of -Philip, the Inquisition would have maintained a prudent silence. Yet -it was not so: the Inquisition made an inquiry, found the proposition -contrary to sound doctrine, and the preacher, who was perhaps far from -expecting such a reward, had divers penances imposed on him, and was -condemned to retract publicly his proposition in the same place where -he had made it. The retractation took place with all the ceremonies -of a juridical proceeding; the preacher declared that he retracted -his proposition as erroneous; he explained the reasons by reading, -as he had been directed, the following words, well worthy of remark: -"_Indeed, messieurs, kings have no other power over their subjects -than that which is given to them by the divine and human law; they -have none proceeding from their own free and absolute will._" This is -related by D. Antonio Perez, as may be seen at length in the note which -corresponds to the present chapter. We know, moreover, that he was not -a fanatical partisan of the Inquisition. - -This took place at the time which some persons never mention without -stigmatizing it with the words obscurantism, tyranny, and superstition. -Yet I doubt whether, at a time nearer to us--that, for example, when it -is asserted that light and liberty dawned on Spain under the reign of -Charles III.--a public and solemn condemnation of despotism would have -been carried so far. This condemnation, at the time of Philip II., did -as much honor to the tribunal which ordered it as to the monarch who -consented to it. - -With respect to knowledge, it is a calumny to say that a design was -formed to maintain and perpetuate ignorance. Certainly the conduct -of Philip does not indicate such a design, when we see this prince, -not content with favoring the great enterprise of the Polyglot of -Antwerp, recommending to Arias Montanus to devote to the purchase of -chosen works, printed or manuscript, the money which would revert to -the printer Plantinus, to whom the king had advanced a large sum to -aid in the enterprise. This chosen collection was to be placed in the -library of the monastery of the Escurial, which was then built. The -king had also charged _Don Francis de Alaba, his ambassador in France, -to collect in that kingdom the best books which it was possible for him -to procure_, as he himself says in his letter to Arias Montanus. No; -the history of Spain, with respect to intolerance in religious matters, -is not so black as it has been represented. When foreigners reproach us -with cruelty, we will reply that, when Europe was stained with blood -by civil wars, Spain was at peace. As to the number of persons who -perished on the scaffold or died in exile, we challenge the two nations -who claim to be at the head of civilization, France and England, to -show us their statistics on that subject at the same time, and to -compare them with ours: we do not fear the comparison. - -In proportion as the danger of the introduction of Protestantism into -Spain diminished, so did the rigor of the Inquisition. We may observe, -moreover, that the procedure of that tribunal always became milder, -in accordance with the spirit of criminal legislation in the other -countries of Europe. Thus we see the _auto-da-fé_ becoming more rare -as we approach our own times, so that, at the end of the last century, -the Inquisition was only a shadow of what it had been. It is useless -to insist on this point, which nobody denies, and on which we are in -unison with the most ardent enemies of that tribunal; and this it is -which, in our eyes, proves, in the most convincing manner, that we must -seek in the ideas and manners of the time, what people have attempted -to find in the cruelty, in the wickedness, or in the ambition of men. -If the doctrines of those who plead for the abolition of the punishment -of death are carried into effect, posterity, when reading the -executions of our time, will be seized with the same horror with which -we view the punishment of times past, and the gibbet and the guillotine -will figure in the same rank as the ancient Quemaderos.[26] - - - - -CHAPTER XXXVIII. - -RELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS IN THEMSELVES. - - -Religious institutions are another of those points whereon -Protestantism and Catholicity are in complete opposition to each -other: the first abhors, the second loves them; the one destroys them, -the other establishes and encourages them. One of the first acts of -Protestantism, whenever it is introduced, is to attack religious -institutions by its doctrines and its acts; it labors to destroy them -immediately; one would say that the pretended Reformation cannot behold -without irritation those holy abodes, which continually remind it of -the ignominious apostacy of its founder. Religious vows, especially -that of chastity, have been the subject of the most cruel invectives -on the part of Protestants; but it must be observed, that what is said -now, and what has been repeated for three centuries, is only the echo -of the first voice which was raised in Germany; and what was that -voice? It was the voice of a monk without modesty, who penetrated into -the sanctuary and carried away a victim. All the pomp of learning -employed to combat a sacred dogma is insufficient to hide so impure an -origin. Through the excitement of the false prophet we perceive the -impure flames which devour his heart. - -Let us observe in passing, that the same thing took place with respect -to the celibacy of the clergy. Protestants, from the beginning, could -not endure this; they threw off the mask, and condemned it without -disguise; they attempted to combat it with a certain ostentation of -learning; but, at the bottom of all their declamation, what do we find? -The clamor of a priest who has forgotten his duty; who strives against -the remorse of his conscience, and endeavors to hide his shame by -diminishing the horror of the scandal by the allegations of falsehood. -If such conduct had been pursued by the Catholics, all the arms of -ridicule would have been employed to cover them with contempt, to stamp -it, as it deserves, with the brand of infamy; but it was a man who -declared deadly war against Catholicity: that was enough to turn away -the contempt of philosophers, and find indulgence for the declamation -of a monk whose first argument against celibacy was, to profane his -vows and consummate a sacrilege. - -The rest of the disturbers of that age imitated the example of -so worthy a master. All demanded and required from Scripture and -philosophy a veil to cover their weakness and baseness. Just -punishment! blindness of the mind was the result of corruption of the -heart; impudence sought and obtained the companionship of error. Never -is the mind more vile than when, to excuse a fault, it becomes the -accomplice of it; then it is not deceived, but prostituted. - -This hatred of religious institutions has been inherited by philosophy -from Protestantism. This is the reason why all revolutions, excited and -guided by Protestants or philosophers, have been signalized by their -intolerance towards the institutions themselves, and by their cruelty -towards those who belonged to them. What the law could not do was -completed by the dagger and the torch of the incendiary. What escaped -the catastrophe was left to the slow punishment of misery and famine. -On this point, as well as on many others, it is manifest that the -infidel philosophy is the daughter of the Reformation. It is useless -to seek for a more convincing proof of this than the parallel of the -histories of both, in all that relates to the destruction of religious -institutions; the same flattery of kings, the same exaggeration of the -civil power, the same declamation against the pretended evil inflicted -on society, the same calumnies; we have only to change the names and -the dates. And we must also remark this peculiarity, that, in this -matter, the difference which, apparently, ought to have resulted from -the progress of toleration and the softening of manners in recent -times, has scarcely been felt. - -But is it true that religious institutions are as contemptible as -they have been represented? is it true that they do not even deserve -attention, and that all the questions relating to them can be solved -by merely pronouncing the word fanaticism? Does not the man of -observation, the real philosopher, find in them any thing worthy of -attracting his attention? It is difficult to believe that such was the -nullity of these institutions, whose history is so grand, and which -still preserve in their existence the promise of a great future. It is -difficult to believe that such institutions are not worthy of attention -in the highest degree, and that their study is wholly devoid of lively -interest and solid profit. We see them appear at every epoch of Church -history; their memorials and monuments are found every moment under -our feet; they are preserved in the regions of Asia, in the sands of -Africa, in the cities and solitudes of America; in fine, when, after -so much adversity, we see them more or less prosperous in the various -countries of Europe, sending forth again fresh shoots in those lands -where their roots had been the most deeply torn up, there naturally -arises in the mind a spirit of curiosity to examine this phenomenon, -to inquire what is the origin, the genius, and the character of these -institutions. Those who love to descend into the heart of philosophical -questions discover, at first sight, that there must be there an -abundant mine of the most precious information for the science of -religion, of society, and of man. He who has read the lives of the -ancient fathers of the desert without being touched, without feeling -profound admiration, and being filled with grave and lofty thoughts; he -who, treading under his feet with indifference the ruins of an ancient -abbey, has not called up in fancy the shades of the cenobites who lived -and died there; he who passes coldly through the corridors and cells -of convents half-demolished, and feels no recollections, and not even -the curiosity to examine,--he may close the annals of history, and may -cease to study the beautiful and the sublime. There exist for him no -historical phenomena, no beauty, no sublimity; his mind is in darkness, -his heart is in the dust. - -With the intention of hiding the intimate connection which subsists -between religious institutions and religion herself, it has been said -that she can exist without them. This is an incontrovertible truth, but -abstract and wholly useless--a barren and isolated assertion, which -can throw no light upon science, nor serve as any practical guide--an -insidious truth, which only tends entirely to change the whole state -of the question, and persuade men that when religious institutions are -concerned, religion has nothing to do with the matter. There is here a -gross sophism, which is too much employed, not only on this question, -but on many others. This consists in replying to all difficulties by -a proposition perfectly true in itself, but which has nothing to do -with the question. By this means, attention is turned another way; the -palpable truth which is presented to the mind makes men wander from the -principal object, and induces them to take that for a solution which -is only a distraction. With respect, for example, to the support of -the clergy and divine worship, it is said, "Temporals are altogether -different from spirituals." When the ministers of religion are -systematically calumniated, "Religion," they say, "is one thing, and -her ministers are another." If it is wished to represent the conduct -of Rome for many centuries as an uninterrupted chain of injustice, -of corruption, and of invasion of right, all reply is anticipated by -saying, "The supremacy of the Sovereign Pontiff has nothing to do with -the vices of Popes or their ambition." Reflections perfectly just, and -truths palpable, no doubt, which are very useful in certain cases, -but which writers of bad faith cunningly employ to conceal from the -reader the real object they have in view. Such are the jugglers who -attract the attention of the simple multitude on one side, while their -companions perform their criminal operations on the other. - -Because a thing is not necessary to the existence of another, it does -not follow that the first does not originate in the second,--does not -find in the spirit of the latter its peculiar and permanent existence, -and that a system of intimate and delicate relation does not subsist -between them. The tree can subsist without flowers and fruits; these -can certainly fall without destroying the trunk; but as long as the -tree shall exist, will it ever cease to give proofs of its vigor and -its beauty, and to offer its flowers to the eye, and its fruits to -the taste? The stream may constantly flow in its crystal bed without -the green margin which embellishes its sides; but while its source is -not dried up--as long as the fertilizing water penetrates the ground, -can its favored banks remain dry, barren, without color and ornament? -Let us apply these images to our subject. It is certain that religion -can exist without religious communities, and that their ruin does not -necessarily entail that of religion herself. More than once it has -been seen that in countries where religious institutions have been -destroyed, the Catholic faith has been long preserved. But it is not -less certain, that there is a necessary dependence between them and -religion; that is, that she has given being to them, that she animates -them with her spirit, and nourishes them with her substance: this -is the reason why they immediately germinate wherever the Catholic -faith takes root; and if they have been driven from a country where -she continues to exist, they will reappear. Without alluding to the -examples of other countries, do we not see this phenomenon take place -in France in a remarkable manner? The number of convents of men and -women which are again established on the French soil is already very -considerable. Who would have told the men of the Constituent Assembly, -the Legislative Assembly, the Convention, that half a century should -not elapse without seeing religious institutions reappear and flourish -in France, in spite of all their efforts to destroy even their memory? -"If that happen," they would have said, "it will be because the -revolution which we are making will not be allowed to triumph--because -Europe will have again imposed despotism upon us; then, and then only, -will be witnessed in France--in Paris--in this capital of the Christian -world--the re-establishment of religious institutions, that legacy of -fanaticism and superstition, transmitted to us by the ideas and manners -of an age which has passed away, never to return." - -Senseless men! your revolution _has_ triumphed; you _have_ conquered -Europe; the old principles of the French monarchy _have_ been erased -from legislation, institutions, and manners; the genius of war has led -your doctrines in triumph over Europe, and they were gilded by the -rays of your glory. Your principles, all your recollections have again -triumphed at a recent period; they still live in all their force and -pride, personified in some men who glory in being the heirs of what -they call the glorious Revolution of '89; and yet, in spite of so many -triumphs, although your revolution has only receded as much as was -necessary the better to secure its conquests, religious institutions -have again arisen--they extend, they are propagated everywhere, and -they regain an important place in the annals of our times. To prevent -this revival, it would have been necessary to extirpate religion; -it was not enough to persecute her; faith remained like a precious -germ covered by stones and thorns; Providence sends down a ray of -that divine star which softens stones, and gives life and fertility; -the tree rises again in all its beauty, in spite of the ruins which -hindered its growth and development, and its leaves are immediately -covered with charming blossoms:--behold the religious institutions -which you thought were for ever annihilated! - -The example which we have just mentioned clearly shows the truth of -what we wish to establish, with respect to the intimate connection -which exists between religion and religious institutions. Church -history furnishes proofs in support of this truth. Besides, the mere -knowledge of religion, and of the nature of the institutions of which -we speak, would suffice to prove it to us, even if we had not history -and experience in our favor. - -The force of general prejudice on this subject is such, that it is -necessary to descend to the root of things, to show the complete -mistake of our adversaries. What are religious institutions considered -generally? Putting aside the differences, the changes, the alterations -necessarily produced by variety of times, countries, and other -circumstances, we will say that a religious institute is a society -of Christians living together, under certain rules, for the purpose -of practising the Gospel precepts. We include, in this definition, -even the orders which are not bound by a vow. It will be seen that we -have considered the religious institution in its most general sense, -laying aside all that theologians and canonists say with respect to -the conditions indispensable to constitute or complete its essence. We -must, moreover, observe that we ought not to exclude from the honorable -denomination of religious institutes, those associations which possess -all the conditions except the vows. The Catholic religion is fertile -enough to produce good by means and forms widely different. In the -generality of religious institutions, she has shown us what man can do -by binding himself by a vow, for his whole life, to a holy abnegation -of his own will; but she has also wished to show us that, while leaving -him at liberty, she could attach him by a variety of ties, and make him -persevere until death, as if he had been obliged by a perpetual vow. -The congregation of the oratory of St. Philip Neri, which is found in -this latter category, is certainly worthy of figuring among religious -institutions as one of the finest monuments of the Catholic Church. -I am aware that the vow is comprised in the essence of religious -institutes, as they are commonly understood; but my only object now -is, to vindicate this kind of association against Protestants. Now we -know that they condemn indiscriminately, associations bound by vows -and those which only consist of the permanent and free adhesion of -the persons who compose them. All that has the form of a religious -community is regarded by them with a look of anger. When they -proscribed the religious orders, they included in the same fate those -which had vows and those which had not. Consequently, when defending -them, we must class them together. Moreover, this will not prevent our -considering the vow in itself, and justifying it before the tribunal of -philosophy. - -I do not imagine that it is necessary to say more to show that the -object of religious institutions--that is, as we have just said, the -putting in practice of the Gospel counsels--is in perfect uniformity -with the Gospel itself. And let us well observe that, whatever may -be the name, whatever may be the form of the institutions, they have -always for their object something more than the simple observance -of the precepts; the idea of perfection is always included, then, -either in the active or the contemplative life. To keep the Divine -commandments is indispensable to all Christians who wish to possess -eternal life; the religious orders attempt a more difficult path; they -aim at perfection. This is the object of the men who, after having -heard these words from the mouth of their Divine Master: "If you wish -to be perfect, go sell all you have, and give it to the poor," have not -departed sorrowful, like the young man in the Gospel, but have embraced -with courage the enterprise of quitting all and following Jesus Christ. - -We have now inquired whether association is the best means to carry -into execution so holy an object. It would be easy for me to show this -by adducing various texts of Scripture, where the true spirit of the -Christian religion, and the will of our Divine Master, are clearly -shown on this point; but the taste of our age, and the self-evidence -even of the truths in question, warn us to avoid, as much as possible, -all that savors of theological discussion. I will remove the question, -then, from this level, to consider it in a light purely historical -and philosophical; that is to say, without accumulating citations and -texts, I will prove that religious institutes are perfectly conformable -to the spirit of the Christian religion; and that consequently that -spirit has been deplorably mistaken by Protestants, when they have -condemned or destroyed them. If philosophers, while they do not admit -the truth of religion, still avow that it is useful and beautiful, I -will prove to them that they cannot condemn those institutions which -are the necessary result of it. In the cradle of Christianity, when men -preserved, in all their energy and purity, the sparks from the tongues -of the Holy Spirit; in those times, when the words and examples of its -Divine Founder were still fresh, when the number of the faithful who -had had the happiness of seeing and hearing Him was still very great in -the Church, we see the Christians, under the direction of the Apostles -themselves, unite, have all their property in common; thus forming only -one family, the Father of which was in heaven, and _which had only one -heart and one soul_. - -I will not dispute as to the extent of this primitive proceeding; -I will abstain from analyzing the various circumstances which -accompanied it, and from examining how far it resembled the religious -institutions of latter times; it is enough to state its existence, -and show therefrom what is the true spirit of religion with respect -to the most proper means to realize evangelical perfection. I will -only allude to the fact, that Cassian, in the description which he -gives of the commencement of religious institutions, assigns as their -cradle the proceeding we have just mentioned, and which is reported -in the Acts of the Apostles. According to the same author, this kind -of life was never wholly interrupted; so that there were always some -fervent Christians who continued it; thus attaching, by a continued -chain, the existence of the monks to the primitive associations of -the apostolical times. After having described the kind of life of -the first Christians, and traced the alterations of the times that -followed, Cassian continues thus: "Those who preserved the apostolical -fervor in this way, recalling primitive perfection, quitted towns, and -the society of those who believed that they were allowed to live with -less severity; they began to choose secret and retired places, where -they could follow in private the rules which they remembered to have -been appointed by the Apostles for the whole body of the Church in -general. Thus commenced the formation of the discipline of those who -had quitted that contagion, as they lived separate from the rest of the -faithful; abstaining from marriage, and having no communication with -the world, even with their own families. In the progress of time, the -name of monks was given to them, in consideration of their singular and -solitary life." (_Collat._ 18, cap. 5.) - -Times of persecution immediately followed, which, with some -interruptions, that may be called moments of repose, lasted till -the conversion of Constantine. There were, then, during this time, -some Christians who attempted to continue the mode of life of the -apostolical years. Cassian clearly indicates this in the passage -which we have just read. He omits to say that this primitive life was -necessarily modified, in its exterior form, by the calamities with -which the Church was afflicted at that period. In all that time we -ought not to look for Christians living in community; we shall find -them confessing Jesus Christ, with imperturbable calmness, on the rack, -amid all torments, in the circus, where they were torn to pieces by -wild beasts, on the scaffold, where they quietly gave up their heads to -the axe of the executioner. But observe what happened even during the -time of persecution; the Christians, of whom the world was not worthy, -pursued in the towns like wild beasts, wandered about in solitude, -seeking refuge in the deserts. The solitudes of the East, the sand and -rocks of Arabia, the most inaccessible places of the Thebaïd, receive -those troops of fugitives, who dwell in the abodes of wild beasts, in -abandoned graves, in dried-up cisterns, in the deepest caverns, only -asking for an asylum for meditation and prayer. And do you know the -result of this? These deserts, in which the Christians wandered, like -a few grains of sand driven by the wind, became peopled, as it were by -magic, with innumerable religious communities. There they meditated, -prayed, and read the Gospel; hardly had the fruitful seed touched the -earth, when the precious plant arose in a moment. - -Admirable are the designs of Providence! Christianity, persecuted in -the towns, fertilizes and embellishes the deserts; the precious grain -requires for its development neither the moisture of the earth nor the -breeze of a mild atmosphere; when carried through the air on the wings -of the storm, the seed loses nothing of its vitality; when thrown on -a rock, it does not perish. The fury of the elements avails nothing -against the work of God, who has made the north wind His courser: the -rock ceases to be barren when He pleases to fertilize it. Did He not -make pure water spring forth at the mysterious touch of His Prophet's -rod? - -When peace was given to the Church by the conqueror of Maxentius, the -germs contained in the bosom of Christianity were able to develop -themselves everywhere; from that moment the Church was never without -religious communities. With history in our hands, we may defy the -enemies of religious institutions to point out any period, however -short, when these institutions had entirely disappeared. Under some -form or in some country, they have always perpetuated the existence -which they had received in the early ages of Christianity. The fact -is certain and constant, and is found in every page of ecclesiastical -history; it plays an important part in all the great events in the -annals of the Church. It is found in the west and in the east, in -modern and in ancient times, in the prosperity and in the adversity of -the Church; when the pursuit of religious perfection was an honor in -the eyes of the world, as well as when it was an object of persecution, -raillery, and calumny. What clearer proof can there be that there is -an intimate connection between religious institutions and religion -herself? What more is required to show us that they are her spontaneous -fruit? In the moral and in the physical order of things, the constant -appearance of the one following the other, is regarded as a proof of -the reciprocal dependence of two phenomena. If these phenomena have -towards each other the relations of cause and effect--if we find in -the essence of the one all the principles that are required in the -production of the other, the first is called the cause and the other -the effect. Wherever the religion of Jesus Christ is established, -religious communities are found under some form or other; they are, -therefore, its spontaneous effect. I do not know what reply can be made -to so conclusive an argument. - -By viewing the question in this way, the favor and protection which -religious institutions always found with the Pontiff is naturally -explained. It was his duty to act in conformity with the spirit which -animates the Church, of which he is the chief ruler upon earth; it is -certainly not the Pope who has made the regulation, that one of the -means most apt to lead men to perfection is to unite themselves in -associations under certain rules, in conformity with the instructions -of their Divine Master. The Eternal Lord thus ruled in the secrets of -His infinite wisdom, and the conduct of the Popes could not be contrary -to the designs of the Most High. It has been said that interested -views interposed; it has been said that the policy of the Popes found -in these institutions a powerful means of sustaining and aggrandizing -itself. But can you not see any thing but the sordid instruments of -cunning policy in the societies of the primitive faithful, in the -monasteries of the solitudes of the East, in that crowd of institutions -which have had for their object only the sanctification of their own -members and the amelioration of some of the great evils of humanity? A -fact so general, so great, so beneficent, cannot be explained by views -of interest and narrow designs; its origin is higher and nobler; and -he who will not seek for it in heaven ought at least to seek for it in -something greater than the projects of a man or the policy of a court; -he ought to seek for lofty ideas, sublime feelings, capable, if they do -not mount to heaven, at least of embracing a large part of the earth; -nothing less is here required than one of those thoughts which preside -over the destinies of the human race. - -Some persons may be inclined to imagine private designs on the part -of the Popes, because they see their authority interfere in all the -foundations of later ages, and their approbation constitute the -validity of the rules of religious institutions; but the course -pursued in this respect by ecclesiastical discipline shows us that -the most active intervention of the Popes, far from emanating from -private views, has been called for by a necessity of preventing an -excessive multiplication of the religious orders in consequence of an -indiscreet zeal. This vigilance in preventing abuses was the origin -of this supreme intervention. In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries -the tendency to new foundations was so strong that the most serious -inconveniences would have resulted from it, without a continual -watchfulness on the part of the ecclesiastical authority. Thus we see -the Sovereign Pontiff Innocent III. ordain, in the Council of Lateran, -that whoever wished to found a new religious house shall be bound to -adopt one of the approved rules and institutions. - -But let us pursue our design. I can understand how those who deny the -truth of the Christian religion, and turn into ridicule the counsels of -the Gospel, bring themselves to deny all that is celestial and divine -in the spirit of the religious communities; but the truth of religion -once established, I cannot conceive how men who boast of following -its laws can declare themselves the enemies of these institutions -considered in themselves. How can he who admits the principle refuse -the consequence? How can he who loves the cause reject the effect? They -must either affect a religion hypocritically, or they profess without -comprehending it. - -In default of any other proof of the anti-evangelical spirit which -guided the leaders of the pretended Reformation, their hatred to an -institution so evidently founded on the Gospel itself should suffice. -Did not these enthusiasts for reading the Bible _without note or -comment_--they who pretend to find all its passages so clear--did they -not remark the plain and easy sense of that multitude of passages which -recommend self-abnegation, the renunciation of all possessions, and the -privation of all pleasures? These words are plain--they cannot be taken -in any other signification--they do not require for their comprehension -a profound study of the sacred sciences, or that of languages; and -yet they have not been heard: we should rather say, they have not -been listened to. The intellect has understood, but the passions have -rejected them. - -As to those philosophers who have regarded religious institutions as -vain and contemptible, if not dangerous, it is clear that they have -meditated but little on the human mind, and on the deep feelings of our -hearts, full as they are of mystery. As their hearts have felt nothing -at the sight of those numbers of men and women assembled for the -purpose of sanctifying themselves or others, or of relieving wants, -and consoling the unfortunate, it is but too clear that their souls -have been dried up by the breath of skepticism. To renounce for ever -all the pleasures of life; to live in solitude, there to offer one's -self, in austerity and penance, as a holocaust to the Most High: this, -certainly is a matter of horror to those philosophers who have only -viewed the world through their own prejudices. But humanity has other -thoughts; it feels itself attracted by those objects which philosophers -find so vain, so devoid of interest, so worthy of horror. - -Wonderful are the secrets of our hearts! Although enervated by -pleasure, and involved in the whirlwind of amusement and mirth, we -cannot avoid being seized with deep emotion at the sight of austerity -and recollection of soul. Solitude, and even sadness itself, exert -an inexpressible influence over us. Whence comes that enthusiasm -which moves a whole nation, excites and makes it follow, as if by -enchantment, the steps of a man whose brow is marked by recollection, -whose features display austerity of life, whose clothes and manners -show freedom from all that is earthly, and forgetfulness of the world? -Now, it is a fact, proved by the history both of true and of false -religions; so powerful a means of attracting respect and esteem has -not remained unknown to imposture: licentiousness and corruption, -desirous of making their fortunes in the world, have more than once -felt the imperious necessity of disguising themselves under the -mantle of austerity and purity. What at first sight might appear the -most opposed to our feelings, the most repugnant to our tastes--this -shade of sadness diffused over the recollection and solitude of the -religious life--is precisely what enchants and attracts us the most. -The religious life is solitary and pensive; therefore it is beautiful, -and its beauty is sublime. Nothing is more apt than this sublimity to -move our hearts deeply, and make indelible impressions on them. In -reality, our soul has the character of an exile; it is affected by -melancholy objects only; it has not attained to that noisy joy which -requires to borrow a tint of melancholy only for the sake of a happy -contrast. In order to clothe beauty with its most seductive charms, it -is necessary that a tear of anguish should flow from her eyes, that -her forehead should assume an air of sadness, and her cheeks grow -pale with a melancholy remembrance. In order that the life of a hero -excite a lively interest in us, it is requisite that misfortune be his -companion, lamentation his consolation--that disaster and ingratitude -be the reward of his virtues. If you wish that a picture of nature -or art should strongly attract our attention, take possession of and -absorb the powers of our soul, it is necessary that a memorial of the -nothingness of man, and an image of death, should be presented to our -minds; our hearts should be appealed to by the feelings of a tranquil -sadness; we desire to see sombre tints on a monument in ruins--the -cross reminding us of the abode of the dead, the massive walls covered -with moss, and pointing out the ancient dwelling of some powerful man, -who, after having lived on earth for a short time, has disappeared. - -Joy does not satisfy us, it does not fill our hearts; it intoxicates -and dissipates them for a few moments; but man does not find there -his happiness, because the joys of earth are frivolous, and frivolity -cannot attach a traveller who, far from his country, walks painfully -through the valley of tears. Thence it comes that, while sorrow and -tears are accepted--we should rather say, are carefully sought for by -art--whenever a deep impression is to be made upon the soul, joy and -smiles are inexorably banished. Oratory, poetry, sculpture, painting, -music, have all constantly followed the same rule; or, rather, have -always been governed by the same instinct. It certainly required a -lofty spirit and a heart of fire to declare _that the soul is naturally -Christian_. In these few words an illustrious thinker has known how to -express all the relations which unite the faith, morality, and counsels -of this divine religion, with all that is most intimate, delicate, and -noble in our hearts. Do you know Christian pensiveness; that grave and -elevated feeling which is painted on the forehead of the Christian, -like a memorial of sorrow on that of an illustrious proscribed one; -this feeling which moderates the enjoyments of life by the image of -the tomb, and lights up the depths of the grave with the rays of hope; -that pensiveness so natural and consoling, so grave and noble, which -causes diadems and sceptres to be trodden under foot like dust, and -the greatness and splendor of the world to be despised as a passing -illusion? This melancholy, carried to its perfection, vivified and -fertilized by grace, and subjected to a holy rule, is what presides -over the foundation of religious institutions, and accompanies them -as long as they preserve their primitive fervor, which they received -from men who were guided by divine light, and animated by the Spirit -of God. This holy melancholy, which carries with it freedom from all -earthly things, is the feeling which the Church wishes to instil into -and preserve in, the religious orders, when she surrounds their silent -abodes with a shade of retirement and meditation. - -That amid the fury and the convulsions of parties, a mad and -sacrilegious hand, secretly excited by malice, should plunge a -fratricidal dagger into an innocent heart, or set fire to a peaceful -dwelling, may be conceived; for, unhappily, the history of man abounds -in crimes and frenzies; but that the essence of religious institutions -should be attacked, that their spirit should be considered narrow and -imbecile, that they should be deprived of the noble titles which give -honor to their origin, and the beauties which adorn their history, -can be allowed neither by the intellect nor by the heart. A false -philosophy, which dries up and withers all that it touches, has -undertaken so mad a task. But, setting aside religion and reason, -literature and the fine arts have rebelled against this attempt; -literature and the fine arts, which have need of old recollections, -and which are indebted for their wonders to lofty thoughts, to grave -and noble scenes, and deep and melancholy feelings; literature and the -arts, which delight in transporting the mind of man into regions of -light, in guiding the imagination through new and unknown paths, and in -ruling the heart by mysterious charms. - -No; a thousand times no! As long as the religion of that God made man, -who had not where to repose his head, and who sat down by a well on -the wayside to rest, like an humble traveller, shall last; of that -God-man, whose appearance was announced to the nations by a mysterious -voice coming from the desert--by the voice of a man clothed in a -goat-skin, whose reins were bound with a leathern girdle, and who lived -on nothing but locusts and wild honey: as long as this divine religion -shall last, nothing will be more holy or more worthy of our respect -than those institutions, the true and original object of which is to -realize what Heaven intended to teach man by such eloquent and sublime -lessons. Times, vicissitudes, and revolutions, succeed each other; the -institution will change its form, will undergo alterations, will be -affected more or less by the weakness of men, by the corrosive action -of time, and the destructive power of events; but it will live--it will -never perish. If one society rejects it, it will seek an asylum in -another; driven from towns, it will take refuge in forests; if there -pursued, it will flee to the horrors of the desert. There will always -be, in some privileged hearts, an echo for the voice of that sublime -religion, which, holding in her hand a standard of sorrow and love--the -sacred standard of the sufferings and death of the Son of God--the -Cross, will proclaim to men: "Watch and pray, that you enter not into -temptation; if you assemble to pray, the Lord will be in the midst of -you; all flesh is but grass; life is a dream; above your heads is an -ocean of light and happiness; under your feet an abyss; your life on -earth is a pilgrimage, an exile." Then she marks his forehead with the -mysterious ashes, telling him, "Thou art dust, and unto dust thou shalt -return." - -We shall perhaps be asked why the faithful cannot practise evangelical -perfection while living in the bosom of their families, without -assembling in communities? We shall reply, that we have no intention -of denying the possibility of that practice, even in the midst of the -world; and we willingly acknowledge that a great number of Christians -have done so at all times, and do so now; but this does not prove that -the surest and easiest means is not that of the life in community with -others who have the same object in view, and in retirement from all -the things of this world. Laying aside for a moment all consideration -of religion, are you not aware of the ascendency which the spirit of -repeated examples exerts on those with whom we live? Do you not know -how easily our spirit fails when we find ourselves alone in a difficult -enterprise? Do you not know that, in the greatest misfortunes, it is a -consolation to behold others participate in our sorrows? On this point, -as well as on all others, religion accords with sound philosophy, and -both unite in explaining to us the profound meaning contained in those -words of Scripture: "_Væ soli! Wo to him who is alone!_" - -Before concluding this chapter, I wish to say a few words on the vows -which commonly accompany religious institutes. Perhaps they are one -of the principal causes of the violent antipathy of Protestantism -against these institutions. Vows render things fixed and stable; and -the fundamental principle of Protestantism does not admit of fixity -or stability. Essentially separating and anarchical, this principle -rejects unity and destroys the hierarchy; dissolving in its nature, -it allows the mind neither to remain in a permanent faith nor to be -subject to rule. For if virtue itself is only a vague entity, which -has no fixed foundation--a being which is fed on illusions, and which -cannot endure the application of any certain and constant rule, this -holy necessity of doing well, of constantly walking in the path -of perfection, must be incomprehensible to it, and in the highest -degree repugnant; this necessity must appear to it inconsistent with -liberty; as if man, by binding himself by a vow, lost his free will; -as if the sanction which a promise given to God imparts to a design, -at all diminished the merit of him who has the firmness necessary to -accomplish what he had the courage to promise. - -Those who, to condemn this necessity which man imposes on himself, -invoke the rights of liberty against it, seem to forget that this -effort of man to make himself the slave of good, and secure his own -future, besides the sublime disinterestedness which it supposes, is the -vastest exercise which man can make of his liberty. By one act alone, -he disposes of his whole life, and by fulfilling the duties resulting -from that act, he continually fulfils his own will. But we shall be -told that man is so inconstant: this is the reason why, in order to -prevent the effects of this inconstancy, he finds himself penetrating -into the vicissitudes of the future, renders himself superior to them, -and governs them in advance. But, it will be said, in that case, good -is done from necessity: this is true; but do you not know that the -necessity of doing good is a happy one, and in some measure assimilates -man with God? Do you not know that Infinite Goodness is incapable of -doing evil, and Infinite Holiness can do nothing that is not holy? -Theologians explain why a created being is capable of sinning by -pointing out this profound reason. "It is," they say, "because the -creature is made out of nothing." When man forces himself, as far as -he can, to do well, when he thus fetters his will, he ennobles it, he -renders himself more like to God, he assimilates himself to the state -of the blessed, who have no longer the melancholy liberty of doing -evil, and who are under the happy necessity of loving God. - -The name of liberty, from the time when Protestants and false -philosophers took possession of it, seems condemned to be ill -understood in all its applications. In the religious, moral, social, -and political order, it is enveloped in such obscurity, that we -can perceive the many efforts which have been made to darken and -misrepresent it. Cicero gives an admirable definition of liberty when -he says, that it consists in being the slave of law. In the same -way it may be said, that the liberty of the intellect consists in -being the slave of truth; and the liberty of the will in being the -slave of virtue; if you change this, you destroy liberty. If you take -away the law, you admit force; if you take away the truth, you admit -error; if you take away virtue, you admit vice. If you venture to -exempt the world from the external law, from that law which embraces -man and society, which extends to all orders, which is the divine -wisdom applied to reasonable creatures; if you venture to seek for an -imaginary liberty out of that immense circle, you destroy all; there -remains in society nothing but the empire of brute force, and in man -that of the passions; with tyranny, and consequently slavery. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXIX. - -OF RELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS IN HISTORY.--THE FIRST SOLITARIES. - - -I have just examined religious institutions in a general point of view, -by considering them in their relations with religion and the human -mind. I am now going to take a glance at the principal points of their -history. This examination, I think, will show us an important truth: -viz. that the appearance of these institutions under different forms -has been the expression and the fulfilment of great moral necessities, -and a powerful means, in the hands of Providence, of promoting not -only the spiritual good of the Church, but also the salvation and -regeneration of society. It will be understood that it is not possible -for me to enter into details, or pass in review the numerous religious -institutions which have existed; besides, this is not necessary for my -object. I shall limit myself, therefore, to running over the principal -phases of religious institutes, and making a few remarks on each of -them; I shall act like the traveller who, being unable to make a stay -in the country through which he passes, looks at it for a short time -from the highest points. I will begin with the solitaries of the East. - -The Colossus of the Roman Empire threatened an approaching and stunning -fall: the spirit of life was rapidly becoming extinguished, and -there was no longer any hope of a breath to reanimate it. The blood -circulated slowly in its veins; the evil was incurable: the symptoms of -corruption everywhere manifested themselves, and this agony was exactly -coincident with the critical and formidable hour when it was necessary -to collect all its forces to resist the violent shock which was about -to destroy it. The barbarians appeared on the frontiers of the empire, -like the carnivorous animals attracted by the exhalations of a dead -body; and at this crisis society found itself on the eve of a fearful -catastrophe. All the world was about to undergo an alarming change; the -next day was not likely to resemble the last; the tree was about to be -torn up; but its roots were too deep for it to be extirpated without -changing the whole face of the soil where it was planted. The greatest -refinement had to contend with barbarian ferocity,--the effeminate -luxury of southern nations with the energy of the robust sons of -the forest; the result of the struggle could not be doubtful. Laws, -customs, manners, monuments, arts and sciences,--all the civilization -and refinement acquired during the course of many ages was all in -peril, all foreboded approaching ruin, all understood that God had -appointed an end to the power, and even the existence of the rulers of -the globe. The barbarians were only the instrument of Providence; the -hand which had given a mortal blow to the mistress of the world, the -queen of nations, was that formidable hand which touches mountains with -fire, and reduces them to ashes, which touches the rocks and melts them -like metal; it was the hand of Him who sends forth His fiery breath -upon the nations, and burns them up like straw. - -The world must be the prey of chaos for a short time; but was not light -again to come upon it? Was mankind to be melted, like gold in the -furnace, in order to come out more brilliant and more pure? Were ideas -respecting God and man to be corrected? Were more delicate and exalted -notions of morality to be diffused? Was it reserved for the heart of -man to receive more grave and sublime inspirations, to emerge from its -corrupt state, and live in an atmosphere higher and more worthy of an -immortal being? Yes! Providence thus decreed, and His infinite wisdom -has brought about this end by ways which man could not understand. - -Christianity was already spread over the face of the world; her -holy doctrines, rendered fruitful by grace, prepared the complete -regeneration of the world; but it was necessary that mankind should -again receive a new impulse from her divine hands, that the mind of -man should be moved by a new shock, that it might take its proper -flight, and raise itself at once to the exalted position which was -intended for it, and from which it was never to descend. History tells -us of the obstacles which opposed the establishment and development -of Christianity. According to the warlike expression of the Prophet, -God was compelled to assume His sword and buckler; by the strength of -wonderful prodigies, He broke the resistance of the passions, destroyed -every knowledge which raised itself against the knowledge of God, -scattered all the powers which rebelled against Him, and extinguished -the pride and obstinacy of hell. When, after three centuries of -persecution, victory declared itself throughout the world in favor of -the true religion; when the temples of the false gods were deserted, -and those idols which were not yet overthrown trembled on their -pedestals; when the sign of Calvary was inscribed on the Labarum of -the Cæsars, and the legions of the empire bowed religiously before -the Cross, then had the moment arrived for Christianity to realize, -in a permanent manner, in those sublime institutions conceived and -established by herself alone, the lofty counsels given three centuries -before in Palestine. The wisdom of philosophers had been vain; the time -was come to realize the wisdom of the Carpenter of Nazareth, of Him -who, without having consulted human learning, had proclaimed and taught -truths unknown to the most privileged of mortals. - -The virtues of the Christians had already emerged from the obscurity of -the catacombs; they were to be resplendent in the light of heaven and -amid peace, as they had formerly shone in the depths of dungeons and -amid the flames. Christianity had obtained possession of the sceptre -of command, as of the domestic hearth; her disciples, who now were -multitudinous, no longer lived in a community of goods; it is clear -that entire continence, and complete freedom from all earthly things, -could no longer be the mode of life of the regenerated families. The -world was to continue; the duration of the human race was not to cease -at this point of its career; therefore, all Christians were not to -observe the lofty counsels which convert the life of man on earth into -the angelic. A great number of them were to belong to those who, in -order to obtain eternal life, were satisfied with keeping the precepts, -without aspiring to the sublime perfection which results from the -renouncement of all that is earthly, and the complete abnegation of -self. Yet the Founder of the Christian religion was unwilling that -the counsels which He had given to men should be for a moment without -some disciples amid the coldness and dissipation of the world. He had -not given them in vain; and, besides, the practice of them, although -confined to a limited number of the faithful, exerted on all sides a -beneficent influence which facilitated and secured the observance of -the precepts. The force of example exerts so powerful an ascendency -over the human heart, that it is often sufficient of itself to -triumph over the strongest and most obstinate resistance; there is -something in our hearts which inclines them to sympathize with all that -approaches them, whether good or evil; and there seems to be a secret -stimulus urging us to follow others, whatever direction they may take. -Therefore it is that there are so many advantages in the establishment -of religious institutions, in which the virtues and austerity of life -are given as an example to the generality of men, and make an eloquent -reproach to the errors of passion. - -Providence desired to attain this great end by singular and -extraordinary means; the Spirit of God breathed on the earth, and -immediately the men and power to commence this great work appeared. -The frightful deserts of Thebaïd, the burning solitudes of Arabia, -Palestine, and Syria, show us men rudely clad, with a mantle of -goat-skin on their shoulders, and a plain cowl on their heads: behold -all the luxury with which they confound the vanity and pride of -worldlings! Their bodies, exposed to the rays of the most burning sun -and the most severe cold, besides being attenuated by long fasts, -resemble walking spectres who have arisen from the dust of their -sepulchres. The herbs of the earth are their only food, water their -only drink; the labor of their hands procures for them the scanty -resources they require. Under the direction of a venerable old man, -whose claims to rule are a long life passed in the desert, and hairs -grown white amid privations and austerities, they constantly keep -the profoundest silence; their lips are opened only to pronounce the -words of prayer; their voice is only heard to intone a hymn of praise -to God. For them the world has ceased to exist; the relations of -friendship, the sweet ties of family and relationship, are all broken -by a spirit of perfection, carried to an extent which surpasses all -earthly considerations. The cares of property do not disturb them; -before retiring to the desert, they have abandoned all to him who was -to succeed them; or they have sold all they had, and given the price to -the poor. The Holy Scriptures are the nourishment of their minds; they -learn by heart the words of that divine book; they meditate on them -unceasingly, beseeching the Lord to grant that they may understand them -aright. In their retired meetings, nothing is heard but the voice of -some venerable cenobite, explaining with naïve simplicity and touching -unction the sense of the sacred text; but always in such a way as to -draw profit for the purification of souls. - -The number of these solitaries was so great that we could not credit -it, if it were not vouched for by eye-witnesses worthy of the highest -respect. As to their sanctity, spirit of penance, and purity of life, -we cannot doubt them after the testimonies of Rufinus, Palladius, -St. Jerome, St. John Chrysostom, St. Augustine, and all the other -illustrious men who distinguished themselves at that time. The fact -is singular, extraordinary, prodigious; but no one can question its -historical truth; it is attested by all who came to the desert from -all parts to seek for light in their doubts, cures for their evils, -and pardon for their sins. I could quote a thousand authorities to -prove what I have said; but I will content myself with one, which shall -suffice for all--that of St. Augustine. Hear how this holy doctor -describes the life of these extraordinary men: "These fathers, not only -very holy in their manners, but very learned in the Christian doctrine, -excellent men in all respects, do not govern with pride those whom they -justly call their sons, on account of the high authority of those who -command, and the ready will of those who obey. At the decline of day, -one of them, still fasting, quits his habitation, and all assemble to -hear their master. Each of these fathers _has at least three thousand -under his direction; for the number is sometimes much greater_. They -listen with incredible attention, in profound silence, manifesting -by their groans, or tears, or by their modest and tranquil joy, the -various feelings which the discourse excites in their souls." (St. -Augustin. lib. 1, _De Moribus Ecclesiæ_, cap. 31.) - -But it will be said, Of what use were these men, except for their own -sanctification? what good did they do to society? what influence did -they exert on ideas? what change did they make in manners? If we admit -that this plant of the desert was beautiful and fragrant, yet what did -it avail? it remained sterile. It certainly would be an error to think -that so many thousands of solitaries did not exercise great influence. -In the first place, and to speak only of what relates to ideas, we must -observe, that the monasteries of the East arose within reach, and under -the eyes of, the schools of philosophy. Egypt was the country where the -cenobitic life flourished the most. Now every one is aware of the high -renown which the schools of Alexandria enjoyed a short time before. -On all sides of the Mediterranean--on that border of land which, -beginning in Libya, terminates in the Black Sea--men's minds were at -that time in a state of extraordinary motion. Christianity and Judaism, -the doctrines of the East and those of the West--all was collected -and accumulated in this part of the world; the remains of the ancient -schools of Greece were formed of the treasures, which the course of -ages and the passage of the most famous nations of the earth had -brought to those countries. New and gigantic events were come to throw -floods of light upon the character and the value of ideas; minds had -felt shocks which did not allow them any longer to be contented with -the quiet lessons contained in the dialogues of the ancient masters. -From these famous countries came the most eminent men of the early ages -of Christianity; and we know from their works the extent and elevation -of mind which man had attained at that time. Was it possible that a -phenomenon so extraordinary--a girdle of monasteries and hermitages, -embracing this zone of the world, and showing themselves in the face of -the schools of philosophy--should not exert great influence on men's -minds? The ideas of the solitaries passed incessantly from the desert -into the towns; since, in spite of all the care which they took to -avoid the contact of the world, the world sought and approached them, -and continually came to receive their inspirations. - -When we see the nations crowd to the solitaries the most eminent for -their sanctity, to implore from their wisdom a remedy for suffering -and a consolation in misfortunes; when we see these venerable men -impart, together with the unction of the Gospel, the sublime lessons -which they had learned during long years of meditation and prayer in -the silence of solitude, it is impossible not to understand how much -these communications must have contributed to correct and elevate ideas -relating to religion and morality, and to amend and purify morals. -Let us not forget that the human mind was, as it were, materialized -by the corruption and grossness of the pagan religion. The worship of -nature, of sensible forms, was so deeply rooted that, in order to raise -minds to the conception of superior things, a strong and extraordinary -reaction was required; it was necessary in some measure to annihilate -matter in order to present to man only the mind. The life of the -solitaries was the best adapted to produce this effect. In reading the -history of these times, we seem to find ourselves transported out of -this world; the flesh has disappeared, and there remains nothing but -the spirit; and the force which has been employed in order to subdue -the flesh is such--they have insisted so much on the vanity of earthly -things--that reality itself is changed into illusion, and the physical -world vanishes to make way for the moral and intellectual; all the ties -of earth have been broken; man puts himself in intimate communication -with Heaven. Miracles multiply exceedingly in these lives; apparitions -continually appear; the abodes of the solitaries are arenas where -earthly means are nothing; good angels struggle against demons, heaven -against hell, God against Satan: the earth is there only to serve as -a field of battle; the body exists no longer except to be consumed as -a holocaust on the altars of virtue, in the presence of the demon who -struggles furiously to render it the slave of vice. - -What has become of the idolatrous worship which Greece paid to -sensible forms, that adoration which it offered to nature by deifying -all that was delicious and beautiful, all that could interest the -senses and the heart? What a profound change! the same senses are -subjected to the most severe privations; they are most strictly -circumcised in heart; and man, who then scarcely attempted to raise -his mind above the earth, now keeps it constantly fixed on Heaven. It -is impossible to form an idea of what we are attempting to describe, -without having read the lives of these solitaries; to understand all -the effect of their great prodigies, it is necessary to have spent many -hours over these pages, where, so to speak, nothing is found which -follows the natural course of things. It is not enough to imagine pure -lives, austerities, visions, and miracles; it is necessary to see all -this collected together, and carried to the most wonderful extent in -the path of perfection. - -If you refuse to acknowledge the action of grace in facts so -surprising; if you will not see any supernatural effect in this -religious movement; I say more, if you go so far as to suppose that the -mortification of the flesh and the elevation of the soul are carried -to blamable exaggeration, still you cannot help allowing that such a -reaction was very likely to spiritualize ideas, to awaken the moral and -intellectual forces in man, and to concentrate all within himself, by -giving him the sentiment of that interior, intimate, and moral life, -with which, until then, he had not been occupied. The forehead which, -till then, had been bent towards the earth, was raised towards the -Divinity; something nobler than material enjoyments was offered to the -mind, and the brutal excesses authorized by the example of the false -divinities of paganism, at length appeared an offence against the high -dignity of human nature. - -In the moral order, the effect must have been immense. Man, until then, -had not even imagined that it was possible to resist the impetuosity -of his passions. There were found, it is true, in the cold morality of -a few philosophers, certain maxims intended to restrain the dangerous -passions; but this morality was only in the books, the world did not -regard it as practicable, and if some men attempted to realize it, -they did so in such a manner that, far from giving it credit, they -rendered it contemptible. What did it avail to abandon riches and -profess freedom from all earthly things, as some philosophers did, if -at the same time they appeared so vain, so full of themselves, that it -was evident that they only sacrificed on the altar of pride? It was to -overturn all the idols in order to place themselves on the altar, and -reign there without rival gods; this was not to direct the passions, to -subject them to reason, but to create a monster passion surpassing and -devouring all. Humility, the foundation-stone whereon the solitaries -raised the edifice of their virtue, placed them immediately in a -position infinitely superior to that of the ancient philosophers who -were distinguished for a life more or less severe. In fine, men were -taught to avoid vice and practise virtue, not for the futile pleasure -of being regarded and admired, but for superior motives founded on the -relations of man with God, and the destinies of eternity. From that -moment man knew that it was not impossible for him to triumph over -evil, in the obstinate struggle which he felt continually going on -within himself. At the sight of so many thousands of persons of both -sexes who followed a rule of life so pure and austere, mankind took -fresh courage, and were convinced that the paths of virtue were not -impracticable for them. - -The generous confidence with which man was inspired by the sight of -such sublime examples, lost nothing of its strength in presence of the -Christian dogma, which does not allow actions meritorious of eternal -life to be attributed to man himself, and teaches him the necessity of -divine aid, if he wishes to escape the paths of perdition. This dogma, -which, on the other hand, accords so well with the daily lessons of -experience as to human frailty, far from destroying the strength of the -mind or diminishing its courage, on the contrary, animates it more and -more to persevere in spite of all obstacles. When man thinks himself -alone, when he does not feel himself supported by the powerful hand -of Providence, he walks with the tottering steps of infancy; he wants -confidence in himself, in his own strength; the object he has in view -seems too distant, the enterprise too arduous, and he is discouraged. -The dogma of grace, as it is explained by the Catholic Church, is not -that fatalist doctrine, the mother of despair, which has hardened the -heart among Protestants, as Grotius laments. It is a doctrine which, -leaving man all his free will, teaches him the necessity of superior -aid; but that aid will be abundantly furnished him by the infinite -goodness of God, who has shed His blood for him in torments and -ignominy, and has breathed out for him His last sigh on Mount Calvary. - -It seems as if Providence had been pleased to choose a climate where -mankind could make a trial of their strength vivified and sustained by -grace. It was under a sky apparently the most fatal for the corruption -of the soul, in countries where the relaxation of the body naturally -leads to relaxation of mind, and where even the air that they breathed -inclined to pleasure,--it was there that the greatest energy of mind -was displayed, that the greatest austerities were practised, and the -pleasures of the senses were proscribed and banished with the greatest -severity. The solitaries fixed their abodes in deserts within the -influence of the balmy breezes of the neighboring lands; from their -mountains and sandy hills their eyes could distinguish the peaceful -and smiling countries which invited to pleasure and enjoyment; like -the Christian virgin who abandoned her obscure cave to go and place -herself in the hollow of a rock, whence she saw the palace of her -fathers overflowing with riches, pleasures, and delights, while she -herself lamented like a solitary dove in the holes of the rock. From -that time all climates were good for virtue; austerity of morals did -not at all depend on the proximity of the equatorial line; the morality -of man, like man himself, could live in all climates. When the most -perfect continence was practised in so wonderful a manner under the -sky which we have described, the monogamy of Christianity could well -be established and preserved. When, in the secrets of the Eternal, -the time had arrived for calling a people to the light of truth, it -mattered not whether they lived amid the snows of Scandinavia, or on -the burning plains of India. The spirit of the divine laws was not to -be confined within the narrow circle which the _Esprit des Lois_ of -Montesquieu has attempted to assign it. - - - - -CHAPTER XL. - -ON RELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS IN THE EAST. - - -The influence exercised by the lives of the solitaries of the East over -religion and morality is beyond a doubt; in truth it is not easy to -appreciate it in all its extent and in all its effects; but it is not -the less true and real on that account. It has not marked the doctrines -of humanity like those thundering events the effects of which are -often inadequate to their promises; but it is like a beneficial rain -which, diffusing itself gently over the thirsty earth, fertilizes the -meadows and the fields. If it were possible for man to comprehend and -distinguish the vast assemblage of causes which have contributed to -raise his mind, to give him a lively consciousness of his immortality, -and to render a return to his ancient degradation almost impossible, -perhaps it would be found that the wonderful phenomenon of the Eastern -solitaries had a considerable share in that immense change. Let us -not forget that from thence did the great men of the East receive -their inspiration; St. Jerome lived in a cave at Bethlehem, and the -conversion of St. Augustine was accompanied by a holy emulation excited -in his mind by reading the life of St. Anthony the Abbot. - -The monasteries which were founded in the East and West in imitation -of these early establishments of the solitaries, were a continuation -of them, although with many differences, in consequence of times and -circumstances. Thence came the Basils, the Gregories, the Chrysostoms, -and so many distinguished men, the glory of the Church. If a miserable -spirit of dispute, ambition, and pride, sowing the seeds of discord, -had not prepared the rupture which was to deprive the East of the -vivifying influence of the Roman See, perhaps the ancient monasteries -of the East would have served, like those of the West, to prepare a -social regeneration, by forming one people out of the conquerors and -the conquered. - -It is evident that the want of unity was one of the causes of the -weakness of the East; I will not deny that their position was very -different from ours; the enemy opposed to them did not at all resemble -the barbarians of the North; but I am not sure that it was easier to -subdue the latter than it was to rule the nations by whom the East -was conquered. In the East, the victory remained with the aggressors, -as with us; but a conquered nation is not dead; its defeat does not -take from it all the great advantages which are able, by giving it a -moral ascendency over the conquerors, to prepare, in silence, their -transformation, if not their expulsion. The northern barbarians -conquered the South of Europe; but the South, in its turn, triumphed -over them by the Christian religion; the barbarians were not driven -out, but they were transformed. Spain was conquered by the Arabs, and -the Arabs could not be transformed; but they were driven out in the -end. If the East had preserved unity, if Constantinople and the other -episcopal sees had remained subject to Rome like those of the West; in -a word, if all the East had been contented to be a member of a great -body, instead of having the ambitious pretensions of being a great body -itself, I consider it certain that, after the conquest of the Saracens, -a struggle, at once intellectual, moral, and physical, would have been -engaged in; a profound change would have been worked in the conquered -nation, or the struggle would have ended by the conquering barbarians -being driven back to their deserts. - -It will be said that the transformation of the Arabs was the work of -ages. But was not that of the barbarians of the North so likewise? -Was this great work finished by their conversion to Christianity? A -considerable part of them were Arians; and besides, they understood -the Christian ideas so ill, they found the practice of Gospel morality -so difficult, that for a long time it was almost as difficult to treat -with them as with nations of a different religion. On the other hand, -let us not forget that the irruption of the barbarians was not a -solitary event; an event which, when once finished, did not recur; it -was continued for ages. But the force of the religious principle in the -West was such, that all the invading nations were compelled to retire, -or were forced to bend to the ideas and manners of the countries -they had recently acquired. The defeat of the hordes of Attila, the -victories of Charlemagne over the Saxons and the other nations beyond -the Rhine, the successive conversion of the various idolatrous nations -of the North by means of the missionaries sent from Rome,--in fine, the -vicissitudes and the final result of the invasions of the Normans, and -the ultimate triumph of the Christians of Spain over the Moors after -a war of eight centuries, are so many decisive proofs of what I have -just laid down--viz. that the West, vivified and fortified by Catholic -unity, had had the secret of assimilating and appropriating to itself -all that it was not able to reject, and the force to reject all that it -could not make its own. - -This is what was wanting in the East: the enterprise was not more -difficult there than in the West. If the West alone was able to -liberate the Holy Sepulchre, the West and East together would never -have lost it; or, at least, after having freed it, they would have kept -it for ever. The same cause prevented the monasteries of the East from -attaining to the same vitality and energy which distinguished those of -the West; therefore, they have always been seen to grow weak with time, -without producing any thing great, and capable of preventing social -dissolution, of silently preparing and slowly elaborating regeneration -for posterity, after the calamities with which it pleased Providence -to afflict ancient times. He who has seen in history the brilliant -commencement of the Eastern monasteries, cannot behold without pain the -decline of their strength and splendor in the course of ages, after the -ravages caused by invasion, wars, and finally, the deadly influence -of the schism of Constantinople; the ancient abodes of so many men -illustrious for science and sanctity gradually disappeared from the -page of history like expiring lamps, or the dying fires of an abandoned -camp. - -Immense injury was done to all the branches of human knowledge by -this decline, which, after having rendered the East barren, ended by -destroying it. If we pay attention, we shall see that, amid the great -shocks and revolutions which disturbed Europe, Africa, and Asia, the -natural refuge for the remains of ancient knowledge, was not the West, -but the East. It was not in our monasteries that the books, and other -intellectual riches, of which quieter and happier generations were one -day to enjoy the benefit, should naturally have been preserved; this, -it would seem, belonged to the monasteries of the eastern countries; -those lands, where the most different civilizations were brought -together and commingled as on neutral ground; those regions, where the -human mind had displayed the greatest activity, and taken the highest -flights; where the most abundant treasures of tradition and sciences, -and the beauties of art were accumulated; in a word, it was in this -vast mart of all the riches of the civilization and refinement of -all nations,--it was in this sanctuary and museum of antiquity, that -the intellectual patrimony of future generations ought to have been -preserved. - -Let it not, however, be supposed that the monasteries of the East were -of no service to the human mind; the science and literature of Europe -are still mindful of the impulse which was communicated to them, by -the arrival of the precious materials thrown upon the coasts of Italy, -after the taking of Constantinople: but even these riches, brought -to Europe by a few men, driven upon our shores by a tempest, came to -us, like the remains of a shipwrecked crew, who, after having with -difficulty saved their lives from the fury of the waves, have only -preserved in their benumbed hands some gold and a few precious stones. - -For this reason, precisely, do we lament, because from the example -we have adduced, we are enabled the better to understand the immense -riches of the vessel which was lost; this makes us grieve the more -bitterly that the early times of the illustrious cenobites of the East -have not been brought down to our day by a continued chain. When we -see their works overflow with sacred and profane learning, when their -labors show us proofs of indefatigable activity, we think with sorrow -of the inestimable treasures which their libraries must have contained. - -Yet, in spite of the justness of the melancholy reflections we have -here made, it must be allowed that the influence of these monasteries -never ceased to be extremely useful to the preservation of knowledge. -The Arabs, in the times of their success, showed themselves to -be intelligent and cultivated; and Europe, in many respects, is -indebted to them for much advancement. Bagdad and Grenada, during the -middle ages, are two brilliant centres of intellectual movement and -art, which serve not a little to diminish the sombre effect of the -barbarities of Islamism: they are two tranquil and pleasing features -in a frightful picture. If it were possible to follow the history of -intellectual development among the Arabs, through the transformations -and catastrophes of the East, perhaps we should find in the sciences -of the nations which they conquered or destroyed the origin of much -of their progress. It is certain that their own civilization did not -contain any vital principle favorable to the development of the mind; -we have a proof of this in their religious and social organization, -and in the small results which they obtained, after having been for so -many centuries peacefully established in the conquered countries. Their -whole system, with respect to letters and intellectual cultivation, -is founded on that stupid maxim, uttered by one of their chiefs, when -he condemned an immense library to the flames: "If these books are -contrary to the Alcoran, they should be burnt as pernicious; if they -are not contrary to it, they should be burnt as useless." - -We read in Palladius, that the monks of Egypt did not content -themselves with working with rude and simple objects, but that they -devoted themselves to labors of all kinds. These thousands of men, who, -belonging to all classes and to all countries, embraced the solitary -life, must have brought to the desert a large treasure of knowledge. -We know how far the human mind can go when left to itself, and applied -to a fixed occupation; there is always some reason for thinking that a -great part of the valuable ideas on the secrets of nature, the utility -and properties of certain ingredients, the principles of some of the -arts and sciences, knowledge which formed the rich patrimony of the -Arabs at the time when they appeared in Europe, were nothing but the -remains of ancient learning, gathered by them in countries which had -formerly been inundated by men from all parts. We must remember that at -the time of the first invasions of the northern barbarians, when Spain, -the south of France, Italy, the north of Africa, and all the islands -adjacent to these countries, were ravaged by these terrible men, the -East became a refuge, an asylum, for all those who could undertake the -voyage. Thus the treasures of Western science accumulated every day -in these countries; this emigration from all the Western regions may -have contributed, in an extraordinary manner, to convey to the East the -remains of ancient knowledge, which afterwards came to us transformed -and disfigured by the hands of the Arabs. - -Deeply convinced of the nothingness of the world by so long a -succession of heavy misfortunes, these unfortunate men felt the -religious sentiment strengthened in their hearts; the fugitives -assembled in the East listened with lively emotion to the energetic -words of the solitary of the cave of Bethlehem. A great many of them -retired into the monasteries, where they found relief for their wants, -and consolation for their souls; thus did the Eastern monasteries gain -a great addition of valuable knowledge and information of all sorts. - -If European civilization one day become complete mistress of the -countries which now groan under the Mussulman yoke, perhaps it will -be given to the history of science to add a noble page to its labors, -when, through the obscurities of the times, and by means of manuscripts -discovered by curiosity or chance, she shall have found the thread -which shall lead to a knowledge of the connection of Arabian science -with that of antiquity. The succession of transformations will then be -displayed, and we shall understand how the science of the sons of Omar -has appeared to have a different origin in our eyes. The archives of -Spain contain, in documents relating to the dominion of the Saracens, -riches, the examination of which may be said not yet to be commenced; -perhaps they will throw some light on this point. There is no doubt -that they afford matter for careful investigation, extremely curious -for appreciating these two very different civilizations, the Mohammedan -and the Christian. - - - - -CHAPTER XLI. - -OF RELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS IN THE HISTORY OF THE WEST. - - -Let us now examine religious institutions, such as they appear in the -West, but laying aside those which, although established in various -parts of the West, were only a sort of ramification of the Eastern -monasteries. We observe that the religious establishments among us -added to the Gospel spirit, the principle of their foundation, a -new character, that of conservative, restorative, and regenerative -associations. The monks of the West were not content with sanctifying -themselves; from the first they influenced society. The light and -life which their holy abodes contained, labored to enlighten and -fertilize the chaos of the world. I do not know in history a nobler -or more consoling spectacle than that which is presented to us by the -foundation, existence, and development of the religious institutions -of Europe. Society had need of strong efforts to preserve its life -in the terrible crisis through which it had to pass. The secret of -strength is in the union of individual forces, in association; and it -is remarkable that this secret has been taught to European society as -if by a revelation from heaven. Every thing shakes, falls to pieces, -and perishes. Religion, morality, public authority, laws, manners, -sciences, and arts--every thing has sustained immense losses, every -thing goes to ruin; and judging of the future fate of the world -according to human probabilities, the evils are so great and numerous -that a remedy appears impossible. - -The observer who, fixing his eyes upon those desolate times, -finds there St. Bennet giving life to and animating the religious -institutions, organizing them, giving them his wise rule and stability, -imagines that he sees an angel of light issuing from the bosom of -darkness. Nothing can be imagined better calculated to restore to -dissolved society a principle of life capable of reorganizing it, than -the extraordinary and sublime inspiration which guided this man. Who -does not know what at that time was the condition of Italy--I should -rather say, of the whole of Europe? What ignorance, what corruption, -what elements of social dissolution! What desolation everywhere! and it -is amid this deplorable state of things that the holy solitary appears, -the child of an illustrious family of Norcia, resolved to combat the -evil which threatens to invade the world. His arms are his virtues; the -eloquence of his example gives him an irresistible ascendency; elevated -above the whole age, burning with zeal, and yet full of prudence and -discretion, he founds that institution which is to remain amid the -revolution of ages, like the pyramids unmoved by the storms of the -desert. - -What idea has there been more grand, more beneficent, more full of -foresight and wisdom? At a time when knowledge and virtue had no -longer an asylum, when ignorance, corruption, and barbarism rapidly -extended their conquests, was it not a grand idea to raise a refuge -for misfortune, to form a sacred deposit for the precious monuments -of antiquity, and to open schools of knowledge and virtue, where men -destined one day to figure in the vortex of the world might come -for instruction? When the reflecting man fixes his attention on the -silent abode of Monte Cassino, where the sons of the most illustrious -families of the empire are seen to come from all parts to that -monastery; some with the intention of remaining there for ever, others -to receive a good education, and soon to carry back to the world a -recollection of the serious inspirations which the holy founder had -received at Subiaco; when the monasteries of the order are seen to -multiply everywhere, to be established as great centres of activity -in all places--in the plains, in the forests, in the most uninhabited -countries; he cannot help bending, with profound veneration, before -the extraordinary man who has conceived such grand designs. If we are -unwilling to acknowledge in St. Bennet a man inspired by Heaven, at -least we ought to consider him as one of those geniuses who, from time -to time, appear on earth to become the tutelary angels of the human -race. - -Not to acknowledge the powerful effect of such institutions would -be to show but little intelligence. When society is dissolved, it -requires not words, not projects, not laws, but strong institutions, to -resist the shock of the passions, the inconstancy of the human mind, -and the destructive power of events; institutions which raise the -mind, pacify and ennoble the heart, and establish in society a deep -movement of reaction and resistance to the fatal elements which lead -it to destruction. If there exists, then, an active mind, a generous -heart, a soul animated by a feeling of virtue, they will all hasten to -seek a refuge in the sacred asylums; it is not always granted to them -to change the course of the world, but at least, as men of solitude -and sacrifice, they labour to instruct and calm their own minds, and -they shed a tear of compassion over the senseless generations who are -agitated by great disasters. From time to time they succeed in making -their voices heard amid the tumult, to alarm the hearts of the wicked -by accents which resemble the formidable warnings of Heaven; thus they -diminish the force of the evil while it is impossible to prevent it -entirely; by constantly protesting against iniquity, they prevent its -acquiring prescriptive right; in attesting to future generations, by a -solemn testimony, that there were always, amid darkness and corruption, -men who made efforts to enlighten the world and to restrain the torrent -of vice and crime, they preserve faith in truth and virtue, and they -reanimate the hopes of those who are afterwards placed in similar -circumstances. Such was the action of the monks in the calamitous times -of which we speak; such was their noble and sublime mission to promote -the interests of humanity. - -Perhaps it will be said that the immense properties acquired by the -monasteries were an abundant recompense for their labors, and perhaps -also a proof that their exertions were little disinterested. No doubt, -if we look at things in the light in which certain writers have -represented them, the wealth of the monks will appear as the fruit of -unbounded cupidity, of cruelty, and perfidious policy; but we have the -whole of history to refute the calumnies of the enemies of religion; -and impartial philosophy, while acknowledging that all that is human -is liable to abuse, takes care to assume a higher position, to regard -things _en masse_, and to consider them in the vast picture where so -many centuries have painted their features. It therefore despises the -evil, which is only the exception, while it contemplates and admires -the good, which is the rule. - -Besides the numerous religious motives which brought property into -the hands of the monks, there is another very legitimate one, which -has always been regarded as one of the justest titles of acquisition. -The monks cultivated waste lands, dried up marshes, constructed -roads, restrained rivers within their beds, and built bridges over -them; that is to say, in countries which had undergone another kind -of general deluge, they renewed, in some measure, what the first -nations had done to restore the revolutionized globe to its original -form. A considerable portion of Europe had never received cultivation -from the hands of men; the forests, the rivers, the lakes, the thorny -thickets, were as rough as they had been left by the hands of nature. -The monasteries which were founded here and there may be regarded as -the centres of action, which the civilized nations established in the -new countries, the faces of which they proposed to change by their -powerful colonies. Did there ever exist a more legitimate title for the -possession of large properties? Is not he who reclaims a waste country, -cultivates it, and fills it with inhabitants, worthy of preserving -large possessions there? Is not this the natural course of things? Who -knows how many cities and towns arose and flourished under the shadow -of the abbeys? - -Monastic properties, besides their substantial utility, had another, -which perhaps has not been sufficiently noticed. The situation of a -great part of the nations of Europe, at the time we speak of, much -resembled the state of fluctuation and inconstancy in which nations are -found, who have not yet made any progress in the career of civilization -and refinement. The idea of property, one of the most fundamental in -all social organization, was but little rooted. Attacks on property at -that time were very frequent, as well as attacks on persons. The man -who is constantly compelled to defend his own, is also constantly led -to usurp the property of others; the first thing to do to remedy so -great an evil, was to locate and fix the population by means of the -agricultural life, and to accustom them to respect for property, not -only by reasons drawn from morality and private interest, but also -by the sight of large domains belonging to establishments regarded -as inviolable, and against which a hand could not be raised without -sacrilege. Thus religious ideas were connected with social ones, and -they slowly prepared an organization which was to be completed in more -peaceable times. - -Add to this a new necessity, the result of the change which took place -at that time in the habits of the people. Among the ancients, scarcely -any other life than that of cities was known; life in the country, that -dispersion of an immense population, which in modern times forms a -new nation in the fields, was not known among the ancients; and it is -remarkable that this change in the mode of life was realized exactly -when the most calamitous circumstances seemed to render it the most -dangerous and difficult. It is to the existence of the monasteries -in fields and in retired places that we owe the establishment and -consolidation of this new kind of life, which, no doubt, would have -been impossible without the ascendency and the beneficial influence of -the powerful abbeys. These religious foundations joined all the riches -and the power of feudal lords with the mild and beneficent influence of -religious authority. - -How much does not Germany owe to the monks! Did they not bring her -lands into cultivation, make her agriculture flourish, and cover her -with a numerous population? How much are not France, Spain, and England -indebted to them! It is certain that this latter country would never -have reached the high degree of civilization of which she now boasts, -if the apostolic labors of the missionaries who penetrated thither -in the sixth century had not drawn her out of the darkness of gross -idolatry. And who were these missionaries? Was not the chief of them -Augustine, a monk full of zeal, sent by a Pope who had also been a -monk, St. Gregory the Great? Where do you find, amid the confusion of -the middle ages, the great writers of knowledge and virtue, except -in those solitary abodes whence issue St. Isidore, the Archbishop of -Seville; the holy abbot St. Columbanus; St. Aurelian, Bishop of Arles; -St. Augustine, the Apostle of England; that of Germany, St. Boniface; -Bede, Cuthbert, Auperth, Paul, monks of Monte Cassino; Hincmar of -Rheims, brought up at the monastery of St. Denis; St. Peter Damiens, -St. Ives, Lanfranc, and so many others, who form a generation of -distinguished men, resembling in no respect the other men of their time. - -Besides the service rendered to society by the monks in religion and -morals, they conferred inestimable benefits on letters and science. -It has already been observed more than once, that letters took refuge -in the cloisters, and that the monks, by preserving and copying the -ancient manuscripts, prepared the materials which were one day to -assist in the restoration of human learning. But we must not limit -their merit to that of mere copyists. Many of them advanced far in -science, many ages in advance of the times in which they lived. Not -content with the laborious task of preserving and putting into order -the ancient manuscripts, they rendered the most eminent service -to history by compiling chronicles. Thereby, while continuing the -tradition of the most important branches of study, they collected -the contemporary history, which, perhaps, without their labor would -have been lost. Adon, Archbishop of Vienne, brought up in the Abbey -of Ferrière, writes a universal history, from the beginning of the -world to his own time; Abbon, monk of St. Germain-des-Prés, composes -a Latin poem, in which he relates the siege of Paris by the Normans; -Aymon of Aquitaine writes the history of the French in four books; -St. Ives publishes a chronicle of their kings; the German monk Witmar -leaves us the chronicle of Henry I., of the Kings Otho and Henry II., -which is much esteemed for its candor, and has been published many -times; Leibnitz has used it to throw light on the history of Brunswick. -Adhemar is the author of a chronicle, which embraces the whole time -from 829 to 1029. Glaber, monk of Cluny, has composed a much-esteemed -history of the events which happened in France from 980 to his own -time; Herman, a chronicle which embraces the six ages of the world -down to the year 1054. In fine, we should never finish if we were to -mention the historical labors of Sigebert, Guibert, Hugh, Prior of St. -Victor, and so many other illustrious men, who, rising above their -times, applied themselves to labors of this kind; of which we cannot -easily appreciate the difficulty and the high degree of merit, we who -live in an age when the means of knowledge are become so easy, when -the accumulated riches of so many ages are inherited, and when we -find on all sides wide and well-beaten paths. Without the existence -of religious institutions, without the asylum of the cloisters, these -eminent men would never have been formed. Not only had the sciences -and letters been lost sight of, but ignorance was so great, that -seculars who knew how to read and write were very rare. Surely such -circumstances were not well adapted to form men of merit enough to do -honor to advanced ages. Who has not often paused to contemplate the -distinguished triumvirate, Peter the Venerable, St. Bernard, and the -Abbot Suger? May it not be said that the twelfth century is elevated -above its rank in history, by producing a writer like Peter the -Venerable, an orator like St. Bernard, and a statesman like Suger? - -These ages show us another celebrated monk, whose influence on the -progress of knowledge has not been rated at its just value by many -critics who love only to point out defects: I mean Gratian. Those who -have declaimed against him, eager to look for his mistakes, should -have placed themselves in the position of a compiler in the thirteenth -century, at a time when all resources were wanting, when the lights of -criticism were yet to be created; they would then have seen whether -the bold enterprise of the monk was not attended with more success -than there was reason to hope for. The profit which was drawn from the -collection of Gratian is incalculable. By giving in a small compass -a great part of what was most precious in antiquity with respect to -civil and canon law; by making an abundant collection of texts from the -holy fathers, applied to all kinds of subjects, he awakened a taste -for that species of research; he created the study of them; he made an -immense step towards satisfying one of the first necessities of modern -nations, the formation of civil and ecclesiastical codes. It will be -said that the errors of Gratian were contagious, and that it would have -been better to have recourse directly to the originals; but to read -the originals it was necessary to know them; it was necessary to be -informed of their existence, to be excited by the desire of explaining -a proposed difficulty, to have acquired a taste for researches of that -kind; all this was wanting before Gratian; all this was brought out by -his enterprise. The general favor with which his labors were received -is the most convincing proof of their merit; and if it be objected that -this favor was owing to the ignorance of the time, I will reply, that -we owe a tribute of gratitude to any one who throws a ray of light on -the darkness, however feeble and wavering this ray may be. - - - - -CHAPTER XLII. - -OF RELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS DURING THE SECOND HALF OF THE MIDDLE -AGES.--THE MILITARY ORDERS. - - -The rapid view which we have just taken of religious institutions from -the irruption of the barbarians to the twelfth century, has shown -us that the monastic foundations, during that time, were a powerful -support for that remaining portion of society which was ready to -fall to pieces in the universal ruin; an asylum for misfortune, for -virtue, and for knowledge; a storehouse for the precious monuments -of antiquity, and in some measure an assemblage of civilizing -associations, which labored in silence at the reconstruction of the -social edifice, by neutralizing the force of the dissolving principles -which had ruined its basis; they were, besides, a nursery for forming -the men who were required for the elevated posts in Church and State. -In the twelfth and the following centuries, these institutions take -a new form, and assume a character very different from that which we -have just pointed out. Their aim remains not less highly religious and -social; but the times are changed, and we must remember the words of -the Apostle, _omnia omnibus_. Let us examine the causes and the results -of these novelties. - -Before going further, I will say a few words on the religious military -orders, the name of which sufficiently indicates their double character -of monk and soldier. The union of the monastic state with war: what -a monstrous mixture! will be the cry. In spite of the supposed -monstrosity, this union was in conformity with the natural and regular -order of things; it was a strong remedy applied to very great evils; -a rampart against imminent dangers; in a word, the expression of a -great European necessity. This is not the place to relate the annals of -the military orders, annals which, like the most illustrious history, -afford wonderful and interesting pictures, with that mixture of heroism -and religious inspiration which assimilates history with poetry. It is -enough to pronounce the names of the knights of the Temple, of St. John -of Jerusalem, of the Teutonic order, of St. Raymond, of the Abbot of -Fitero, of Calatrava, instantly to remind the reader of a long series -of marvellous events, forming one of the noblest pages in the history -of that time. Let us omit these narrations, which do not regard us; but -let us pause for a moment to examine the origin and spirit of these -famous institutions. - -The Cross and the Crescent were enemies irreconcilable by nature, and -urged to the greatest fury by a long and bloody struggle. Both had -great power and vast designs; both were supported by brave nations, -full of enthusiasm and ready to throw themselves on each other; both -had great hopes of success founded on former achievements; on which -side will the victory remain? What course ought the Christians to -pursue in order to avoid the dangers which threaten them? Is it better -quietly to await the attack of the Mussulmen in Europe, or make a levy -_en masse_ to invade Asia and seek the enemy in his own country, where -he believes himself to be invincible? The problem was solved in the -latter way; the Crusades took place, and centuries have given their -suffrage as to the wisdom of that resolution. What avails a little -declamation affecting to favor the cause of justice and humanity? Let -no one allow himself to be dazzled; the philosophy of history taught -by the lessons of experience, enriched with a more abundant treasure -of knowledge, the fruit of a more attentive study of the facts, has -given a decisive judgment in this case; in this, as in other cases, -religion has retired in triumph from the tribunal of philosophy. -The Crusades, far from being considered as an act of barbarism and -rashness, are justly regarded as a _chef-d'œuvre_ of policy, which, -after having secured the independence of Europe, gave to the Christian -nations a decided preponderance over the Mussulmen. The military -spirit was thereby increased and strengthened among European nations; -they all received a feeling of fraternity, which transformed them into -one people; the human mind was developed in many ways; the state of -feudal vassals was improved, and feudality was urged towards its entire -ruin; navies were created, commerce and manufactures were encouraged; -thus society received from the Crusades a most powerful impulse in -the career of civilization. We do not mean to say, that the men who -conceived them, the Popes who excited, the nations who undertook, the -princes and lords who promoted them with their power, were aware of the -whole extent of their own works, or even had a glimpse of the immensity -of their results; it is enough that they settled the existing question -in the way the most favorable to the independence and prosperity of -Europe; this, I repeat, is enough. I would observe, moreover, that -we should attribute so much the more importance to things as human -foresight has had little share in the events; now these things are -nothing less than the principles and feelings of religion in connection -with the preservation and happiness of society, Catholicity covering -with her ægis and animating with her breath the civilization of Europe. - -Such were the Crusades. Now, remember that this idea, so great and -generous, was conceived with a degree of vagueness, and executed with -that precipitation which is the fruit of the impatience of ardent -zeal; remember that this idea--the offspring of Catholicity, which -always converts its ideas into institutions--was to be realized in -an institution, which faithfully represented it, and served, as it -were, as its organ, in order that it might render itself felt, and -gain strength and fruitfulness for its support. After this, you will -look for some means of uniting religion and arms; and you will be -filled with joy when, under a cuirass of steel, you shall find hearts -zealous for the religion of Jesus Christ--when you shall see this new -kind of men, who devote themselves without reserve to the defence of -religion, while they renounce all that the world can offer--gentler -than lambs, bolder than lions, in the words of St. Bernard. Sometimes -they assembled in community, to raise their voices to Heaven in fervent -prayer; sometimes they boldly marched to battle, brandishing their -formidable lances, the terror of the Saracens. No; there does not exist -in the annals of history an event so colossal as the Crusades, and -you might search there in vain for an institution more generous than -the military orders. In the Crusades we see numberless nations arise, -march across deserts, bury themselves in countries with which they are -unacquainted, and expose themselves to all the rigors of climates and -seasons; and for what purpose? To deliver a tomb! Grand and immortal -movement, where hundreds of nations advance to certain death--not in -pursuit of a miserable self-interest--not to find an abode in milder -and more fertile countries--not from an ardent desire to obtain for -themselves earthly advantages--but inspired only by a religious idea, -by a jealous desire to possess the tomb of Him who expired on the cross -for the salvation of the human race! When compared with this, what -becomes of the lofty deeds of the Greeks, chanted by Homer? Greece -arises to avenge an injured husband; Europe to redeem the sepulchre of -a God. - -When, after the disasters and the triumphs of the Crusades, we see the -military orders appear, sometimes fighting in the oriental regions, -sometimes in the islands of the Mediterranean, sustaining and repelling -the rude assaults of Islamism, which, emboldened by its victories, -again longs to throw itself on Europe, we imagine that we behold those -brave men, who, on the day of a great battle, remain alone upon the -field, one against a hundred, securing by their heroism, and at the -hazard of their lives, the safety of their companions in arms who -retire behind them. Honor and glory to the religion which has been -capable of inspiring such lofty thoughts, and has been able to realize -such great and generous enterprises! - - - - -CHAPTER XLIII. - -CONTINUATION OF THE SAME SUBJECT--EUROPE IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY. - - -Perhaps they who are the most opposed to religious communities may be -reconciled to the solitaries of the East, when they perceive in them a -class of men who, by practising the most sublime and austere counsels -of religion, have communicated a generous impulse to humanity, have -raised it from the dust where Paganism had held it, and made it wing -its flight towards purer regions. To accustom man to grave and strict -morality; to bring back the soul within itself; to give a lively -feeling of the dignity of his nature, of the loftiness of his origin -and his destiny; to inspire him, by means of extraordinary examples, -with confidence that the mind, aided by divine grace, can triumph over -the animal passions, and make man lead an angelic life upon earth: -these are benefits so signal, that a noble heart must show itself -grateful and full of lively interest for the men who have given them -to the world. As to the monasteries of the West, the benefits of their -civilizing influence are so visible, that no man who loves humanity can -regard them with animadversion; in fine, the military orders present -us with an idea so noble, so poetical, and realize in so admirable a -manner one of those golden dreams which cross the human mind in moments -of enthusiasm, that they must certainly find respectful homage in every -heart which beats at a noble and sublime spectacle. - -There yet remains a more difficult task, that of presenting at the -tribunal of philosophy--that philosophy so indifferent in religious -matters--the other religious communities which are not comprised in -the sketch which I have just made. Judgments of great severity have -been passed upon those institutions which I have now to speak of; but -in such things justice cannot be prescriptive. Neither the applause -of irreligious men, nor the revolutions which upset all that stand in -their way, can prevent the truth being placed in its true light, and -folly and crime being stigmatized with disgrace. - -The thirteenth century has just commenced; there appears a new kind of -men, who, under different titles, denominations, and forms, profess a -singular and extraordinary way of life. Some put on clothing of coarse -cloth; they renounce all wealth and property; they condemn themselves -to perpetual mendicity, spreading themselves over the country and -the towns for the sake of gaining souls for Jesus Christ. Others -bear on their dress the distinctive mark of the redemption of man, -and undertake the mission of releasing from servitude the numberless -captives who, from the misfortune of the times, have fallen into -the hands of the Mussulmen. Some erect the cross in the midst of a -people who eagerly follow them, and they institute a new devotion--a -constant hymn of praise to Jesus and to Mary; at the same time they -indefatigably preach the faith of the Crucified. Others go in search -of all the miseries of man, bury themselves in hospitals, in all the -asylums of misfortune, to succour and console. They all bear new -standards; all show equal contempt for the world; they all form a -portion separate from the rest of mankind; but they resemble neither -the solitaries of the East, nor the sons of St. Bennet. The new monks -arise not in the desert, but in the midst of society: their object is -not to live shut up in monasteries, but to spread themselves over the -fields and hamlets, to penetrate to the heart of the great masses of -the population, and to make their voices heard both in the cottage of -the shepherd and in the palace of the monarch. They increase on all -sides in a prodigious manner. Italy, Germany, France, Spain, England, -receive them; numerous convents arise as if by enchantment in the -villages and towns; the Popes protect them and enrich them with many -privileges; kings grant them the highest favors, and support them in -their enterprises; the people regard them with veneration, and listen -to them with respectful docility. A religious movement appears on all -sides; religious institutions, more or less resembling each other, -arise like the branches from the same trunk. The observer, when he sees -this immense and astonishing picture, asks himself, What are the causes -of so extraordinary a phenomenon? whence this singular movement? what -is its tendency? what will be its effects on society? - -When a fact of such high importance is realized all at once in many -different countries, and lasts for centuries, it is a proof that there -existed very powerful means to produce it. It is vain to be entirely -forgetful of the views of Providence: no one can deny that such a fact -must have had its root in the essence of things; consequently it is -useless to declaim against the men and the institutions. Acknowledging -this, the true philosopher will not lose his time in anathematizing the -fact, but he will examine and analyze it. No declamation or invectives -against the monks can efface their history; they have existed for many -centuries, and centuries do not retrace their steps. - -We will not inquire if there was here some extraordinary design of -Providence, and we will lay aside the reflections which religion -suggests to every true Catholic; we will confine ourselves to -considering the religious institutions of modern times in a purely -philosophical point of view; we can show that they were not only very -conformable to the well-being of society, but also perfectly adapted to -the situation in which it was placed; we can show that they displayed -neither cunning, malice, nor vile self-interest; that their object was -highly advantageous, and that they were at the same time the expression -and the fulfilment of great social necessities. - -The question of its own accord assumes the position in which we have -just regarded it; and it is strange that men have not acknowledged all -the importance of the magnificent points of view which here present -themselves. - -In order the better to clear up this important matter, I will enter -upon an examination of the social condition of Europe at the time of -which we speak. As soon as we take the first glance at this epoch, we -observe that, in spite of the intellectual rudeness which one would -imagine must have kept nations in abject silence, there was at the -bottom of men's minds an anxiety which deeply moved and agitated them. -These times are ignorant; but it is an ignorance which is conscious -of itself and which longs for knowledge. There is felt a want of -harmony in the relations and institutions of society; but that want is -everywhere felt and acknowledged, and a continual agitation indicates -that this harmony is anxiously desired and ardently sought for. I know -not what singular character is stamped upon the nations of Europe, -but we do not find there the symptoms of death; they are barbarous, -ignorant, corrupt, any thing you please; but, as if they constantly -heard a voice calling them to light, to civilization, to a new life, -they incessantly labor to leave the fatal condition into which unhappy -circumstances have plunged them. They never sleep in tranquillity amid -the darkness; they never live without remorse amid the corruption of -manners. The echo of virtue continually resounds in their ears; flashes -of light appear in the darkness; a thousand efforts are made to advance -a step in the career of civilization; a thousand times they are vain; -but they are renewed as often as they are repulsed; the generous -attempt is never abandoned; they fail a thousand times; but they never -lose courage. Courage and ardour are never wanting. There is this -remarkable difference between the nations of Europe, and those nations -among whom the Christian religion has not yet penetrated, or from whose -bosom it has been banished. Ancient Greece falls, never to rise again; -the Republics of the shore of Asia disappear, and do not rise out of -their ruins. The ancient civilization of Egypt is broken to pieces by -the conquerors, and posterity has scarcely preserved a remembrance of -them. Certainly none of the nations on the coast of Africa can show us -signs which reveal the ancient country of St. Cyprian, of Tertullian -and St. Augustine. Still more; a considerable portion of Asia has -preserved Christianity, but a Christianity separated from Rome; and -this has been unable to establish or regenerate any thing. Political -power has aided and protected it, but the nation remains feeble; it -cannot stand erect; it is a dead body, incapable of advancing; it is -not like Lazarus, who has just heard the all-powerful voice: "Lazarus, -come forth; _Lazare veni foras_." - -This anxiety, this agitation, this extreme eagerness towards a -greater and happier future, this desire for reformation in manners, -for enlargement and correction in ideas, for amelioration in -institutions--the distinctive characteristics of modern nations--made -themselves felt in a fearful manner at the time to which we allude. I -will say nothing of the military history of those times, which would -furnish us with abundant proofs of our assertion; I will confine -myself to facts which, owing to their religious and social character, -have the greatest analogy with the subject which now occupies us. A -formidable energy of mind, a great fund of activity, a simultaneous -development of the most ardent passions, an enterprising spirit, a -lively desire of independence, a decided inclination to employ violent -means, an extraordinary zeal for proselytism, ignorance combined with -a thirst for knowledge, even combined with enthusiasm and fanaticism -for all that bears the name of science; a high esteem for the titles -of nobility, and of illustrious blood, united with the spirit of -democracy, and a profound respect for merit, wherever it may be found; -a childlike candor, an excessive credulity, and, at the same time, the -most obstinate indocility; a tenacious spirit of resistance, fearful -stubbornness, corruption, and licentiousness of manners, allied with -admiration for virtue; a taste for the most austere practices, combined -with an inclination for the most extravagant habits and manners; such -are the traits which history exhibits among these nations. - -So singular a mixture appears strange at first sight; and yet nothing -was more natural. Things could not be otherwise: societies are formed -under the influence of certain principles, and of certain particular -circumstances, which impart to them their genius, character, and -countenance. It is the same with society as with individuals; -education, instruction, temperament, and a thousand other physical -and moral circumstances, concur in forming a collection of influences -which produce qualities the most different, and sometimes the most -contradictory. This concurrence of different causes was shown in a -singular and extraordinary manner among the nations of Europe; it -is on this account that we observe there the most extravagant and -discordant effects. Let us recollect the history of those nations since -the fall of the Roman empire to the end of the Crusades; never did an -assemblage of nations present a combination of more varied elements, -and a spectacle of greater events. The moral principles which preside -over the development of these nations were in direct opposition to -their genius and situation. These principles were essentially pure, -unchangeable as the God who had established them; radiant with light, -because they emanated from the source of all light and life: the -nations, on the contrary, were ignorant, rude, fluctuating, like -the waves of the sea, and corrupted, as was to be expected of every -thing which was the result of an impure mixture. Wherefore a terrible -struggle took place between principles and facts; wherefore there were -witnessed the most extraordinary contradictions, according as good and -evil alternately preponderated. Never was the struggle between elements -which could not remain at peace, more clearly seen; the genii of good -and of evil seemed to descend into the arena, and to fight hand to hand. - -The nations of Europe were not in their infancy, for they were -surrounded by old institutions. Full of the recollections of ancient -civilization, they preserved various remains of it. They were -themselves produced by the mixture of a hundred nations, differing in -laws, customs, and manners. They were not yet adult nations; as this -denomination cannot be applied either to individuals or to society -before they have reached a certain development, from which the nations -of Europe were still far removed. It is very difficult to find a word -to express this social state; it was neither a state of civilization, -nor that of barbarism; for a number of laws and institutions existed -there, which certainly did not deserve the epithet of barbarous. If we -call these nations semi-barbarous, perhaps we shall approach the truth. -Words are of little importance, if we have a clear idea of the things. - -It cannot be denied that the European nations, owing to a long series -of revolutions, and the extraordinary mixture of races, of ideas, and -manners, of the conquerors with each other, and of the conquerors -with the nations conquered, had a large portion of barbarism, and a -fruitful germ of agitation and disorder. But the malignant influence -of these elements was combated by the action of Christianity, which -had obtained a decided preponderance over minds, and which, besides, -was supported by powerful institutions. Christianity, to accomplish -this difficult work, had the assistance of great material force. The -Christian doctrines, which penetrated on all sides, tended, like a -sweetening liquid, to soften and improve every thing; but, at every -step, the mind comes into collision with the senses, morality with -the passions, order with anarchy, charity with ferocity, and law -with fact. Thence a struggle, which, although general to a certain -extent in all times and countries, since it is founded on the nature -of man, was then more rude, violent, and clamorous. The two most -opposite principles, barbarism and Christianity, were then face to -face in the same arena, with no one between them. Observe these -nations with attention, read their history with reflection, and you -will see that those two principles are constantly struggling, and -constantly contending for influence and preponderance; thence the -most strange situations, and the most singular contrasts. Study the -character of the wars of that time, and you will hear the holiest -maxims constantly proclaimed; legitimacy, law, reason, and justice -are invoked; the tribunal of God is incessantly appealed to: this is -the influence of Christianity. But, at the same time, you will be -afflicted at the sight of numberless acts of violence, of cruelties, -atrocities, pillages, rapines, murders, fires, and disasters without -end: this is barbarism. If you look at the Crusades, you will observe -that grand ideas, vast plans, noble inspirations, social and political -views of the highest importance, fermented in men's heads; that all -hearts overflowed with noble and generous feelings, and that a holy -enthusiasm, transporting men out of themselves, rendered them capable -of heroic actions: this is the influence of Christianity. But, if you -examine the execution, you will see disorder, improvidence, want of -discipline in the armies, injuries, and acts of violence; you will -seek in vain for concert and harmony among those who take part in the -gigantic and perilous enterprise: there is barbarism. Youths, thirsting -for knowledge, crowd to the lectures of the famous masters, from the -most distant countries; Italians, Germans, English, Spanish, and -French are mingled and confounded around the chairs of Abelard, Peter -Lombard, Albertus Magnus, and St. Thomas of Aquin; a powerful voice -resounds in their ears, calling them to leave the shades of ignorance -and raise themselves to the regions of science; the love of knowledge -animates them; the longest journeys cannot stop them; the enthusiasm -for illustrious masters is carried to an indescribable extent: behold -the influence of Christianity; behold her constantly stirring and -illuminating the mind of man, never allowing him to repose tranquilly -in obscurity, and continually exciting him to new intellectual labors -and researches after truth! But behold these same youths, who exhibit -such noble dispositions, and inspire such legitimate and consoling -hopes; are they not also those licentious, restless, and turbulent -young men, giving way to the most deplorable acts of violence, -continually fighting in the streets, and forming in the midst of great -cities a small republic, an unruly democracy, where there is much -difficulty in maintaining law and good order? Behold here barbarism! - -It is good, it is perfectly conformable to the spirit of religion, that -the guilty man who raises a repentant and humiliated heart to God, -should manifest his feeling and the affliction of his soul by external -acts; that he should labor to fortify his mind, and restrain his evil -inclinations, by employing the rigors of gospel austerity against his -flesh: all this is sovereignly reasonable, just, holy, and conformable -to the maxims of the Christian religion, which thus ordains for the -justification and sanctification of the sinner, to repair the injury -done to the souls of others by the scandal of a bad life. But that -penitents, half naked, should wander about loaded with chains, carrying -horror and alarm everywhere, as happened at this time, when we see -ecclesiastical authority compelled to repress the abuse: this marks the -spirit of rudeness and ferocity which always accompany the state of -barbarism. Nothing is more true, noble, and salutary for society, than -to imagine God always ready to defend innocence, to protect it against -injustice and calumny, and to raise it above humiliation and disgrace, -by restoring to it, sooner or later, the purity and lustre of which -they have attempted to deprive it. This supposition is an effect of -faith in Providence--that faith emanating from Christian ideas, which -represent to us God as embracing the whole world in his view, reaching -with his penetrating eye the deepest recesses of the heart, and not -even excluding the meanest of his creatures from his paternal love. But -who does not perceive the infinite distance which separates this pure -faith from the trials by fire, water, and single combat? Who does not -here discover rudeness confounding all things--the spirit of violence -laboring to subject every thing to a rigorous law--attempting, in some -measure, to oblige God himself to comply with our wants and caprices, -in order to interpose the testimony of his solemn miracles, whenever it -suits our pleasure or convenience to find out the truth? - -I introduce these contrasts here in order to awaken the recollections -of those who have read history, and to enable me to establish, in a few -words, the simple and general formula which sums up all those periods: -"Barbarism tempered by religion; religion disfigured by barbarism." - -In the study of history we constantly encounter a serious obstacle, -which renders it always difficult, and sometimes impossible, to -understand it perfectly. We make the mistake of referring every thing -to ourselves, and to the objects which surround us--a mistake which -is excusable, no doubt, since it has its root in our own nature, -but against which we must be carefully on our guard, if we wish to -avoid deplorable errors. We imagine the men of other times to be -like ourselves; without thinking of it, we communicate to them our -own ideas, manners, inclinations, and even temperaments; and, after -having fashioned men who exist only in our own imaginations, we desire -and demand that the real men should act in the same manner as these -imaginary men; and at the slightest discord between the historical -facts and our unreasonable suppositions, we cry out that it is strange -and monstrous, taxing with being strange and monstrous what was -perfectly regular and ordinary according to the epoch. - -It is the same with respect to laws and institutions: when we do not -find them according to the types which we have under our eyes, we -declaim against the ignorance, iniquity, and cruelty of the men who -have conceived and established them. If we wish to form an exact idea -of an epoch, it is necessary to transport ourselves there--to make an -effort of imagination, in order, as it were, to live and converse with -its men; it is not enough to hear the recital of the events, it is -necessary to witness them, to become one of the spectators, one of the -actors, if possible; it is necessary to call forth generations from -the tomb, and make them act under our eyes. I shall be told that this -is very difficult. I grant it; but it is necessary, if we wish that -our knowledge of history should be something more than a mere notion -of names and dates. It is quite sure that we do not know an individual -well, unless acquainted with his ideas, character, and conduct. It is -the same with a society: if we are ignorant by what doctrines it was -guided, what was its manner of considering and feeling things, we shall -see the events only superficially--we shall know the words of the law, -but we shall not penetrate its spirit or genius; when contemplating -an institution, we shall see only the external frame-work, without -reaching the mechanism, or guessing the moving machinery. If we attempt -to avoid these defects, it is certain that the study of history becomes -the most difficult of all; but this knowledge has been wanting for a -long time. The secrets of man and the mysteries of society are, at the -same time, the most important subject which can be proposed to the -human mind, and the most arduous, the most difficult, and the least -accessible to the generality of intellects. - -The individual in the times to which we allude was not the individual -of to-day; his ideas were very different, his manner of seeing and -feeling was not ours, his soul was of quite another temper from our -own; what is inconceivable to us, was perfectly natural to men of those -times; they took pleasure in what is now repugnant to us. - -At the beginning of the thirteenth century, Europe had already -experienced the powerful shock of the Crusades; the sciences began -to germinate; the spirit of commerce was in some degree developed; -the taste for industry made itself felt; and the inclination of men -to enter into communication with other men, and of nations to mingle -with other nations, was every day extended and increased. The feudal -system, already shaken, was about to fall to pieces; the power of the -commonalty rapidly increased; the spirit of enfranchisement showed -itself everywhere; in fine, owing to the almost complete abolition of -slavery, and to the change effected by the Crusades in the condition -of vassals and serfs, Europe was covered with a numerous population -who knew not slavery, and who bore with difficulty the feudal yoke. -Yet this population was still far from possessing all that is -necessary to rise to the rank of free citizens. Modern democracy -already offered itself to the view, with its great advantages, its -numerous difficulties, its immense problems, which still embarrass -and disconcert us, after so many centuries of trial and experience. -The lords preserved in great measure their habits of barbarism and -ferocity, by which they had been unfortunately distinguished at -former periods; the royal power was far from having acquired that -force and _prestige_ necessary for ruling such opposite elements, -and to raise itself in the midst of society as a symbol of respect -for all interests--a centre of reunion for all forces, and a sublime -personification of reason and justice. - -In the same century, wars began to assume a character more popular, -and consequently more vast and important; the agitations of the people -began to wear the aspect of political commotions. Already we discover -something more than the ambition of emperors attempting to impose their -yoke on Italy; we have no longer petty kings who contend for a crown -or a province, or counts or barons who, followed by their serfs, fight -with each other or with the neighboring municipalities, covering the -land with blood and rapine. We observe in the movements of that period -something more important and alarming. Numerous nations arise and crowd -around a banner on which, instead of the ensigns of a baron or of a -monarch, appears the name of a system of doctrines. No doubt, the lords -take part in the struggle, and their power raises them still far above -the crowd which surrounds and follows them; but the cause in question -is not that of these men; they are accounted something in the problems -of the times; but mankind looks beyond the horizon of castles. This -agitation and movement, produced by the appearance of new religious and -social doctrines, is the announcement and the beginning of that chain -of revolutions which Europe has to undergo. - -The evil did not consist in the disposition of nations to carry out -their ideas, and refuse to take as their only guide the interests and -doctrines of a few tyrants. On the contrary, this was a great step -gained in the path of civilization; men thus showed that they felt and -understood their own dignity better, that they took a more extended -view, and had a better understanding of their own situation and -interests. This progress was the natural result of the higher flight -which was every day taken by the faculties of the mind. The Crusades -had greatly contributed to this new movement; from that great epoch -the different nations of Europe were accustomed no longer to fight for -the possession of a small territory, or to gratify private ambition or -revenge. The nations fought in support of a principle by laboring to -avenge the outrage offered to the true religion; in a word, they became -accustomed to be moved, to contend, to die, for an idea which, far from -being limited to a small territory, embraced heaven and earth. Thus, -we will observe in passing, that the popular movement, the movement in -ideas, began in Spain much sooner than in the rest of Europe, because -the war against the Moors had advanced the period of the Crusades for -that country. The evil, I repeat it, was not in the interest which -the people took in ideas, but in the imminent danger of seeing those -nations, on account of their rudeness and ignorance, allow themselves -to be abused and deceived by the first fanatic who came. At a moment -when the movement was so vast, the fate of Europe depended on the -direction which was about to be given to the universal activity: unless -I am deceived, the twelfth and thirteenth centuries were the critical -epochs, when, in the face of great probabilities on both sides, there -was decided the great question of knowing whether Europe, in its -twofold social and political relations, was to take advantage of the -benefits of Christianity, or permit all the promise of a better future -to be lost and annihilated. - -When we fix our eyes on this period, we find, in different parts of -Europe, a certain germ and index of the greatest disasters; the most -horrible doctrines arise among the masses who begin to be agitated; the -most fearful disorders signalize the first step of these nations in the -career of life. Before this, we have discovered only kings and lords, -but now the people appear on the scene. Thus we see that some rays of -light and heat have penetrated this shapeless mass. At this sight the -heart is dilated and encouraged, presaging the new future which is -reserved for humanity. But, at the same time, the observer is alarmed, -for he is aware that this heat may produce excessive fermentation, -engender corruption, and multiply impure insects in the field which -promises soon to become an enchanting garden. - -The extravagances of the human mind at this time appear under so -alarming an aspect, and with a turbulence of character so fearful, that -apprehensions apparently the most exaggerated are supported by facts, -and become terrible probabilities. Let me recall some of those facts -which so vividly paint the condition of minds at that time; facts which -besides are connected with the principal point which we are examining. -At the beginning of the twelfth century, we find the famous Tanchème, -or Tanquelin, teaching the maddest theories and committing the greatest -crimes; yet at Antwerp, in Zealand, in the country of Utrecht, and in -many other towns in the same countries, he draws after him a numerous -crowd. This wretched man advanced that he was more worthy of supreme -worship than Jesus Christ himself, "for," said he, "if Jesus Christ -had received the Holy Spirit, he (Tanchème) had received the plenitude -of that Holy Spirit." He added that the whole Church was comprised in -his own person and in his disciples. The pontificate, episcopate, and -priesthood were, according to him, mere chimeras. His instructions -and discourses were particularly addressed to women; the result of -his doctrines and proceedings was the most revolting corruption. Yet -the fanaticism which was excited by this abominable man went so -far that the sick eagerly drank the water in which he had bathed, -believing it to be the most salutary remedy for body and soul. Women -thought themselves happy to have obtained the favors of the monster; -mothers considered it an honor for their daughters to be selected as -the victims of his profligacy, and husbands were offended when their -wives were not stained with this disgrace. Tanchème, knowing all the -ascendency which he was able to exert over minds, was not backward in -making use of the fanaticism of his followers; one of the principal -virtues with which he labored to inspire them was liberality in favor -of his own interest. - -One day when he was surrounded with a large concourse of people, he -had a picture of the Virgin brought to him; touching it with his -sacrilegious hand, he said that he took the Virgin as his wife. Then, -turning toward the spectators, he added, that as he had contracted -marriage with the Queen of Heaven, as they had just seen, it was their -duty to make the wedding presents. He immediately placed two boxes, one -on the right and the other on the left of the picture, to receive on -one side the offerings of the men, and on the other those of the women; -for the purpose of learning, as he said, which of the two sexes had the -greater affection for him. This artifice, as low and gross as it was -sacrilegious, seemed only calculated to excite the indignation of those -who were present; yet the results corresponded with the expectations -of the artful impostor. The women, always jealous of the affection of -Tanchème, surpassed in liberality; in a perfect frenzy, they stripped -themselves of their necklaces, golden rings, and most precious jewels. - -When he felt himself strong enough, Tanchème did not content himself -with preaching; he was desirous of surrounding himself with an armed -troop, in order to give him in the eyes of the world a far different -appearance from that of an apostle. Three thousand men accompanied -him everywhere. Surrounded by this respectable escort, clothed in -magnificent apparel, and preceded by his standard, he moved with all -the pomp of a king. When he stopped to preach, the three thousand -satellites stood armed around him with drawn swords. It is evident, -the aggressive character of the heretical sects of succeeding ages was -already traced out. - -Every one knows how numerous were the partisans of Eon. This unhappy -man was excited by hearing the frequent repetition of the words: "Per -eum qui judicaturus est vivos et mortuos:" and he became persuaded -and he asserted, that he himself was the judge who was to judge the -living and the dead. We are also aware of the troubles excited by the -seditious speeches of Arnauld of Brescia, the iconoclastic fanaticism -of Pierre de Bruis and Henri. If I did not fear to fatigue the -attention of my readers, it would be easy for me to relate here the -most revolting scenes which represent to the life the spirit of the -sects of those times, and the unfortunate predisposition which led -men's minds to novelty, to extravagant spectacles, and I know not what -fatal giddiness, whereby they were precipitated into the most strange -errors and the most deplorable excesses. At all events, I must say a -few words of the Cathari, Vaudois, Paterins of Arras, Albigenses, and -poor men of Lyons. These sects, besides the influence which they had -on the times of which we speak and on the later events of European -history, will be of great use in making us fathom more deeply the -question now before us. From the first ages of the Church, the sect -of the Manichees was remarkable for errors and extravagances. Under -different names, with more or less of followers, and with doctrines -more or less various, it continued from age to age until the eleventh -century, when it excited disturbances in France. From that time, -Heribert and Lisoy acquired an unhappy celebrity by their obstinacy and -fanaticism. In the time of St. Bernard, the sects called apostolical -were distinguished by their dislike to marriage; while, on the other -hand, they gave themselves up to the basest and most unbridled -licentiousness. Nevertheless, all these irregularities were favorably -received by the ignorance or the corruption of the people. This is -proved by the rapidity with which they gained the masses and spread -like a pestilence wherever they appeared. Besides the hypocrisy, which -is common to all the sects, that of the Manichees imagined an artifice -the most apt to seduce rude and ignorant people: they appeared with -the most rigid austerity and the most miserable clothes. Before the -year 1181, we see the Manichees bold enough to venture out of their -conventicles and openly teach their doctrines in the light of day. They -associated with the celebrated bandits called _Cottereaux_, and feared -not to commit all sorts of excesses, as they had seduced some knights -and had secured the protection of some seigneurs of the country of -Toulouse; they succeeded in exciting a formidable insurrection, which -could be repressed only by force of arms. An eye-witness, Stephen, -Abbot of St. Genevieve, at that time sent to Toulouse by the king, -describes to us in a few words the acts of violence committed by these -sectaries: "I have seen on all sides," he says, "churches burnt and -ruined to their foundations: I have seen the dwellings of men changed -into the dens of beasts." - -About the same time, the Vaudois, or poor men of Lyons, became famous. -This last name was given to them on account of their extreme poverty, -their contempt for all riches, and the rags with which they were -covered. Their shoes also gave them the name of Sabatathes. They -were perverse imitators of another kind of poor, celebrated at that -time, and who were distinguished by their virtues, and particularly -by their spirit of humility and disinterestedness. These latter, who -formed a kind of association, comprising priests and laymen, attracted -the respect and esteem of real Christians, and obtained the Pope's -permission to teach publicly. The disciples showed a profound contempt -for Church authority; they afterwards entertained monstrous errors, and -in the end became a sect in opposition to religion, injurious to good -morals, and incompatible with public tranquillity. - -These errors, which were the germs of so many calamities and troubles, -could not be extirpated; with time they became more and more rooted in -various countries, and the progress of things was so fatal, that at the -beginning of the thirteenth century the period of short-lived seditions -and isolated troubles was already long gone by, the errors had already -spread on a large scale, and appeared with formidable resources for the -contest. Already the south of France, agitated by civil discord, and -precipitated into a fearful war, was in a state of terrible conflict. -In the political organization of that time, the throne had not strength -enough to exercise a controlling power, the lords had still the means -of resisting kings and doing violence to the people. When a spirit of -disobedience, agitation, and movement is spread throughout the masses, -there is only one means of restraining them, that of religion; and this -very ascendency of religious ideas was taken advantage of by the wicked -and the fanatical; and to mislead the multitude they availed themselves -of violent declamation, where religion and politics formed a confused -mixture, and where the spirit of austerity and disinterestedness was -the subject of hypocritical affectation. The new errors were no longer -confined to subtile attacks on particular dogmas, they assailed the -fundamental ideas of religion, penetrated to the sanctuary of the -family, on the one side condemning marriage, and on the other promoting -infamous abominations: in fine, the evil was not limited to countries -which by a tardy and incomplete initiation into the doctrines of -Christianity, or for any other reason, had not fully participated in -the European movement. The arena principally chosen was the south; that -is, the country where the human mind was developed in the most prompt -and lively manner. - -In the midst of such a concourse of unfortunate circumstances, all -attested and placed beyond a doubt by history, was not the future of -Europe very dark and tempestuous? Ideas and manners were in imminent -danger of taking a wrong direction; the bands of authority, the ties of -family, seemed ready to break asunder; the nations might be led away -by fanaticism or superstition; Europe was in danger of being replunged -into the chaos whence it had emerged with so much difficulty. At that -time the Crescent shone in Spain, it reigned in Africa, it triumphed -in Asia. Was Europe at such a moment to lose her religious unity, and -see new errors penetrate everywhere, sowing schism in all countries, -and with it discord and war? Were all the elements of civilization and -refinement created by Christianity to be dispersed and stricken with -sterility for ever? Were the great nations formed under the influence -of Catholicity, the laws and institutions impregnated with that divine -religion, to be corrupted, falsified, and destroyed by changes in the -ancient faith? In fine, was the course of European civilization to be -violently diverted, and were the nations who were already advancing -towards a peaceful, prosperous, and glorious future, to be condemned to -see their most flattering hopes dissipated in a moment, and miserably -to retrograde towards barbarism? Such was then the vast problem placed -before society; and I fear not to assert that the religious movement -which at that time displayed itself in so extraordinary a manner, and -the new religious institutions, so inconsiderately accused of folly -and extravagance, were a powerful means employed by Providence to -save religion and society. If the illustrious Spaniard, St. Dominic -de Guzman, and the wonderful man of Assisi, did not occupy a place -on our altars, there to receive the veneration of the faithful for -their eminent sanctity, they would deserve to have statues raised -to them by the gratitude of society and humanity. But what! are our -words an object of scandal to you, who have only read and considered -history through the deceitful medium of Protestant and philosophical -prejudices? Tell us, then, what you find reprehensible in these men, -whose establishments have been the subject of your endless diatribes, -as if they had been the greatest calamities of the human race? Their -doctrines are those of the Gospel; they are the same doctrines, to the -loftiness and sanctity whereof you have been compelled to render solemn -homage, and their lives are pure, holy, heroic, and conformable in -every thing to their teachings. Ask them what is the object they have -in view; that of preaching the Catholic truth to all men, they will -tell you; of making every effort, of exerting every energy to destroy -error and reform morals; of inspiring nations with the respect which is -due to all legitimate authorities, civil and ecclesiastical. That is to -say, you will find among them a firm resolution to devote their lives -to remedy the evils of Church and State. - -They do not content themselves with barren wishes; they are not -satisfied with a few discourses and transitory efforts; they do not -confine their plans to their mere personal sphere, but, extending -their views to all countries and future times, they found institutions -whereof the members may spread themselves over the whole surface of -the world, and transmit to future generations the apostolical spirit -which has inspired them with their grand ideas. The poverty to which -they condemn themselves is extreme; the dress they wear is rude and -miserable; but do you not see the profound reasons for this conduct? -Remember that they propose to renew the gospel spirit, so much -forgotten in their time; that they frequently happen to meet face to -face the emissaries of the corrupt sects, who, endeavoring to imitate -Christian humility, and affecting an absolute disinterestedness, make -a parade of presenting themselves in public in the garb of beggars; -remember, in fine, that they go to preach to semi-barbarous nations, -and that to preserve them from the giddiness of error which has -begun to take possession of their heads, words are not enough, even -accompanied by a regular and uniform conduct; extraordinary examples, -a mode of life which bears with it the most powerful edification, and -sanctity clothed with an exterior adapted to make a lively impression -on the imagination, are required. - -The number of the new religious is very considerable; they increase -without measure in all the countries where they are established; -they are found, not only in the country and in the hamlets, but they -penetrate into the midst of the most populous cities. Observe, that -Europe is no longer composed of a collection of small towns and -wretched cottages erected round feudal castles, and humbly obedient -to the authority or the influence of a proud baron; Europe no longer -consists of villages grouped round rich abbeys, listening with docility -to the instructions of the monks, and receiving with gratitude the -benefits conferred on them. A great number of vassals have already -thrown off the yoke of their lords; powerful municipalities arise -on all sides, and in their presence the feudal system is frequently -compelled to humble itself in alarm. Towns become every day more -populous--every day, from the effects of the emancipation which takes -place in the country, they receive new families. Reviving industry -and commerce display new means of subsistence, and excite an increase -of population. It results from all this that religion and morality -must act upon the nations of Europe on a larger scale; more general -means, issuing from a common centre, and freed from ordinary fetters, -are necessary to satisfy the new necessities of the time. Such are -the religious institutions of the time of which we speak; this is the -explanation of their astonishing number, of their numerous privileges, -and of that remarkable regulation which places them under the immediate -control of the Pope. - -Even the character which marked these institutions--a character in -some degree democratic, not only because men of all classes are -there united, but also because of the special organization of their -government--was eminently calculated to give efficacy to their -influence over a democracy, fierce, turbulent, and proud of its recent -liberty, and consequently little disposed to sympathize with any thing -which might have been presented to it under aristocratic or exclusive -forms. This democracy found in these new religious institutions a -certain analogy with its own existence and origin. These men come from -the people, they live in constant communication with them, and, like -them, they are poor and meanly clad; and as the people have their -assemblies where they choose their municipal officers and bailiffs, -so do the religious hold their chapters, where they name their priors -and provincials. They are not anchorites living in remote deserts, nor -monks sheltered in rich abbeys, nor clergy whose functions and duties -are confined to any particular country. They are men without fixed -abodes, and who are found sometimes in populous cities and sometimes in -miserable hamlets--to-day in the midst of the old continent, to-morrow -on a vessel which bears them to perilous missions in the remotest -countries of the globe; sometimes they are seen in the palaces of -kings, enlightening their councils, and taking part in the highest -affairs of state; sometimes in the dwellings of obscure families, -consoling them in misfortune, making up their quarrels, and giving them -advice on their domestic affairs. These same men, who are covered with -glory in the chairs of the universities, teach catechism to children -in the humblest boroughs; illustrious orators who have preached in -courts, before kings and great men, go to explain the Gospel in obscure -villages. The people find them everywhere, meet them at every step, in -joy and in sorrow; these men are constantly ready to take part in the -happy festivities of a baptism which fills the house with joy, or to -lament a misfortune which has just covered it with mourning. - -We can imagine without difficulty the force and ascendency of such -institutions. This influence on the minds of nations must have been -incalculable; the new sects which tended to mislead the multitude -by their pestilential doctrines, found themselves face to face with -an adversary who completely conquered them. They wished to seduce -the simple by the ostentation of great austerity and wonderful -disinterestedness; they desired to deceive the imagination, by striking -it with the sight of exterior mortification, of poor and mean clothing. -The new institutions united these qualities in an extraordinary -manner. Thus the true doctrine had the same attributes which error -had assumed. From among the classes of the people there come forth -violent declaimers, who captivate the attention and take possession of -the minds of the multitude by fiery eloquence. In all parts of Europe -we meet with burning orators, pleading the cause of truth, who, well -versed in the passions, ideas, and tastes of the multitude, know how to -interest, move, and direct them, making use, in defence of religion, of -what others attempt to avail themselves of in attacking her. They are -found wheresoever they are wanted to combat the efforts of sects. Free -from all worldly ties, and belonging to no particular church, province, -or kingdom, they have all the means of passing rapidly from one place -to another, and are found at the proper time wherever their presence is -urgently required. - -The strength of association, known to the sectaries, and used by them -with so much success, is found in a remarkable degree in these new -religious institutions. The individual has no will of his own: a vow -of perpetual obedience has placed him at the disposal of another's -will; and this latter is in his turn subject to a third; thus there is -formed a chain, whereof the first link is in the hands of the Pope; -the strength of association, and that of unity, are thus united in -authority. There is all the motion, all the warmth of a democracy; all -the vigor, all the promptitude of monarchy. - -It has been said that these institutions were a powerful support to -the authority of the Popes; this is certain: we may even add, that if -these institutions had not existed, the fatal schism of Luther would -perhaps have taken place centuries earlier. But, on the other hand, -we must allow that the establishment of them was not due to projects -of the papacy; the Sovereign Pontiffs did not conceive the idea of -them; isolated individuals, guided by superior inspiration, formed the -design, traced out the plan, and submitting that plan to the judgment -of the Holy See, asked for authority to realize their enterprise. -Civil institutions, intended to consolidate and aggrandize the power -of kings, emanate sometimes from monarchs themselves, sometimes from -some of their ministers, who, identifying themselves with their views -and interests, have formed and executed the idea of the throne. It is -not thus with the power of the Popes; the support of new institutions -contributes to sustain that power against the attacks of dissenting -sects; but the idea of founding the institutions themselves comes -neither from the Popes nor their ministers. Unknown men suddenly arise -among the people; nothing which has taken place affords reason to -suspect them of having any previous understanding with Rome; their -entire lives attest that they have acted by virtue of inspiration, -communicated to themselves, an inspiration which does not allow them -any repose, until they have executed what was prescribed to them. There -are not, there cannot be, any private designs of Rome; ambition has -no share. From this, all sensible men should draw one of these two -consequences: either the appearance of these new institutions was the -work of God, who was desirous of saving His Church by sustaining her -against new attacks, and protecting the authority of the Roman Pontiff; -or, Catholicity herself contained within her breast a saving instinct -which led her to create these institutions, which were required to -enable her to come triumphant out of the fearful crisis in which she -was engaged. To Catholics, these two propositions are identical: in -both we see only the fulfilment of the promise, "_On this rock I will -build my Church, and the gates of hell shall never prevail against -her._" Philosophers who do not regard things by the light of faith, -in order to explain this phenomenon, may make use of what terms they -please; but they will be compelled to acknowledge that wonderful wisdom -and the highest degree of foresight appear at the bottom of these -facts. If they persist in not acknowledging the finger of God, and in -seeing in the course of events only the fruit of well-concerted plans, -or the result of organization combined with art, at least they cannot -refuse a sort of homage to these plans and that organization. Indeed, -as they confess that the power of the Roman Pontiff, considered in -relations merely philosophical, is the most wonderful of all the powers -which have appeared on earth, is it not evident that the society called -the Catholic Church shows in her conduct, in the spirit of life which -animates her, and in the instinct which makes her resist her greatest -enemies, the most incomprehensible combination of phenomena which have -ever been witnessed in society? It is of little importance to the -truth, whether you call this instinct, mystery, spirit, or whatever -name you please. Catholicity defies all societies, all sects, and all -schools, to realize what she has realized, to triumph over what she -has triumphed over, and to pass through, without perishing, the crises -through which she has passed. A few examples, where the work of God was -more or less imitated, may be alleged against us; but the magicians -of Egypt, placed in the presence of Moses, came to an end of their -artifices; the envoy of God performed wonders which they could not; and -they were compelled to exclaim, "_The finger of God is here--the finger -of God is here!_" - - - - -CHAPTER XLIV. - -THE RELIGIOUS ORDERS FOR THE REDEMPTION OF CAPTIVES. - - -When viewing the religious institutions produced by the Church during -the thirteenth century, we did not pause to consider one among them, -which, to the merit of participating in the glory of the others, adds a -peculiar character of beauty and sublimity, and which is inexpressibly -worthy of our attention: I speak of that institution, the object of -which was to redeem captives from the hands of the Infidels. If I -make use of this general designation, it is because I do not intend -to enter into a particular examination of the various branches which -compose it. I consider the unity of the object, and, on account of that -unity, I attribute unity to the institution itself. Thanks to the happy -change which has taken place in the circumstances which occasioned -its foundation, we can now scarcely estimate the institution at its -just value, and appreciate in a proper manner the beneficent influence -and the holy enthusiasm which it must have produced in all Christian -countries. - -In consequence of the long wars with the Infidels, a very great number -of the faithful groaned in fetters, deprived of their liberty and -country, and often in danger of apostatizing from the faith of their -fathers. The Moors still occupied a considerable part of Spain; they -reigned exclusively on the coasts of Africa, and proudly triumphed in -the East, where the Crusaders had been vanquished. The Infidels thus -held the south of Europe closely confined, and were constantly able to -seize favorable moments, and procure multitudes of Christian slaves. -The revolutions and disorders of those times continually offered -favorable opportunities; both hatred and cupidity urged them to gratify -their revenge on the Christians taken unawares. We may be sure that -this was one of the severest scourges which the human race had to -endure at that time in Europe. If the word charity was to be any thing -more than a mere name, if the nations of Europe were not to allow their -bonds of fraternity and the ties which connected their common interests -to be destroyed, there was an urgent necessity for them to come to an -understanding, in order to remedy this evil. The veteran who, instead -of a reward for his long services to religion and his country, had -found slavery in the depths of a dungeon; the merchant who, ploughing -the seas to carry provisions to the Christian armies, had fallen -into the power of an implacable enemy, and paid by heavy chains for -the boldness of his enterprise; the timid virgin who, playing upon -the sea-shore, had been perfidiously carried away by the merciless -pirates, like a dove borne away by a hawk:--all these unfortunate -beings had undoubtedly some right to be looked at with compassion by -their brethren in Europe, and to have an effort made to restore them to -liberty. - -How shall this charitable end be attained? Can means be employed to -accomplish an enterprise which cannot be confided either to force or -stratagem? Nothing is more fertile in resources than Catholicity. -Whatever may be the necessity which presents itself, she immediately -finds proper means of succor and remedy, if allowed to act with -freedom. The remonstrances and negotiations of Christian princes -could obtain nothing in favor of the captives; new wars undertaken -for this purpose only served to increase the public calamities--they -deteriorated the lot of those who groaned in slavery, and perhaps -increased their number, by sending them fresh companions in misfortune; -pecuniary means, without a central point of action and direction, -produced but little fruit, and were lost in the hands of agents. What -resource, then, does there remain? The powerful resource which is -always found in the hands of the Catholic religion--the secret whereby -she accomplishes her greatest enterprises, viz. _charity_. - -But how ought this charity to act? In the same way as all the virtues -of Catholicity. This divine religion, which has come down from the -loftiest regions, and constantly raises the human mind to sublime -meditations, presents at the same time a singular characteristic, -whereby she is distinguished from all the schools and sects who have -attempted to imitate her. In spite of the spirit of abstraction, if I -may so speak, which holds her continually detached from earthly things, -she has nothing vague, unsubstantial, or merely theoretical. With her, -all is speculative and practical, sublime and simple; she adapts and -accommodates herself to all that is compatible with the truth of her -dogmas and the severity of her maxims. While her eyes are fixed on -heaven, she forgets not that she is on earth, and that she has to deal -with mortal men, subject to miseries and calamities. With one hand she -shows them eternity, with the other she succors their misfortunes, -solaces their pains, and dries up their tears. She does not content -herself with barren words; the love of our neighbor is to her nothing, -if that love does not manifest itself in giving bread to him who is -hungry, drink to him who is thirsty; in clothing the naked, consoling -the afflicted, visiting the sick, solacing the prisoner, and redeeming -the captive. To make use of an expression of this age, I will say that -religion is eminently _positive_. Wherefore she labors to realize -her ideas by means of beneficent and fruitful institutions, thereby -distinguishing herself from human philosophy, the pompous language -and gigantic projects of which form so miserable a contrast with the -littleness and nothingness of its works. Religion speaks little, but -she meditates and executes as the worthy daughter of that infinite -Being who, although absorbed in the contemplation of an ocean of light, -His own essence and His impenetrable nature, has not the less created -the universe the object of our admiration, and ceases not to preserve -it with ineffable goodness, while governing it with incomprehensible -wisdom. - -It was necessary to go to the succor of the unhappy captives; -assuredly, therefore, we should applaud the idea of a vast association, -which, extending over all the countries of Europe, and placing itself -in connection with all the Christians who would give alms in favor -of so holy a work, would have in its service a certain number of -individuals always ready to traverse the seas, and resolved to brave -slavery and death for the redemption of their brethren. Numerous means -would be thus combined, and the good employment of the funds would be -secured. There was a certainty that the negotiations for the redemption -of captives would be conducted by men of zeal and experience; in a -word, such an association would completely fulfil its object; and when -it was established, the Christians might hope for the most prompt and -efficacious succor. Now, this was precisely the idea realized in the -foundation of the religious orders for the redemption of captives. - -The religious who embraced these orders bound themselves by vow to the -accomplishment of this work of charity. Free from the embarrassments of -family relations and worldly interests, they could devote themselves to -their task with all the ardor of their zeal. Long voyages, the perils -of the sea, the danger of unhealthy climates, or the ferocity of the -Infidels--nothing stopped them. In their dress, in the prayers of -their institution, they found a constant remembrance of the vow which -they had taken in the Divine presence. Neither repose, comfort, nor -even their very lives, any longer belong to them; all are become the -property of the unhappy captives, who groan in the dungeons or wear -heavy chains in presence of their masters, on the other side of the -Mediterranean. The families of the unhappy victims, fixing their eyes -on the religious, required of him the accomplishment of his promise; -their groans and lamentations continually urge him to find means, and -to expose his life, if necessary, to restore the father to the son, the -son to the father, the husband to the wife, the innocent young girl to -her desolate mother. - -From the earliest ages of Christianity we see great zeal displayed -for the redemption of captives, which has always been preserved, -and the inspiration of which from that time has called forth the -greatest sacrifices. The seventeenth chapter of this work, and the -notes attached to it, have incontestably proved this truth; and it -is not necessary that I should stay to confirm it here. Yet I will -not lose the opportunity of observing that the Church, in the present -case, as in all circumstances, has adopted her constant rule, viz. -to realize her ideas by means of institutions. If you observe her -conduct attentively, you will find that she begins by teaching and -highly extolling a virtue; then she mildly persuades men to put it -in practice; the practice extends and gains strength, and what was -merely a good work becomes for some a work of obligation; what was -a simple wise act is converted into a strict duty for some select -men. At all times has the Church been engaged in the redemption of -captives; at all times some Christians of heroic charity have stripped -themselves of their property, of their liberty, to accomplish this -work of mercy; but this care was still left to the discretion of the -faithful, and no bodies of men existed to represent this charitable -idea. New necessities arise; the ordinary means do not suffice; it is -necessary that aid should be collected with promptitude, and employed -with discernment; charity, as it were, requires an arm always ready -to execute her orders; a permanent institution becomes necessary; the -institution appears, and the want is satisfied. - -We are so accustomed to see the beautiful and the sublime in the work -of religion, that we scarcely observe the greatest prodigies there, -in the same way as, while profiting by the benefits of nature, we -look upon her most wonderful works and productions with an eye of -indifference. The different religious institutions which, under various -forms, have appeared since the beginning of Christianity, are worthy -of exciting in the highest degree the astonishment of the philosopher -and the Christian; but I doubt whether it be possible to find in -the whole history of these institutions any thing more beautiful, -interesting, and touching, than the picture of the orders for the -redemption of captives. Does there exist a more admirable symbol of -religion protecting the unfortunate? Which is the most sublime emblem -of the redemption consummated on Calvary and extending itself to -earthly captivity? Is it not the celebrated vision which preceded the -establishment of the holy institutes of Mercy and the Trinity? Some -will say that these apparitions were only chimeras and mere illusions! -Happy are those illusions, we will reply, which produce the consolation -of the human race! However this may be, we will here recall these -visions, braving, if necessary, the smiles of the incredulous. If they -have preserved in their hearts any generous feelings, they will be -compelled to allow that if these visions appear to them devoid of all -historical truth, there is at least in the sublime sacrifice which is -made by the man who devotes himself to slavery for the ransom of his -brethren, a lofty poetry, a sincere love of the human race, an ardent -desire to succor them, and an heroic disinterestedness. - -A doctor of the University of Paris, known by his virtues and his -wisdom, had just been raised to the priesthood, and celebrated for -the first time the holy sacrifice of the altar. In consideration of -these exalted favors of the Most High, he redoubles his ardor, he -excites his faith, and endeavors to offer to the Lamb without spot, -with all the recollection, purity, and fervor of which he is capable, -his heart inundated with favors and inflamed by charity. He knows -not how to manifest to God his profound gratitude for so great a -benefit; his lively desire is to be able to prove to Him in some way -his gratitude and his love. He who had said, "What you have done to -one of my little children you have done to myself," immediately showed -him a way to exhibit the fire of his charity. The vision begins: the -priest sees an angel whose dress is white as snow and as brilliant -as light; the angel wears on his breast a red and blue cross; at his -sides are two captives, the one a Christian, the other a Moor; he -places his hands over the heads of each. At this sight, the priest, -ravished into ecstasy, understands that God calls him to the holy -work of the redemption of captives; but before going any further, he -retires into solitude, and devotes himself for three years to prayer -and penance, humbly begging of the Lord that He would make known to him -His sovereign will. In the desert he met with a pious hermit; the two -solitaries aid each other by their prayers and examples. One day, when -they were absorbed in pious communication by the side of a fountain, a -stag suddenly appears to them bearing on his horns the mysterious cross -of two colors. The priest relates to his astonished companion the first -vision which he has had; both redouble their prayers and penances; both -receive the celestial admonition for the third time. Then, unwilling -any longer to defer the accomplishment of the Divine pleasure, they -hasten to Rome, and ask of the Sovereign Pontiff his counsels and -permission. The Pope, who at the same time had had a similar vision, -joyfully accedes to the request of the two pious solitaries; the -order of the Most Holy Trinity for the Redemption of Captives is thus -established. The priest was called John of Matha; the hermit, Felix of -Valois. They apply with ardent zeal to their work of charity; after -having dried up the tears of numbers of unhappy beings, they now -receive in heaven the reward of their labors. The Church, wishing to -celebrate their memories, has placed them on her altars. - -The foundation of the order of Mercy had a similar origin. St. Peter -Nolasco, having spent all he possessed in the redemption of captives, -had sought in vain for new resources to continue his pious undertaking. -He had set himself to pray, in order to strengthen himself in his holy -resolution of selling his own liberty, or remaining himself a captive -in the place of some of his brethren. During his prayer the Blessed -Virgin appeared to him; she gave him to understand how pleasing the -foundation of an order for the redemption of captives would be to -herself and her Divine Son. The saint, after consulting the King of -Aragon and St. Raymond of Penafort, proceeded to the establishment -of the order. He converted into a vow, not only for himself but for -all those who embraced the institute, the holy desire which he had -previously had to devote himself to slavery for the ransom of his -brethren. - -I repeat what I have already said: in whatever manner you judge -of these apparitions, and if even you attempt to lay them aside -altogether as mere illusions, it is not the less proved that the -Catholic religion has labored with immense power to relieve a great -misfortune, and that no one can call in question the utility of the -holy institution in which the heroism of charity is so wonderfully -personified. Indeed, supposing that the founder, the dupe of illusions, -took for a revelation from heaven what was only the inspiration of -ardent zeal, do not the benefits lavished on the unhappy captives -remain the same? We hear much of illusions; but certain it is that -these illusions produced a reality. When St. Peter Armengol, wanting -all resources to deliver some unfortunates, remained as a hostage in -their place, and when the day of ransom had expired, resigned himself -to be hung because the money had not arrived from Europe, the illusions -certainly did not remain sterile. What reality could produce greater -prodigies of zeal and heroism? Long ago have the things of religion -been condemned as illusions and madness; from the earliest times of -Christianity the mystery of the cross was treated as folly; but we do -not see that this prevented the pretended folly from changing the face -of the world. - - - - -CHAPTER XLV. - -THE UNIVERSAL PROGRESS OF CIVILIZATION IMPEDED BY PROTESTANTISM. - - -In the rapid sketch which I have just given, my intention has not been -to write the history of the religious orders; this did not form part -of my design. I am satisfied with having offered a series of remarks -which, by showing the importance of these institutions, were calculated -to vindicate Catholicity from the accusations made against her on -account of the protection which she has at all times afforded them. How -could a comparison be made between Catholicity and Protestantism in -their relations with the civilization of Europe, without devoting a few -pages to the examination of the influence which these institutions have -exercised on civilization? Now, if it is once shown that this influence -was salutary, Protestantism, which has persecuted and calumniated -these religious institutions with so much hatred and rancor, remains -convicted of having done violence to the history of our civilization, -of having mistaken its spirit, and still more of having aimed a blow at -the legitimate development of that civilization itself. - -These reflections naturally lead me to point out another fault -which Protestantism has committed. When breaking the unity of -European civilization, it introduced discord into the bosom of that -civilization, and weakened the physical and moral action which it -exercised on the rest of the world. Europe was apparently destined to -civilize the whole world. The superiority of her intelligence, the -preponderance of her strength, the superabundance of her population, -her enterprising and valiant character, her transports of generosity -and heroism, her communicating and propagating spirit, seemed to call -her to diffuse her ideas, feelings, laws, manners, and institutions to -the four quarters of the universe. How does it happen that she has not -realized this destiny? How does it happen that barbarism is still found -at her gates, and that Islamism still maintains itself in one of the -finest climates and countries of Europe? Asia, with her want of moving -power, weakness, despotism, and degradation of women; Asia, with all -the disgraces of humanity, lies under our eyes; and scarcely have we -done any thing which gives reason to hope that she will emerge from her -degraded state. Asia Minor, the coasts of Palestine, Egypt, and the -whole of Africa, are before us in a deplorable condition--a degradation -which excites pity, and forms a melancholy contrast with the great -recollections of history. America, after four centuries of incessant -communication with us, is still so much behindhand that a great part -of her intellectual powers and the resources with which nature has -furnished her, remain until this day to be improved. How does it happen -that Europe, full of life, rich in means of all kinds, overflowing -with vigor and energy, has remained within the narrow limits in which -she still is? If we pay deep attention to this melancholy phenomenon, -a phenomenon with which it is very strange that the philosophy of -history has not occupied itself, we shall find the cause. The entire -cause thereof is the want of unity; her external action has been -without concert, and consequently without efficacy. Men constantly -vaunt the utility of association; they point out how necessary it -is to obtain grand results, and they do not dream that because this -principle applies to nations as well as to individuals, nations, like -individuals, cannot accomplish great works, without conforming to -this general law. When an assemblage of nations of the same origin, -and subject for many ages to the same influence, have reached the -development of their civilization under the guidance and control of a -common idea, among them association becomes a real necessity; they form -a family of brothers; now, among brothers, division and discord have -worse results than among strangers. - -I do not pretend to say that the nations of Europe could have -attained to so perfect a concord, that perpetual peace would have -been established among them, and that perfect harmony would have -eventually presided over all their undertakings with respect to the -other countries of the globe; but without giving way to beautiful -illusions, the reality whereof is beyond the bounds of possibility, we -may nevertheless, and without hazard of contradiction, say, that, in -spite of particular differences between nation and nation, in spite of -the greater or less degree of opposition between external and internal -interests, Europe could have kept and perpetuated in her own breast -a civilizing idea which, raising itself above all the misery and -littleness of human passions, would have placed her in a condition to -acquire a greater ascendency and a stronger and more useful influence -over the other nations of the world. Amid the interminable series of -wars and calamities which afflicted Europe during the fluctuations -of the barbarous nations, this unity of thought existed; and it was -owing to it that order in the end came out of confusion, and that -light conquered darkness. In the long struggle of Christianity against -Islamism, whether in Europe, Asia, or Africa, this same unity of -thought enabled Christian civilization to triumph, in spite of the -rivalries of kings and the excesses of the people. While this unity -existed, Europe preserved a transforming power which made all that it -touched become European sooner or later. - -The heart is grieved at the sight of the disastrous event which broke -this precious unity, by diverting the course of our civilization and -destroying its fertilizing power. One can hardly observe without pain, -not to say without anger, that the appearance of Protestantism was -exactly coincident with the critical moment when the nations of Europe, -about at length to reap the fruits of long ages of continued labor -and unheard-of efforts, appeared to the world full of vigor, energy, -and splendor. Putting forth gigantic strength, they discovered new -worlds, and placed one hand on the East and the other on the West. -Vasco de Gama had doubled the Cape of Good Hope, he had showed the way -to the East Indies, and opened communication with unknown nations. -Christopher Columbus, with the fleet of Isabella, ploughed the Western -seas, discovered a new world, and planted the standard of Castile in -unheard-of lands. Ferdinand Cortez, at the head of a handful of brave -men, penetrated to the heart of the new continent, and took possession -of its capital; his arms, which the natives had not yet seen, made him -appear like a God launching his lightnings. Europe everywhere displayed -extreme activity; a spirit of enterprise was developed in all hearts; -the hour had come when the nations of Europe were about to see open -before them a new horizon of power and grandeur, the limits whereof -were invisible to the eye. Magellan discovered the strait which united -the east and west; and Sebastian d'Elcano, returning to the Spanish -coasts, after having made the tour of the world, seemed to be the -sublime personification of European civilization taking possession of -the universe. At one extremity of Europe, the crescent still shows -itself powerful and threatening, like a dark figure appearing in the -corner of a splendid picture: but fear nothing; its armies have been -driven from Granada, the Christian host is encamped on the coast of -Africa, the standard of Castile floats on the walls of Oran, and in -the heart of Spain grows up in silence the wonderful child, who, when -he has but just laid aside the playthings of his age, will frustrate -the last efforts of the Moors of that country by the triumphs of -Alpujarres, and shortly after will break the Mussulman power for ever -on the waves of Lepanto. - -The development of mind kept pace with the increase of power. Erasmus -examined all the sources of knowledge, astonished the world by his -talents and his learning, and spread his fame in triumph from one -end of Europe to the other. The distinguished Spaniard, Louis Vives, -rivalled the _savant_ of Rotterdam, and undertook nothing less than to -regenerate the sciences, and give a new direction to the human mind. In -Italy, the schools of philosophy were in a state of fermentation, and -they seized with avidity the new lights brought from Constantinople. -In the same country, the genius of Dante and Petrarch was continued -in their illustrious successors; the land of Tasso resounded with his -accents like the nightingale announcing the coming of the dawn; while -Spain, intoxicated with her triumphs, and transported with pride at -the sight of her conquests, sang like a soldier who, after victory, -reposes on a heap of trophies. What could resist such superiority, such -brilliant display, such great power? Europe, already secure against all -her enemies, enjoying a prosperity which must every day increase, put -in possession of laws and institutions better than any which had before -been seen, and whereof the completion and perfection could not fail to -come with the slow progress of time: Europe, we say, in a condition so -prosperous, replete with noble hopes, was about to commence the work -of civilizing the world. Even the discoveries which were every day -made, indicated that the happy moment had arrived. Fleets transported, -together with warriors, apostolic missionaries, whose hands were -about to scatter in the new countries the precious seed, whence, in -the progress of time, was to grow up the tree under whose shadow new -nations were to find shelter. Thus was the noble work begun, which, -favored by Providence, was about to civilize America, Africa, and Asia. - -But the voice of the apostate who was about to cast discord into the -bosoms of fraternal nations already resounded in the heart of Germany. -The dispute begins, minds are excited, the irritation reaches its -height, an appeal is made to arms, blood flows in torrents, and the man -who had been commissioned by hell to scatter this cloud of calamities -over the earth, contemplating before his death the dreadful fruit of -his labors, can insult the sorrows of the human race with a cruel and -impudent smile. Such do we figure to ourselves the genius of evil -leaving his dark abode and his throne in the midst of horrors. He -suddenly appears on the face of the globe, his hand sheds desolation -and tears on all sides; he casts a look over the devastation which he -has made, and then buries himself in eternal darkness. - -By extending itself over Europe, the schism of Luther weakened in a -deplorable manner the action of Europeans on the other nations of the -world; the flattering hopes which had been conceived were dissipated -in a moment, and became no more than a golden dream. Henceforth, the -largest part of our intellectual, moral, and physical powers was -condemned to be employed and sadly wasted in a struggle which armed -brethren against brethren. The nations which had preserved Catholicity -were compelled to concentrate all their resources, power, and energy, -in order to make head against the impious attacks which the new -sectaries made upon them by the press or by force of arms. The nations -among whom the contagion of the new errors had been propagated were -thrown into a sort of giddiness; they had no other enemies but the -Catholics, and they considered only one enterprise worthy of their -efforts--the degradation and destruction of the Roman See. Their -thoughts no longer tended towards the invention of means for improving -the lot of the human race; the immense field which had been thrown -open to noble ambition by the recent discoveries, no longer merited -attention; for them there was only one holy work--that of destroying -the authority of the Roman Pontiff. - -This condition of men's minds struck with sterility the ascendency over -nations recently discovered or conquered, which naturally belonged to -Europeans. When the nations of Europe simultaneously approached new -regions, they no longer met as brothers or generous rivals, stimulated -by noble ambition; they were exasperated and implacable enemies, men -who differed in religion, and who fought battles against each other -as bloody as those which had formerly been witnessed between the -Christians and the Moors. The name of the Christian religion, which had -been the symbol of peace for so many ages--a name which on the eve of -battle was able to compel adversaries to lay aside their hatred, and -embrace like brothers, instead of tearing each other in pieces like -lions; a name which had served as an ensign to secure their triumph -over Mohammedan legions: this name, now disfigured by sacrilegious -hands, became a type of discord; and after Europe had been covered -with blood and mourning, the scandal was transported to the nations of -the New World. These simple and confiding nations were stricken with -stupefaction on seeing the miseries, the spirit of division, hatred, -and revenge which reigned among the same men upon whom they had just -looked as demigods. - -From that time forward, the forces of Europe were not united in any of -those great enterprises which had shed so much glory on previous ages. -The Catholic missionary, watering the Indian or American forests with -his sweat and blood, could reckon on the assistance of the nation to -which he belonged, if that nation remained Catholic; but he could not -hope that all Europe, uniting in the work of God, would come to sustain -the distant missions with her resources; he knew, on the contrary, that -a great many Europeans would calumniate and insult him, and use all -imaginable means to prevent the seed of the gospel from taking root on -the new soil, and increasing the power of the Popes, by adding to the -renown of the Catholic Church. - -There was a time when the profanations of the Mussulmen in Jerusalem, -and the injuries inflicted on the pilgrims who visited the Holy -Sepulchre, were sufficient to arouse the indignation of all Christian -nations. They all uttered the cry, _To arms!_ and in crowds they -followed the monk who led them to avenge the outrages against religion -and the pious pilgrims. After the heresy of Luther, all was changed: -the death of a missionary sacrificed in a foreign land, his torments -and martyrdom, sublime scenes in which the zeal and charity of the -first ages of the Church reappeared with all their energy: all this -was devoted to contempt and ridicule by men who called themselves -Christians--the unworthy posterity of the heroes whose blood had flowed -under the walls of Jerusalem. - -In order to conceive in its full extent the evil caused by -Protestantism in this respect, let us imagine for a moment that -Protestantism had not appeared; and in this hypothesis, let us make a -few reflections on the probable course of events. In the first place, -all the strength, genius, and resources which Spain employed to make -head in the religious wars excited on the continent, would have been -able to exert themselves in the New World. The same would have been -the case with France, the Low Countries, and England. These nations, -although divided, have been able to furnish brilliant and glorious -pages in history; if their action on the new countries had been united -and concentrated, would they not have exerted a vigor and energy which -would have been irresistible? Imagine all the ports from the Baltic -to the Adriatic sending their missionaries to the East and to the -West, as did France, Spain, Portugal, and Italy; imagine all the great -cities of Europe as so many centres where means for this great object -are collected; imagine all the missionaries guided by the same views, -under the influence of the same thought, and burning with the same zeal -for the propagation of the same faith; wherever they meet, they meet -as brothers, and co-operate in the common cause; all are under the -same authority: do you not imagine that you see the Christian religion -exerting herself on an immense scale, and everywhere gaining the most -signal triumphs? The vessel which bears the apostolic men to distant -regions may fearlessly unfurl her sails; when she discovers the flag of -another country on the horizon, she is under no apprehension of meeting -with enemies; she is sure of finding friends and brothers wherever -there are Europeans. - -The Catholic missions, in spite of the obstacles which have been -opposed to them by the turbulent spirit of Protestantism, have -accomplished the most difficult enterprises, and realized prodigies -which form a brilliant page in modern history; but how much nobler -would have been their results, if Italy, Spain, Portugal, and France -had been supported by the whole of Germany, the United Provinces, -England, and other northern nations? This association was natural, and -must have been realized, had not the schism of Luther destroyed it. It -may be observed, moreover, that this fatal event not only placed an -obstacle in the way of universal association, but hindered the Catholic -nations themselves from devoting the greatest part of their resources -to the great work of converting and regenerating the world: they were -compelled to remain continually under arms, on account of religious -wars and civil discords. At this epoch the religious orders were -apparently called to be the arm of religion; by their means religion, -consolidated in Europe and satisfied with the social regeneration which -she had just worked, would have extended her action to the infidel -nations. - -When we glance over the course of events during the earliest ages of -the Church, and compare them with those of modern times, we clearly -see that some powerful cause must have interfered in modern times to -oppose the propagation of the faith. Christianity appears, and she -extends herself immediately with rapidity, without any aid on the part -of men, and in spite of all the efforts of princes, sages, priests, the -passions, and of all the stratagems of hell. She is but of yesterday, -and already she is powerful, and prevails in all parts of the empire; -nations differing in language and manners, nations of various degrees -of civilization, abandon the worship of their false gods, and embrace -the religion of Jesus Christ. The barbarians themselves, as intractable -and indomitable as wild horses, listen to the missionaries who are sent -to them, and bow their heads; in the midst of conquest and victory, -they are seen to embrace the religion of those whom they have just -conquered. Christianity in modern times has been in possession of the -exclusive empire of Europe; and yet she has not been able to succeed -in introducing herself again on the coasts of Africa and Asia, which -lie under her eye. It is true, that the greatest part of America is -become Christian; but observe, that the nations of those countries -have been conquered; there the conquering nations have established -those governments which have lasted for ages; the European nations have -inundated the New World with their soldiers and colonies, so that a -considerable portion of America is a kind of importation from Europe; -consequently, the religious transformation of that country does not -resemble that which took place in the early ages of the Church. Turn -towards the West, where European arms have not obtained a decided -preponderance; see what takes place there: the nations are still -under the yoke of false religions. Christianity has not been able -to enlighten them; although the Catholic missions have obtained the -means of founding a few establishments more or less considerable, the -precious seed has not been able to take sufficient root in the soil, -in order to bear the fruits which ardent charity hoped for, and heroic -zeal labored to produce. From time to time, the rays of divine light -have penetrated to the heart of the great empires of Japan and China; -at certain moments flattering hopes might be conceived; but these hopes -have been dissipated, these rays of light have disappeared like a -brilliant meteor amidst the darkness of midnight. - -What is the cause of this impotence? whence comes it that the -fertilizing power, after having been so great in the first ages, had -proved so vain in the last? Let us not examine the profound secrets of -Providence, or seek to inquire into the incomprehensible mysteries of -the Divine ways; but as far as it is given to a feeble spirit to learn -the truth by the evidences contained in the history of the Church, as -far as it is allowed us to carry our conjectures on the designs of the -Most High, according to the indications which the Lord himself has been -pleased to communicate to us, let us hazard an opinion on the facts: -although dependent on a superior order, they yet have an ordinary -course, which is regulated by God himself. The apostle St. Paul says -that faith comes from hearing. He asks, how it is possible to hear, -if there is no one who preaches, and how can there be preaching, if -there is no one who sends? Hence, we must conclude that missions are -necessary for the conversion of nations, since God has not thought fit -by constant miracles to send legions of angels from heaven to teach the -nations who are deprived of the light of the earth. - -Having laid down this principle, I will say that what was required -for the conversion of infidel nations was the organization of -missions on a large scale. There were required missions which, by -the abundance of their resources and the number of their laborers, -might be in proportion to the greatness of the object. Observe that -the distances are immense, that the nations to whom the divine word -is to be announced are dispersed in many countries, and live under -the influence of laws, prejudices, and climates the most opposite -to the spirit of the Gospel. To make head against such vast wants, -and surmount such great difficulties, there was required a perfect -inundation of missionaries; without whom the result would remain -doubtful, the existence of religious establishments very precarious, -and the conversion of great nations little probable, unless Providence -interfered by one of those prodigies which change the face of the world -in an instant. Now Providence does not renew these prodigies every -moment; sometimes he does not even accord them to the most ardent -supplications of the Saints. - -In order to form a complete idea of what took place in the latter -ages, let us pay attention to what exists. What is wanting to infidel -nations? What is the incessant cry of the zealous men who devote -themselves to the propagation of the Gospel? Do we not constantly -hear lamentations on the small number of laborers, and on the scanty -resources which are devoted to the subsistence of the missionaries? Is -not this penury of resources the cause of the associations now formed -among the Catholics of Europe? - -The organization of missions on a large scale would have been realized -if Protestantism had not come to prevent it. The nations of Europe, -the privileged children of Providence, had the obligation and showed -a decided will to procure for the other nations of the world, by all -the means in their power, a participation in the benefits of the -faith. Unhappily this faith was weakened in Europe, it was given up to -the caprices of human reason, and henceforth what had before been of -easy execution became impossible. Providence, which had permitted the -deplorable disaster of the schism, permits also to be deferred to a -more remote period the happy day when the benighted nations shall enter -in great numbers into the fold of the Church. - -But perhaps I shall be told that the zeal of modern Catholicity is not -that of the early ages of Christianity, and this is one of the reasons -which have prevented the conversion of infidel nations. I will not make -a long comparison on this point; I will not say all that might be said; -I will content myself with making an observation which will remove the -difficulty at once. Our Divine Saviour, in order to send His disciples -to preach the Gospel, wished that they should abandon all they had -and follow Him. The same Saviour, revealing to us the infallible sign -of true charity, tells us that there is nothing greater than to give -one's life for one's brethren. The Catholic missionaries of the three -last centuries have renounced all, have abandoned their country, their -families, all the comforts of life, all that can engage the heart -of man on earth; they have gone to seek the infidels amid the most -imminent dangers, and they have sealed with their blood, in all parts -of the world, their ardor for the conversion of their brethren, and for -the salvation of souls. I believe that such missionaries are worthy of -succeeding to those of the first ages of the Church; all declamations -and calumnies are impotent before the triumphant evidence of facts. The -Church of the early ages would be honored, like that of our times, by a -St. Francis Xavier and the martyrs of Japan. - -We have spoken, also, of the abundance of the missionaries. The -Church had a wonderful fecundity for the conversion of the ancient -and barbarian world. At her first appearance, the fiery tongues of -the Cenacle and the multitude of prodigies made up for numbers, and -multiplied the servants of God. Nations of different languages, -listening to the same discourse, heard it at the same time each one in -his own tongue; but after this first impulse, by which the Almighty was -pleased to confound the powers of hell, things followed the ordinary -course, and a greater number of missionaries was required for a -greater number of conversions. The great centres of faith and charity, -the numerous churches of the East and West, furnished in abundance -the apostolic men necessary for the propagation of the faith; and -this sacred army had a powerful reserve at hand ready to make up its -deficiencies when sickness, fatigues, and martyrdom had thinned its -ranks. Rome was the centre of this great movement; but Rome, in order -to give the impulse, had no need either of fleets ready to transport -the holy colonies to many thousand places, or of great treasures -to support missionaries in desert regions and countries altogether -unknown. When the missionary, prostrate at the feet of the Sovereign -Pontiff, asked his apostolical benediction, the holy father could send -him in peace with his pastoral staff alone; he knew that the Gospel -envoy was about to traverse Christian countries, and that even in -idolatrous lands he would not be far from princes already converted, -from bishops, priests, and faithful nations; none of whom would refuse -succor to him who went to sow the divine word in the neighboring -countries. - -I leave the reflections which I have just made, on the injury done to -the influence of Europe by the schism of Protestantism, with confidence -to the judgment of thinking men. I am deeply convinced that this -influence thereby received a terrible blow. Without the fatal event of -the sixteenth century, the condition of the world would now be very -different from what it is. I may, no doubt, delude myself in some -degree on this point; but I will appeal to simple good sense whether -it is not true, that unity of action, of principles, and of views, the -combination of resources, and the association of agents, are not in -all things the secret of success, and the surest guarantee for a happy -result. I will then ask whether Protestantism did not break this unity, -render this combination impossible, and this association impracticable? -Are not these facts indisputable, as clear as the light of day? These -facts are recent--they are of yesterday; what is their consequence? -what deduction should be drawn from them? Let impartiality, good sense, -and mere common sense, answer me, if they be only accompanied by good -faith. - -To every thinking man, it is evident that Europe is not what she would -have been without the appearance of Protestantism; and certainly it -is not less evident, that the results of its civilizing influence -on the world have not answered the promises of the early years of -the sixteenth century. Let Protestants boast of having given a new -direction to European civilization; let them vaunt of having enfeebled -the spiritual power of the Popes, by removing millions of souls from -the sacred fold; let them glory in having destroyed the religious -orders in countries subject to their dominion--of having broken in -pieces the ecclesiastical hierarchy, and thrown the Bible in the midst -of ignorant crowds, with the assurance that, to understand the sacred -volume, private inspiration or the judgment of natural reason was -enough; yet it is not the less certain that the unity of the Christian -religion has disappeared among them, that they want a centre whence -great efforts may proceed, that they are without a guide, wandering -like a flock without a shepherd, blown about by every wind of doctrine, -and unable to bring forth the least of those great works which -Catholicity has produced, and still produces, in such abundance; it is -not the less certain that, by their eternal disputes, their calumnies, -their attacks upon the dogmas and the discipline of the Church, they -have compelled the latter to hold herself in an attitude of defence--to -contend for three centuries, depriving her of the precious time and -means which she would have used to complete the great projects intended -by her, and already so happily begun. Is it a merit to divide men, -to provoke discord, to excite wars, to change brother nations into -enemies, to convert the great family-party of nations into an arena for -rancorous strife? Is it a merit to throw discredit on the missionaries -who go to preach the Gospel to infidel nations--to place all imaginable -obstacles in their way--to employ every means to render their zeal -useless, and their charity without result? If, indeed, all this be a -merit, then I acknowledge that this merit belongs to Protestantism; -but if all this be disastrous, and injurious to humanity, it is -Protestantism which must be responsible for it. - -When Luther said that he was charged with a high mission, he spoke -the truth, but a fearful and alarming truth, and one which he did -not understand. The sins of nations sometimes fill up the measure of -the patience of the Most High. The sound of human offences mounts to -heaven, and calls for vengeance; the Eternal, in His fearful anger, -sends down a look of fire upon the earth; then strikes the fatal hour -in His secret and infinite resolves, and the son of perdition, who -is to cover the world with mourning and desolation, appears. As the -cataracts of heaven were formerly opened to sweep the human race from -the face of the earth, so are the calamities which the God of vengeance -holds in reserve for the day of His anger, poured forth from their urn -and scattered over the world. The son of perdition raises his voice; -that moment is marked by the beginning of the catastrophe. The spirit -of evil moves over the whole face of the globe, bearing on his sable -pinions the echo of that ominous voice. An incomprehensible giddiness -takes possession of men's heads; the nations have eyes, and see not; -they have ears, and hear not; in their delirium, the most frightful -precipices appear to them smooth, peaceful, and flowery paths; they -call good evil, and evil good; they drink with feverish eagerness -of the poisoned cup; forgetfulness of all the past, ingratitude for -all benefits, seize all minds; the work of the genius of evil is -consummated; the prince of the rebellious spirits may again bury -himself in his empire of darkness; and the human race has learned, by -a terrible lesson, that the indignation of the Most High is not to be -provoked with impunity. - - - - -CHAPTER XLVI. - -THE JESUITS. - - -As I am treating of religious institutions, I must not pass over -in silence that celebrated order, which, from the first years of -its existence, assumed the stature of a colossus, and employed all -a giant's strength; that order which perished without having felt -decay; which did not follow the common course of others, either in its -foundation, in its development, or even in its fall; that order of -which it is truly and correctly said, that it had neither infancy nor -old age. It is clear that I speak of the society of Jesus, the Jesuits. -The name alone will be enough to alarm a certain class of readers; and, -therefore, in order to tranquillize them, I will say that I do not -here undertake to write an apology for the Jesuits; this task does not -belong to the character of my work; moreover, others have undertaken -it, and it is not necessary for me to repeat what is well known. But -it is impossible to call to mind the religious institutions, the -religious, political, and literary history of Europe, during the last -three centuries, without meeting the Jesuits at every step: we cannot -travel in the most distant countries, traverse unknown seas, visit the -most remote lands, or penetrate the most frightful deserts, without -finding everywhere under our feet some memorials of the Jesuits. On -the other hand, we cannot look at our libraries without immediately -remarking the writings of some Jesuits. Since this is the case, even -those among our readers who have the greatest horror of them, ought -to pardon us for fixing our attention for a moment on this institute -which has filled the world with its name. Even if we were to attach -no importance to their modern revival, and to regard their present -existence and their probable future as unworthy of examination, it -would still be altogether inexcusable not to speak of them, at least as -a historical fact. To pass them over in silence, would be to imitate -those ignorant and heartless travellers, who, with stupid indifference, -tread under foot the most interesting ruins and the most valuable -remains. - -When we study the history of the Jesuits, this very extraordinary -circumstance is apparent: they have existed only for a few years, if -compared with the duration of other religious bodies, and yet there is -no religious order which has been the object of such keen animosity. -From their origin, they have had numerous enemies; never have they been -free from them, either in their prosperity and greatness, or in their -fall, or even after it; never has their persecution ceased; we should -rather say, never has the animosity with which they have been pursued -ceased. Since their reappearance, men have constantly fixed their eyes -upon them; they tremble lest they should resume their ancient power; -the splendor which is reflected on them by the recollections of their -brilliant history renders them visible everywhere, and augments the -fears of their enemies. How many men among us are more alarmed at the -foundation of a Jesuits' college than at an irruption of Cossacks! -There is, therefore, something very singular and extraordinary in this -institute, since it excites the public attention in so high a degree, -and its mere name disconcerts its enemies. Men do not despise the -Jesuits, but they fear them; sometimes they attempt to throw ridicule -on them; but when that weapon is employed against them, it is felt -that he who wields it is not sufficiently calm to use it with success. -In vain does he attempt to affect contempt; through the affectation -every one can perceive disquietude and anxiety. It is immediately seen -that he who attacks does not believe himself opposed to insignificant -adversaries. His bile is excited, his sallies become checked, his -words, steeped in a fearful bitterness, fall from his mouth like drops -from a poisoned cup; it is clear that he takes the affair to heart, -and does not look upon it as a mere joke. We fancy we hear him say to -himself, "Every thing affecting the Jesuits is extremely grave; there -is no playing with these men--no regard, no indulgence, no moderation -of any kind; it is necessary always to treat them with rigor, -harshness, and detestation; with them, the least negligence may become -fatal." - -Unless I am much deceived, this is the best demonstration that can be -given of the eminent merit of the Jesuits. It must be the same with -classes and corporations as with individuals--very extraordinary merit -necessarily excites numerous enemies, for the simple reason that such -merit is always envied, and very often dreaded. In order to know the -real cause of this implacable hatred against them, it is enough to -consider who are their principal enemies. We know that Protestants and -infidels figure there in the first rank; in the second, we remark the -men who, with more or less clearness and resolution, show themselves -but little attached to the authority of the Roman Church. Both, in -their hatred against the Jesuits, are guided by a very rare instinct, -for truly they have never met with a more redoubtable adversary. This -reflection is worthy of the attention of sincere Catholics, who, for -one cause or another, entertain unjust prejudices. When we have to form -a judgment on the merit and conduct of a man, it is very often a sure -means of deciding between contrary opinions to inquire who are his -enemies. - -When we fix our attention on the institute of the Jesuits, on the time -of its foundation, on the rapidity and greatness of its progress, we -find the important truth which I have before pointed out more and more -confirmed, viz., that the Catholic Church, with wonderful fruitfulness, -always furnishes an idea worthy of her to meet all the necessities -which arise. Protestantism opposed the Catholic doctrines with the pomp -and parade of knowledge and learning; the _éclat_ of human literature, -the knowledge of languages, the taste for the models of antiquity, were -all employed against religion with a constancy and ardour worthy of a -better cause. Incredible efforts were made to destroy the pontifical -authority; when they could not destroy it, they attempted at least to -weaken and discredit it. The evil spread with fearful rapidity; the -mortal poison already circulated in the veins of a considerable portion -of the European nations: the contagion began to be propagated even in -countries which had remained faithful to the truth. To complete the -misfortune, schism and heresy, traversing the seas, corrupted the faith -of the simple neophytes of the New World. What was to be done in such -a crisis? Could such great evils be remedied by ordinary means? Was -it possible to make head against such great and imminent perils by -employing common arms? Was it not proper to make some on purpose for -such a struggle, to temper the cuirass and shield, to fit them for this -new kind of warfare, in order that the cause of truth might not appear -in the new arena under fatal disadvantages? Who can doubt that the -appearance of the Jesuits was the answer to these questions, that their -institute was the solution of the problem? - -The spirit of the coming ages was essentially one of scientific and -literary progress. The Jesuits were aware of this truth; they perfectly -understood it. - -It was necessary to advance with rapidity and never to remain behind: -this the new institute does; it takes the lead in all sciences; it -allows none to anticipate it. Men study the oriental languages; -they produce great works on the Bible; they search the books of the -ancient Fathers, the monuments of tradition and of ecclesiastical -decisions: in the midst of this great activity, the Jesuits are at -their posts; many supereminent works issue from their colleges. The -taste for dogmatical controversy is spread over all Europe: many -schools preserve and love the scholastic discussions: immortal works -of controversy come from the hands of the Jesuits, at the same time -that they yield to none in skill and penetration in the schools. The -mathematics, astronomy, all the natural sciences, make great progress; -learned societies are formed in the capitals of Europe to cultivate -and encourage them: in these societies the Jesuits figure in the first -rank. The spirit of time is naturally dissolvent: the institute of -the Jesuits is interiorly armed against dissolution; in spite of the -rapidity of its course, it advances in a compact order, like the mass -of a powerful army. The errors, the eternal disputes, the multitude of -the new opinions, even the progress of the sciences, by exciting men's -minds, give a fatal inconstancy to the human intellect--an impetuous -whirlwind, agitating and stirring up all things, carries them away. -The order of the Jesuits appears in the midst of this whirlwind, but -it partakes neither of its inconstancy nor of its variability; it -pursues its career without losing itself; and while only irregularity -and vacillation are seen among its adversaries, it advances with a -sure step, tending towards its object, like a planet which performs -its orbit according to fixed laws. The authority of the Pope, assailed -with animosity by Protestants, was indirectly attacked by others with -stratagem and dissimulation; the Jesuits showed themselves faithfully -attached to that authority; they defend it wherever it is threatened; -like vigilant sentinels, they constantly watch over the preservation -of Catholic unity. Their knowledge, influence, and riches never affect -their profound submission to the authority of the Popes--a submission -which was ever their distinctive characteristic. In consequence of -the discovery of the new countries in the east and west, a taste for -travelling, for observing distant countries, for the knowledge of the -language, manners, and customs of the recently discovered nations, was -developed in Europe. The Jesuits, spread over the face of the globe, -while preaching the Gospel to the nations, do not forget the study of -the thousand things which may interest cultivated Europe; and at their -return from their gigantic expeditions, they are seen adding their -valuable treasures to the common fund of modern science. - -How, then, can we be surprised that Protestants have been so violent -against an institute in which they found so terrible an enemy; and, on -the other hand, was there any thing more natural than to see all the -other enemies of religion, enemies some of whom were wholly unmasked -and some partially disguised, make common cause with Protestants on -this point? The Jesuits were a wall of brass against the assaults -upon the Catholic faith; it was resolved to undermine and overturn -this rampart; which in the end was accomplished. Very few years had -elapsed since the suppression of the Jesuits, and already the memory -of the great crimes which were imputed to them was effaced by the -ravages of an unexampled revolution. Men of good faith, whose excessive -confidence had believed perfidious calumnies, could convince themselves -that the riches, knowledge, influence, and the pretended ambition of -the Jesuits, would never have been as fatal as the triumph of their -enemies; these religious men would never have upset a throne or cut off -the head of a king on the scaffold. - -M. Guizot, in glancing at European civilization, necessarily -encountered the Jesuits; and it must be acknowledged that he has not -done them the justice to which they are entitled. After having lamented -the inconsistency of the Protestant Reformation, and the narrow spirit -which guided it, after having confessed that Catholics knew very well -what they did and what they wished, and that they acted up to the -principles of their conduct and avowed all their consequences, M. -Guizot declares that there never was a more consistent government than -that of Rome, and that the court of Rome, always having a fixed idea, -has known how to pursue a consistent and regular line of conduct; he -extols the strength which results from a full knowledge of what one -does and what one wishes; he shows the advantage of a settled design, -and of the complete and absolute adoption of a principle and system; -that is to say, he makes a brilliant panegyric on, and a powerful -apology for, the Catholic Church. Nevertheless, M. Guizot finds the -Jesuits in his way, and unworthy as it is of such a mind as his, which, -in order to require just renown, has no need of burning incense before -vulgar prejudices or mean passions, he attempts, in passing, to throw -a reproach upon them. "Every one knows," says M. Guizot, "that the -principal power instituted to contend against the religious revolution, -was the order of the Jesuits. Throw a glance over their history; they -have failed everywhere; wherever they have interfered to any extent, -they have brought misfortune to the cause in which they have engaged. -In England they have destroyed kings, in Spain nations." M. Guizot had -just told us of the superiority which is obtained over an adversary by -regular and consistent conduct, by the complete and absolute adoption -of a system, and by a fixed idea; as a proof of all this he showed us -the Jesuits, he exhibited to us in them the expression of the system -of the Church; and behold, without any explanation, if not without a -motive, the writer suddenly changes his course; the advantages of the -system which he has just praised disappear from his eyes; for those who -follow this system, that is the Jesuits themselves, fail everywhere, -and everywhere bring misfortunes on the cause which they embrace. How -can such assertions be reconciled? The credit, influence, and sagacity -of the Jesuits have passed into a proverb. The reproach against them -was, of having extended their views too far, of having conceived -ambitious plans, and obtained by their skill a decided ascendency in -all the places where they succeeded in gaining entrance; Protestants -themselves have openly confessed that the Jesuits were their most -redoubtable adversaries; it was always thought that the foundation of -the order had an immense result, and now we learn from M. Guizot, that -the Jesuits have everywhere failed; that their support, far from being -a great succour, always brought fatality and misfortune to the cause -of which they declared themselves the advocates. If they were such -fatal servants, why were their services sought with so much eagerness? -If they always conducted affairs so ill, why have the most important -ones in the end fallen into their hands? Adversaries so foolish or so -unfortunate certainly ought not to have excited in the enemies' camp so -much clamor as was raised at their approach. - -"In England the Jesuits have destroyed kings, in Spain nations." -Nothing is easier than these bold strokes of the pen; the whole of a -great history is traced in a single line, and an infinity of facts, -grouped and confounded, are made to pass under the eye of the reader -with the rapidity of lightning; the eye has not even time to look at -them, still less to analyze them as would be necessary. M. Guizot -should have devoted some sentences to prove his assertion; he should -have stated the facts and pointed out the reasons on which he builds, -when he affirms that the influence of the Jesuits has had so fatal an -effect. With respect to the kings of England here so boldly sacrificed, -I cannot enter into an examination of the religious and political -revolutions which agitated and desolated the three kingdoms for two -centuries after the schism of Henry VIII. These revolutions, in their -immense circle, have presented very different phases; disfigured and -perverted by the Protestants, who have success in their favor, that -decisive, if not convincing argument, they have made some men of -little reflection believe that the disasters of England were in great -part due to the imprudence of the Catholics, and, as an indispensable -corollary, to the pretended intrigues of the Jesuits. In spite of this, -the Catholic movement which England has witnessed for half a century, -and the great works which every day carry on the restoration of -Catholicity, will at last disperse the calumnies by which our faith has -been stigmatized. Before long, the history of the last three centuries -will be restored as it ought, and the truth will appear in its proper -light. This observation relieves me from the necessity of entering into -details on the subject of the first assertion of M. Guizot; but I must -not leave without reply what he so gratuitously affirms on the subject -of Spain. - -"The Jesuits have destroyed nations in Spain," says M. Guizot; I wish -that the publicist had explained to us to what great disaster he -alluded. To what period does he refer? I have examined our history, -and I do not find this destruction which was caused by the Jesuits; I -cannot imagine whereon the historian fixed his eyes when he pronounced -these words. Nevertheless, the antithesis between Spain and England, -between nations and kings, leads us to suspect that M. Guizot alluded -to the shipwreck of political liberty; we are not aware that there is -any other better-founded or more legitimate interpretation. But then a -new difficulty presents itself: how can we believe that a man so versed -in the knowledge of history, composing a course of lectures which is -particularly devoted to the general history of European civilization, -should fall into a palpable error,--should commit an unpardonable -anachronism? Indeed, whatever may be the judgments of publicists on -the causes which have produced the loss of liberty in Spain, and -on the important events of the days of the Catholic sovereigns, of -Philippe le Beau, of Jeanne-la-Folle, and the regency of Cisneros, all -are unanimous in saying that the war of the Commons was the critical -moment, decisive of the liberty of Spain; all are agreed that the two -parties played their last stake at that time, and that the battle of -Villalar and the punishment of Padilla, by confirming and increasing -the royal power, destroyed the last hopes of the partisans of the -ancient liberties. Well, the battle of Villalar was fought in 1521; at -that time the Jesuits did not exist, and St. Ignatius, their founder, -was still a brilliant knight, battling like a hero under the walls of -Pampeluna. To this there is no reply; all philosophy and eloquence are -unable to efface these dates. - -During the sixteenth century, the Cortes met more or less often, and -with more or less influence, above all in the kingdom of Aragon; but -it is as clear as daylight that the royal power had every thing under -its domination, that nothing could resist it, and the unfortunate -attempt of the Aragonese, at the time of the affair of Don Antonio -Perez, sufficiently shows that there existed then no remains of ancient -liberty which could oppose the will of kings. Some years after the -war of the Commons, Charles V. gave the _coup de grace_ to the Cortes -of Castile, by excluding from it the clergy and the nobles, to leave -only the _Estamento de Procuradores_, a feeble rampart against the -exigencies, against the all-powerful attempts of a monarch on whose -dominions the sun never set. This exclusion took place in 1538, at the -time when St. Ignatius was still occupied with the foundation of his -order; the Jesuits, therefore, could have had no influence therein. - -Still more, the Jesuits, after their establishment in Spain, never -employed their influence against the liberty of the people. From -their pulpits they did not teach doctrines favorable to despotism; if -they reminded the people of their duties, they also reminded kings -of theirs; if they wished the rights of monarchs to be respected, -they would not allow those of the people to be trodden under foot. -To prove the truth of this, I appeal to the testimony of those who -have read the writings of the Jesuits of that time on questions of -public law. "The Jesuits," says M. Guizot, "were called to contend -against the general course of events, against the development of modern -civilization, against the liberty of the human mind." If the general -course of events is nothing but the course of Protestantism, if the -development of Protestantism is the development of modern civilization, -if the liberty of the human mind consists only in the fatal pride, in -the mad independence which the pretended reformers communicated to -it, then nothing is more true than the assertion of the publicist; -but if the preservation of Catholicity is a fact of any weight in the -history of Europe, if her influence during the last three centuries has -amounted to any thing, if the reigns of Charles V., Philip II., Louis -XIV., do not deserve to be effaced from modern history, and if regard -ought to be had to that immense counterpoise to which was owing the -equilibrium of the two religions; in fine, if the faith of Descartes, -Malebranche, Bossuet, and Fénélon, can make a dignified appearance in -the picture of modern civilization, it is impossible to understand how -the Jesuits, when intrepidly defending Catholicity, could be struggling -against the general course of events, against the development of modern -civilization, and against the freedom of human thought. - -After having made this first false step, M. Guizot continues to slip in -a deplorable manner. I particularly call the attention of my readers -to the following evident contradictions: "With the Jesuits, there is -no _éclat_, no grandeur. They have performed no brilliant exploits." -The publicist entirely forgets what he has just advanced, or rather -he directly retracts it, when he adds, a few lines further, "and yet, -nothing is more certain than that they have had grandeur; a grand idea -belongs to their names, to their influence, and to their history. -It is because they knew what they did, and what they wished; it is -because they had a clear and full knowledge of the principles on which -they acted, and of the end towards which they tended; that is to say, -because they have had grandeur of thought and of will." Is genius -in its vastest enterprises, in the realization of its most gigantic -projects, any thing more than a grand idea and a grand intention? -The mind conceives, the will executes; this fashions the model, that -makes the application; if there be grandeur in the model and in the -application, how can the whole work fail to be grand? - -Pursuing the task of lowering the Jesuits, M. Guizot makes a parallel -between them and the Protestants; he confounds ideas in such a way, and -so far forgets the nature of things, that one would hardly believe it, -if the words themselves did not prove it beyond a doubt. Forgetting -that it is necessary for the terms of a comparison not to be of a -totally different kind, which renders all comparison impossible, M. -Guizot compares a religious institute with whole nations; he goes -so far as to reproach the Jesuits with not having raised the people -_en masse_, and with not having changed the form and condition of -states. Here is the passage: "They have acted in subterraneous, dark, -and inferior ways; in ways which were not at all apt to strike the -imagination, or to conciliate for them that public interest which -attaches itself to great things, whatever may be their principle and -end. The party against which they contended, on the contrary, not -only conquered, but conquered with _éclat_; it has done great things -and by great means; it has aroused nations; it has filled Europe with -great men; it has changed the form and the lot of nations in the face -of day. In a word, all has been against the Jesuits, both fortune and -appearances." Without intending to offend M. Guizot, let us avow, -that for the honor of his logic, one would desire to efface from his -writings such phrases as we have just read. What! ought the Jesuits -to have put the nations in motion, made them arise _en masse_, and -changed the form and condition of states? Would they not have been -extraordinary religious men, if they had been allowed to do such -things? It was said of the Jesuits that they had unbounded ambition, -and that they attempted to rule the world; and now they are compared -with their adversaries in order to throw it in their faces that the -latter have overturned the world; a distinguished merit, which must -have been a disgrace to the Jesuits themselves. Indeed, the Jesuits -have never attempted to imitate their adversaries on this point; with -respect to the spirit of confusion and perturbation, they joyfully -yield the palm to those to whom it rightly belongs. - -As far as great men are concerned, if the question be with respect to -the greatness of the enterprises which are becoming in a minister of -the God of peace, then have the Jesuits had this kind of grandeur in -an eminent degree. Whether it be in the most arduous affairs, or in -the vastest projects in science and literature, whether it be in the -most distant missions, or in the most redoubtable perils, the Jesuits -have never remained behind; on the contrary, they have been seen to -display a spirit so bold and enterprising, that they have thereby -obtained the most distinguished renown. If the great men of whom M. -Guizot speaks are restless tribunes, who, putting themselves at the -head of an ungovernable people, violated the public peace, if they are -the Protestant warriors whose names have shone in the wars of Germany, -France, and England, the comparison is foolish, and has no meaning; -for priests and warriors, religious and tribunes, are so distinct, so -different in actions and character, that to compare them is impossible. - -Justice required that in such a parallel, where the Jesuits are taken -as one of the terms of the comparison, Protestants should not be placed -on the other, unless by them the reformed ministers are meant. Even in -this later case the comparison would not have been absolutely exact, -since, in the midst of the great differences between the two religions, -the Jesuits are not found alone in defending Catholicity. The Church, -during the last three centuries, has had great prelates, holy priests, -eminent _savants_, and writers of the first order, who did not belong -to the company of Jesus; the Jesuits were reckoned among the principal -champions, but they were not the only ones. Had it been wished fairly -to compare Protestantism with Catholicity, it would have been requisite -to oppose Protestant to Catholic nations, to compare priests with -priests, _savants_ with savants, politicians with politicians, warriors -with warriors; to do otherwise is monstrously to confound names and -things, and to reckon too much on the limited understandings and -excessive simplicity of hearers and readers. It is certain that if -the method we have pointed out were adopted, Protestantism would not -appear so brilliant and superior as the publicist has exhibited it to -us. Catholics, as M. Guizot well knows, do not yield to Protestants in -letters, in war, or in political ability. History is there; let it be -consulted. - - - - -CHAPTER XLVII. - -THE FUTURE OF RELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS.--THEIR PRESENT NECESSITY. - - -When, after having fixed our eyes on the vast and interesting picture -which religious communities present to us, after having called to -mind their origin, their varied forms, their vicissitudes of poverty -and riches, of depression and prosperity, of coldness and of fervor, -of relaxation and strict reform, we see them still subsist and arise -anew on all sides, in spite of the efforts of their enemies, we -naturally ask what will be their future? their past is full of glory; -what influence have they not exerted in society, under a thousand -different aspects, and in the thousand phases of society itself? Yet -what spectacle do they show us in modern times? On one hand they have -been weakened, like an old wall which we see ruined by the effect -of time; on the other we have seen them suddenly disappear, like -weak trees overthrown by the whirlwind. Moreover, they seemed to be -condemned by the spirit of the age without appeal. Matter having become -supreme, extended its empire on all sides, scarcely allowing the -mind a moment for reflection and meditation; industry and commerce, -carrying their turmoil to the remotest parts of the earth, confirmed -the judgment of an irreligious philosophy against a class of men -devoted to prayer, silence, and solitude. Nevertheless, facts every day -belie their conjectures; the hearts of Christians still preserve the -most flattering hopes, and these hopes are strengthened and animated -more and more. The hand of God, who carries out His high designs and -laughs at the vain thoughts of man, shows it more and more wonderful. -Philosophy sees a wide field for meditation open before it; it -anticipates the probable future of religious communities; it may make -conjectures on the influence which is reserved for them in society for -the future. - -We have already seen what is the real origin of religious institutions; -we have found that origin in the spirit of the Catholic religion, and -history has told us that they have arisen wherever she is established. -They have varied in form, in rule, in object, but the fact has been -always the same. Thence we have inferred that wherever the Catholic -faith shall be maintained, religious institutions will appear anew -under some form or other. This prognostic may be made with complete -certainty; we do not fear that time will belie it. We live in an -age steeped in voluptuous materialism; interests which are called -positive, or, in plainer terms, gold and pleasure, have acquired such -an ascendency that we might apparently fear to see some societies -lamentably retrograde towards the manners of paganism, towards that -period of disgrace when religion might be summed up in the deification -of matter. But in the midst of this afflicting picture, when the mind, -full of anguish, feels itself on the point of swooning away, the -observer sees that the soul of man is not yet dead, and that lofty -ideas, noble and dignified feelings, are not entirely banished from the -earth. The human mind feels itself too great to be limited to wretched -objects; it comprehends that it is given it to rise higher than an -air-balloon. - -Observe what happens with respect to industrial progress. Those -steam-vessels which leave our ports with the rapidity of an arrow to -traverse the immensity of ocean, those burning vehicles which skim -along our plains, and penetrate into the heart of mountains, realizing -under our eyes what would have seemed a dream to our fathers; those -other machines which give movement to gigantic workshops, and as if by -magic set in motion innumerable instruments, and elaborate with the -most wonderful precision the most delicate productions: all this is -great and wonderful. But however great, however wonderful it may be, it -no longer astonishes; these wonders no longer captivate our attention -in a more lively manner than the generality of the objects which -surround us. Man feels that he is still greater than these machines -and masterpieces of art; his heart is an abyss which nothing can fill; -give him the whole world, and the void will be the same. The depth -is immeasurable; the soul, created in the image and likeness of God, -cannot be satisfied without the possession of Him. - -The Catholic religion constantly revives these lofty thoughts, and -points out this immense void. In barbarous times she placed herself -among rude and ignorant nations to lead them to civilization; she now -remains among civilized nations to provide against the dissolution -which threatens them. She disregards the coldness and neglect with -which indifference and ingratitude reply to her; she cries out without -ceasing, addresses her warnings to the faithful with indefatigable -constancy, makes her voice resound in the ears of the incredulous, -and remains intact and immovable in the midst of the agitation and -instability of human things. Thus do those wonderful temples which -have been left to us by the remotest antiquity, remain entire amid the -action of time, of revolutions, and of convulsions; around them arise -and disappear the habitations of men, the palaces of the great and the -cottages of the poor, but the time-stained edifice stands like a solemn -and mysterious object in the midst of the smiling fields and showy -structures which surround it; its vast cupola annihilates all that is -near; its summit boldly rises towards the heavens. - -The labors of religion do not remain without fruit; penetrating -minds acknowledge her truths; even those who refuse their submission -to the faith confess the beauty, utility, and necessity of this -divine religion; they regard it as an historical fact of the highest -importance, and agree that the good order and prosperity of families -and states depend upon it. But God, who watches over the safety of -the church, is not content with these avowals of philosophy; torrents -of all-powerful grace descend from on high, and the Divine Spirit -is diffused and renewed on the face of the earth. Even from the -whirlwind of the world, corrupt and indifferent as it is, privileged -men frequently come forth, whose foreheads have been touched with the -flame of inspiration, and whose hearts are on fire with heavenly love. -In retreat, in solitude, in meditation on the eternal truths, they -have acquired that disposition of mind which is necessary to perform -arduous tasks; in spite of raillery and ingratitude, they devote -themselves to console the unfortunate, to educate the young, and to -convert idolatrous nations. The Catholic religion will last till the -end of time, and so long will there be these privileged men separated -by God from the rest, to be called to extraordinary sanctity, or to -console their brethren in their misfortunes. Now these men will seek -each other, will unite to pray, will associate to aid each other in -their enterprise, will ask for the apostolical benediction of the Vicar -of Jesus Christ, and will found religious institutions. Whether they -be old orders only modified, or entirely new ones; whatever be their -forms, rules of life or dress, all this is of little importance; the -origin, the nature, and the object will be the same. It is vain for men -to oppose the miracles of grace. - -Even the present condition of society will require the existence of -religious institutions. When the organization of modern nations shall -have been more profoundly examined, when time by its bitter lessons and -terrible experience shall have thrown more light on the real state of -things, it will be evident that errors greater than men have imagined, -have been committed in the social as well as in the political order. -Sad experience has corrected ideas to a great extent, but this does not -suffice. - -It is evident that present societies want the necessary means to -supply the necessities which press upon them. Property is divided -and subdivided more and more; every day it becomes more feeble and -inconstant, industry multiplies productions in an alarming manner, -commerce extends itself indefinitely; that is to say, society, -approaching the term of pretended social perfection, is on the point -of attaining the wishes of that materialistic school, in whose eyes -men are only machines, and which has not imagined that society -can undertake any grander or more useful object than the immense -development of material interests. Misery has increased in proportion -to the augmentation of production; to the eyes of all provident -men it is as clear as the light of day that things are pursuing a -wrong course, and that if a remedy cannot be applied in time, the -_dénouement_ will be fatal; the vessel which we see advancing so -rapidly, with all her sails set and a favorable wind, is about to -strike upon a rock. The accumulation of riches, brought about by the -rapidity of the industrial and commercial movement, tends towards the -establishment of a system which would devote the sweat and the lives of -all to the profit of the few; but this tendency finds its counterpoise -in levelling ideas which agitate very many heads, and which, moulded -into different theories, more or less openly attack property, the -present organization of labor, and the distribution of productions. -Immense multitudes, overwhelmed with misery and in want of moral -instruction and education, are disposed to promote the realization -of projects not less criminal than foolish, whenever an unhappy -concurrence of circumstances shall render the attempt possible. It is -superfluous to support the melancholy assertions which we have just -made with facts; the experience of every day confirms them but too much. - -Such being the case, may we be allowed to inquire of society, what -means there are, either of improving the state of the masses, or of -guiding and restraining them? It is clear that, for the first of these, -neither the inspirations of private interests, nor the instinct of -preservation which animates the favored classes, are sufficient. These -classes, properly speaking, as they exist, have not the character -which constitutes a class: they are only a collection of families just -emerged from poverty and obscurity, and who rapidly advance towards the -abyss whence they came, leaving their place to other families who will -run the same course. We find nothing fixed or stable about them. They -live from day to day, without thinking of the morrow: far different -from the old nobility, whose origin was lost in the obscurity of the -remotest antiquity, and whose strength and organization promised long -centuries of existence. These men could and did follow a system; -for what existed to-day was sure of existence to-morrow; now all -is changeable and inconstant. Individuals, like families, labor to -accumulate, to lay by riches, not in order to sustain for ages the -power and splendor of an illustrious house, but to enjoy to-day what -has been but just acquired. The presentiment of the short duration -which things must have, augments still more the giddiness and frenzy -of dissipation. The times are past when opulent families were desirous -of founding some enduring establishment to evince their generosity and -perpetuate the splendor of their names: hospitals, and other houses of -beneficence, do not come from the coffers of the bankers, as they did -from those of the old castles. We must acknowledge, however painful may -be the avowal, that the opulent classes of society do not fulfil the -duty which belongs to them: the poor should respect the property of the -rich; but the rich should, in their turn, respect the condition of the -poor: such is the will of God. - -It follows from what I have stated, that the resource of beneficence -is wanting in the social organization; and observe well, that -administration does not constitute society. Administration supposes -society to be already existing and entirely formed; when we expect -the salvation of society from means purely administrative, we attempt -a thing which is out of the laws of nature. In vain shall we imagine -new expedients; in vain shall we form ingenious plans, and make new -experiments; society has need of a more powerful agent. It is essential -that the world should submit to the law of love or that of force, -to charity or servitude. All the nations who have not had charity, -have found no other means of solving the social problem, than that -of subjecting the greatest number to slavery. Reason teaches, and -history proves, that neither public order, property, nor even society -itself, can exist, unless one of these is chosen; modern society -will not be exempted from the general law; the symptoms which now -present themselves to our eyes clearly indicate the events whereof the -generations which are to succeed us will be the witnesses. - -Happily, the fire of charity still burns on the earth; but the -indifference and prejudices of the wicked compel it to remain under -the embers. They are alarmed at the least spark of it which escapes, -as if it would enkindle a fatal conflagration. If the development -of institutions which are exclusively based upon the principle of -charity was favored, their salutary results and the superiority which -they possess over all that are founded on other principles would -soon be evident. It is impossible to supply the wants which I have -just pointed out, without organizing, on a vast scale, systems of -beneficence directed by charity: now this organization cannot be made -without religious institutions. It cannot be denied that Christians -who live in the world may form associations by which this object -will be accomplished more or less completely; but there are always a -multitude of cases which absolutely require the co-operation of men -exclusively devoted to them. It is necessary, moreover, to have a -nucleus to serve as the centre of all efforts, which presents, by its -own nature, a guarantee for preservation, and which provides against -the interruptions and oscillations which are inevitable in a large -concourse of agents, who are not bound together by any tie strong -enough to preserve them from differences, from separation, and even -from intestine contests. - -This vast system which we speak of ought to extend not only to -beneficence, but also to the education and instruction of the many. -The establishment of schools will remain sterile, if not mischievous, -as long as they are not founded upon religion; and they will be thus -founded only in appearance and name, while the direction of these -schools does not belong to the ministers of religion. The secular -clergy may fulfil a portion of this charge, but they are not enough -for the task; on the one hand, their limited number, and on the other, -their other duties, prevent their acting on a scale sufficiently large -to supply all the necessities of the times: hence it follows, that -the propagation of religious institutions in our days has a social -importance, which cannot be mistaken without shutting one's eyes to the -evidence of facts. - -If you reflect on the organization of European nations, you will -understand that their real advance has been prevented by some fatal -cause. Indeed, their situation is so singular, that it cannot be the -result of the principles whence these nations have drawn their origin, -and which have given them their increase. It is evident that the -countless multitude which one sees in society, making use of all its -faculties with complete liberty, could not, in the state in which it -now is, have been comprised in the primitive design--in the plan of -true civilization. When we create forces, we should know what we shall -do with them, by what means we shall move and direct them; without -this we only prepare violent shocks, endless agitation, disorder, and -destruction. The mechanician who cannot introduce a force into his -machine without breaking the harmony of the other movers, takes care -not to introduce it; and he sacrifices acceleration of movement and -the greatest strength of impulse to the fundamental necessity of the -preservation of the machine and the order and utility of its functions. -In the present state of society, we observe that power which is not in -harmony with the others; and the men who are charged with directing -the machine pay but little attention to gaining the required harmony. -Nothing acts upon the mass of the people but the ardent desire of -ameliorating their condition, of placing themselves in comfort, and of -obtaining the enjoyments of which the rich are in possession; nothing -to induce them to be resigned to the rigors of their lot; nothing to -console them in their misfortunes; nothing to render the present evils -more supportable by the hopes of a better future; nothing to inspire -them with respect for property, obedience to the laws, submission to -government; nothing to produce in their minds gratitude towards the -powerful classes; nothing to temper their hatreds, diminish their envy, -and mollify their anger; nothing to raise their ideas above earthly -things, their desires from sensual pleasures; nothing to form in their -hearts a solid morality capable of restraining them from vice and crime. - -If we pay attention, we shall see that the men of this age have only -three means of restraining the masses, and they regard these as enough; -but reason and experience show that these expedients are not only not -efficacious, but even dangerous; they are these,--private interests -well understood, public force well employed, and enervation of body, -followed by feebleness of mind, which restrains the populace from -violent means. - -"Let us make the poor man understand," says the philosopher, "that he -has an interest in respecting the property of the rich; that his powers -and his labor are also real property, which require to be respected -in their turn; let us maintain an imposing public force, always -ready to act on the menaced point, in order to stifle any attempts -at disorder at their birth; let us organize a police, extending over -society like an immense net, and allowing nothing to escape its sight; -let us satisfy the people with cheap enjoyments of all kinds; let us -furnish them with the means of imitating, in their grosser orgies, the -refined pleasures of our saloons and theatres, thereby their manners -will be softened--that is to say, they will be enervated; the people -will become impotent to make great revolutions, their arms being weak, -and their hearts cowardly." This is the system of those who attempt -to govern society and control disturbing passions without the aid of -religion. - -Let us pause for a moment to examine these means. It is, no doubt, easy -to say, in fine language, that the poor man is interested in respecting -the property of the rich; and that from this consideration alone he -ought to submit to the established order of things; and this without -even saying a word of the principles of morality, and leaving out all -that is removed from mere material interests. It is easy to write -books to explain such doctrines; but the difficulty consists in making -them understood in the same way by the wretched father of a family, -who, confined all the day to hard labor, plunged into an unwholesome -atmosphere, or buried in the bowels of the earth to work in a -coal-mine, can scarcely earn the subsistence of himself and his family; -and who, returning in the evening to his squalid abode, instead of -repose and consolation, finds only the complaints of his wife and the -tears of his children, asking him for a mouthful of bread. In truth, -is it strange that such a doctrine should not be graciously received -by those wretched beings, whose minds cannot perfectly understand the -parity between the poor and the rich with respect to the interests of -all, and the respect due to property? We will say plainly, that if you -banish from the world the moral principles, and desire to found the -respect due to property exclusively on private interest, the words here -addressed to the poor man are only a solemn imposture: it is false that -his private interest is in accordance with the interests of the rich. - -Let us suppose the most fearful revolution, let us imagine that the -established order is radically upset, that authority gives way, that -all institutions are swallowed up, that laws disappear, that properties -are divided, or remain abandoned to the first who shall seize them, -there is no doubt that the rich man loses; let us see what can happen -to the poor. Will he be robbed of his wretched possessions? no one will -dream of doing so; misery tempts not cupidity. You will tell me that he -will find no work, and that hunger will therefore be his lot. That is -true; but do you not see that in this case the poor man is a gambler -at a high stake, for whom the chance of loss, arising from the want -of work, is compensated by the probabilities of obtaining a share of -the rich booty? You add that he will not be allowed to keep that part; -but observe that, if his poverty becomes changed into riches, he will -soon imagine a new order of things, a new arrangement, a government -which will guarantee acquired rights, and prevent the destruction of -established things. Will he be without an example to follow in such -circumstances? Have recent examples been so easily forgotten? The poor -man sees clearly that a great number of his fellows will suffer evils -without end or compensation; he is not ignorant that he himself may, -perhaps, be of the number of the unfortunate; but, supposing that he -has no other guide than interest, supposing that new misfortunes, in -the last excess, can bring him only hunger and nakedness--things to -which he is so well accustomed, whether owing to the small return -for his labor, or to the frequent interruptions of work and the -vicissitudes of industry--you cannot charge with rashness the boldness -with which he comes forward, at the risk of increasing his privations -in some degree, and with the hope of being delivered from them, perhaps -for ever. This is a matter of calculation; and when private interest is -in question, we cannot grant to philosophy the right of regulating the -calculations of the poor. - -The public power, and the vigilance of the police, are the two -resources in which the best hopes are founded; and certainly not -without reason; for, at the present time, if the world is not -revolutionized, it is owing to them. We no longer see, as in ancient -times, troops of slaves bound together with chains, but we see whole -armies, with arms in their hands, guarding capitals. If you observe -closely, after so many discussions, so many trials, so many reforms, -so many changes, questions of government and public order have, in the -end, resolved themselves into questions of force. The rich class is -armed against the poor; and above both, there are armies to maintain -tranquillity with cannon, if necessary. Assuredly, the picture which -is exhibited to us in this respect, among modern nations, is worthy -of our attention. Since the fall of Napoleon, the great powers have -enjoyed an Augustan peace; for it is not worth while to speak of the -small events which, from time to time, have disturbed this universal -peace; neither the occupation of Ancona, nor the siege of Antwerp, nor -the war in Poland, can be considered as European wars; as to Spain, -limited, as she is by nature, to a narrow theatre, she can neither -traverse the seas, nor pass the Pyrenean mountains. Well, in spite of -this, the statistics of Europe show us enormous armies; the budgets -which are necessary to support them exhaust and overwhelm the nations. -What is the use of this military preparation? Do you believe that such -gigantic forces are kept on foot only that governments may not be taken -unawares by a general war; that war, which always threatens and never -breaks out; that war, which is feared neither by the government nor by -the people? No! they have another object: these armies are intended to -compensate for the moral means, the want of which is deplorably felt -on all sides, and nowhere more keenly than where the words justice and -liberty have been proclaimed with the most ostentation. - -The enervation of the numerous classes, by means of monotonous, -effortless labor, and a complete abandonment to pleasure, may be -considered by some as an element of order; as their power of striking -is thereby taken away, or at least diminished. We allow that the -workmen of our age are not capable of displaying the terrible energy -of ancient champions of the Commons; of those men who, throwing off -the yoke of the feudal lords, struggled hand to hand with formidable -warriors, whose names were immortalized on the plains of Palestine. -The new revolutionists want, also, that courage and that enthusiasm -which are communicated to the soul by great and generous ideas. The man -who fights only to procure enjoyments will never be capable of making -heroic sacrifices. Sacrifices demand self-denial; they are incompatible -with egotism: now the thirst for pleasure is egotism, carried to the -last degree of refinement. Nevertheless, it must be observed that a -mode of life purely material, and deprived of the stimulus of the moral -principles, ends by extinguishing the feelings, and plunges the soul -into a sort of stupidity, into a forgetfulness of self, which may, in -certain cases, supply the place of valor. The soldier who marches with -tranquillity to death, when leaving a brutal _orgy_, and the man who -commits suicide with imperturbable calmness, without anxiety for the -future, are precisely in the same position. The boldness of the one, -and the firmness of the other, show contempt of life. So, if we suppose -their passions to be excited by the trouble of the times, the numerous -class may display an energy of which they are supposed to be incapable; -the sight of their numbers may raise their courage; bold and cunning -leaders, putting themselves at their head, may succeed in rendering -them terrible. - -However this may be, it is at least certain that society cannot -continue its career without the aid and influence of moral means; -these means cannot suffice, shut up within the narrow circle in which -they are confined; consequently, it is indispensable to encourage the -development of institutions adapted to exercise moral influence in a -practical and efficacious manner. Books are not enough; the extension -of instruction is but an inefficient means, which may even become -fatal, unless based upon solid religious ideas. The propagation of -a vague religious feeling, undefined, without rules, without dogmas -or worship, will only serve to propagate gross superstitions among -the masses, and to form a religion of poetry and romance among the -cultivated classes; they are vain remedies, which do not stop the -progress of the disease; but, by augmenting the delirium of the -patient, precipitate his death. - -The education, the instruction, the improvement of the moral condition -of the people, these words, which are in the mouth of everybody, prove -how keenly and generally the wound in the social body is felt, and -how urgent is the necessity of the timely application of a remedy, in -order to prevent incalculable evils. This is the reason why projects -of beneficence ferment in so many minds; why it is attempted, under so -many different forms, to establish schools for children and adults, and -other similar institutions; but all will be useless, unless the work be -confided to Christian charity. Let us profit by the knowledge acquired -by experience in this matter; let us take advantage of administrative -improvements, the better to attain our end; let the establishments -be accommodated to present wants and exigences; let charity never -embarrass the action of power, and power, on its side, never oppose the -action of charity: all this will be well; but nothing of all this is -inconsistent with a system, in which the Catholic religion will recover -the influence which belongs to her; of her it may be said, with perfect -truth, _that she makes herself all to all, to gain the whole world_. - -The little minds which do not carry their views beyond a limited -horizon; bad hearts, which nourish only hatred, and delight only in -exciting rancor and in calling forth the evil passions; the fanatics of -a mechanical civilization, who see no other agent than steam, no other -power than gold and silver, no other object than production, no other -end than pleasure; all these men, assuredly, will attach but little -importance to the observations which I have made; for them, the moral -development of individuals and society is of little importance; they do -not even perceive what passes under their eyes; for them, history is -mute, experience barren, and the future a mere nothing. Happily there -is a great number of men who believe that their minds are nobler than -metal, more powerful than steam, and too grand and too sublime to be -satisfied with momentary pleasure. - -Man, in their eyes, is not a being who lives by chance, given up to the -current of time and the mercy of circumstances, who is not called upon -to think of the destinies which attend him, or to prepare for them, -by making a worthy use of the moral and intellectual qualifications -wherewith the Author of nature has favored him. If the physical world -is subject to the laws of the Creator, the moral world is not less -so; if matter can be used in a thousand ways for the profit of man, -the mind, created to the image and likeness of God, is also endowed -with valuable powers; a vast sphere opens before him; he feels himself -called to work for the good of humanity, without confining himself -to combinations and modifications of matter, like an instrument or a -slave of the material element, whereof the empire and control have been -granted to him by God. Let faith in another life, and charity, which -have come down from God, fertilize these noble feelings, and enlighten -and direct these sublime thoughts; you will then clearly see that -matter has no claim to be the ruler of the world; and that the King of -the creation has not yet abdicated his rights. But if you attempt to -build on any other foundation than that which has been established by -God, do not indulge flattering hopes, your edifice will be like the -house built upon sand; the rain came, the wind blew, and the edifice -was overturned with violence.[27] - - - - -CHAPTER XLVIII. - -RELIGION AND LIBERTY. - - -In the thirteenth chapter of this work we said, "The heart is filled -with generous indignation when we hear the religion of Jesus Christ -reproached with a tendency towards oppression. It is true, that if we -confound the spirit of real liberty with that of demagogues, we shall -not find it in Catholicity. But if we abstain from a monstrous abuse of -the name, if we give to the word liberty its reasonable, just, useful, -and pleasant meaning, then the Catholic religion may fearlessly claim -the gratitude of the human race, for she has civilized the nations who -have professed her, and civilization is true liberty." From what we -have already shown, the reader may judge whether Catholicity has been -favorable, or otherwise, to European civilization, and, consequently, -whether she has done any injury to real liberty. On the various points -on which we have compared her with Protestantism, we have seen the -injurious tendencies of the one and the advantages of the other; the -judgment of clear and enlightened reason cannot be doubtful. - -As the real liberty of nations does not consist in appearances, but -resides in their intimate organization, in the same way as the life -does in the heart, I might dispense with entering into a comparison -of the two religions with respect to civil liberty; but I do not wish -to be accused of having avoided a delicate question, from a fear that -Catholicity would not come out of it with honor, or to allow it to be -suspected that my faith has any difficulty in sustaining a parallel as -advantageously on this ground as on others. - -In order to clear up this question completely, it is necessary to -examine thoroughly the vague accusations which have been made on this -matter against Catholicity, and the eulogiums lavished on the pretended -Reformation. It is necessary to show that only gratuitous calumny has -been able to reproach the Catholic religion with favoring servitude and -oppression; it is necessary to dissipate, by the light of philosophy -and history, that deceitful prejudice, by the aid of which freethinkers -and Protestants have labored to persuade the people that Catholicity -is favorable to servitude, that the Church is the bulwark of tyrants, -that the name of Pope is synonymous with that of friend and natural -protector of whoever desires to debase men and reduce them to servitude. - -There are two ways in which this question may be decided; by doctrines -and by facts. - -Those who have said that the human race had lost its rights, and that -they were revived by Rousseau, certainly have not given themselves much -trouble in examining what are the real rights of the human race, and -what are the apocryphal rights advanced by the philosopher of Geneva -in his _Contrat Social_. Indeed, it may be said with more truth, that -the human race had very valuable rights, acknowledged as such, and -which Rousseau lost sight of. He undertook to examine thoroughly the -origin of the civil power, and his wild notions, instead of explaining -the matter, have only served to confuse it. I believe that on this -important point men have never had ideas less clear and distinct -than now. Revolutions have upset every thing in theory and in fact; -governments have been sometimes revolutionary, sometimes reactionary; -and sometimes revolution, and sometimes reaction, has been predominant. -It is extremely difficult to obtain from modern books a clear, -accurate, and exact knowledge of the nature of the civil power, of its -origin, and of its relations with subjects; in some of these you will -find the doctrines of Rousseau, in others those of Bonald: Rousseau is -a miner who saps in order to overturn; Bonald is the hero who saves -in his arms the tutelary deities of the city delivered to the flames; -but in his fear of profanation, he carries them covered with a veil. -However, it would not be just to attribute to Rousseau the melancholy -honor of having begun the confusion of ideas on this point; at various -times there have been found misguided men, who have labored to disturb -society by anarchical doctrines; but the embodiment of these doctrines, -and the forming of them into seductive theories, dates chiefly from the -birth of Protestantism. Luther, in his book _De Libertate Christiana_, -sowed the seeds of endless troubles by the extravagant doctrine, that -a Christian is subject to no one. In vain did he have recourse to the -evasive declaration, that he did not speak of magistrates or civil -laws; the peasants of Germany drew their own consequences; they rose -up against their lords, and enkindled a dreadful war. The divine right -held by Catholics has been accused of favoring despotism; and it has -been considered as so much opposed to the rights of the people, that -the two expressions are often antithetically employed. Divine right, -well understood, is not opposed to the rights, but to the excesses of -the people; so far from giving unlimited extent to power, it confines -it within the limits of reason, justice, and public advantage. In his -lectures on the general history of civilization in Europe, M. Guizot, -speaking of this right as proclaimed by the Church, says: "The rights -of liberty and political guarantees are combined with difficulty with -the principle of religious royalty; but that principle in itself is -elevated, moral, and salutary." (Lecture ix.) When men like M. Guizot, -who have made these questions their special study, are so lamentably -deceived on this point, who can be astonished that the same thing -occurs to the generality of writers! - -Before I go further, I will make one observation, which we ought always -to have present to our minds. On these questions we continually hear -mention made of the schools of Bossuet and of Bonald; private names are -put forward, sometimes in one way and sometimes in another. Much as I -respect the merits of these men, and of others not less illustrious -produced by the Catholic Church, yet I must observe that she is not -responsible for any doctrines but those which she herself teaches; -that she is not personified in any doctor in particular; and that -being herself appointed by God himself to be the oracle of infallible -truth in faith and morality, she does not permit the faithful to defer -blindly to the mere word of any private man, however great may be his -merit in science and in sanctity. If you wish to know what the Catholic -Church teaches, consult the decisions of her Councils and her Pontiffs; -consult also her doctors of distinguished and unsullied reputation; but -beware of confounding the opinions of an author, however respectable he -may be, with the doctrines of the Church and the voice of the Vicar of -Jesus Christ. By this warning I do not mean to prematurely condemn the -opinions of any one, but simply to put those on their guard who, little -versed in ecclesiastical studies, might, in certain cases, confound -revealed dogmas with what is mere human thought. Having premised this -much, let us enter freely into the question. - -Wherein does this divine right, of which we hear so much, consist? In -order to explain this matter completely, we must state the objects over -which this right extends; for these objects being widely different, -there will also be a great difference in the application made to them -of the principle. A great number of questions present themselves in -this very important matter; but it appears to me that they may all be -reduced to these, which embrace the rest, viz. What is the origin of -the civil power? How far does it extend? Is it lawful to resist it in -any case? - -The first question is, _What is the origin of the civil power? How -do we know that this power is from God?_ There is much confusion -prevailing on these points; and certainly it is to be lamented, that at -a time so disturbed as the present they should be misunderstood; for -whatever may be said to the contrary, doctrines are never wholly laid -aside, either in revolutions or in restorations; men's interests, no -doubt, have great weight therein, but they are not left alone in the -arena. The best way of forming clear ideas on these points is to have -recourse to ancient authors, especially those whose doctrines have -been respected for a long period of time, who continue to be respected -down to this day, and who are looked upon as safe guides in the right -interpretation of ecclesiastical doctrines. This way of studying the -question which now occupies us ought to be acceptable to those even -who entertain contempt for the writers of whom we speak; for we are -now engaged more in seeking in what the doctrine consists, than in -examining into its truth. Now for this purpose we cannot find witnesses -better informed, or interpreters more competent, than men who have -devoted their whole lives to the study of the doctrine. - -This last reflection is in no way contradictory to what we have said -above, on the care which we ought to take not to confound the mere -opinions of men with the doctrines of the Church; it only tends to -remind us of the necessity which exists of perusing a certain class of -authors, who are certainly not worthy of the ungrateful neglect with -which they are treated; indeed, it is impossible that their important -labors, conscientiously pursued for so long a time, should produce no -fruit. In order to understand the better the opinion of these writers -on the matter which now occupies us, we ought to observe the difference -which they make in the application of the general principle of divine -right to the origin of the civil or to that of the ecclesiastical -power. From this comparison there arises a bright light, which -resolves and clears up all difficulties. Open the works of the most -distinguished theologians, consult their treatises on the origin of the -power of the Pope, and you will see that in establishing this power -on divine right, they mean that it emanates from God, not only in a -general sense, that is, inasmuch as all being comes from God; not only -in a social sense, that is, inasmuch as the Church being a society, God -has willed the existence of a power to govern it; but in a most special -manner that God has Himself instituted this power, that He has Himself -established its form, that He has Himself pointed out the person, and -that consequently the successor to the chair of St. Peter is of divine -right the supreme pastor of the universal Church, having over the whole -of this Church supreme honor and jurisdiction. - -With respect to the civil power, these authors speak thus. In the first -place, all power comes from God; for power exists, and all existence -comes from God; power is sovereignty, and God is the lord, the supreme -master of all things; power is a right, and in God is found the source -of all right; power is a moral movement, and God is the universal cause -of all sorts of movements; power tends towards an exalted end, and God -is the end of all creatures; His Providence ordains and directs all -things with mercy and efficacy. Thus we see that St. Thomas, in his -work _De Regimine Principum_, affirms that all power comes from God as -supreme master, as may be shown in three ways: as it is a being, as it -is a mover, and as it is an end. (Lib. 3, cap. 1.) - -As I am treating of this method of explaining the origin of power, I -must pause for a moment to refute Rousseau, who, in the allusion which -he made to this doctrine, showed that he did not understand it. He -says, "All power comes from God, I allow; but all diseases also come -from Him. Are we, therefore, to say that it is forbidden to call in a -physician?" (_Contrat Social_, liv. i. c. 3.) It is true that one of -the senses in which the divine origin of power is affirmed is, that all -finite beings emanate from an infinite being; but this sense is not -the only one. Indeed, theologians knew very well that this idea, by -itself, did not imply its legitimacy, and that it extended as well to -physical force; for as the author of the _Contrat Social_ adds: "the -pistol held by a robber in a wood is also a power." Rousseau, in this -passage, has sacrificed the sense to show his ingenuity; the love of -making a brilliant sally has seduced him into removing the question -from its proper ground. It was easy, indeed, to see that, with respect -to the civil power, men do not speak of a physical, but of a moral, a -legitimate power; in any other way it would be in vain to seek for its -origin: as well might they seek the source of riches, health, strength, -courage, subtilty, or the other qualities which contribute to form the -material force of all power. The question is with regard to the moral -being which is called power; and in the moral order, illegitimate -power is not power, it is not a being, it is nothing. Consequently, -there is no need of seeking its origin in God, or in any thing else. -Therefore, power emanates from God as the source of all right, justice, -and legitimacy; and in considering power, not as a mere physical, but -as a moral being, it is affirmed that it can come from God alone, -who is the plenitude of all being. Not only is this doctrine, taken -generally, above all difficulty, but it must be admitted by all who do -not profess themselves atheists; they alone can call it in question. -Let us now descend to particulars, and see whether Catholic doctors -teach any thing which is not perfectly reasonable even in the eyes of -philosophers. - -Man, they say, was not created to live alone; his existence supposes a -family; his inclinations urge him to form an alliance, without which -the human race could not be perpetuated. Families are connected with -each other by intimate and indestructible ties; they have common wants; -none can insure happiness, or even preservation, without the aid of -others. Therefore they are bound to enter into society. Society cannot -exist without order, or order without justice; and both require a -guardian, an interpreter, an executor. This is the civil power. God, -who created man, and willed also his preservation, consequently willed -the existence of society, and the power which it requires. Now the -existence of the civil power is as conformable to the will of God as -the existence of the paternal; if families have need of the paternal, -society has no less need of the civil power. Our Lord has condescended -to secure us from mistakes on this important point by telling us in -the Scriptures, that all power emanates from Him, that we are obliged -to obey it, that whoever resists it resists the Divine command. I -seek in vain for an objection to this way of explaining the origin of -society, and of the power which governs it. This doctrine preserves -natural, human, and divine right; all these rights are connected, and -support each other. The sublimity of the theory rivals its simplicity; -revelation sanctions what was shown by the light of reason, and grace -fortifies nature. Such, then, is the famous divine right, presented -as a bugbear to the ignorant and unsuspecting, in order to make them -believe that the Catholic Church, when she teaches the obligation of -obeying the legitimate power, and founds this obligation on the law of -God, proposes a dogma injurious to true human liberty. - -To hear some men ridicule the divine right of kings, one would say -that we Catholics believed that certain individuals and families have -received bulls of institution from Heaven, and that we are grossly -ignorant of the history of the changes of the civil power. If they had -examined the matter more deeply, they would have found that, far from -being liable to the reproach of such folly, we have only established -a principle the necessity of which was acknowledged by all the -legislators of antiquity, and that our belief is quite reconcilable -with true philosophical doctrines and the events recorded by history. -In support of what I have said, see with what admirable clearness St. -Chrysostom explains this point in his 23d homily on the Epistle to -the Romans: "There is no power that does not come from God." What do -you say? Is every prince, then, appointed by God? I do not say that; -for I do not speak of any prince in particular, but of the thing -itself, that is, of the power itself: I affirm that the existence of -principalities is the work of the divine wisdom, and that to it it is -owing that all things are not given up to blind chance. Therefore it is -that the Apostle does not say, "That there is no prince who does not -come from God;" but he says, speaking of the thing in itself, "There -is no power which does not come from God." "Non est potestas, nisi a -Deo. Quid dicis? Ergo omnis princeps a Deo constitutus? Istud non dico. -Non enim de quovis principe mihi sermo est, sed de re ipsa, id est de -ipsa potestate. Quod enim principatus sint, quodque non simpliciter -et temere cuncta ferantur, divinæ sapientiæ opus esse dico. Propterea -non dicit: non enim princeps est nisi a Deo. Sed de re ipsa disserit -dicens: non est potestas nisi a Deo." (_Hom. 23, in Epist. ad Rom._) -It appears, from the words of St. John Chrysostom, that the meaning of -divine right, according to Catholics, is, that there exists a power for -the government of society, and that it is not abandoned to the mercy -of passion and imagination. This doctrine, which insures public order, -by establishing the obligation of obedience on motives of conscience, -does not descend to the inferior questions, which do not affect the -fundamental principle. - -It may perhaps be objected, that if we admit the interpretation of St. -John Chrysostom, it was not necessary for the sacred text to teach -that which reason so clearly dictated. To this our reply is twofold: -1st, that the sacred Scripture expressly prescribes to us several -obligations which nature imposes on us independently of all divine -right, as to honor parents, not to kill, not to rob, and other things -of the kind; 2d, that in the present case the Apostles had very good -reason to recommend particularly obedience to legitimate power, and -to sanction in a clear and conclusive manner this obligation, founded -on the natural law itself. Indeed, the same St. Chrysostom tells -us, "that at that time a very widely-spread opinion represented the -Apostles as seditious men and innovators, laboring by their speeches -and acts to bring about the downfall of laws." "Plurima tunc temporis -circumferebatur fama, traducens Apostolos veluti seditiosos rerumque -novatores; qui omnia ad evertendum leges communes et facerent et -dicerent." (_Hom. 23, in Epist. ad Tim._) - -It was no doubt to this that St. Paul alluded when, admonishing the -faithful of the obligation of obeying authority, he told them that -"such was the will of God, that by acting thus they might put to -silence the imprudence of foolish men." (Epist. i. c. 2.) We also know -from St. Jerome, that in the beginning of the Church, some, hearing -the Gospel liberty preached, imagined that universal liberty also was -meant. The necessity of inculcating a duty, the fulfilment of which -is indispensable for the preservation of society, will be clearly -perceived if we consider with what ease an error so flattering to -proud and rebellious minds might take root. After fourteen centuries -had passed away, we see the error reproduced in the time of Wickliff -and John Huss. The Anabaptists made a dreadful application of it when -they inundated Germany with blood. At a later period, the fanatical -sectaries of England raised the greatest disorders and brought about -fearful catastrophes by a similar doctrine, condemning alike the civil -and ecclesiastical power. - -The religion of Jesus Christ, the law of peace and love, when preaching -liberty, spoke of that liberty which draws us from the slavery of sin -and the power of the devil, renders us co-heirs of Jesus Christ, and -participators of grace and glory. But she was very far from propagating -doctrines which could favor disorder, or subvert law and authority. It -was, then, of the greatest importance to her to disprove the calumnies -by which her enemies attempted to injure her; it was necessary for -her to proclaim, by her words and acts, that the public interest had -nothing to fear from her doctrines. We also see that after the Apostles -had inculcated this sacred obligation on several occasions, the Fathers -of the earliest times insist again and frequently on the same point. -St. Polycarp, quoted by Eusebius, (lib. iv. _Hist._ cap. 15,) says, -when speaking to the proconsul: "It is ordained to render to the -magistrates and powers appointed by God the honor which we owe them." -St. Justin, in his _Apology for the Christians_, also recalls the -precept of Jesus Christ touching the payment of tributes: Tertullian, -in his _Apology_, chapter third, reproaches the Gentiles with the -persecution they directed against the Christians, even at the time when -the latter, with their hands raised to heaven, were praying for the -safety of the emperors. The zeal of the saints who were charged with -the instruction and direction of the faithful succeeded in inculcating -this precept so well, that the Christians were everywhere a model of -submission and obedience. Thus Pliny, writing to the Emperor Trajan, -avowed that, religion excepted, he could not accuse them of being at -all wanting in the fulfilment of the laws and imperial edicts. - -Nature herself has pointed out the persons in whom resides the paternal -power; the wants of the family mark the limits of this power; the -feelings of the heart prescribe its object and regulate its conduct. In -society it is otherwise: the rights of the civil power are tossed about -by the storms of human events; here this right resides in one person, -there in several; to-day it belongs to one family, to-morrow to -another; one day it is exercised under one form, the next under another -very different. The infant who weeps at his mother's bosom reminds her -of the obligation of nourishing and watching over it; woman, weak and -unsupported, calls unmistakably on man to protect her and her child; -youth, without strength to sustain or knowledge to direct itself, shows -parents their obligation of care and guardianship. We see clearly the -will of God; the order of nature forcibly expresses it; the tenderest -feelings are its echo and interpreter; we do not require any thing -else to show us what is the will of God; we do not need any refinement -to convince us that the parental power is from above. The rights and -duties of parents and children are written in characters as distinct -as they are beautiful. But where shall we find, with respect to the -civil power, an expression as unequivocal? If power comes from God, -by what means does he communicate it? In what channel is it conveyed? -This leads us to other secondary questions, which all conduce to the -explanation and solution of the principal question. - -Was there ever a man who by natural right found himself invested with -civil power? It is clear that in this case power would have no other -origin than paternal authority; that is to say, in that case, the civil -power ought to be considered as an amplification of that authority, as -a transformation of domestic into civil power. We immediately see the -difference between the domestic and the social order, their separate -objects, the diversity of rules by which they must be regulated, and -we see how different are the means which they both use for their -government. I do not deny that the type of society is found in the -family, and that society is in the most desirable condition when -it most resembles the family in command and in obedience; but mere -analogies do not suffice to establish rights, and it always remains -indubitable that those of the civil power must not be confounded with -those of the paternal. - -On the other hand, the nature of things shows that Providence, in -ordaining the destinies of the world, did not establish the paternal -as the source of the civil. Indeed, we do not see how such a power -could have been transmitted, and the legitimacy of its claims have -been justified. We can easily understand the limited rule of an old -man, governing a society, composed of two or three generations only, -who were descended from him; but as soon as this society increased, -extended to several countries, and consequently was divided and -subdivided, the patriarchal power must have disappeared, its exercise -must have become impossible, and we can no longer understand how the -pretenders to the throne could come to an understanding with each other -and the rest of the people, to justify and legitimize their rule. The -theory which acknowledges the paternal as the origin of the civil -power may be as promising as you please; it may sustain itself on the -example of the patriarchal government, which we observe in the cradle -of society; but there are two things against it. First, it asserts, but -does not prove; second, it has no means of attaining the end for which -it was intended, viz. the consolidation of government, for it cannot -establish itself by proving its legitimacy. The greatest of kings and -the humblest of subjects equally know that they are the sons of Noe; -nothing more. I have not been able to find this theory either in St. -Thomas, or in any of the other principal theologians; and to go still -higher, I do not know that it can find any authority in the doctrines -of the Fathers, in the tradition of the Church, or in Scripture -itself. It is consequently a mere philosophical opinion, of which the -explanation and proof belong to those who advance it. Catholicity says -nothing either for or against it. - -It is then demonstrated that the civil power does not reside in any -man of natural right, and on the other hand, we know that power comes -from God. Who receives this power from God, and how does he receive -it? It is necessary first to observe, that the Catholic Church, while -acknowledging the divine origin of the civil power, an origin which is -expressly stated in Scripture, does not define any thing either as to -the form of this power, or the means which God employs in communicating -it. So that after the Catholic doctrine is established, there still -remains to be examined and discussed, who _immediately_ receives the -power, and how it is transmitted? This is acknowledged by theologians -when they have treated of this matter; this should be enough to remove -the prejudices of those who consider the doctrine of the Church on -this point as conducive to popular degradation. The Church teaches the -obligation of obeying legitimate authority, and adds that the power -which it exercises emanates from God; this doctrine is as applicable to -republics as to absolute monarchies, and does not prejudge either the -forms of government or the particular claims of legitimacy. As to these -latter questions they cannot be answered in general terms; they depend -upon a variety of circumstances into which the general principles which -are the foundation of the good order and peace of society cannot enter. -I think it is so important to give clear ideas on this point, and to -state the doctrines of the most distinguished Catholic divines, that I -consider it necessary to devote an entire chapter to this subject. - - - - -CHAPTER XLIX. - -THE ORIGIN OF SOCIETY, ACCORDING TO CATHOLIC DIVINES. - - -There is nothing more instructive or more interesting, than the -study of public law in those writers who, pretending not to pass for -statesmen, and entertaining no views of ambition, express themselves -without flattery and without bitterness; and explain these matters -with as much calmness and tranquillity as they would theories of rare -application and limited extent. At the present time it is almost -impossible to open a book without immediately perceiving to which of -the two contending parties the author belongs; it seldom happens that -his ideas are not affected by passion, or adapted to serve particular -designs; and it not unfrequently happens that, without conviction, he -speaks according to the dictates of his interest. - -It is not so with the old writers, of whom we are speaking. Let -us render them at least this justice; that their opinions are -conscientious, their language loyal and sincere; and whatever may be -the judgment with respect to them, whether we consider them as real -sages, or as ignorant men and fanatics, we cannot call in question -their sincerity; that they are animated by a religious idea, that -they develop a philosophical system, that their pens are the faithful -interpreters of their thoughts. - -Rousseau attempts to seek the origin of society, and of the civil -power; and begins the first chapter of his work with these words: "Man -is born free, and he is everywhere in fetters." Do you not immediately -perceive the tribune under the mantle of the philosopher? Do you not -observe that, instead of addressing himself to the reason, the writer -appeals to the passions; and wounds the most susceptible of them--viz. -pride. It is in vain for the philosopher to endeavor to make us -believe that he does not intend to reduce his doctrines to practice; -his language betrays his design. In another place, where he attempts -nothing less than to give advice to a great nation, he has hardly begun -when he holds over Europe the torch of an incendiary. - -"When we read ancient history, we fancy ourselves transported to -another world, and among other beings. What have the French, the -English, the Russians, in common with the Greeks and Romans? Hardly any -thing but the form. The great souls of the latter appear to the others -as exaggerations of history. How can they, who feel themselves to be -so little, imagine that such great men ever existed? They did exist, -however; and they were human like ourselves. What hinders our being men -like them? Our prejudices, our low philosophy, and grovelling passions, -combined with the egotism of men's hearts, by absurd institutions, -directed by men of little minds." (_Considerations on the Government -of Poland_, _&c._, Chap. 2.) Do you not observe the poison conveyed -in these words of the publicist? And is it not palpable that he had -something more in view than enlightening the mind? See with what -address he attempts to produce a feeling of irritation, by harsh and -indecent reproaches. - -Let us take the opposite extreme of the comparison, and see in how -different a tone St. Thomas of Aquin, in his work _De Regimine -Principum_, begins his explanation on the same subject, and gives -directions for good government.[a][A] - - [A] This subject is so important, so delicate, that I shall not be - satisfied with giving a translation of the passages which I quote, - however careful I may be to render them exact and literal, at the risk - of irregularity of style and violation of the idiom of our language. - I wish, therefore, to set before the reader the original texts - themselves, desiring him to judge from them and not from my version. - [They will be found in the Appendix.] - -"If man," he says, "was intended to live alone, like many animals, he -would not require any one to govern him; every man would be his own -king, under the supreme command of God; inasmuch as he would govern -himself by the light of reason given him by the Creator. But it is -in the nature of man to be a social and political animal, living -in community, differently from all other animals; a thing which is -clearly shown by the necessities of his nature. Nature has provided -for other animals food; skins for a covering, means of defence,--as -teeth, horns, claws,--or, at least, speed in flight; but she has not -endowed man with any of those qualities; and instead she has given him -reason, by which, with the assistance of his hands, he can procure what -he wants. But to procure this, one man alone is not enough; for he -is not in a condition to preserve his own life; it is, therefore, in -man's nature to live in society. Moreover, nature has granted to other -animals the power of discerning what is useful or injurious to them: -thus the sheep has a natural horror of his enemy the wolf. There are -also certain animals who know by nature the herbs which are medicinal -to them, and other things which are necessary for their preservation. -But man has not naturally the knowledge which is requisite for the -support of life, except in society; inasmuch as the aid of reason -is capable of leading from universal principles to the knowledge of -particular things, which are necessary for life. Thus, then, since -it is impossible for man alone to obtain all this knowledge, it is -necessary that he should live in society, one aiding another; each one -applying to his own task; for example, some in medicine; some in one -way, and some in another. This is shown with great clearness in that -faculty peculiar to man, language--which enables him to communicate -his thoughts to others. Indeed, brute animals mutually communicate -their feelings; as the dog communicates his anger by barking, and other -animals their passions by various ways. But man, with respect to his -fellows, is more communicative than any other animal; even than those -who are the most inclined to live in union, as cranes, ants, and bees. -In this sense, Solomon says, in Ecclesiastes: 'It is better, therefore, -that two should be together than one; for they have the advantage of -their society.' Thus, if it be natural for man to live in society, it -is necessary that some one should direct the multitude; for if many -were united, and each one did as he thought proper, they would fall -to pieces, unless somebody looked after the public good, as would be -the case with the human body, and that of any other animal, if there -did not exist a power to watch over the welfare of all the members. -Thus Solomon says: 'Thus, where there is no one to govern, the people -will be dispersed.' In man himself the soul directs the body; and in -the soul, the feelings of anger and concupiscence are governed by the -reason. Among the members of the body, there is one principal one, -which directs all; as the heart or the head. There ought, then, to be -in every multitude some governing power." (St. Thomas, _De Regimine -Principum_, lib. i. cap. 1.) - -This passage, so remarkable for profound wisdom, clearness of ideas, -solidity of principles, vigor and exactness of deductions, contains, -in a few words, all that can be said with respect to the origin of -society, and of power; to the rights enjoyed by the latter, and the -obligations incumbent upon it: the matter being considered in general, -and by the light of reason alone. In the first place, it was required -to show, with clearness, the necessity of the existence of society; -and this the holy doctor does by this very simple reasoning--man is -of such a nature that he cannot live alone, and then he has need of -being united to his fellows. If a proof of this fundamental truth be -required, it is found in the fact that he is endowed with speech; -this is a sign that by nature he is destined to communicate with -other men, and consequently to live in society. After having proved -this invincible necessity, it remained to demonstrate a necessity -not less absolute--viz. the necessity of a power to govern society. -In order to make this demonstration, St. Thomas does not invent -extravagant systems, or unfounded theories; he does not appeal to -absurd suppositions; he is satisfied with a reason founded on the -nature of things, dictated by common sense, and supported by daily -experience--viz. that in all bodies of men, there is a director -requisite; since, without him, disorder, and even dispersion, are -inevitable; for in all societies there must be a chief. - -It must be allowed that this clear and simple explanation enables us -to understand the theory of the origin of society much better than all -the subtilties of explicit and implicit pacts; it is enough for a thing -to be founded on nature itself, for it to be viewed as demonstrated as -a real necessity, in order that its existence may be easily conceived; -why then seek, by subtilties and suppositions, what is apparent at the -first view? - -Let us not, however, suppose that St. Thomas does not acknowledge -divine right, or is ignorant that the obligation of obedience to power -may be founded on it: far from it; this truth he establishes in many -places in his works; but he does not forget the natural and the human -law, which, on this point, are combined and allied with the divine, -in such a way, that the latter is only a confirmation of, and gives -a sanction to, the others. We ought thus to interpret the passages -in which the holy doctor attributes the civil power to human law, -considering this law with that of grace. For example, when examining -whether infidels can have dominion or supremacy over the faithful, he -says:[b] "It is necessary here to consider that dominion or supremacy -is introduced by virtue of human law; the distinction between the -faithful and infidels, is by divine law. Divine law, which emanates -from grace, does not take away human law, which is founded on the law -of natural reason; therefore the distinction between the faithful and -infidels, considered in itself, does not take away the dominion or -supremacy of infidels over the faithful." - -When inquiring, in another place, if the prince who has apostatized -from the faith by this fact loses dominion over his subjects, so that -they are no longer called upon to obey him, he expresses himself -thus:[c] "As has been said before, infidelity does not destroy dominion -itself; for dominion was introduced by the law of nations, which is -human right; while the distinction between the faithful and infidels -is by a divine, which does not take away the human right." Again; -when examining if man is obliged to obey another man, he says:[d] -"As natural actions proceed from natural powers, so human operations -proceed from the human will. In natural things, it was necessary that -inferior things should be brought into their respective operations by -the excellence of the natural virtue which God has given to superior -things. In the same way, also, it is necessary that in human things, -those which are superior should urge on the inferior, by the force of -authority ordained by God. To move, by means of reason and the will, -is to command; and as, by virtue of the natural order instituted by -God, inferior things in nature are necessarily subject to the motion -of superior things, so also, in human things, those which are inferior -ought, by natural and divine right, to obey those which are superior." - -On the same question, St. Thomas examines whether obedience is a -special virtue, and he answers,[e] "That to obey a superior is a duty -conformable to the divine order communicated to things." In the 6th -article, he states the question whether Christians are obliged to obey -the secular powers, and says:[f] "The faith of Christ is the principle -and cause of justice, according to what is said in the Epistle to the -Romans, chap. iii. 'the justice of God by the faith of Jesus Christ.' -Thus the faith of Christ does not take away the law of justice, but -rather confirms it. This law wills that inferiors should obey their -superiors; for without that, human society could not be preserved; -and thus the faith of Christ does not exempt the faithful from the -obligation of obeying the secular powers." I have quoted at some -length these passages from St. Thomas, in order to show that he does -not understand the divine right in the sense in which the enemies of -Catholicity have made it a reproach to us; but that, properly speaking, -while he adheres to a dogma so expressly taught in the sacred text, he -considers the Divine law as a confirmation and sanction of the natural -and human law. We know that for six centuries Catholic doctors have -regarded the authority of St. Thomas as worthy of the highest respect -in all that concerns faith and morality. - -We have just seen that this angel of the schools establishes, as -founded on the natural, human, and divine law, the duty of obeying -authority, affirming that the source of all power is found in God, -without entering into the question whether God communicates this power -_directly_ or _indirectly_ to those who exercise it, and leaving a vast -field where human opinions may debate without violating the purity of -faith. In the same way, the most eminent doctors who have succeeded him -in the Catholic pulpits have contented themselves with establishing and -enforcing the doctrine, without rashly making use of the authority of -the Church in its application. To prove this I will here insert some -passages from distinguished theologians. Cardinal Bellarmin expresses -himself in these words:[g] "It is certain that public authority comes -from God, from whom alone emanate all things good and lawful, as is -proved by St. Augustin throughout almost all the forty-five books of -the _City of God_. Indeed, the Wisdom of God, in the Book of Proverbs, -chap. viii., cries out, 'It is by Me that kings reign;' and further -on, 'It is by Me that princes rule.' The prophet Daniel, in the second -chapter, 'The God of heaven has given thee the kingdom and the empire;' -and the same prophet, in the fourth chapter, 'Thy dwelling shall be -with cattle and with wild beasts, and thou shalt eat grass as an ox, -and shalt be wet with the dew of heaven, and seven years shall pass -over thee, till thou know that the Most High ruleth over the kingdom -of men, and giveth it to whomsoever He will.'" After having proved, -by the authority of the Holy Scriptures, this dogma, via. that the -civil power comes from God, the illustrious writer explains the -sense in which it ought to be understood:[h] "But," he says, "it is -necessary to make some observations here. In the first place, political -power, considered in general, and without descending in particular to -monarchy, aristocracy, or democracy, emanates immediately from God -alone; for being necessarily annexed to the nature of man, it proceeds -from Him who has made that nature. Besides, that power is by natural -law, since it does not depend upon men's consent, since they must have -a government whether they wish it or not, under pain of desiring the -destruction of the human race, which is against the inclination of -nature. It is thus that the law of nature is divine law, and government -is introduced by divine law; and it is particularly this which the -Apostle seems to have had in view when he says to the Romans, chap. -xiii., 'He who resists authority, resists the ordinance of God.'" - -This doctrine destroys all the theory of Rousseau, who makes the -existence of society and the right of the civil power depend on human -conventions; it also overturns the absurd systems of some Protestants, -and other heretics, their predecessors, who, in the name of Christian -liberty, pretended to condemn all authority. No! the existence of -society does not depend on the consent of man; society is not his work; -it satisfies an imperious necessity, which, if it were not satisfied, -would entail the destruction of the human race. God, when he created -man, did not deliver him to the mercy of chance; He has given him the -right of fulfilling his necessities, and has imposed on him the care of -his own preservation as a duty; therefore the existence of the human -race includes also the existence of government, and the obligations of -obedience. There is no theory so clear, simple, and solid. Shall it be -called the enemy and oppressor of human freedom? Is it any disgrace -to man to acknowledge himself the creature of God? to confess that he -has received from Him what is necessary for his preservation? Is the -intervention of God any infringement of human liberty, and cannot man -be free without being an Atheist? It is absurd to say there is any -thing favorable to servitude in a doctrine which tells us "God wills -not that you should live like wild beasts: He commands you to be united -in society, and for this purpose He orders you to live in submission to -an authority legitimately established." If this be called servitude and -oppression, we desire this servitude, we willingly give up the right -which is pretended to be granted to us of wandering in the woods like -wild beasts: true liberty does not exist in man when he is stripped of -the finest attribute of his nature, that of acting in conformity with -reason. - -Such is the explanation of divine right according to the illustrious -commentator whom we have just quoted; let us now see the applications -which he makes of it, and learn in what way, according to him, God -communicates the civil power to those who are charged with its -exercise. After the words quoted above, Bellarmin continues:[i] "In -the second place, observe, that this power resides _immediately_, as -in its subject, in all the multitude, for it is by divine right. The -divine right has not given this power to any man in particular, for it -has given it to the multitude; besides, the positive law being taken -away, there is no reason why one should rule rather than another, among -a great number of equal men; therefore power belongs to the whole -multitude. In fine, society should be a perfect state; it should have -the power of self-preservation, and, consequently, that of chastising -the disturbers of the peace." - -This doctrine has nothing in common with the foolish assertions of -Rousseau and his followers; no one who has studied public law will -confound things so different. Indeed, what the Cardinal establishes -in the passage quoted, viz. that power resides immediately in the -multitude, is not in opposition to what he himself taught a little -before, when he said that it comes from God, and is not owing to human -conventions. His doctrine may be conveyed in this form. Suppose a -number of men without any positive law; there is then no reason why -any one of them should have a right to rule the rest. Nevertheless, -this law exists, nature itself indicates its necessity, God ordains -a government; therefore there exists among this number of men the -legitimate power of instituting one. To explain more clearly the ideas -of this illustrious theologian, let us suppose that a considerable -number of families, perfectly equal among themselves and absolutely -independent of each other, were thrown by a tempest on a desert island. -The vessel being destroyed, they have no hope either of returning -home or of pursuing their journey. All communication with the rest of -mankind is become impossible: we ask, whether these families could live -without government? No. Has any one among them a right of governing -the rest? Clearly not. Can any individual among them pretend to such -a right? Certainly not. Have they a right to appoint the government -of which they stand in need? Certainly they have. Therefore in this -multitude, represented by the fathers of families or in some other -way, resides the civil power, together with the right of transmitting -it to one or more persons, according as they shall judge proper. It is -difficult to make any valid objection to the doctrine placed in this -point of view. That this is the real meaning of his words is clearly -shown by the observations which follow:[k] "In the third place," he -says, "observe that the multitude transfers this power to one person or -more by natural right; for the republic not being able to exercise it -by itself, is obliged to communicate it to one or to a limited number; -and it is thus that the power of princes, considered in general, is -by natural and divine law; and the whole human race, if assembled -together, could not establish the contrary, viz. that princes or -governors did not exist." - -But the fundamental principle being once established, Bellarmin allows -to society an ample right of appointing the form of government which -they think proper. This ought to refute the accusations made against -the Catholic doctrine, of favoring servitude; for if all forms of -government are reconcilable with this doctrine, it is evident that it -cannot justly be accused of being incompatible with liberty. Hear how -the same author continues on this point:[l] "Observe, in the fourth -place," he says, "that particular forms of government are by the law -of nations, and not by divine law, since it depends upon the consent -of the multitude to place over themselves a king, consuls, or other -magistrates, as is clear; and, for a legitimate reason, they can change -royalty into aristocracy, or into democracy, or _vice versâ_, as it was -done in Rome. - -"Observe, in the fifth place, that it follows, from what we have said, -that this power in particular comes from God, but by means of the -counsel and election of man, like all other things which belong to the -law of nations; for the law of nations is, as it were, a conclusion -drawn from the natural law by human reasoning. Thence follows a twofold -difference between the political and the ecclesiastical power: first, -difference with regard to the subject, since political power is in -the multitude, and ecclesiastical in a man _immediately_, as in its -subject; second, difference with respect to the cause, since political -power, considered generally, is by divine law, and in particular by -the law of nations, while the ecclesiastical power is in every way by -divine law, and emanates immediately from God." - -These last words show clearly how correct I was in saying that -theologians understand the divine law in a very different manner, -according as it is applied to the civil or to the ecclesiastical power. -It must not be supposed that the doctrine now stated is peculiar -to Cardinal Bellarmin; the generality of theologians follow him on -this point; but I have preferred quoting his authority, because he, -being so strongly attached to the See of Rome, if the latter were -imbued with the principles of despotism, as it has been charged with -being, no doubt, something of them would appear in the writings of -this theologian. It is easy to anticipate the objection that will be -made to this explanation; we shall be told that Bellarmin, having for -his object the exaltation of the authority of the Sovereign Pontiff, -with this view attempted to lower the power of kings, in order to -take away or diminish all opposition to the authority of the Popes. I -will not now enter into an examination of the opinions of Bellarmin -with respect to the two powers--this would be foreign to my design; -besides, such points of civil and ecclesiastical law excited at that -time great interest, on account of circumstances at that period, but -now very little, on account of the new course which events have taken, -and the great change which has been brought about in ideas. I shall, -nevertheless, reply to this supposed difficulty by two very simple -observations. The first is, that we have not to inquire the intentions -of Bellarmin in explaining his doctrine, but in what that doctrine -consists. Whatever his motive may have been, we see an author of vast -renown, whose opinion has great weight in Catholic schools, and who -wrote at Rome, where, so far from his writings being condemned, he was -surrounded with respect and honor: this theologian, I say, explaining -the doctrine of the Church on the Divine origin of the civil power, -does it in such terms that, while giving sacred guarantees for the good -order of society, he does not infringe on the liberty of the people; -this is the vindication of Rome against the attacks made upon her. The -second is, that Cardinal Bellarmin does not here profess an isolated -opinion--the generality of theologians are on his side; therefore, all -that can be said against him personally proves nothing against his -doctrines. Among the many authors that I could quote, I will select -some who will represent many different periods: and as the obligation -of being brief confines me within narrow limits, I beg the reader -himself to examine the works of Catholic theologians and moralists; he -will thus make sure of becoming acquainted with their thoughts on this -subject. Hear how Suarez explains the origin of power:[m] "Herein," he -says, "the common opinion seems to be, that God, inasmuch as He is the -author of nature, gives the power; so that men are, so to speak, the -matter and subject capable of this power; while God gives the form by -giving the power." (_De Leg._ lib. iii. c. 3.) - -He goes on to develop his doctrine, relying on the reason usually made -use of in this matter; and when he comes to draw the conclusions, he -explains how society, which, according to him, receives the power -immediately from God, communicates it to certain persons. He adds:[n] -"In the second place, it follows from what has been said, that the -civil power, whenever it is found in a man or a prince, has emanated -according to usual and legitimate law, from the people and the -community, either directly or remotely, and that it cannot otherwise be -justly possessed." (_Ibid._ cap. 4.) - -Perhaps some of my readers may not know that a Spanish Jesuit -maintained against the King of England in person, the doctrine that -princes receive power _mediately_ from God, and _immediately_ from the -people. This Jesuit is Suarez himself, and the book to which I allude -is called,[o] "_Defence of the Catholic and Apostolic Faith against the -errors of the Anglican sect; accompanied by a Reply to the Apology for -the Oath of Fidelity, and to the monitory Preface published by the most -serene James, King of England._ By P. D. François Suarez, Professor -at the University of Coimbra; addressed to the most serene Kings and -Princes of the Christian world." - -In the third book, chapter second, where he discusses the question, -Whether the political sovereignty comes _immediately_ from God or -from divine institution, Suarez says: "Here the most serene King not -only gives a new and singular opinion, but also acrimoniously attacks -Cardinal Bellarmin, for having affirmed that Kings have not received -authority _immediately_ from God like the Popes. He himself affirms -that Kings hold their power not from the people, but _immediately_ from -God; and he attempts to support his opinion by arguments and examples -the value of which I shall examine in the next chapter. - -"Although _this controversy does not immediately concern the dogmas -of faith_ (_for we have nothing in reference to it either in the -Scriptures or in the Fathers_), it may nevertheless be well to discuss -and explain it carefully; 1. because it might possibly lead to error -in other dogmas; 2. because the above opinion of the King, as he -maintains and explains it, is new, singular, and apparently invented -to exalt the temporal at the expense of the spiritual power; and 3. -because we consider the opinion of the illustrious Bellarmin _ancient_, -_received_, _true_, and _necessary_." But we must not attribute these -opinions to the circumstances of the times, nor suppose that they -disappeared from the schools of theologians as soon as they were -advanced. In support of them, a multitude of authors might very easily -be cited, who would show that Suarez was correct in saying that the -opinion of Bellarmin was received and ancient; they would, moreover, -show that this doctrine continued to be admitted as a matter of -course, without any doubt of its orthodoxy, or of its containing any -thing dangerous to the stability of monarchies. In proof of what is -here adduced, I will cite passages from distinguished authors, proving -that at Rome this mode of explaining the right divine has never been -called in question; and that in France and Spain, where absolute -monarchy had taken so deep root, this opinion was no longer regarded -as dangerous to the stability of thrones. A long period had already -elapsed--the critical position which might more or less influence -the direction of ideas had consequently disappeared, yet theologians -still maintained the same doctrines. Cardinal Gotti, who wrote in the -early part of the last century, gives, in his Treatise upon Laws, -the above opinion as previously admitted, without even attempting to -confirm it.[p] In the Moral Theology of Herman Busenbaum, enlarged by -St. Alphonsus Liguori, book 1st, second Treatise upon Laws, (chap. -i. dub. 2, § 104,) it is expressly said: "It is certain that the -power of making laws exists among men, but as far as civil laws are -concerned, this power belongs naturally to no individual. It belongs -to the community, who transfer it to one or to more, that by them the -community itself may be governed." - -Should any one say that I quote the Jesuits only, or suspect that -these doctrines are mere casuistry, I will cite remarkable passages -from other theologians, who are neither casuists nor prepossessed -in favor of the Jesuits. Father Daniel Concina, who wrote at Rome -about the middle of the last century, supports the same doctrine as -generally admitted; in his _Théologie chrétienne dogmatico-morale_, -Roman edition, 1768, he expresses himself as follows:[q] "All writers -generally assert that the origin of supreme power is of God, as Solomon -declares in the Book of Proverbs, c. viii., saying, 'By Me kings reign, -and lawgivers decree just things:' as truly as subordinate princes are -dependent upon the supreme temporal majesty, so, in like manner, this -majesty itself must depend upon the supreme King and Lord of lords. -Theologians and jurists dispute whether this supreme power comes -_immediately_ from God, or merely in an _indirect manner_. Many affirm -that it emanates _immediately_ from God, because it cannot emanate -from men, whether we consider them collectively or individually; for -all fathers of families are equal, and each possesses, with regard -to his own family, a power merely economical; from which it follows, -that they cannot confer upon others that civil and political power -which they themselves do not possess. Moreover, if the community, in -its superiority, had delegated to one or to more the power here under -discussion, it could revoke it at pleasure, for the superior is always -at liberty to withdraw the facilities he has delegated to another, and -this would be very injurious to society. - -"In support of the opposite opinion, many answer, and _certainly with -more probability and truth_, that, in reality, all power proceeds -from God, but that it is not delegated to any particular individual -_directly_, unless by consent of civil society. That this power is not -vested _directly_ in any individual, but in the entire collection of -men, is what St. Thomas expressly teaches (1, 2, qu. 90, art. 3, ad -2, et qu. 97, art. 3, ad 3), followed by Dominic Soto (lib. i. qu. 1, -art. 3); by Ledesma (2 part. qu. 18, art. 3); and by Covarruvias (in -Pract. cap. i.). The reason of this is evident; for as all men are born -free with regard to civil society, no one has any civil power over -another, since this power exists not in each, nor in any of them in a -fixed manner; it follows, therefore, that it is vested in the whole -collection of men. _God does not confer this power by any special act -distinct from creation, but it is a property of right reason, inasmuch -as right reason dictates that men, united in one moral whole, shall -prescribe, by express or tacit consent, in what manner society shall be -governed, preserved, and upheld._" - -It is proper to remark, that Father Concina, speaking here of _tacit_ -or _express consent_, has not in view the actual existence of society, -nor the authority by which it is governed, but merely the mode of -exercising this authority for the direction, preservation, and defence -of society. Hence, his opinion coincides with that of Bellarmin; -society and power are of right divine and natural, but the _mode_ of -organizing society, and of transmitting and exercising authority, is -human. After having shown in what sense we are to understand that -civil power comes from God, Concina resumes the question which he had -proposed, viz. in what manner authority exists in kings, princes, -and other supreme heads of government. He proceeds as follows:[r] -"It is evident, therefore, that the power existing in the prince, -the king, or in many persons whether nobles or plebeians, emanates -from the community itself, directly or indirectly; for, if it came -immediately from God, it would be manifested to us in a particular -manner, as in the instances of Saul and David, who were chosen by God. -We consider, therefore, erroneous, the doctrine that God confers this -power immediately and directly upon the king, the prince, or any other -head of supreme government whatever, to the exclusion of the tacit or -express consent of the public. This discussion, it is true, is one of -words rather than of things, for this power comes from God, the author -of nature, inasmuch as He has ordained and appointed that the public -itself shall confer upon one or more the power of supreme government, -for the preservation and defence of society. The nomination of the -person or persons appointed to command being once made, their power -is said to come from God, because society itself is bound by natural -and divine right to obey him who commands. In fact, it is the will -of God that society shall be governed, whether by one individual or -by several. In this manner the several opinions of theologians are -reconciled with each other, and the oracles of Scripture appear in -their true sense: 'He that resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance -of God.' 'There is no power but from God.' 'Be subject, therefore, to -every human creature for God's sake, whether to the king,' &c. 'Thou -wouldst not have any power against Me, unless it were given thee -from above.' These testimonies, and others of a like nature, ought -to convince us that all is ordained and directed by God, the supreme -Mediator. This, however, does not exclude the operations of human -institutions, as is very justly interpreted by St. Augustin and St. -John Chrysostom." - -Father Billuart, who lived in the early part of last century, and, -consequently, at the same epoch when the highly monarchical traditions -of Louis XIV. were in all their vigor, expressed the same ideas on this -subject as the theologians above cited. In his work on Moral Theology, -which, for almost a century, has been widely circulated, he thus -expresses himself:[s] "I maintain, in the first place, that legislative -power belongs to the community, or to its representative." After -quoting St. Thomas and St. Isidore, he continues: "Reason proves, that -to make laws belongs of right to him who is appointed to watch over -the public good; for the maintenance of the public good, as has been -already said, is the end and aim of the laws. It is the duty of the -community, or of its ruler, to watch over the public good; for as the -welfare of an individual is a fit object for individual agency, so is -the public good for the agency of the community, or of him to whom its -functions have been delegated; the power of legislation, therefore, is -vested in the community, or in its representative. I will confirm what -is here advanced. The law has the power of commanding and of coercing -in such a manner that no individual has any authority to command or -restrain the multitude. This authority belongs exclusively to the -community, or to its representative; to these, therefore, legislative -power belongs." Having made these reflections, Billuart starts another -difficulty with regard to the extreme extension which he appears to -have given to the rights of the multitude. On this occasion he develops -his system still further.[t] - -"It will be objected," says he, "that the right of commanding and -compelling is vested in the superior, and cannot belong to the -community, since it is not superior to itself. To this I reply: -Society, in one sense, is not superior to itself, but in another it is. -The community may be considered collectively as one moral body, and -in this sense it is superior to itself as considered distributively -in each of its members. Again; it may be considered as acting in the -place of God, from whom emanates all legislative power, as it is said -in Proverbs: 'By Me kings reign and the lawgivers decree just things;' -or as capable of being governed conformably to the public good. In the -former case, it is superior and legislative; in the latter, inferior -and subject to the law." - -As this explanation might appear somewhat obscure, Billuart proceeds to -investigate more profoundly the origin of society and of civil power. -He endeavors to show how the natural, the divine, and the human laws -agree on this point, defining what belongs to each. He then continues -as follows:[u] "To render this more clear, it must be observed, that -man, unlike other animals, is born destitute of many things necessary -both for body and soul, and that for these he is indebted to society -and the assistance of his fellow-mortals; consequently he is, by his -very nature, a social animal. This society, which nature and reason -prescribe to him as indispensable, cannot long exist without some power -to direct it, according to what is said in Proverbs: 'Where there is no -governor, the people will come to ruin.' Whence it follows, that God, -who has given this nature, has also given the power of governing and of -legislating. He, in fact, who gives the form, gives, at the same time, -all that such form necessarily requires. But as it is not possible for -this executive and legislative power to be exercised by the entire -multitude, since it would be difficult for all and each forming -this multitude to assemble on all occasions when the affairs of the -commonweal are to be discussed, or laws to be established, it is usual -for the multitude to transfer its right or governing power, either to -a number of people selected from all classes, and bearing the name -of a democracy; or to a select number of the nobles, which takes the -name of an aristocracy; or to one alone, for himself only, or for his -successors, by virtue of the right of hereditary succession, which is -styled a monarchy. From which it is evident that all power comes from -God, as the Apostle says, in his Epistle to the Romans, chap. xiii. -This power resides in the community, _directly and by natural right_, -but in kings and other rulers merely _indirectly and by human right_, -unless God confers it directly upon certain individuals, as He did upon -Moses over the Jews, and as Christ has conferred it upon the Supreme -Pontiff over the whole Church." What is still more remarkable, our -absolute monarchies were never alarmed at these theological doctrines, -not only previous to the French Revolution, but since that Revolution, -and up to the time commonly styled with us the _fatal decade_, (from -1823 to 1833, the latter part of the reign of Ferdinand VII.) It is -well known that during that period the _Compendium Salmaticense_ -(Compendium of Salamanca) had a most favorable reception in this -country, and served as a text-book among the professors of ethics -in the colleges and universities. Ye who are continually declaiming -against this epoch, imagining, without doubt, that in those days no -other doctrines than those in favor of the most arrant despotism could -be circulated, listen to what is said in the above book, which was -then placed in the hands of every youth destined to the ecclesiastical -state. After having established the existence of a civil legislative -power, the author thus proceeds:[x] "You will ask me, in the second -place, whether the prince receives this civil legislative power -_immediately_ from God. I reply, It, is universally admitted that -princes receive this power from God; but, at the same time, it is -maintained with more truth, that they do not receive it _directly_, -but _through the medium_ of the people's consent; for all men are -naturally equal, and there is no natural distinction of superiority -or inferiority. Since nature has not given any individual power over -another, God has conferred this power upon the community; which, as -it may think it more proper to be ruled by one or by many appointed -persons, transfers it to one or to many, that by them it may be ruled; -according to St. Thomas (1, 2, qu. 90, art. 3, ad 2). From this -natural principle arises the variety in the forms of civil government; -for if a state transfers all its power to a single individual, this -government is termed monarchical; if it confers it upon the nobles of -the nation, it takes the name of an aristocracy; if the people or the -state retain this power in their own hands, the civil government is -styled a democracy. Princes, therefore, receive from God the power of -commanding; for supposing the election made by the whole state, God -confers upon the prince the power which was vested in the community. -Whence it follows, that the prince rules and governs in the name of -God, and whoever resists him resists the ordinance of God, according to -the words of the Apostle above cited." - - - - -CHAPTER L. - -ON THE RIGHT DIVINE, ACCORDING TO THE CATHOLIC DOCTORS. - - -The doctrine of the right divine, considered in its relation to -society, presents to our notice two particular points which this -doctrine contains: 1. The origin of civil power; 2. The mode in which -God communicates this power. - -The former point is a question of doctrine. No Catholic can entertain -any doubt upon it. The second is open to discussion; and various -opinions may be formed upon it, without interfering with faith. With -regard to the right divine, considered in itself, true philosophy -agrees with Catholicity. In fact, if civil power comes not from God, -to what source can we trace its origin? Upon what solid principle can -we support it? If the man who exercises it does not rest upon God the -legitimacy of his power, no title will avail to uphold his right. It -will be radically and irretrievably null. On the contrary, supposing -authority to come from God, our duty to submit to it becomes evident, -and our dignity is not in the least hurt by the submission; but, in the -other supposition, we see only force, craft, tyranny, but no reason -or justice; perhaps a necessity for submission, but no obligation. By -what title does any man pretend to command us? Because he is possessed -of superior intellect? Who had the right of adjudging to him the -palm? Besides, this superiority does not constitute a right; in some -instances its direction might be useful to us, but it will not be -obligatory. Is it because he is stronger than we? In that case the -elephant ought to be king of the entire world. Is it because he is more -wealthy than we? Reason and justice exist not in metal. The rich man -is born naked, and his riches will not descend with him into the tomb. -Upon earth they have enabled him to acquire power; but they do not -confer upon him any right to exercise it over others. Shall it consist -in certain faculties conferred on him by others? who has constituted -other men our proxies? where is their consent? who has collected their -votes? and how can either we or they flatter ourselves that we possess -faculties equal to the exercise of civil power? and if we do not -possess them, how can we delegate them? - -We must here consider the doctrine which places the origin of civil -power in the will of men, supposing that this power is the result of a -pact, by which individuals have agreed to submit to the retrenchment -of a part of their natural liberty, in order to enjoy the benefits -of society. According to this system, the rights of the civil power, -as well as the duties of the subject, are alike founded on a pact, -differing from other contracts only in the nature and extent of its -object; so that, in this case, power would emanate from God merely in -a general sense, just as all rights and duties emanate from Him. Those -writers who thus explain the origin of power, do not always agree with -Rousseau. The _Contrat_ of the philosopher of Geneva has nothing to -do with the pact spoken of in other authors. This is not the place -to compare the doctrines of Rousseau with those of other writers; -suffice it to say, that although they rely upon the pact, they wish, -nevertheless, to establish the rights of civil power as they have been -hitherto understood by the common consent of mankind, whilst the author -of the _Contrat Social_ proposes in his book the following problem, -which he considers fundamental. I quote his own words: "_To find a -form of association which shall defend and protect with all the common -strength the person and property of each associate, and by which each -one, being united to all, shall nevertheless obey only himself, and -remain as free as before._" - -Such is the fundamental problem, the solution of which is given in the -_Contrat Social_. This nonsense of having none but one's self to obey, -making a _contract, and remaining as free as before_, needs no comment, -after what the author himself says in the following line: "The clauses -of this contract are so fixed by the very nature of the act, that the -least modification would render them vain and of no effect." (Book i. -chap. 6.) Rousseau's ideas on this subject do not, therefore, agree -with those of many other writers, who also have spoken of pacts, in -their explanation of the origin of power; the latter sought a theory in -support of power, the former wished to destroy that which existed, and -to throw society into a state of excitement. Through a singular idea, -Rousseau, in his vault at the Pantheon, is represented to us with the -door half open, and a lighted torch in his hand--an emblem, perhaps, -more significant than has been imagined. The artist's intention was, to -express the idea of Rousseau's enlightening the world even after his -death; but it should be remembered, that the torch is also an emblem of -the incendiary. La Harpe said of him: - - "Sa parole est un feu, mais un feu qui ravage." - -To return to the question, I will observe, that the doctrine of a pact -is of no avail in accounting for the establishment of power; for it -cannot even render legitimate either its origin or its exercise. First, -an explicit pact has evidently never existed; and secondly, in the -formation of even the most limited society, such a pact never _could_ -obtain the consent of every individual member. In any convention for -such an object, only the heads of families could take part; and hence, -women, children, and servants might protest against it. In assenting -to such a pact, what right would fathers have to represent the whole -of their families? The will of the latter, it will be said, was -virtually included in that of their chief; but this is the very point -that wants proof. Supposition here is easy enough; proof is not so -easy. When you seek the origin of power in principles of strict right, -and attempt to maintain that this is only one of those cases to which -ordinary conditions of contracts are applicable, you are met at once -by a very serious difficulty; for you are obliged to have recourse to -a fiction:--the words "_implicit consent_" are a mere fiction, and -nothing more. Is it not evident, that the consent of families must have -been implicit, even supposing that of their heads to be explicit? This -explicit consent would, in fact, be impossible in the formation of -any society, however limited in extent. And moreover, the consent of -succeeding generations will be equally implicit, since it is impossible -to be continually renewing the contract, for the purpose of consulting -the wishes of the parties interested in its effects. Reason and history -teach that society has never been thus organized; our own experience -tells us that it is not now upheld or governed by any such principles. -Of what use, then, is this inexplicable theory? When a theory has a -practical object, the best way of proving its fallacy is, to prove its -impracticability. - -The faculties with which civil power is, and always has been, -considered to be invested, are of such a nature, that they cannot have -proceeded from a pact. The right of life and death can have come only -from God. Man is not in possession of this right. No pact merely human -could invest him with a power which he has not, either in relation to -himself or to others. I will endeavor to demonstrate this point with -all possible precision. If the right of taking away life emanates not -from God, but from a pact, it must have originated in the following -manner: every member of society must have said, expressly or tacitly, -"I consent to the establishment of laws to decree punishment of death -for certain crimes; and if I should at any time transgress them, I am -willing from that moment to forfeit my life." In this manner, every -individual will have given up his life, supposing that the conditions -specified are realized; but no individual having a right over his -own life, the resigning of it becomes radically null. The joint -consent of all the members of society does not obviate the radical -and essential nullity of each one's right to give up his life; the -sum of their resignations is therefore equally null, and consequently -incapable of producing any right whatever. It will be said, perhaps, -that man, properly speaking, has no right over his own life, when an -arbitrary right is implied, but that when he chooses to dispose of it -for his own advantage, the general principle should be restricted. -This reflection, at first sight plausible, would lead to the terrible -consequence of authorizing suicide. In reply, it will be said, that -suicide is no advantage to him who commits it; but if you once grant -to the individual the right of disposing of his life, provided he reap -an advantage from so doing, you cannot constitute yourselves judges to -decide whether or not this advantage exists in any particular case. -According to you, he had a right to sacrifice his life when, for -example, to satisfy his wants or his taste, he had stolen the property -of another. That is to say, that he had a right of choice between the -advantages of life and those of satisfying a desire: what will you -answer, if he tell you that he prefers death to misery, to ennui, to -grief, or to such and such misfortunes which torment him? - -The right of life and death cannot consequently emanate from a pact. -Man's life is not his own; he has only the use of it so long as it -pleases the Creator to grant it him. He has not, therefore, the right -of disposing of it, and all conventions he may make for that purpose -are null. In some instances, it is lawful, glorious, it may be even -obligatory, to deliver one's self up to certain death; but let us -not confound ideas: man does not in that case sacrifice his life as -being the master of it, he is a voluntary victim to the salvation -of his country, or to the good of mankind. The warrior who scales a -wall, the charitable man who confronts the most dangerous contagion in -visiting the sick, the missionary who resorts to unknown countries, -who resigns himself to live in unhealthy climates, and who penetrates -into inaccessible forests, seeking ferocious hordes, do not dispose -of their lives as being their own; they sacrifice them to a purpose -great, sublime, just, and pleasing to God; for God loves virtue, -especially heroic virtue; and it is a heroic virtue to die for one's -country, to die in visiting the sick, or in carrying the light of truth -to those seated in darkness and in the shadow of death. This right -of life and death, with which civil power has ever been considered -invested, may by some be considered as founded upon the natural right -of self-defence vested in society. Every individual, they will say, has -the right of taking away the life of another in self-defence; therefore -society also has this right. In the chapter on _Intolerance_, I have -touched slightly upon this point, and made some reflections which -may be repeated here. I will endeavor, nevertheless, to extend them -and confirm them by arguments of another kind. In the first place, I -maintain that the right of self-defence may confer upon society that of -taking away life. If one individual attacked by another may lawfully -repel him--kill him even, if necessary to save his own life, it is -evident that an assemblage of men have the same right. This appears -so evident, that demonstration is superfluous. One society attacked -by another has incontestably the right of resisting and repelling the -attack--it is justified in making war. With more reason, therefore, -might it resist an individual, to make war on him, or kill him. This -is all perfectly true and obvious; and I grant that there thus exists, -from the very nature of things, a title upon which we may found the -right of inflicting capital punishment. - -These ideas are plausible, and seem at first sight to nullify the -reasons on which we have supported the necessity of having recourse -to God for the origin of this formidable right. Nevertheless, when we -come to examine them thoroughly, they are far from satisfactory; and it -may be even said, that in the sense in which they are understood and -applied, they are subversive of the acknowledged principles of society. -In fact, if such a theory be admitted, if the right of inflicting -capital punishment be made to rest exclusively on this principle, -the ideas of penalty, chastisement, and of human justice disappear -at once. It has always been thought that the criminal dying upon a -gibbet suffers a penalty; and although this terrible act is certainly a -satisfaction to society, a means of preservation, yet the principal and -predominant idea, that which surpasses all others, which best justifies -and exculpates society, which gives to the judge his august character, -and stamps disgrace upon the criminal, is the idea of chastisement, of -penalty, and of justice. All this disappears when once we can assert -that society, in taking away life, only acts in self-defence. Such an -act is conformable to reason, it is just, but it no longer merits the -honorable title of an executive act of justice. A man is justified in -killing an assassin; but in so doing he does not administer justice, he -does not execute justice, nor inflict a penalty. These things are very -different, and of a distinct order; we cannot confound them without -shocking the good sense of mankind. - -We will render this distinction more apparent by putting the two -theories into the mouth of the judge: the contrast is striking. In the -former case, the judge says to the criminal: "You are guilty; the law -decrees against you the penalty of death; I, the minister of justice, -apply it; the executioner is ordered to inflict it." In the second, he -says to him: "You have attacked society, which cannot exist if such -attacks are tolerated. It defends itself, and for this reason puts you -to death; I, its agent, declare, that the time for its defending itself -is come, and hence I give you up to the executioner." In the former -supposition, the judge is a minister of justice, and the culprit a -criminal who undergoes a just penalty; in the latter, the judge is an -instrument of force, the culprit a victim. But, it will be said, the -criminal is not on this account less criminal, and still merits the -penalty which he undergoes. This is true with respect to the _guilt_, -but not with respect to the _penalty_. The fault exists in the eyes of -God, and also in the eyes of man, inasmuch as he possesses a conscience -capable of judging of the morality of actions; but it does not exist -in the eyes of man, considered as a judge. According to you, the judge -does not _punish_ a crime; he restrains an act injurious to society: -but if you say that the judge _inflicts a penalty_, you change the -nature of the question, for he then does something more than protect -society. It follows from what we have just established, that the right -of inflicting capital punishment can only emanate from God, and, -consequently, if there existed no other reason for referring to God -the origin of power, this alone would suffice. War against an invading -nation may be explained by the right of self-defence; invasion also -comes under the same principle; for if it be just, it can be entered -upon only with a view to enforce some reparation or compensation -refused by the enemy. War for the sake of alliance enters into that -class of actions which are performed for the assistance of a friend; so -that this phenomenon of war, with all its glory, and all its ravages, -does not so forcibly oblige us to have recourse to a divine origin as -this simple right of condemning a man to the gibbet. The sanction of -lawful wars also undoubtedly belongs to God, for in Him exists the -sanction of all rights and of all duties; but there is not, in this -case at least, any need of particular authorization, as in the case of -inflicting capital punishment. It is sufficient to have the general -sanction which God, as the author of nature, has given to all natural -rights and duties. - -How do we know that God has granted such an authorization to man? -There are three ways of answering this question. 1. The testimony -of the Scriptures is sufficient for all Christians. 2. The right of -life and death is a universal tradition of the human race, and does, -therefore, exist in reality; and as we have shown that it can have its -origin only in God, it is right to suppose that He has communicated -it to man in one way or another. 3. This right is essential to the -preservation of society; God must, therefore, have granted it; for -if He wills the preservation of a being, it is evident that He will -have bestowed upon it all things necessary for such preservation. To -recapitulate what we have hitherto advanced: the Church teaches that -civil power comes from God, and this doctrine, which agrees with the -formal texts of Scripture, agrees also with natural reason. The Church -contents herself with establishing this dogma, and deducing from it -the immediate consequence resulting from it, viz. that obedience to -the lawful authorities is of right divine. With regard to the mode in -which this right divine is communicated, the Church has not determined -any thing: the general opinion of theologians is, that society receives -it from God, and that, from society, it is transferred, by lawful -means, to the person or persons appointed to exercise it. In order that -civil power may exact obedience, and be considered invested with this -right divine, it must be legitimate; that is to say, the person or -persons in possession of it must have acquired it by lawful means, or -this power must have become legitimate in their possession, by means -acknowledged to be in accordance with right. With respect to political -forms, the Church does not determine any thing; but whatever be the -form of government, the civil power must be confined within legitimate -bounds, while the subject, on his side, is bound to obey. The fitness -and legitimacy of such or such persons, and of such and such forms, -are subjects not appertaining to right divine. They are particular -questions, depending upon a variety of circumstances, and to which no -general theory is applicable. - -One example of private right will serve to illustrate what we have just -explained. Respect for property is of natural and divine right; but -the ownership of property, the respective rights of individuals to the -same thing, the restrictions to which property should be subject, are -questions appertaining to civil right, which have always been resolved, -and are still resolved, in various ways. The main object is to adhere -to the protective principle of property, the indispensable basis of -all social organization; but the application of this principle is, and -must be, subject to a variety of circumstances and events, a variety -arising from the course of human affairs. It is the same with power. -The Church, intrusted with the great deposit of the most important -truths, keeps in this deposit the truth which guaranties a divine -origin to civil power, and makes the existence of the law an affair of -right divine; but she does not interfere in particular cases, which are -always controlled more or less by the fluctuation and uncertainty with -which the world is agitated. When thus explained, the Catholic doctrine -is not in the least opposed to true liberty; it consolidates power, and -does not prejudice the questions that may arise between the governors -and the governed. No unlawful power can lay claim to the right divine; -for it must be legitimate to merit the application of this right. This -legitimacy is determined and declared by the laws of each country, from -which it follows that the law is the organ of the right divine. This -right, therefore, only consolidates what is just; and certainly that -which insures justice in the world cannot be said to lead to despotism, -for nothing can be more opposed to the liberty and happiness of the -people than the absence of justice and legitimacy. - -Popular liberties are not endangered by the strong safeguards -surrounding the legitimacy of the governing power. On the contrary, -reason, history, and experience teach that all illegitimate powers -are tyrannical. Their illegitimacy necessarily carries weakness along -with it; and it is not the strong, but the weak powers that oppress -the people. Real tyranny consists in the person governing taking care -of his own instead of the public interest. Now this is precisely what -takes place when, feeling himself weak and tottering, he is forced -to guard and protect himself. His object is then, no longer society, -but himself. Instead of thinking how he may benefit those over whom -he rules, he only studies and calculates beforehand the utility he -may derive from his own measures. I have said in another place, and -I repeat, that, in looking over history, we find continually this -important truth written in letters of blood: _Wo to the people governed -by a power which is obliged to think of its own preservation!_ A -fundamental truth in political science, and which has, nevertheless, -been lamentably overlooked in modern times. Much labor has been and is -still spent to produce guarantees for liberty. To this end a multitude -of governments have been overturned, and attempts have been made to -weaken them all, without thinking that this was the most certain -means of introducing oppression. What signify the veils under which -despotism is concealed, and the forms by which it seeks to disguise its -existence? History, which has recorded the outrages committed in Europe -during the last century; true history, not that written by the authors -of those outrages, by their accomplices, or by interested parties, will -relate to posterity the injustices and crimes committed in the midst -of civil discord by governments foreseeing their end, and feeling in -themselves extreme weakness caused by their tyrannical conduct and the -illegality of their origin. - -How is it, then, that such a violent warfare has been declared against -doctrines tending to consolidate civil authority by rendering it -legitimate, and to prove this legitimacy by declaring that power -descends from Heaven? How has it been overlooked that the legitimacy of -power is an essential element of its strength, and that this strength -is the safest guarantee of true liberty? Let it not be said that these -are paradoxes. What is the object of societies and governments? Is -it not the substitution of public for private force, of the rule of -right for the rule of the strong? But when once you begin to undermine -power, to make it an object of popular aversion or defiance; when once -you represent it to the people as their natural enemy, and vilify the -sacred titles on which obedience due to it is founded, you attack at -once the very object of the institution of society; and by weakening -the action of public force, you provoke a development of private -force, which is the very thing that governments were instituted to -prevent. The secret of that mildness for which European monarchies -were remarkable, consisted chiefly in their security and strength, -founded upon the loftiness and legality of the titles of their power; -whilst you will find in the perils with which the thrones of the -Roman emperors and Eastern monarchs were beset, one reason for their -monstrous despotism. I do not hesitate to assert, and in the course -of this work I shall prove more and more, that one cause of the evils -to which Europe has been exposed during the laborious solution of the -problem of the alliance between order and liberty, is the oblivion of -Catholic doctrines on this point. These doctrines have been condemned -without being heard or examined into, and the enemies of the Church -have copied each other without ever having recourse to the real -sources, where they might easily have found out the truth. - -Protestantism, departing from the teaching of Catholicity, has been -thrown alternately upon two opposite rocks; wishing to establish order, -it has done so to the prejudice of true liberty; and in its desire -to maintain liberty, it has become an enemy to order. From the bosom -of false reform have arisen the insane doctrines, which, preaching up -Christian liberty, discharged the subject from his obedience to the -lawful authorities; from the bosom of the same reform has likewise -arisen the theory of Hobbes, which sets up despotism in the midst of -society as a monstrous idol, to which all should be sacrificed, without -regard for the eternal principles of morality, with no other rule than -the caprice of him who rules, with no other bounds to his power than -those marked out by the extent of his strength. Such is the necessary -result of banishing from the world the authority of God. Man, left to -himself, can only succeed in producing slavery or anarchy; the same -thing under two forms; _the reign of force_. - -In explaining the origin of society and power, divers modern writers -have said a great deal about a certain state of nature anterior to -all societies, and have supposed that these societies were formed -by a gradual transition from a barbarous to a civilized state. This -erroneous doctrine lies deeper than some persons imagine. If we pay -particular attention to the subject, we shall find that the erroneous -ideas entertained on this subject may be traced to the forgetfulness -of Christian teaching. Hobbes derives every kind of right from a -pact. According to him, when men live in a state of nature, they -have a right to every thing; which means, in other terms, that there -is no difference between good and evil. From which it follows that -society was organized without any regard to morality, and ought to be -considered merely as a means to an end. Puffendorf and some others, -admitting the principle of _sociality_, that is, deriving from society -the rules of morality, arrive at last at the principle of Hobbes, and -trample under foot both the natural and eternal laws. Investigating the -causes of these grave errors, I find them in the deplorable contempt -which writers on philosophy and morality in modern times have so -eagerly evinced for the treasures of light afforded us by religion. -This light, religion affords us on all questions, fixing by its dogmas -the cardinal points of all true philosophy, and offering us in its -narrations the only thread that can guide us through the labyrinth of -the first ages. Read the Protestant writers, compare them with the -Catholic, and you will find a remarkable difference between them. The -latter reason, give their minds free scope, and allow them a wide -range; but they ever leave untouched certain fundamental principles, -and every theory which they cannot reconcile with these principles is -inexorably rejected by them as erroneous. The former roam without guide -or compass in the boundless space of human opinions, presenting to us -a lively image of that pagan philosophy which had not the light of -faith to guide its inquiries into the principles of things. Instead of -finding a God, the Creator and Director, occupied without ceasing, like -a tender father, with the happiness of beings whom He has drawn from -nothing, this philosophy never discovered any thing but chaos, either -in the physical or in the social world. This degraded and brutalized -state, disguised under the name of nature, is in reality nothing but -the chaos of society. This chaos will be found in a great number of -modern writers who are not Catholics; and by a surprising coincidence, -worthy of the most serious reflection, it will also be found in the -principal writers on pagan science. - -From the moment that we lose sight of the great traditions of mankind, -traditions in which man is represented to us receiving from God himself -intelligence, speech, and rules for his conduct in this life; from the -moment that we forget the narration of Moses, that simple, sublime, -and only true explanation of the origin of man and of society; our -ideas become confused, the facts are jumbled, one absurdity creates -another, and, like the builders of the tower of Babel, we suffer the -just punishment of our pride. How wonderful! that antiquity, which, -deprived of the light of Christianity, and lost in the labyrinth of -human inventions, had almost forgotten the primitive tradition of the -origin of society, and had recourse to the absurd transition from -the barbarous to the civilized state, should nevertheless, whenever a -society was to be formed, have invoked this right divine, which certain -philosophers have treated with so much disdain. The most renowned -legislators sought to establish upon Divine authority, the laws they -were giving to the people, thus rendering a solemn homage to that truth -logically established by Catholics, viz. that all power, to be regarded -as legitimate and to exercise its due ascendency, must receive its -titles from God. If you desire that the legislator should not be placed -under the sad necessity of feigning revelations which he has never -received, or bringing forward the intervention of God at every moment -in an extraordinary manner in human affairs, establish the general -principle that all power proceeds from God, that the author of nature -is likewise the author of society, that the existence of society is a -precept imposed upon mankind for their own preservation. Let submission -and obedience be so regulated as not to wound man's pride; let those -who rule over him be invested with superior authority, to which he can -submit without a shadow of self-abasement. In short, establish the -Catholic doctrine. Whatever be the form of government, you will then -have found a solid basis on which to support the respect due to the -authorities; you will have placed the social edifice upon a foundation -far more secure than human conventions. - -Examine the right divine such as I have represented it, supported by -the interpretations of illustrious doctors, and I am certain that -you cannot refuse to admit its perfect conformity to the lights of -true philosophy; but if you persist in giving to this right a strange -sense which it does not possess, pretending that it ought to have a -different explanation, I shall insist upon one thing which you cannot -refuse me: produce me a text of Scripture, a monument of the traditions -acknowledged as articles of faith in the Catholic Church, a decision of -the Councils or of the Pontiffs, showing your interpretation to be well -founded. Until you have done this, I have a right to tell you, that, -possessed with the desire of rendering Catholicity odious, you impute -to it doctrines which it does not profess, you attribute to it dogmas -which it does not acknowledge; that you are adversaries without candor -or honesty, and employ weapons disallowed by the laws of combat.[28] - - - - -CHAPTER LI. - -TRANSMISSION OF POWER, ACCORDING TO THE CATHOLIC DOCTORS. - - -The difference of opinion concerning the mode in which God communicates -civil power, however grave in theory, does not appear to be of great -importance in practice. We have already observed, that, among those who -assert that this power comes from God, some maintain that it proceeds -from Him _directly_, others _indirectly_. In the opinion of the former, -when once the nomination of the persons appointed to exercise authority -is made, society not only lays down the necessary conditions for the -communication of power, but actually communicates it, having first -received it from God. The latter maintain that society merely makes -the appointment, and, by means of this act, God confers the power upon -the person appointed. I repeat, that, in practice, the result is the -same, and the difference therefore vanishes. Nay, even in _theory_, the -divergence may not be so great as it appears at first sight. I shall -endeavor to demonstrate this by submitting the two opinions to rigorous -investigation. - -The explanation given of the origin of power by both parties may -be set forth in the following terms: In the opinion of some, God -says, "Society, for thy preservation and well-being, thou requirest -a government; choose, therefore, under what form this government -shall be exercised, and appoint the persons who are to take charge -of it; I, on my part, will confer upon them the faculties necessary -for the fulfilment of their mission." In the opinion of others, God -says, "Society, for thy preservation and well-being, thou requirest -a government: I confer upon thee the faculties necessary for the -fulfilment of this object; choose thyself the form under which this -government shall be exercised, and, appointing the persons who are -to take charge of it, transmit to them the faculties which I have -communicated to thee." - -In order to be convinced of the identity of the results of these two -formulas, we must examine them in their relations: 1. to the sanctity -of their origin; 2. to the rights and duties of power; 3. to the rights -and duties of the subject. Whether God has communicated power to -society, to be transmitted by it to the persons appointed to exercise -it, or has merely conferred upon it the right of determining the form -and appointing such persons, that, by means of this determination -and appointment, the rights annexed to supreme power may be directly -communicated to the persons intrusted with the exercise of it, it -follows, in either case, that this supreme power, wherever it exists, -emanates from God; and is not less sacred because it passes through -an intermediate means appointed by Him. I will illustrate these ideas -by a very simple and obvious example. Suppose there exists in a state -some particular community, instituted by the sovereign, and having no -rights but those granted by him; no duties but those which he imposes -upon it; in fine, a community indebted to the sovereign for all that -it is and has. This community, however small it may be, will require -a government: this government may be formed in two ways; either the -sovereign who has given it its laws has conferred upon it the right -of governing itself, and of transmitting this right to the person -or persons whom it may think proper to elect; or he has left to the -community itself the determination of the form and the appointment of -the persons, adding that such determination and appointment being once -made, it shall be understood that, by this simple act, the sovereign -grants to the persons appointed the right of exercising their functions -within lawful bounds. It is evident that the parity is complete; and -now I ask, Is it not true that, in this case, as in the other, the -faculties of him who governs should be considered and respected as an -emanation from the sovereign? Is it not true that it would be difficult -to discover any difference between these two kinds of investiture? In -both suppositions, the community would have the right of determining -the form and appointing the person; in both cases, he who governs could -only obtain his powers by virtue of the previous determination and -appointment; in neither case would there need any new manifestation -on the part of the sovereign, that the person nominated might be -understood to be invested with faculties corresponding to the exercise -of his functions. In practice, therefore, there would be no difference; -further, I will assert that, in theory even, it would be difficult to -trace the point of separation between the two cases. - -Certainly, if we view the matter with the eye of an acute -metaphysician, we may very easily discover this difference, by -considering the moral entity which we call _power_; not as it is in -itself, and in its effects, but as an abstract being, passing from one -hand to another, in the manner of corporeal objects. But, instead of -examining the question for the curiosity of knowing whether this moral -entity, before arriving at one person, has not first passed through -another, let us first seek to verify from whence it emanates, and what -are the faculties it confers, the rights it imposes: we shall then -find that, in saying, "I confer this faculty upon you, transmit it to -whomsoever you think proper, and in whatever way you think proper," -the sovereign expresses no more than if he should say: "Such or such -a faculty shall be conferred by me upon the person you wish, and in -the manner you wish, by the simple fact of the election you have -made." It follows hence, that whether we adopt the opinion of direct -communication, or the contrary one, the supreme rights of hereditary -monarchies, of elective monarchies, and in general of all supreme -powers, whatever be their forms of government, will not on this account -be less sacred, less certainly sealed with divine authority. Difference -in the forms of government does not in the least diminish the -obligations of submitting to civil power, lawfully established; so that -the refusing of obedience to the president of a republic, in a country -in which republicanism is the legal form of government, is no less -a criminal resistance to the ordinance of God, than the refusing of -the same obedience to the most absolute monarch. Bossuet, so strongly -attached to monarchy, and writing in a country and at a period in which -the king might exclaim, "_I am the state_;" and in a work, in which he -proposed nothing less than to offer a complete treatise on Politics, -taken from the words of Holy Scripture; established, nevertheless, -in a manner the most explicit and conclusive, the truth which I have -just pointed out. "We ought to be subject," says he, "to the form of -government established in our country." And he afterwards quotes these -words of St. Paul in his Epistle to the Romans, chap. xiii.: "Let every -soul be subject to higher powers; for there is no power but from God; -and those that are, are ordained of God; therefore he that resisteth -the power, resisteth the ordinance of God." "There is no form of -government," continues Bossuet, "nor any human institution, without its -inconveniences; so that it is necessary to remain in the state to which -length of time has inured the people. For this reason, God _takes under -His protection all legitimate governments, in whatever form they may be -established_; whoever undertakes to overturn them, is not only an enemy -to the public, but also to God." (Liv. ii. prop. 12.) - -It is of little consequence whether power be communicated directly -or indirectly; the respect and obedience due to it are not in the -least changed, and consequently the sacredness of the origin of power -remains the same, whichever opinion be adopted; neither do the rights -and duties of government, and those of the subject, remain less -sacred. These rights and duties suffer no change, whether there be -or not an intermediate means for the communication of power; their -nature and limits are founded upon the very object of the institution -of society; but this object is totally independent of the mode in -which God communicates power to man. Against what I have advanced -upon the small amount of difference existing between these various -opinions, the authority of the theologians, whose texts I have cited -in the preceding chapter, will be objected. "These theologians," -it will be said, "certainly understood these affairs; and as they -placed so much importance upon the distinction here under discussion, -they undoubtedly saw in it some great truth proper to be taken into -account." This objection acquires the more force, when we consider -that the distinction made upon this point by these theologians does -not proceed from a spirit of subtilty, as it might be suspected in the -case of those scholastic theologians, whose writings are replete with -dialectic arguments, rather than with reasoning founded upon Scripture, -upon the apostolical traditions and other theological resources, from -which we ought principally to take our arguments in controversies of -this nature; but the theologians whom I have quoted are certainly not -of this class. We need only name Bellarmin, to recognise a grave and -extremely solid author, who opposed the Protestants with Scripture, -with traditions, with the authority of the holy Fathers, the decisions -of the universal Church and of the Sovereign Pontiffs: Bellarmin was -not one of those theologians who excited the lamentations of Melchior -Cano, and of whom he said, that in the hour of combat against heresy, -instead of wielding well-tempered weapons, they wielded only long -reeds: _arundines longas_. Such was the importance given to this -distinction, that James, King of England, complained loudly that -Cardinal Bellarmin taught that the power of kings came from God only -indirectly; and the Catholic schools were so far from looking upon -this distinction as insignificant, that they defended it against the -attacks of King James; and that one of their most illustrious doctors, -Suarez, entered the lists to contend for the doctrines of Bellarmin. - -It appears, then, at first sight, that I am wrong in what I have -said upon the slight importance of the distinction here mentioned. I -believe, nevertheless, that the difficulty may be easily removed, and -that it will suffice for this purpose to distinguish the different -aspects under which the question presents itself. First of all, I will -observe, that the Catholic theologians proceeded upon this point with -admirable prudence and foresight; and truly the question, such as it -was then proposed, comprehended more than a subtilty; I am inclined to -think that it included one of the most serious points of public right. -In order to examine deeply these doctrines of Catholic theologians, -and to lay hold of their true sense, we must fix our attention upon -the tendencies which the religious reform of the sixteenth century -communicated to European monarchy. Even before this reform, thrones had -acquired a great deal of force and solidity, through the decline in -the power of the feudal lords, and the development of the democratic -element. That element, which in due time was destined to acquire the -power of which it is now possessed, was not then in sufficiently -favorable circumstances to exert its action on the vast scale which it -embraces in our days. On this account, it was obliged to take refuge -under the shadow of the throne--an emblem of order and justice elevated -in the midst of society--a sort of universal regulator and leveller, -destined gradually to destroy the extreme inequalities so harassing -and obnoxious to the people. Thus, democracy itself, which, in after -ages, was to overturn so many thrones, served them, at that time, -as a firm support, sheltering them from the attacks of a turbulent -and formidable aristocracy, unwilling to be transformed into mere -courtiers. There was nothing in this state of things very mischievous, -so long as matters remained within the limits prescribed by reason and -justice; but, unfortunately, good principles were exaggerated, regal -authority was gradually converted into an absorbent force, which would -have concentrated in itself all other forces. European monarchy lost -thus its true character, which consists in monarchy having just limits, -even when these limits are not marked out and guarded by political -institutions. - -Protestantism exalts to an incredible degree the pretensions of -kings, by attacking the spiritual power of the Pope, by painting in -the darkest colors the dangers of his temporal power, and especially -by establishing the fatal doctrine, that the supreme civil power has -ecclesiastical affairs totally under its direction; and by accusing of -abuse, of usurpation, of unbounded ambition, the independence which -the Church claims by virtue of the sacred canons, of the guarantee -afforded by the civil law, of the traditions of fifteen centuries, and -above all, of the institution of her Divine Founder. He had no need of -the permission, of any civil power to send His apostles to preach the -Gospel, and to baptize in the name of the Father, of the Son, and of -the Holy Ghost. A glance at the history of Europe at the epoch here -mentioned will convince us of the evil consequences of such a doctrine, -and show us how agreeable it must have been to the ears of power, -which it invested with unbounded faculties, even in matters purely -religious. This exaggeration of the rights of civil power, coinciding -with the efforts made on the other hand to repress the pontifical -authority, must have favored the doctrine which attempted to place the -power of kings upon a level, in every respect, with that of Popes; -and consequently, it was very natural that its authors should wish to -establish, that sovereigns received their power from God, in the same -manner as the Popes, without any difference whatever. The doctrine of -_direct_ communication, although very susceptible, as we have seen, of -a reasonable explanation, might involve a more extensive meaning, which -would have made the people oblivious of the special and characteristic -manner in which the supreme power of the Church was instituted by God -himself. What I have just advanced cannot be considered as merely -conjectural; the whole is supported by facts which cannot have been -forgotten. The reigns of Henry VIII. and of Elizabeth of England, -and the usurpations and violence in which Protestant powers indulged -against the Catholic Church, are a sufficient confirmation of these -sad truths. But, unfortunately, even in countries where Catholicity -remained triumphant, attempts were then, have since been, and still are -witnessed, that show clearly enough how strong was the impulse given -in this sense to the civil power; for even now it is but too prone to -transgress its legitimate bounds. - -The circumstances under which the two illustrious theologians above -cited, Bellarmin and Suarez, wrote, are another reason in support of -what I have just adduced. I have quoted remarkable passages from a -work by Suarez, written in refutation of a publication of King James -of England. This King could not bear the idea of Cardinal Bellarmin's -having established that the power of kings does not emanate directly -from God, but is communicated through the medium of society, which -receives it in a direct manner. Possessed, as is well known, with the -mania for theological debates and decisions, King James did not confine -himself to simple theory; he reduced his theory to practice, and said -to his Parliament: "that God had appointed him absolute master; and -that all privileges which co-legislative bodies enjoyed were pure -concessions proceeding from the bounty of kings." His courtiers, in -their adulations, decreed him the title of the modern Solomon; he -might well, therefore, feel displeased with the Italian and Spanish -theologians for endeavoring to humble the pride of his presumptuous -wisdom, and restrain his despotism. If we reflect upon the words of -Bellarmin, and especially on those of Suarez, we shall find that the -aim of these eminent theologians was to point out the difference -between the civil and ecclesiastical powers, with respect to the mode -of their origin. They admit that both powers come from God; that it -is an indispensable duty to be subject to them; and that to resist -them is to resist the ordinance of God; but not finding, either in -the Scripture or in tradition, the least foundation for establishing -that civil power, like that of the Sovereign Pontiffs, has been -instituted in a special and extraordinary manner, they are anxious -that this difference should remain obvious, and seek to avoid the -introduction, in a point of such import, of a confusion of ideas, from -which dangerous errors might arise. "This opinion," says Suarez, "is -new, singular, and apparently invented to exalt the temporal over the -spiritual power." (See above.) Hence, in discussing the question of the -origin of civil power, they require you to bear in mind the influence -of society. "_By means of man's counsel and election_," says Bellarmin; -thus reminding the King, that how sacred soever his authority might -be, it had been very differently instituted from that of the Sovereign -Pontiff. The distinction between direct and indirect communication -served, in a particular manner, to prove the difference in question; -for this very distinction recalled to mind that civil power, although -established by God, owed its existence to no extraordinary measure, and -could not be considered as supernatural, but was to be looked upon as -dependent upon human and natural right, sanctioned, nevertheless, in an -express manner, by right divine. - -These theologians would not, perhaps, have forcibly insisted upon this -distinction, had it not been for the efforts made by others to efface -it. It was a matter of consequence with them to humble the pride of -power, to prevent it from assuming, whether in respect to its origin -or its rights, titles not appertaining to it; to prevent its ascribing -to itself an unlawful supremacy, even in religious affairs, and thus -causing monarchy to degenerate into a sort of Oriental despotism, in -which the governing power is every thing, the people and their affairs -nothing. If we weigh their words attentively, we shall find that the -predominating idea with them was that which I have just stated. At -first sight, their language appears exceedingly democratical, from -their frequent use of the words _community_, _state_, _society_, -_people_; but on examining closely their system of doctrine, and -paying attention to the expressions they use, we perceive that they -had no subversive design, and that anarchical theories never once -entered their minds. They advocated on the one hand the rights of -authority, whilst they protected on the other those of the subject, -thus endeavoring to resolve the problem which formed the continual -occupation of all honest political writers; to limit power without -destroying it, or placing it under too great restraint; to protect -society against the disorder of despotism, without rendering it at the -same time refractory or turbulent. From the above reasoning we see -that the distinction between direct and indirect communication may be -of great or of little importance, according to the view we take of -it. It is of great importance when serving to remind the civil power -that the establishment of governments and the regulation of their -forms has in some way been dependent upon society itself, and that no -individual, no family, can presume upon having received from God the -government of the people without regard to the laws of the country, as -if those laws, in whatever form, were a free offering made by them to -the people. This same distinction serves, in short, to establish the -origin of civil power as an emanation from the Deity, the Author of -nature, but not as instituted in an extraordinary manner, as something -supernatural, as in the case of the supreme ecclesiastical power. From -this latter consideration two consequences follow, one of which is of -more importance than the other to the legitimate liberties of mankind -and the independence of the Church. To call in the intervention, -express or tacit, of society for the establishment of governments and -the regulation of their forms, is to prevent the concealment of their -origin under any veil of mystery; it is simply and plainly to define -their object, consequently to explain their duties, as well as to -point out their faculties. By these means a restraint is put upon the -disorders and abuses of authority, which it is thenceforth clearly seen -are not to find support in enigmatical theories. - -The independence of the Church is thus established upon a solid basis. -Whenever the civil power attempts to offer it violence, the Church -may say: "My authority is established directly and immediately by God -in a special, extraordinary, and miraculous manner; yours likewise -emanates from God, but through the intervention of man, through the -intermediary of the laws, in the ordinary course pointed out by nature -and determined by human prudence; but neither man nor the civil -power has a right to destroy or change what God Himself, deviating -from the course of nature and making use of ineffable prodigies, has -thought proper to institute." So long as the ideas here set forth are -respected, so long as _direct_ communication is not received in too -extensive a sense, and care taken not to confound things whose limits -so gravely affect religion and society, the distinction here spoken of -is of little importance. We have seen, even, that the two opinions may -be reconciled with each other. At all events, this distinction will -have served to illustrate with what exalted views Catholic theologians -have discussed the grave questions of public right. Guided by sound -philosophy, and without ever losing sight of the beacon of revelation, -they have given equal satisfaction to the desires of both schools. They -have not fallen into the errors of either; democratical without being -anarchists, monarchical without being base adulators. In establishing -the rights of the people, they were not, like modern demagogues, under -the necessity of destroying religion, but made her the guardian of the -rights of the people, as well as of those of kings. Liberty was not -with them a synonyme for license and irreligion; in their opinion, men -might be free without being rebellious or impious; liberty consisted in -being subject to the law; and, as they could not conceive that law was -possible without religion and without God; in like manner also they -believed that liberty was not possible without God and religion. What -reason, revelation, and history taught them has become evident to us by -experience. Shall we be told of the dangers, grave or slight, in which -theologians could involve governments? But people now-a-days are not -led astray by affected and insidious declamations; and kings well know -whether the schools of theologians have exiled royalty, and led it to -the scaffold.[29] - - - - -CHAPTER LII. - -FREEDOM OF SPEECH UNDER THE SPANISH MONARCHY. - - -Extreme doctrines neither insure the liberty of the people, nor the -force and stability of governments; both require truth and justice, -the only foundations upon which we can build with any hope of the -durability of the edifice. In general, maxims favorable to liberty are -never carried to a higher pitch than on the eve of the establishment -of despotism; and it is to be feared that the overthrow and ruin of -governments are very near when undue adulations are lavished upon their -power. When was the power of kings more extolled than about the middle -of last century? Who is not aware of the exaggerations given to the -prerogatives of royal power, when the Jesuits were to be expelled, and -the authority of the Sovereign Pontiff impugned? In Portugal, Spain, -Italy, Austria, and in France, the unanimous voice of the purest -and most fervent royalism was heard; and yet what became of this -great love, this lively zeal for monarchy, from the moment that the -revolutionary storm had placed it in danger? Observe what, generally -speaking, has been the conduct of men opposed to the ecclesiastical -authority; they have united themselves to demagogues for destroying, at -the same time, the authority of the Church and that of kings; they have -forgotten their base adulations, and abandoned themselves to insults -and violence. People and governments should never lose sight of this -rule of conduct, so useful to men of sense, to mistrust flatterers, -and to confide in those who warn and correct them. Let them beware -whenever they are caressed with an affected tenderness, and their cause -is maintained with especial warmth; it is a sure sign of an attempt -to make use of them as tools for the furtherance of interests very -different from their own. In France, at certain times, monarchical zeal -was carried to such an extent as to call forth, in the assembly of the -States-General, a motion for establishing, as a sacred principle, that -kings receive their supreme authority immediately from God: this was -not carried into effect, but the proposal shows how ardently the cause -of the throne was then maintained. Now, what did all this ardor mean? -Simply an antipathy against the Court of Rome, a dread of the extension -of papal power; it was an obstacle to be opposed to the phantom -of a _universal monarchy_. Louis XIV., so tenacious of the royal -prerogative, assuredly did not foresee the misfortunes of Louis XVI.; -and Charles III., in listening to the Count of Aranda and Campomanes, -little thought that the constituent Cortes of Cadiz was so near. - -In the midst of their splendor, monarchs forgot one principle -predominating in the whole modern history of Europe, viz. that social -organization is an emanation of religion, and, consequently, that the -two powers to which the defence and preservation of society appertain -ought to co-exist in perfect harmony. - -The power of the Church cannot be diminished without injury to the -civil power; he who sows schism will reap rebellion. During the last -three centuries the most liberal and popular doctrines upon the -origin of power have been circulated amongst us. What did it matter -to the Spanish monarchy, since those very persons who advocated -these doctrines were the first to condemn resistance to the lawful -authorities, to inculcate the obligation of obedience to them, and -to establish in all hearts, respect, love, and veneration for the -sovereign? The disturbances of our epoch, and the dangers constantly -besetting thrones, are not exactly attributable to the propagation of -doctrines more or less democratical, but to the absence of moral and -religious principles. What will be gained by asserting that power comes -from God, if people believe not in God? Point out the sacred character -of the duty of obedience, and what effect will it produce upon those -who admit not the existence of moral order, and to whom duty is merely -a chimerical idea? Suppose, on the contrary, that you have to deal with -men penetrated with moral and religious principles, who bow to the -will of God, and believe themselves bound to submit to it, so soon as -it is manifested to them. What does it matter then whether civil power -proceeds from God directly or indirectly? it is enough to convince -them, in one way or another, that, whatever be its origin, God approves -of it, and wills that it should be obeyed; they will immediately submit -with pleasure, for they will see in this submission the accomplishment -of a duty. - -These considerations serve to explain the reason why certain doctrines -appear more dangerous now than formerly: incredulity and immorality -give them perverse interpretations, and apply them so as to create -nothing but excesses and disorders. From the manner in which the -despotism of Philip II. and his successors is now spoken of, we might -be led to suppose that in their time no other doctrines than those in -favor of the most rigid absolutism could be circulated; and yet we find -that there were circulated, without the least apprehension on the part -of power, works maintaining theories which, even in our days, would be -esteemed too bold. Is it not, therefore, remarkable, that the famous -book of Father Mariana, intituled _De Rege et Regis institutione_, -which was burned at Paris by the hand of the public executioner, -had been published in Spain eleven years before, without the least -obstacle to its publication, either on the part of the ecclesiastical -or civil authority? Mariana undertook his task at the instigation and -request of D. Garcia de Loaisa, tutor to Philip III., and subsequently -Bishop of Toledo; so that the work, strange to say, was intended for -the instruction of the heir-apparent. Never was more freedom used in -speaking to kings; never was tyranny condemned in a louder voice; never -were more popular doctrines proclaimed; and the work was, nevertheless, -published at Toledo, in 1599, in the printing-office of Pedro Rodrigo, -printer to the king, with the approbation of P. Fr. Pedro de Ona, -provincial of the Mercenaries of Madrid, with the permission of -Stephen Hojeda, visitor of the Society of Jesus in the province of -Toledo, under the generalship of Claude Aquaviva; and, what is still -more forcible, with the royal sanction, and a dedication to the king -himself. We should also observe, that Mariana was not satisfied with -this dedication placed at the commencement of the book, but he makes -the very title itself serve to show to whom it was addressed: _De -Rege et Regis institutione. Libri 3, ad Philippum 3, Hispaniæ Regem -Catholicum_; and, as if this were not sufficient, in dedicating his -Spanish version of the History of Spain to Philip III., he says to him: -"I last year dedicated to your majesty a work of my own composition, -upon the virtues which ought to exist in a good king, my desire being -that all princes should read it carefully and understand it." "El año -pasado presenté á V. M. un libro que compuse de las virtudes que debe -tener un buen Rey, que deseo lean y entiendan todos los principes con -cuidado." - -We will pass over his doctrine upon tyrannicide, which was the -principal cause of its condemnation in France, where there existed, -without doubt, motives of alarm, since kings were perishing there by -the hand of the assassin. On examining his theory upon power, we find -it as popular and liberal as those of modern democrats could be. -Mariana ventures to express his opinions without evasion or disguise. -For example, drawing a parallel between the king and the tyrant, -he says: "The king exercises with great moderation the power which -he has received from his subjects.... Hence, he does not, like the -tyrant, oppress his subjects as slaves, but governs them as free men; -and having received his power from the people, he takes particular -care that during his life, the people shall voluntarily yield him -submission." "Rex quam a subditis accepit potestatem singulari modestia -exercet.... Sic fit, ut subditis non tanquam servis dominetur, quod -faciunt tyranni, sed tanquam liberis præsit, et qui a populo potestatem -accepit, id in primis curæ habet ut per totam vitam volentibus -imperet." (Lib. 1, cap. 4, p. 57.) This was said in Spain by a simple -religious, was sanctioned by his superiors, and attentively listened -to by kings. To what grave reflections does this simple fact lead us! -Where is that strict and indissoluble alliance which the enemies of the -Church have imagined to exist between her dogmas and those of slavery? -If such expressions as the above were tolerated in a country in which -Catholicity predominated so extensively, how can it be maintained that -such a religion tends to enslave the human race, and that its doctrines -are favorable to despotism? Nothing would be easier than to fill whole -volumes with remarkable passages of our writers, both lay and clerical, -showing the extreme liberty granted upon this point, as well by the -Church as by the civil government. What absolute monarch in Europe -would approve of one of his high functionaries expressing the origin of -power after the manner of our immortal Saavedra? "It is from the centre -of justice," says he, "that the circumference of the crown has been -drawn. The latter would not be necessary, if we could dispense with -the former. - - Hac una reges olim sunt fine creati, - Dicere jus populis, injustaque tollere facta. - -In the first age, there was no necessity for penalties, because the -law did not take cognisance of transgressions; rewards were equally -unnecessary, because integrity and honor were loved for their own -sakes. But vice, growing with the age of the world, intimidated -virtue; simple and confiding, the latter, till then, dwelt in the -country. Equality was despised, modesty and chastity lost, ambition -and force introduced, and after them domination. Prudence, forced by -necessity, and aroused by the light of nature, reduced men to a state -of civil society, to exercise therein those virtues to which reason -inclines them. By means of the articulate voice with which nature had -gifted them, they could explain to each other their mutual thoughts, -manifest to each other their sentiments, and explain their wants, -instruct, counsel, and protect each other. Society once formed, a -power was created _by common consent, in the whole of this community, -enlightened by the law of nature_, for preserving its different -parts, for maintaining them in justice and peace, by punishing vice -and rewarding virtue. _As this power could not remain spread through -the whole body of the people, on account of the confusion which would -have arisen from the resolutions and their execution_, and as it was -absolutely necessary that there should be some to command, and others -to obey, _one portion divested itself of this power, and vested it in -one member, or in a small, or in a great, number of members, that is -to say, in one of the three forms of every state government--monarchy, -aristocracy, or democracy_. Monarchy was the first; because men -selected for their government, out of their families, and afterwards -even from among the whole people, some one who excelled the rest in -goodness: his greatness increasing, they honored his hand with the -sceptre, and encircled his head with a crown as an emblem of majesty, -and as a badge of the supreme power which they had conferred upon him. -This power, however, consists chiefly in that justice which ought to -maintain the people in peace; _this justice failing, the order of -the state fails, and the office of king ceases_, as was the case in -Castile, when the government by judges was substituted for that by -kings, on account of the injustice of D. Ordona and of D. Fruela." -(_Character of a Christian Prince's Policy, set forth in a hundred -Devices_, by D. Diego de Saavedra Fajardo, Knight of the Order of St. -James, Member of his Majesty's Supreme Council for the Indies, _device_ -22.) - -The words _people_, _pact_, _consent_, have ended in becoming the -dread of men of sound ideas and upright intentions, on account of the -deplorable abuses which have been made of them in those immoral schools -which ought rather to be qualified with the epithet of irreligious than -with that of democratical. No, it was not the desire of ameliorating -the condition of the people which led them to overthrow the world, by -overturning thrones and shedding torrents of blood in civil discord; -the real cause was a blind rage for reducing to ashes the work of ages, -by especially attacking religion, the main support of every thing wise, -just, and salutary, that European civilization had acquired. And, -in fact, have we not seen impious schools, whilst boasting of their -liberty, bend under the hand of despotism, whenever they thought it -useful to their designs? Previous to the French Revolution, were they -not the basest adulators of kings, whose prerogatives they extended -immeasurably, with the intention of making regal power the means of -oppressing the Church? After the revolutionary epoch, did we not -see them assembled round Napoleon; and even yet, do they not almost -deify him? And why? Because Napoleon was revolution personified, the -representative and executor of the new ideas sought to be substituted -for the old ones. In the same manner Protestantism extols its Queen -Elizabeth; because it was she who placed the Establishment upon a -solid foundation. Revolutionary doctrines, besides the evils they -inflict upon society, produce indirectly another effect, which may, at -first sight, appear salutary, but which, in reality, is not so. They -occasion dangerous reactions in the order of events, and check the -progress of knowledge, by narrowing and debasing men's ideas, leading -them to condemn as erroneous and pernicious, or to view with mistrust, -principles which would previously have been looked upon as sound, or -that would, at all events, have been regarded as mere harmless errors. -The reason of all this is, simply, that liberty has no worse enemy than -licentiousness. - -In support of this last observation, it may be well to show, that -the most rigorous doctrines in political matters have originated in -countries in which anarchy had made the greatest ravages, and precisely -at the time when the evil, still present, or very recent, was most -keenly felt. The religious revolution of the sixteenth century, and -the political commotions consequent upon it, were principally felt in -the north of Europe; the south, and especially Italy and Spain, were -almost entirely preserved from them. Now, these last two countries are -precisely those in which the dignities and prerogatives of civil power -have been the least exaggerated, as well as those in which they were -not disparaged in theory, and were respected in practice. Of all modern -nations, England was the first in which a revolution, properly so -called, was realized; for I do not consider as such the insurrection of -the German peasantry, which, in spite of the terrible catastrophe which -it caused, never effected any change in the state of society; or that -of the United Provinces, which may be considered a war of independence. -Now, it was precisely in England that the most erroneous doctrines -in favor of the supreme authority of civil power appeared. Hobbes, -who, whilst he refused to allow the rights of the Creator, attributed -unbounded authority to the monarchs of the earth, lived at the most -agitated and turbulent epoch in the annals of Great Britain. He was -born in 1588, and died in 1679. - -In Spain, where the impious and anarchical doctrines, which had -troubled Europe since the schism of Luther, did not penetrate until the -latter part of the eighteenth century, we have seen that the greatest -license of expression was permitted upon the most important points of -public right, and that doctrines were maintained which, in any other -country, would have been looked upon as dangerous. Error gave rise to -exaggeration; the rights of monarchs were never so much extolled as -under the reign of Charles III.; that is, at the time when the modern -epoch was inaugurated among us. - -Religion, which predominated in all consciences, maintained them in -the obedience due to the sovereign, without there being any need of -giving this obedience any extraordinary titles, when its real ones -were sufficient, as they certainly were. For him who knows that God -has prescribed obedience to lawful authority, it matters little -whether this authority emanate from Heaven directly or indirectly, or -whether society has more or less taken part in the determination of -political forms, or in the election of the persons or families who are -to exercise the supreme command. Hence we find that in Spain, although -the words _people_, _consent_, _pacts_, were spoken of, monarchs were -held in the most profound veneration, so much so that modern history -does not mention a single attempt upon their persons. Popular tumults -were also of rare occurrence; and those which did happen are not -attributable to either of the two above-mentioned doctrines. How does -it happen that, at the end of the sixteenth century, the Council of -Castile was not alarmed at the bold principles of Mariana, in his book -_De Rege et Regis institutione_, whilst those of the Abbé Spedalieri, -at the end of the eighteenth century, were such a terror to it? The -reason of this lies not so much in the contents of the works, as in -the epoch of their publication. The former appeared at a time when -the Spanish nation, confirmed in religious and moral principles, -might be compared to those robust constitutions capable of bearing -food difficult of digestion. The latter was introduced among us when -the doctrines and deeds of the French Revolution were shaking all the -thrones of Europe, and when the propagandism of Paris was beginning to -pervert us by its emissaries and books. In a nation in which reason -and virtue prevail, in which evil passions are never excited, in which -the well-being and prosperity of the country are the only aim of every -citizen, the most popular and liberal forms of government may exist -without danger; for in such a nation numerous assemblies produce no -disorder, merit is not obscured by intrigue, nor are worthless persons -raised to the government, and the names of public liberty and felicity -do not serve as means to raise the fortunes or satisfy the ambition of -individuals. So also in a country in which religion and morality rule -in every breast, in which duty is not looked upon as an empty word, in -which it is considered really criminal to disturb the tranquillity of -the state, to revolt against the lawful authorities: in such a country, -I say, it is less dangerous to discuss, with more or less freedom, -questions arising from theories on the formation of society and the -origin of the civil power, and to establish principles favorable to -popular rights. But when these conditions do not exist, it is of little -use to proclaim rigorous doctrines. To abstain from pronouncing the -name of people, as a sacrilegious word, is a useless precaution. How -can it be expected, that he who respects not Divine Majesty, should -respect human? The conservative schools of our age, proposing to -place a restraint upon the revolutionary torrent, and to tranquillize -agitated nations, have almost always been infected with a certain -failing, which consists in forgetting the truth which I have just -noticed: _royal majesty_, _authority of the government_, _supremacy -of the law_, _parliamentary sovereignty_, _respect for established -forms, and order_: such are the terms they are constantly making use -of. This is their palladium of society; and they condemn with all their -might _the state_, _insubordination_, _disobedience to the laws_, -_insurrection_, _riot_, _anarchy_; but they forget that these doctrines -will not suffice, unless there be some fixed point to which the first -link of the chain may be riveted. These schools, generally speaking, -originate in the bosom of revolution; they are directed by men who -have figured in revolutions, who have contributed to prepare them, who -have given them their force, and who, in order to attain the object of -their ardent desires, feared not to ruin the edifice at its foundation, -by diminishing the ascendency of religion and opening the way to moral -relaxation. Hence they become powerless when prudence, or their own -interests, bid them say, "_We have gone far enough_;" and, hurried on -like the rest by the furious whirlwind, they have neither the means of -stopping the movement nor of giving it a proper direction. - -We are continually hearing the _Contrat Social_ of Rousseau condemned -on account of its anarchical doctrines, whilst at the same time -doctrines are circulated tending visibly to weaken religion. Can we -possibly believe that the _Contrat Social_ has alone caused all the -commotions of Europe? It has doubtless produced serious evils, but -still more serious ones have been caused by that irreligion which so -deeply undermines the foundations of society, which loosens family -bonds, and delivers up the individual to the caprice of his passions, -with no other restraint or guide than the promptings of his own low -egotism. Men of upright and reflecting minds begin to penetrate these -truths. We find, nevertheless, in the political sphere, this error, -which attributes to the action of civil government sufficient creative -power to form, organize, and preserve society, independently of all -moral and religious influences. It is of little consequence what be -maintained in theory, if this error be acted upon in practice; and what -avails the proclaiming of certain sound principles, if our conduct -is not guided by them? These philosophico-political schools, which -are desirous of ruling the destinies of the world, proceed in a way -diametrically opposite to that of Christianity. The latter, whose -principal object was heaven, did not, however, neglect the happiness of -man upon earth; it addressed itself directly to the understanding and -the heart, considering that the community is regulated by the conduct -of individuals, and that, in order to have a well-regulated society, -it was necessary to have good citizens. To proclaim certain political -principles, to institute particular forms--such is the panacea of some -schools, who deem it possible to govern society without exercising -a due influence over the intelligence and heart of man; reason and -experience agree in teaching us what we may expect from such a system. - -Profoundly to impress the minds of men with religion and -morality,--this is the first step towards the prevention of revolutions -and disorganization. When these sacred objects have acquired their -full influence over the hearts of men, there is no longer any thing to -be apprehended from a greater or less latitude in political opinions. -What confidence can a government repose in a man professing highly -monarchical opinions, if he join impiety to them? Will he who refuses -to give to God his rights, respect those of temporal kings? "The first -thing," says Seneca, "is the worship of the gods, and faith in their -existence; we are next to acknowledge their majesty, and bounty, -without which there is no majesty." "Primum est Deorum cultus, Deos -credere; deinde reddere illis majestatem suam, reddere bonitatem, sine -qua nulla majestas est." (Seneca, _Epist_. 95.) Observe how Cicero, the -first orator and perhaps the greatest philosopher of Rome, expresses -himself: "It is necessary," says he, "that the citizens should be -first persuaded of the existence of gods, the directors and rulers of -all things, in whose hands are all events, who are ever conferring -on mankind immense benefits, who search the heart of man, who see -his actions, the spirit of piety which he carries into the practice -of religion, and who distinguish the life of the pious from that of -the ungodly man." "Sit igitur jam hoc a principio persuasum civibus, -dominos esse omnium rerum, ac moderatores deos; eaque quæ gerantur, -eorum geri ditione ac numine, eosdemque optime de genere hominum -mereri, et qualis quisque sit, quid agat, quid inde admittat, qua -mente, qua pietate colat religiones intueri: piorumque et impiorum -habere rationem." (Cic. _de Nat. Deor._ 2.) - -These truths should be profoundly impressed upon the mind: the -evils of society do not principally emanate from political ideas -or systems; the root of the evil lies in religion; and if a check -is not put upon irreligion, it is vain to proclaim the most rigid -monarchical principles. Hobbes did certainly flatter kings a little -more than Bellarmin; and yet, when these two writers are compared, what -sensible monarch would not prefer as a subject the learned and pious -controvertist?[30] - - - - -CHAPTER LIII. - -ON THE FACULTIES OF THE CIVIL POWER. - - -Having shown that the Catholic doctrine upon the origin of the civil -power does not include any thing but what is perfectly reasonable and -reconcilable with the true interests of the people, let us discuss -the second of the proposed questions. Let us inquire into the nature -of the faculties of this power, and see whether under this aspect the -Church teaches any thing favorable to despotism--to that oppression of -which she is so calumniously accused of being a supporter. We invite -our opponents to demonstrate the contrary, fully confident that they -will find it more difficult to succeed in so doing, than to accumulate -vague accusations, which serve only to lead too confiding minds astray. -To sustain these charges properly, recourse should be had to texts of -Scripture, to tradition, to the decisions of Councils, or to those -of Supreme Pontiffs, to passages of the Fathers; and it should be -shown that these immoderately extend the bounds of power, with the -design of placing undue restraint upon the liberty of the people, or -of destroying it. But it will be said, if the sources retained their -purity, the streams have been polluted by commentators; in other terms, -theologians of latter ages, becoming the adulators of civil power, -have powerfully labored to extend its faculties, and, consequently, -to establish despotism. As many persons too readily claim the right -of criticizing the doctors of what is termed the period of decline, -flippantly censuring those illustrious men, without having ever taken -the trouble to open their works, it is necessary for us to enter into -some details on this subject, and to dispel prejudices and errors which -are seriously injurious to religion, and not less so to science. - -The declamations and invectives of Protestants have induced certain -minds to imagine that every idea of liberty would have disappeared -from the heart of Europe, had it not been for the timely intervention -of the pretended Reformation of the sixteenth century. According to -this idea, Catholic theologians are represented as a crowd of ignorant -monks, capable only of writing, in bad language and in still worse -style, a heap of nonsense, the ultimate and only aim of which was to -exalt the authority of Popes and kings, and to support intellectual and -political oppression, obscurantism, and tyranny. That a portion should -become the victim of illusion in matters the investigation of which -is difficult and arduous; that the reader should suffer himself to be -deceived by a writer on whose word he must either rely or remain in -complete ignorance,--as, for example, in the description of a country -or a phenomenon examined only by the narrator,--is nothing strange; but -that any one should adhere to errors which a few moments spent in the -most obscure library would eradicate, that the authors of the brilliant -volumes of Paris should have the privilege of disfiguring with impunity -the opinions of a writer lying covered with dust and forgotten in the -same library, and perhaps on the same shelf upon which the former -glitter; that the reader should peruse with avidity the glossy pages of -the newly-published work, filling his mind with the writer's notions, -without even so much as putting forth his hand to the voluminous tome -within his reach, and which needs only to be opened to furnish at every -page a refutation of the censures in which levity, if not bad faith, is -so ready to indulge; is difficult to be conceived or excused in any man -professing to be a lover of science, and a conscientious investigator -of truth. A great number of writers would assuredly not be so ready and -free to speak of what they have never studied, to analyze books which -they have never read, if they did not reckon upon the docility and -levity of their readers; they would certainly refrain from pronouncing -magisterially upon an opinion, a system, or a school, in fine, upon the -labors of many ages, from deciding the gravest questions by a sally of -wit, if they found that the reader, seized in his turn with distrust, -and particularly with the skepticism of the period, would not place -implicit faith in their assertions, but would take the trouble to -confront them with the facts to which they relate. - -Our ancestors did not consider themselves justified, I will not say -in making an assertion, but even a single allusion, without giving -careful references to the source of their information. Their delicacy -on this point was carried to excess; but we have done wrong by going -to the opposite extreme, and judging that we might dispense with all -formality, even in the most important matters which imperiously demand -the testimony of facts. But the opinions of ancient writers are facts, -facts averred in their writings. By judging them hastily, without -entering into details, without imposing upon ourselves the obligation -of quoting authorities, we incur the suspicion of falsifying history, -and history, I repeat, the most precious, that of the human mind. The -levity observable in certain writers proceeds, in a great measure, -from the character which science has assumed in our days. There is no -longer any particular science, but only a general one, embracing them -all, and including in its immense circle all branches of knowledge. -Consequently, minds of ordinary capacity are obliged to remain -satisfied with vague notions, unfortunately only serving to stimulate -abstraction and universality. Never was knowledge so much generalized -as now, and never was it more difficult to obtain deserved renown for -wisdom. In every aspirant to scientific excellence the state of science -requires a laborious activity in the acquisition of knowledge, profound -reflection to regulate and direct it, a comprehensive and penetrating -view to simplify and concentrate it, an intellect of a high order, -elevating him to the regions in which science has established her -abode. How many men are endowed with these qualifications? But let us -revert to the subject. - -Catholic theologians are so far from favoring despotism, that I doubt -much whether it would be possible to find better books than theirs -for enabling us to form clear and just ideas of the faculties of -power. I will even add that, generally speaking, they incline, in -a very remarkable manner, to the development of true liberty. The -great type of theological schools, the model to the contemplation of -which they have constantly turned during several centuries, are the -works of St. Thomas of Aquin; and we may with full confidence defy -our opponents to find us a jurist or philosopher who expounds with -more lucidity, wisdom, noble independence, and generous dignity, the -principles to which civil power ought to adhere. His _Treatise upon -Laws_ is immortal, and whoever has fully comprehended it has no further -information to acquire respecting the great principles which ought to -guide the legislator. You think lightly of past times, imagining that -till now nothing was known of politics or public right; and in your -imagination you invent an incestuous alliance between religion and -despotism, fancying you have discovered in the distant obscurity of the -cloister, the plot contrived by this infamous pact. But have you heard -the opinion of a religious of the thirteenth century upon the nature -of law? You already imagine that you see in his ideas force dominating -over all, and constantly invoking religion the better to disguise his -rude snares with a few falsehoods. Learn, then, that you could not -yourself have given a milder definition of law. You would never have -thought, as he has done, of excluding from it the idea of force; you -could never have conceived how, in so few words, he has managed to say -all, and with such exactitude, such lucidity, in terms so favorable -to the true liberty of the people and to the dignity of man. The -definition here spoken of being the summary of his entire doctrine, -and at the same time the guide which has directed theologians, may be -considered as an abridgment of theological doctrines in their relation -to the faculties of civil power. It presents to us at a single glance -what were, in this point of view, the predominating principles among -Catholics. - -Civil power acts upon society through the medium of the law; and, -according to St. Thomas, the law is, "_a rule dictated by reason, the -aim of which is the public good, and promulgated by him who has the -care of society_." "Quædam rationis ordinatio ad bonum commune, et ab -eo qui curam communitatis habet promulgata." (1, 2, quæst. 90, art. -4.) A rule dictated by reason, _rationis ordinatio_. Here by one word -despotism and force are banished; here is the principle that the law -is not a pure effect of the will. The celebrated maxim, _Quod principi -placuit legis habet vigorem_, is here corrected. Although capable of -a reasonable and just interpretation, this maxim was, nevertheless, -incorrect, and inclined to flattery. A celebrated writer of our days -has devoted numerous pages to proving that legitimacy has not its -origin in the will of man, but in reason, inferring from this that -what ought to command men is not in the will of another man, but -reason. With much less pomp, but not less solidity and conciseness, the -holy Doctor expresses this idea in the words above quoted, _rationis -ordinatio_. On reflection we find that despotism, arbitrary power, -and tyranny are nothing else than the absence of reason in power, the -domination of the will. When reason commands, there is legitimacy, -justice, liberty; when the will alone commands, there is illegitimacy, -injustice, despotism. Hence the fundamental idea of all law is, that it -be in accordance with reason, that it be an emanation from reason, an -application of reason to society; and the will, in giving its sanction -to law and carrying it into execution, should be merely auxiliary to -reason, its instrument, its arm. - -It is evident that, without the action of the will, there is no law; -for acts of pure reason, without the co-operation of the will, are -thoughts and not commands. They enlighten the mind, but do not produce -action. It is, therefore, impossible to conceive the existence of law -without the combined operation of the will and of reason. But this -is no reason why we should not consider all law to have a rational -foundation and to be conformable to reason, that it may merit the name -of law. These observations have not escaped the penetration of the holy -Doctor; he examines them, and dispels the error of believing that the -law consists in the mere will of the prince. He expresses himself as -follows: "Reason receives its motive power from the will, as we have -observed above (quæst. 17, art. 1;) for whilst the will seeks the end, -reason enjoins the means of its attainment; but the will, to have the -force of law, must be guided by reason. In this sense only can the will -of a sovereign be said to have the force of law; in any other sense it -would not be law, but injustice." "Ratio habet vim movendi a voluntate, -ut supra dictum est. (Quæst. 17, art. 1.) Ex hoc enim quod aliquis vult -finem, ratio imperat de his quæ sunt ad finem, sed voluntas de his quæ -imperantur, ad hoc quod legis rationem habeat, oportet quod sit aliqua -ratione regulata; et hoc modo intelligitur quod voluntas principis -habet vigorem legis; _alioquin voluntas principis magis esset iniquitas -quam lex_." (Quæst. 90, art. 1.) - -These doctrines of St. Thomas are the same as those of all theologians. -Impartiality and good sense will tell us whether they are favorable to -absolutism and despotism, whether they are in any way opposed to true -liberty, whether they are not eminently conformable to the dignity of -man. These doctrines form the most explicit and conclusive proclamation -of the limits of civil power, and they certainly have in this respect -more weight than the declarations of imprescriptible rights. That which -humbles man, wounds in him the feeling of a just independence, and -introduces despotism into the world, is the will of man commanding and -exacting submission merely because it is his will; but by submitting -to reason, being guided by her dictates, we are not degraded; on the -contrary, we are elevated, we are dignified, for we live conformably -to eternal order and to the divine will. The obligation of being -subject to the law does not originate in the will of another, but in -reason. Theologians, however, have not considered the latter of itself -sufficient to command. They derive the sanction of the law from a -higher source; when the conscience of man was to be acted upon, to be -bound by duty, they could find nothing in the sphere of created things -capable of attaining so high an object. "Human laws, if they are just," -says the holy Doctor, "are binding in conscience, and they derive their -power from the eternal law, from which they are formed, according to -what is said in Proverbs, chap. viii., 'By Me kings reign, and the -lawgivers decree just things.'" "Si quidem justæ sunt, habent vim -obligandi in foro conscientiæ a lege eterna, a qua derivantur, secundum -illud Proverb. cap. 8, per me reges regnant, et legum conditores justa -decernunt." (1, 2, quæst. 96, art. 3.) This proves, according to St. -Thomas, that just law is derived not exactly from human reason, but -from the eternal law; and that this is what makes it binding upon -conscience. - -This is doubtless more philosophical than to seek the obligatory -force of laws in private reason, in pacts, or in the general will. In -this manner the titles, the true titles of humanity are explained, a -reasonable limit is placed upon civil power, and obedience is easily -obtained; the rights and duties of governments, as well as those of -subjects, are established upon solid and indestructible foundations; -the nature of power, society, command, and obedience become perfectly -comprehensible. It is no longer the will of one man predominating over -that of his fellow-man; it is not his reason, but reason emanating from -God, or more properly speaking the reason of God, the eternal law, God -Himself. A sublime theory, in which power finds its rights, its duties, -its force, its authority, its prestige, and in which society possesses -its safest guarantee of order, well-being, and true liberty; a theory -which divests authority of the will of man, since it changes this will -into an instrument of the eternal law, into a divine ministry, _whose -aim is the public good, ad bonum commune_. This, according to St. -Thomas, is also one of the essential conditions of law. It has been -asked, Whether kings are made for the people, or the people for kings? -Such a question could only arise from a want of due reflection upon -the nature of society, its object, and its origin, and upon the intent -of power. The concise expression above cited, _ad bonum commune_, is a -fitting answer to this question. "Laws," says the holy Doctor, "may be -unjust in two ways; either by being opposed to the commonweal, or by -having an improper aim, as when a government imposes upon its subjects -onerous laws, which do not serve the common interest, but rather -cupidity and ambition. Such laws are rather injustices than laws." -"Injustæ autem sunt leges dupliciter; uno modo per contrarietatem -ad bonum commune, e contrario prædictis; vel ex fine, sicut cum -aliquis præsidens leges imponit, onerosas subditis non pertinentes ad -utilitatem communem, sed magis ad propriam cupiditatem vel gloriam: -...... Et hujusmodi magis sunt violentiæ quam leges." (1, 2, q. 96, art. -4.) From this doctrine it follows, that command must be exercised for -the well-being of all; and, failing in this condition, it is unjust: -governors are invested with it only for the advantage of the governed. -Kings are not, as some philosophers, regardless of the most palpable -inconsistencies, have absurdly maintained, the slaves of their people; -neither is their power a simple commission without any real authority, -and continually subject to the caprice of their people; but, at the -same time, the people are not the property of their kings. The latter -can, by no means, consider their subjects as slaves, to be disposed of -at their free-will: governments are not, by any means, the absolute -arbiters of the lives and fortunes of the governed; they are bound -to watch over them, not as a master over slaves from whom he derives -profit, but as a father over the son whom he loves and whose happiness -he has at heart. - -"The kingdom is not made for the king, but the king for the kingdom," -says the holy Doctor, from whom I continue to quote; and, in a style -remarkable for its force and freedom, he continues as follows: "for God -has constituted kings to rule and govern, and to secure to every one -the possession of his rights; such is the aim of their institution; but -if kings, turning things to their own profit, should act otherwise, -they are no longer kings, but tyrants." (_D. Th. de Reg. Princ._ cap. -11.) From this doctrine it is evident, that the people are not made -for kings; that the subject is not made for the ruler; but that all -governments have been established for the good of society, and that -this alone should be the compass to guide those who are in command, -whatever be the form of government. From the president of the most -insignificant republic to the most powerful monarch, none are exempt -from this law; for it is a law anterior to society,--a law which -presided at the formation of society, and which is superior to human -law, inasmuch as it emanates from the Author of all society, from the -source of all law. - -No, the people are not made for kings; kings are all appointed for -the good of the people: and if this object is not accomplished, the -government is useless; and this affects the republic as well as the -monarchy. To flatter kings with opposite maxims is to ruin them. -Religion has not, at any time, done this; this was not the language -of those illustrious men who, clothed in the sacerdotal habit, -delivered to the powerful ones of the earth the messages of Heaven. -"Kings, princes, magistrates," cries out the venerable Palafox, "all -jurisdiction is ordained by God for the preservation of His people, -not for their destruction; for defence, not for offence; for man's -right, and not for his injury. They who maintain that kings can do as -they please, and who establish their power upon their will, open the -way to tyranny. Those who maintain that kings have power to do as they -ought, and what is necessary for the preservation of their subjects -and of their crowns, for the exaltation of faith and religion, for the -just and right administration of justice, the preservation of peace -and the support of just war, for the due and becoming _éclat_ of regal -dignity, the honorable maintenance of their houses and families, speak -the truth without flattery, throw open the gates to justice, and to -magnanimous and royal virtues." (_Hist. Real. Sagrada_, lib. i. cap. -11.) When Louis XIV. said, "I am the state," he had not learned this -maxim either from Bossuet, Bourdaloue, or Masillon. Pride, exalted by -so much grandeur and power, and infatuated by base adulators, was here -speaking by his mouth. How unsearchable are the ways of Providence! -The corpse of this man, who said he was the state, was insulted at his -funeral; and, before the lapse of a century, his grandson suffered -death on the scaffold! Thus the crimes of families are expiated, as -well as those of nations. When the measure of His indignation is filled -up, the Lord reminds terrified man that the God of mercy is likewise a -God of vengeance, and that, as He opened upon the world the floodgates -of heaven, so also He lets loose upon kings and nations the tempests of -revolution. When once the rights and duties of power are founded upon -a base as solid as that of their divine origin, when once they become -established by a rule as exalted as that of the eternal law, there -is no longer any necessity for extolling or exaggerating power, nor -of attributing to it faculties to which it has no claim; and, on the -other hand, it is no longer necessary to exact from it the fulfilment -of its obligations with that imperious haughtiness which enervates by -humiliating it. Flattery and menace become alike needless when there -are other resources for exciting it to action, and other barriers for -restraining it within due bounds. The statue of the king, it is true, -is not set up in the public squares as an object for the people's -adoration; but, on the other hand, the king is no longer placed at the -mercy of democrats, soon to become an object of mockery and derision, -the contemptible laughing-stock of demagogues. - -Observe the moderation and mildness of the definition we have just -analysed! It does not contain a single word which can wound the -most delicate susceptibility of the most ardent partisans of public -liberty. The law, according to this definition, consists in the rule -of reason; the common weal is its only aim; and when the authority of -him who promulgates and executes it is spoken of, there is no mention -made of any sovereignty, no expression is used indicative of slavish -subjection, the most measured term which it was possible to select is -made use of--_care_: _Qui CURAM communitatis habet_. Bear in mind, -that the author here quoted is accustomed to weigh his words like -precious metal, and to employ them with the most scrupulous delicacy, -pausing a long time, when necessary, to explain any that may present -the least ambiguity, and you will then understand what ideas this great -man entertained upon power; you will discover whether the spirit of -oppressive doctrines could have prevailed in the Catholic schools, -in which this Doctor was, and is still, acknowledged as an almost -infallible oracle. - -Compare the definition given by St. Thomas, and adopted by all -theologians, with that which Rousseau has given. In that of St. Thomas, -law is the expression of reason; in that of Rousseau, the expression -of will: in the former, it is an application of the eternal law; in -the latter, the product of general will. On which side are wisdom and -good sense? Law was understood among the nations of Europe as it is -explained by St. Thomas and all the Catholic schools; and tyranny was -banished from Europe, Asiatic despotism was impossible, the admirable -institution of European monarchy was established. At a later period, -Rousseau's explanation was adopted, and then came the Convention, with -its scaffolds and its horrors. - -Publicists have already nearly abandoned the theory of "a general -will;" and even those who contend for the sovereignty of the people, -do not maintain that the will of all the citizens should constitute -the law. The law, say they, is not the expression of general will, but -of general reason. The philosopher of Geneva would have the will of -individuals collected, the aggregate of which he termed the general -will. In like manner, the publicists of whom we are speaking are of -opinion that it is necessary to collect, amongst the governed, the -greatest amount of reason, and to give this to the government for -its guidance, the governing body being merely an instrument for the -application of it. It is not men who command, say they, but the law; -and the law is nothing else than reason and justice. - -This theory, so far as it is correct, and apart from the applications -which might be made of it, is not a discovery of modern science; it is -a traditional principle of all Europe, which presided at the formation -of society, and has given to civil power an organisation differing -widely from those of antiquity, and equally so from those of modern -times that have not participated in our civilisation. This, on close -examination, appears to be the reason why European monarchies, even -the most absolute, have been so very different from the Asiatic. -A singular phenomenon: at the very time when society among us had -no legal guarantees against the power of kings, it still had other -very forcible ones which were purely moral. Modern science cannot, -therefore, claim the discovery of a new principle of government; it -has unknowingly resuscitated the ancient one. By rejecting the doctrine -of Rousseau, instead of making, according to the vulgar expression, -a step in advance, it retrograded; but to retrograde is not always -to lose an advantage. What is or can be lost by receding from the -brink of a precipice to enter upon a safe road? Rousseau complains, -and with reason, that certain writers have so far exaggerated the -prerogatives of civil power, as to convert mankind into a common herd, -of which rulers could dispose to serve their interest or caprice. Such -reproaches, however, cannot be applied to the Catholic Church, nor to -any of the illustrious schools sheltered in her bosom. The philosopher -of Geneva makes a severe attack upon Hobbes and Grotius for having -maintained this servile doctrine. Catholics have nothing to do with the -cause of these two writers. I will observe, however, that it would not -be just to place the latter upon a parallel with the former. Grotius -has certainly afforded reason for the accusation. He maintains that -there are cases in which governments are not for the benefit of the -governed, but for that of the governing powers. "Sic imperia quædam -esse possunt comparata ad regum utilitatem." (_De Jure Belli et Pacis_, -lib. i. cap. 3.) But, whilst we acknowledge that this principle has a -dangerous tendency, we grant that the doctrines of the Dutch writer do -not upon the whole tend to the total ruin of morality. - -By rendering Grotius his due share of justice, we prevent any -exaggeration of the evil which may exist on the side of our opponents; -it must now be permitted to Catholic hearts to remark with noble -satisfaction, that such doctrines could never be established amongst -the professors of the true faith, and that the fatal maxims which lead -to oppression have originated precisely among those who have deviated -from the teaching of the Chair of St. Peter. No; Catholics have never -brought under discussion whether kings have an unlimited power over -the lives and fortunes of their subjects, to such a degree as to -admit of no opposition, whatever be the excess of the absolutism and -despotism exercised over them. Whenever flattery raised its voice to -exaggerate the royal prerogative, this voice was immediately silenced -by the unanimous outcry of the supporters of sound doctrine. Witness -the remarkable example of a solemn retractation imposed by the tribunal -of the Inquisition upon a preacher who had exceeded his bounds. Not -so in England, a country proverbial for its hatred of Catholicity. -Whilst here, in Spain, it was forbidden under a severe penalty to -circulate maxims so degrading, in England the question was proposed -with the greatest gravity, and writers upon law were divided in their -sentiments. (See end of chapter 39.) - -Every impartial reader has already been able to form an opinion on -the value of declamations against the right divine, and on that -pretended affinity of Catholic doctrines with despotism and slavery. -The exposition of these doctrines which I have just given is certainly -not founded upon vain reasoning, sought out on purpose to darken the -question. I have not in any way shunned the difficulty. - -The question was, to know in what these doctrines consisted. I have -shown clearly, that those who calumniate them do not understand them, -and that we may even be allowed to suppose that they have never taken -the trouble to examine them, such is the levity and ignorance with -which they express themselves. Perhaps I have adduced too many facts -and quotations; but let the reader bear in mind, that my object is not -to present him with a code of doctrines, but to give to this point -of doctrine an historical investigation. Now, history does not call -for discourses, but facts; and in matters of doctrine, the sentiments -of authors are facts. Whilst beholding the salutary reaction now -taking place in favour of sound principles, let us avoid giving an -incomplete statement of the truth. For the cause of religion it is -highly important that its advocates should be free from even the most -remote suspicion of dishonesty or dissimulation. On this account, -I have, without hesitation, given in their integrity the doctrines -laid down by Catholic writers, just as I find them in their works. By -misrepresenting and confounding facts, Protestants and unbelievers have -succeeded in deceiving; let me hope that, by explaining and elucidating -them, I shall not be unsuccessful in removing the deception. - -I purpose examining, in the remaining part of this work, some other -questions relating to the same subject--questions perhaps not more -important, but certainly more delicate. And for this reason, I was -obliged to smooth the way, that I might proceed with more liberty -and ease. I have hitherto made the cause of religion defend itself -with its own weapons, without borrowing the support of auxiliaries -which were superfluous. I shall proceed in the same course, fully -convinced that Catholicity can only lose by any line of vindication -that identifies it with political interests, and confines it within a -circle too limited for its immensity. Empires appear and disappear; the -Church of Christ will last till the end of time. Political opinions -undergo changes and modifications; the august dogmas of our religion -remain immutable. Thrones rise and fall; and the rock upon which Jesus -Christ has built His Church stands unshaken throughout the course of -time, ever defying the powers of hell. When we take up arms in her -defence, let us be impressed with the importance of our mission; let -there be no exaggeration, no flattery--the pure truth in measured, but -accurate and firm language. In addressing ourselves to the people, in -proclaiming the truth to kings, let us bear in mind that religion is -above politics, and God above kings and people. - - - - -CHAPTER LIV. - -ON RESISTANCE TO THE CIVIL POWER. - - -The doctrines of Catholicity, therefore, in reference both to the -origin and the exercise of civil power, are unobjectionable. Let us -now proceed to another point--one of greater delicacy and difficulty, -if not of more importance. To state the question frankly, without any -subterfuge or evasion: "_Is it allowable in any case to resist the -civil power?_" It is impossible to speak more distinctly, or to employ -more precise and simple terms in stating this question, which is the -most important, the most difficult, and the most startling of any -that the subject we have in hand presents for our investigation. We -know that Protestantism from its commencement proclaimed the right of -insurrection against civil power; and no one is ignorant of the fact -that Catholicity has ever preached up obedience to this power; so that -if the former has been from its infancy an element of revolution and -of overthrow, the latter has been an element of tranquillity and good -order. This distinction might induce us to believe that Catholicity -favors oppression, since it leaves the people without arms to defend -their liberty. "You preach up obedience to the civil powers," our -adversaries will say; "you pronounce, in all cases, an anathema upon -any insurrection which attacks them; should tyranny prevail, therefore, -you become its most powerful auxiliaries; for, by your doctrine, you -arrest the arm ready to be raised in defence of liberty; you stifle -with the cry of conscience the indignation awakened in generous -hearts." This is a serious charge, which compels us to elucidate, as -far as possible, this important point, and to distinguish in it truth -from error, certainty from doubt. - -Some men would shrink from the investigation of such questions, and -prefer drawing a veil over them--a veil which they venture not to -raise, lest they should find an abyss. And assuredly their timidity -is not inexcusable; for there are abysses unfathomable, and dangers -that strike the mind with awe. One false step may lead to destruction; -one move in a wrong direction may let loose tempests that would -lay society in ruins. Whilst, however, I willingly admit the pure -intentions of such persons, I may be permitted to observe, that their -prudence is quite thrown away, that their foresight and precaution are -of no avail. Whether they investigate these questions or not, they are -investigated, agitated, and decided, in a manner that we must deplore; -and, worse still, the theories thence arising have been reduced to -practice. Revolutions are no longer confined to books, they have become -realities; quitting the quiet path of mere speculative philosophy, -they are to be seen in the streets and in the public squares. Since, -then, things have come to such a pass, why seek palliatives, make use -of restrictions, or invoke silence? Let us tell the truth, just as it -is, without concealment; since it is the truth, it will neither shrink -before abundance of knowledge, nor the attacks of error. It is truth; -its manifestation, its diffusion can have no injurious effect. In a -word, God, who is the Author of societies, had no need of establishing -them upon falsehood. This candor is the more necessary, because -political changes may have led some persons to disavow the truths we -are discussing, or no longer to understand them aright; whilst others -imagine that obedience to legitimate authority has been taught only by -a party anxious to make this doctrine the foundation of their tyranny. -Men of erroneous opinions and evil intentions have their own codes, to -which they have recourse whenever it will forward their designs: their -fatal errors or their sordid interests form the rule of their conduct; -this is the source of their knowledge and of their inspirations. Men, -therefore, endowed with a pure heart and with upright intentions, -should know what to hold by in political oscillations; it is no longer -sufficient for them to have a general knowledge of the principle of -obedience to the legitimate authorities; they must also be acquainted -with their applications. - -It is true that, in conflicts arising from civil discord, many men -throw aside their own convictions to accommodate themselves to the -exigencies of their interests; but it is no less certain, that there -is still to be found a great number of conscientious men who adhere -to them. We may also add, that the generality of the individuals -composing a nation, not being usually in the urgent necessity of -choosing between the sacrifice of their convictions and the risk of -grave and imminent peril, those who entertain them usually find means -to make their influence felt in preventing great evils or in remedying -them. According to certain _pessimistes_, reason and justice are for -ever banished from the earth, leaving it a prey to self-interest, and -substituting for the dictates of conscience the designs of egotism. In -their estimation, it is labor in vain to discuss and decide questions -which may guide us in practice; for, according to them, whatever a -man's conviction may be in theory, his practical decision will always -be the same. It is my happiness, or misfortune, to take a different -view of the case, and to believe that there still exist in the world, -and particularly in Spain, men of profound convictions, and possessed -of sufficient strength of mind to regulate their conduct by those -convictions. The strongest proof that the inutility of doctrines is -exaggerated, is the zeal evinced by all parties to lay hold of them. -Whether from interest or from delicacy, all appeal to doctrines; and -this interest or delicacy would not exist, if doctrines did not possess -a powerful ascendency in society. Nothing, in discussion, is more -perplexing than the introduction of several questions at the same time; -and for this reason, I shall proceed in such a manner as to distinguish -those which present themselves here. I will resolve, one by one, those -which relate to our object, and pass over those which are foreign to -it. Above all, we must bear in mind the general principle at all times -inculcated by Catholicity, viz. _the obligation of obeying legitimate -authority_. Let us now see how this principle is to be applied. In the -first place, _Are we to obey the civil power when it commands something -that is evil in itself?_ No, we are not; for the simple reason that -what is evil in itself is forbidden by God; now, _we must obey God -rather than men_. - -In the second place, _Are we to obey the civil power when it interferes -in matters not included in the circle of its faculties?_ No; for, with -regard to these matters, it is not a power. From the very supposition -that its faculties do not extend so far, we affirm that, in this point -of view, it is not a real power. Besides, what I have advanced does not -exactly and exclusively concern spiritual matters, to which I appear -to allude. I apply this restriction of civil power also to matters -purely temporal. It is necessary to refer here to what I have said in -another part of this work, viz., that whilst we grant to civil power -sufficient force and attributes for the maintenance of order and unity -in the social body, it is just nevertheless, that we should not allow -it to absorb the individual and the family, so as to destroy their -individuality, to deprive them of their own sphere, and leave them only -the means of acting as an integral part of society. This is one of the -distinguishing features between Christian and pagan civilisation: the -latter, in its zeal for the preservation of social unity, excluded -every individual and family right; the former, on the contrary, has -amalgamated the interests of the individual with those of families -and society, so that they neither destroy nor embarrass each other. -Thus, besides the sphere within which the action of the civil power -is properly confined, there are others into which it has no right to -enter, and in which individuals and families live without clashing with -the colossal force of the government. - -It is just to observe here, that Catholicity has done much for the -maintenance of this principle, which is a strong guarantee of the -liberty of the people. The separation of the two powers temporal and -spiritual, the independence of the latter with respect to the former, -the distinction of the persons in whom it is vested: such has been one -of the principal causes of this liberty, which, under different forms -of government, is the common inheritance of European nations. Ever -since the foundation of the Church, this principle of the independence -of the spiritual power has at all times served, by the mere fact of its -existence, to remind men that the rights of civil power are limited, -that there are things beyond its province, cases in which a man may -say, and ought to say, _I will not obey_. - -This is another of those cases in which Protestantism has given a wrong -direction to the civilisation of Europe, and in which, far from opening -the way to liberty, it has riveted the chains of slavery. Its first -step was the abolition of the Pontifical authority, the overthrow of -the hierarchy, the refusal to grant to the Church any kind of power -whatever, and the placing of spiritual supremacy in the hands of -princes; that is to say, it has retrograded towards pagan civilisation, -in which we find the sceptre united with the pontificate. The grand -political problem was precisely the separation of these two powers, in -order to save society from subjection to one sole unlimited authority, -exercising its faculties without restraint, and from which might -consequently be expected vexation and oppression. This separation was -effected without any political views, any fixed design on the part of -men, wherever Catholicity was established; for her discipline required -and her dogmas inculcated it. Is it not strange that the advocates of -theories of equilibrium and counterpoise, who have so loudly extolled -the utility of separating powers, and of dividing authority among them -with a view to prevent it from being converted into tyranny, should -not have noticed the profound wisdom of this Catholic doctrine, even -when considered merely in a social and political point of view? But no; -it is remarkable, on the contrary, that all modern revolutions have -manifested a decided tendency towards the amalgamation of the civil -and ecclesiastical powers--a convincing proof that these revolutions -have proceeded from an origin contrary to the generative principle -of European civilisation, and that instead of guiding it towards -perfection, they have rather served to lead it astray. The union of -Church and State in England, under the reigns of Henry VIII. and -Elizabeth, produced the most cruel despotism; and if that country at a -later period acquired a higher degree of liberty, it was not assuredly -owing to that religious authority given by Protestantism to the head of -the state, but in spite of it. It is worthy of remark, that in later -times, when England entered upon a more extensive sphere of liberty, -it was owing to the diminution of the civil power on all matters -appertaining to religion, and to a greater development of Catholicity, -opposed in its very principles to this monstrous supremacy. In the -North of Europe, where the Protestant system has also prevailed, civil -authority has been unlimited; and even at the present time, we find the -Emperor of Russia indulging in the most barbarous persecutions against -Catholics; more distrustful of those who defend the independence of -spiritual power, than of the revolutionary clubs. The autocrat is -devoured with a thirst for unlimited authority, and a decided instinct -urges him to attack in particular the Catholic religion, which forms -his principal obstacle. - -It is remarkable with what uniformity all power, in this respect, -tends to despotism, whether under a revolutionary or monarchical form. -Impatient of the restraint laid upon him by the spiritual power, Louis -XIV. attempted to crush the power of Rome. He was urged to it by the -same motives as the Constituent Assembly; the monarch rested his -cause upon the rights of royalty, and the liberties of the Gallican -Church--the Constituent Assembly invoked the rights of the nation, -and the principles of philosophy; but in the main they were actuated -by one and the same motive, that of ascertaining whether or not civil -power should be restricted: in the former case, it was monarchy tending -to despotism; in the latter, democracy advancing to the terrors -of the Convention. When Napoleon wished to bruise the head of the -revolutionary hydra, to reorganize society, to create a power, he made -use of religion as the most potent element. Catholicity was the only -predominating religion in France; to this he had recourse, and signed -the _Concordat_. But, observe, that no sooner did he imagine his work -of reparation complete, and the critical moment of the establishment of -his power passed, than he began to think of extending it, of freeing -himself from all restraint. He began to look upon that pontiff, whose -presence at his coronation had so much gratified him, with a more -supercilious eye. At first he had some serious disputes with him, and -ended by becoming his most inveterate enemy. - -These observations, to which I invite the attention of every reflecting -mind, acquire more importance from the consideration of what has taken -place in our own religious and most Catholic monarchy. In spite of -the preponderating influence of the Catholic religion in Spain, the -principle of resistance to the court of Rome has ever been preserved -in a particular and remarkable manner; thus, whilst the Austrian -dynasty and the Bourbons endeavoured to lay aside our old laws, so -far as they were favourable to political liberty, they preserved as a -sacred deposit the traditional resistance of Ferdinand the Catholic, -of Charles V., and of Philip II. The deep root which Catholicity had -taken in Spain doubtless prevented matters from being carried to -extremes; but it is no less true that the germ existed, and was handed -down from generation to generation, as if its complete development -was expected at some more favourable period. This fact was placed in -peculiarly strong relief at the time of the Bourbon accession, when -the monarchy of Louis XIV. was introduced amongst us, and the last -vestiges of the ancient liberties of Castile, Aragon, Valencia, and -Catalonia disappeared; the mania for kingly rights was at its height in -the reigns of Charles III. and Charles IV. Strange coincidence! The -epoch in which the greatest jealousy was entertained against the Court -of Rome and the independence of Church authority, was exactly that in -which ministerial despotism was in its greatest force, and in which -there was seen something still worse--the despotism of a favorite, -with all its pitiful show. True, the ideas of the French schools were -at that time influencing Spain; and of this neither the King, nor, -probably, some of his ministers, were aware: but this does not militate -against the reflections we are making; on the contrary, it comes in -support of them, by showing their applicability to circumstances quite -dissimilar, and consequently their soundness and importance. The -object here aimed at was the overthrow of the established authority, -to make way for another equally unlimited; to effect this, it was -necessary to urge on the former to abuse its prerogatives, and, at the -same time, to establish precedents to fall back upon, so soon as the -revolution should have displaced the absolute monarchy. What important -reflections are here presented to us! What strange analogies rise to -view between circumstances apparently most antagonistic! In our times, -we have seen bishops brought to trial from the same motives that were -alleged in a celebrated cause in the reign of Charles III.; and the -_Supreme Tribunals_ of our own days have heard from the lips of their -_fiscals_[B] the same doctrines formerly propounded by those of the -_Council_. Thus do doctrines meet, and thus, by different ways, do -we arrive at the same end. According to the ancient _fiscals_, the -authority of the king was every thing; the rights of the crown, like -the ark of old, were held so sacred, that to touch, or even to look -upon them, was accounted a sacrilege. Well, the ancient monarchy has -disappeared--the throne is no longer any thing more than a shadow -of what it once was--the Revolution has triumphed over it; and yet, -despite a change so profound, it is not long since a _fiscal_ of the -Supreme Tribunal, charging a bishop with an offence against the rights -of the civil power, made use of these words: "In the state, a leaf -cannot be plucked without the permission of government." These words -need no comment; the writer of these lines heard them uttered; and this -plain, unequivocal declaration of arbitrary power seemed to him to -throw a new ray of light upon history. - - [B] Crown attorneys, charged with the prosecution of criminal and other - causes. - -The gravity and importance of this subject required this digression; -it was incumbent on me to show how far the Catholic principle of the -independence of spiritual power may serve the cause of true liberty. -This principle, in fact, eminently teaches that the faculties of civil -power are limited, and it is, consequently, a perpetual condemnation -of despotism. To revert to the original question. It remains, then, -established, that we are to be subject to the civil power so long as it -does not go beyond its proper limits; but that the Catholic doctrine -never enjoins obedience when civil power oversteps the limits of its -faculties. - -It will not be uninteresting to the reader to learn how the principle -of obedience was understood by one of the most illustrious interpreters -of Catholic doctrine--by the holy Doctor so often cited. According -to him, whenever laws are unjust (and observe, that, in his opinion, -they may be so in many ways), they are not binding on conscience, -unless for fear of creating scandal, or causing greater evils; that is -to say, that, in certain cases, an unjust law may become obligatory, -not by virtue of any duty which it imposes, but from motives of -prudence. These are his words, to which I crave the reader's particular -attention: "Laws are unjust in two ways; either because they are -opposed to the common weal; or on account of their aim, as is the case -when a government imposes upon its subjects onerous laws, not for the -good of the commonweal, but for the sake of self-interest or ambition; -or on account of their author, as when any one makes a law without -being invested with proper faculties; again, they may be unjust in -form, as when the taxes are unequally divided among the multitude, -although in other respects tending to the public good. Such laws are -rather outrages than laws; since, as St. Augustin observes (lib. i. _de -Lib. Arb._ cap. 5), 'An unjust law does not appear to be a law.' Such -laws, therefore, are not binding in conscience, unless, perhaps, for -the avoiding of scandal and trouble--a motive which ought to induce man -to give up his right, as St. Matthew observes: 'And whosoever shall -force thee to go one mile, go with him other two; and if any man will -go to law with thee, and take away thy coat, let him have thy cloak -also.' Laws may also be unjust in another point of view, when they are -contrary to the will of God; as the laws of tyrants enforcing idolatry, -or anything else contrary to divine law. With respect to such laws, it -is not allowable, under any circumstances, to obey them; for, as it is -said in the Acts of the Apostles, 'We must obey God rather than man.'" -"Injustæ autem sunt leges dupliciter; uno modo per contrarietatem ad -bonum commune e contrario prædictis, vel ex fine, sicut cum aliquis -præsidens leges imponit onerosas subditis non pertinentes ad utilitatem -communem, sed magis ad propriam cupiditatem vel gloriam; vel etiam ex -auctore, sicut cum aliquis legem fert ultra sibi commissam potestatem; -vel etiam ex forma cum inæqualiter onera multitudinis dispensantur, -etiamsi ordinentur ad bonum commune; et hujusmodi magis sunt violentiæ -quam leges, quia sicut Augustinus dicit (lib. i. _de Lib. Arb._ cap. -5, parum a princ.) lex esse non videtur quæ justa non fuerit, unde -tales leges in foro conscientiæ non obligant, nisi forte propter -vitandum scandalum vel turbationem, propter quod etiam homo juri suo -cedere debet secundum illud Math. cap. v. 'Qui te angariaverit mille -passus, vade cum eo alia duo, et qui abstulerit tibi tunicam da ei et -pallium.' Alio modo leges possunt esse injustæ per contrarietatem ad -bonum divinum, sicut leges tyrannorum inducentes ad idololatriam, vel -ad quodcumque aliud quod sit contra legem divinam, et tales leges nullo -modo licet observare, quia sicut dicitur Act. cap. v.: 'Obedire oportet -Deo magis quam hominibus.'" (_D. Th._ 1, 2, quæst. 90, art. 1.) - -This doctrine furnishes us with the following rules: - -1. We cannot, under any circumstances, obey the civil power when its -commands are opposed to the divine law. - -2. When laws are unjust, they are not binding in conscience. - -3. It may become necessary to obey these laws from motives of prudence; -that is, in order to avoid scandal and commotions. - -4. Laws are unjust from some one of the following causes: - -When they are opposed to the common weal--when their aim is not the -good of the commonweal--when the legislator outsteps the limits of his -faculties--when, although in other respects tending to the good of -the commonweal, and proceeding from competent authority, they do not -observe suitable equity; for instance, when they divide unequally the -public imposts. - -We have quoted and copied the venerable text whence these rules are -derived: their illustrious author has been the guide of all the -theological schools during the last six centuries; his authority has -never been called in question in these schools on points of dogma or -morality; these rules may, therefore, be regarded as the recapitulation -of the doctrines of Catholic theologians with reference to the -obedience due to authority. We may now, without doubt, appeal with -entire confidence to every man of good sense. Let him judge whether -these doctrines are in the least inclined to despotism, whether they -have the least tendency to tyranny, in fine, whether they aim the -slightest blow at liberty. It is vain to seek in them the slightest -appearance of flattery to the civil power, whose limits are marked out -with rigorous severity; if it outsteps them, it is openly told, "Thy -laws are not laws, but outrages; they are not binding in conscience; -and if, in some instances, thou art obeyed, it is not owing to any -obligation, but to prudence, in order to avoid scandal and commotion; -it is thenceforth such a dishonor to thee, that thy triumph, far from -entitling thee to renown, assimilates thee to the robber who despoils -the peaceable man of his garment, and to whom the latter, for the -sake of peace, gives up his cloak also." If these are doctrines of -oppression and despotism, we also are advocates for such oppression and -despotism; for we cannot conceive doctrines more favorable to liberty. - -Upon these principles the admirable institution of European monarchy -was founded. This teaching has created the moral defences by which that -monarchy is surrounded; defences restraining it within the limits of -its duties, even where political guarantees do not exist. The mind, -wearied with foolish declamations against the _tyranny of kings_, and, -on the other hand, not less tired of the boisterous adulations lavished -upon power in modern times, expands and rejoices on meeting with this -pure, disinterested, and sincere expression of the rights and duties of -governments and of people, on hearing this language, impressed with as -much of wisdom as of upright intention and generous freedom. What books -were consulted by men making use of such language? The Scriptures, the -Fathers, the collections of ecclesiastical documents. Could they have -received their inspirations from the society which surrounded them? No; -for in that same society disorder and confusion prevailed; sometimes a -turbulent disobedience, at others despotism was predominant. And yet -they speak with as much discretion, tact, and calmness as if they were -living in the midst of well-regulated society. They were guided by -divine revelation, which taught them truth. How often did they see it -forgotten and trampled under foot! But uninfluenced by circumstances, -however unfavorable, they wrote in a region far above the atmosphere of -human passions. Truth is of all times; proclaim it ever, and God will -effect the rest.[31] - - - - -CHAPTER LV. - -ON RESISTANCE TO DE FACTO GOVERNMENTS. - - -The questions hitherto discussed relating to the obedience due to power -are very grave; but those of resistance to it are still more important. - -Is it allowable, under any circumstances, in any supposition, to -resist the civil power _by physical force_? Does there nowhere exist a -deposing power? How far do Catholic doctrines extend on this subject? -Such are the extreme points we purpose to discuss. According to one -system, obedience is due to a government from the very fact of its -existence, even on the supposition that its existence is illegitimate. -Now, it is important to demonstrate, at the very outset, the -unsoundness of this doctrine, which is contrary to right reason, and -has never been taught by Catholicity. In preaching obedience "to the -powers that be," the Church speaks of powers that have a legitimate -existence. The absurdity, that a simple fact can create right, can -never become a dogma of Catholicity. Were it true that resistance would -be unlawful, it would be equally true that an illegitimate government -has a right to command; for the obligation to obey is correlative -with the right to command; and an illegitimate government would, -consequently, become legitimatised by the simple fact of its existence. -This would legitimatise all usurpations; the most heroic resistance -on the part of the people would be condemned; the world would be -abandoned to the mere rule of force. No; that degrading doctrine is not -true which derives legitimacy from usurpation; which says to a people -conquered and subjugated by any usurper whatever, "Obey your tyrant; -his rights are founded on force, and your obligation to him on your -weakness." No; there cannot be truth in a doctrine that would efface -from our history one of its brightest pages, that would entail disgrace -upon a nation taking up arms to expel an usurper, struggling for its -independence during a period of six years, and finally overthrowing -the conqueror of Europe. If Napoleon had succeeded in establishing his -power amongst us, the Spanish nation would still have maintained the -right on account of which it revolted in 1808; victory could not have -rendered usurpation legitimate. The victims of the second of May did -not legalise the command of Murat; and had even every corner of the -peninsula been made a theatre of horrors similar to those witnessed -on the Prado, the blood of martyred patriots, covering the usurper -and his satellites with everlasting infamy, would only have confirmed -the sacred right of revolting in defence of the throne, of national -independence. We must repeat it: the simple fact does not create a -right, either in private or public affairs; and so soon as such a -principle is acknowledged, every idea of reason and justice disappears -from the world. Those who may have wished to flatter governments with -so fatal a doctrine, were not aware that this was the very way to ruin -them, and to sow the seeds of usurpation and insurrection. What will -be safe here below if we admit the principle, that success insures -justice, and that the conqueror is always the rightful ruler? Is not -this throwing open a wide gate to ambition, and to every crime? Is it -not exciting men to forget every idea of right, reason, and justice, -to acknowledge no other rule than brute force? Governments protected -by so strange a doctrine would assuredly owe little gratitude to their -protectors: this, in fact, is no defence; it is an insult; it is more -of a cruel sarcasm than an apology. To what, indeed, does it amount, -and how would this doctrine sound? Why, as follows: "People, obey him -who commands you; you say his authority is usurped; we do not deny -it; but, by the very fact of his having attained his end, the usurper -has acquired a right. He is, indeed, a robber who has attacked you on -the highway; he has stolen your money; but, by the mere fact of your -not being able to resist him, and being forced to deliver to him your -purse, now that he is possessed of it, you ought to respect this money -as an inviolable property: such is your duty. It is a robbery; but this -robbery being a _consummated act_, you cannot now obtain redress for -it." - -In this point of view the doctrine of _consummated facts_ appears -so much opposed to generally received ideas, that no reasonable man -can seriously accept it. I do not deny that there are cases in which -obedience, even to an illegitimate government, is to be recommended; -when, for instance, we foresee that resistance would be useless, that -it would only lead to new disorders, and to a greater effusion of -blood: but in recommending prudence to the people, let us not disguise -it under false doctrines--let us beware of calming the exasperation -of misfortune by circulating errors subversive of all governments, -of all society. It is worthy of remark, that all powers, even the -most illegitimate, have a truer instinct than that manifested by the -maintenance of such maxims. All powers in the first moment of their -existence, before commencing their operations, before proceeding to one -single act, proclaim their legitimacy. They seek it in right divine and -human, they establish it upon birth or election, they derive it from -historical titles, or the sudden development of extraordinary events; -but all tends to the same point, the pretension to legitimacy. They -never speak of the mere fact of their existence; from the instinct that -prompts their own preservation they learn better than to rely upon -such grounds, since to do so would be to annihilate their authority, -to destroy their prestige, to encourage revolt; in a word, to commit -self-destruction. We have here the most explicit condemnation of the -doctrine we are combating, for the most shameless usurpers have more -respect for good sense and the public conscience. - -It sometimes happens that doctrines the most erroneous assume a -veil of gentleness and Christian meekness. We must overthrow the -arguments that might be employed against us, by the advocates of -blind submission to any power that happens to be established. "The -Scriptures," they will say, "prescribe to us obedience to the -authorities, without any distinction; the Christian, therefore, ought -not to make any distinction, but submit with resignation to such as he -finds established." In reply to this objection, I see the following -very decisive answers. 1. Illegitimate authority is no authority at -all; the idea of power involves the idea of right, without which -it is mere physical power, that is, _force_. When, therefore, the -Scriptures prescribe obedience to the authorities, it is the lawful -authorities that are implied. 2. The sacred text, in enjoining us -obedience to the civil power, tells us that it is ordained by God -Himself, that it is the minister of God Himself; and it is evident that -usurpation is never invested with so high a character. The usurper -is perhaps the instrument of Providence, _the scourge of Heaven_, as -Attila designated himself, but not the minister of God. 3. The sacred -Scriptures prescribe obedience to the subject in relation to the civil -power, in the same way as they prescribe it to the slave in relation -to his master. But what sort of masters are here implied? Evidently -such as exercised a legitimate dominion, as it was understood at the -time, conformable to the prevailing laws and customs; otherwise the -Scriptures would require obedience from such slaves as were reduced -to slavery by an abuse of power. Hence, as the obedience to masters -prescribed by the Scriptures does not deprive the slave unjustly -retained in servitude of his right, so also the obedience due to the -established authorities should be restricted to the lawful authorities, -and to cases in which prudence would dictate it in order to avoid -commotion and scandal. - -In confirmation of the doctrine of mere _de facto_ government, the -conduct of the first Christians has been sometimes alleged. "They -submitted," it is said, "to the constituted authorities without -even inquiring whether they were legitimate or not. At this epoch -usurpations were frequent, the imperial throne was established by -force, its occupants one after another owed their elevation to military -insurrection, and to the assassination of their predecessors. We -find, nevertheless, that Christians never meddled with the question -of legitimacy; they respected the established power, and this power -failing, they submitted without murmuring to the new tyrant who had -usurped the throne." This argument, it cannot be denied, is very -plausible, and presents at first sight a serious difficulty; a few -reflections, however, suffice to show its extreme futility. In order -that an insurrection against an unlawful power may be legitimate and -prudent, those who undertake to overturn it should be sure of its -illegitimacy, should have in view the substitution of a lawful power, -and should count besides on the probability of the success of their -enterprise. If these conditions are not fulfilled, the insurrection -has no object; it is a mere fruitless attempt, an impotent revenge, -which, instead of being useful to society, only causes bloodshed, only -irritates the power attacked, and can have in consequence no other -effect than to increase oppression and tyranny. - -None of the conditions here mentioned were in existence at the time we -are speaking of; all that upright men could do was quietly to resign -themselves to the calamitous circumstances of the times, and by fervent -prayer to implore the Almighty to take compassion on mankind. - -When every thing was decided by force of arms, who could say whether -such or such an emperor was lawfully established? Upon what rules -was the imperial succession established? Where was legitimacy to be -substituted for illegitimacy? Amongst the Romans--those vile, degraded -beings, kissing the chains of the first tyrant who offered them _food_ -and _games_? In the worthless posterity of those illustrious patricians -who formerly gave laws to the universe? Was it vested in the sons or -in the family of some assassinated emperor, when the laws had not -established hereditary succession, when the sceptre of the empire was -at the disposal of the legions, when it frequently happened that the -emperor, the victim of usurpation, had been himself merely a usurper, -who had mounted to the throne over the corpse of his rival? Did it -exist in the ancient rights of those conquered nations now reduced to -simple dependencies of the empire, divested of all national spirit, -having even lost the recollection of their former condition, without a -thought capable of conducting them in the work of their emancipation, -and destitute of resources against the colossal force of their masters? -What object could any one have, under such circumstances, in making -attempts against the established government? When the legions decided -the fate of the world, alternately elevating and assassinating their -masters, what could or what ought the Christian to do? The disciple -of a God of peace and love, he could not take part in criminal scenes -of bloodshed and tumult; authority was tottering and uncertain; it -was not for him to decide whether it was legitimate or not; it only -remained for him to submit to the power generally acknowledged, and -at the arrival of one of those changes, at that time of so frequent -occurrence, to yield the same obedience to the newly-established -government. - -The interference of Christians in political disputes would only have -served to bring into disrepute the holy religion they professed; it -would have given to philosophers and idolaters a pretext for increasing -the catalogue of black calumnies which they everywhere brought against -the faith. Public report accused Catholicity of being subversive of -governments; Christians would have furnished a pretext for extending -and accrediting this unfounded report, the hatred of governments would -have been redoubled, and the rigors of persecution so cruelly exercised -against the disciples of the cross would have been increased. Has this -state of things ever existed but once, either in ancient or modern -times? And could the conduct of the first Christians in this respect be -made a rule for the Spaniards, for instance, at the time they resisted -the usurpation of Bonaparte? Or could it be imitated by any other -people in similar circumstances? Or will it be received as an argument -in favor of every kind of usurpation? No; man, in becoming a Christian, -does not cease to be a citizen, to be a man, to have his rights, and he -acts in a praiseworthy manner whenever, within the bounds of reason and -justice, he attempts to maintain these rights with fearless intrepidity. - -Don Felix Amat, Archbishop of Palmyra, in his posthumous work entitled -_Idea of the Church Militant_, makes use of these words: "Jesus Christ, -by his plain and expressive answer, _Render to Cæsar the things that -are Cæsar's_, has sufficiently established, that the mere fact of a -government's existence is sufficient for enforcing the obedience of -subjects to it." What I have already advanced is enough, in my opinion, -to show the fallacy of such an assertion; and, as I intend to revert to -this subject, and investigate more attentively this author's opinion, -and the reasons upon which he supports it, I shall not now attempt to -enter upon its refutation. I will, nevertheless, make one observation, -which occurred to me on reading the passages in which the Archbishop -of Palmyra developes it. His work was forbidden at Rome; and whatever -may have been the motives for such a prohibition, we may rest assured -that, in the case of a book advocating such doctrines, every man who -is jealous of his rights might acquiesce in the decree of the Sacred -Congregation. - -As the opportunity is favorable, we may make a few remarks upon -_consummated facts_, which are so closely connected with the doctrine -under discussion. _Consummated_ implies something perfect in its kind; -hence an act is consummated when it has attained its completion. -This word, applied to crimes, is opposed to mere attempt. We say -an attempt at robbery, murder, or arson, when the undertaking to -commit these crimes has been manifested by some act; for instance, -the lock of a door has been broken, an attack has been made with a -murderous weapon, combustible matter has been ignited--but the crime -is not said to be consummated till the robbery, murder, or arson has -actually been committed. Hence, in a political and social sense, we -designate _consummated facts_ an usurpation, completely overthrowing -the legitimate power, and by means of which the usurper is already -substituted in its place; a measure executed in all its points; such as -the suppression of the regular clergy in Spain, and the confiscation of -their property to the treasury; a revolution which has been triumphant, -and which has entirely disposed of a country, as was the case with our -American possessions. - -From this explanation, we see clearly that a fact does not, by being -_consummated_, change its nature; it still remains a simple fact--just -or unjust, legal or illegal--as it was before. The most horrible -outrages may also be termed _consummated facts_; yet, for all that, -they do not cease to deserve disgrace and punishment. - -What, then, is the meaning of certain phrases continually uttered by -some men? "We must respect consummated facts; we must always accept -consummated facts; it is folly to resist consummated facts; it is a -wise policy that yields to consummated facts." Far be it from me to -assert that all those who establish these maxims, profess the fatal -doctrines to which they give rise. We often admit principles, the -consequences of which we reject; and point out a certain line of -conduct as right, without attending to the abominable maxims in which -it originates. In human affairs, good and evil, error and truth are -so narrowly separated, and prudence so closely borders on culpable -timidity, that in theory, as well as in practice, it is not always -easy to remain within the bounds prescribed by reason and the eternal -principles of sound morality. If respect for consummated facts is -mentioned, perverse men immediately include in it the sanctioning -of crime, the spoils of plunder secured to the robber, no hope of -restitution left to the victims, and a gag put upon their mouths, to -stifle their complaints. Others, I am aware, have no such design in -making use of these words, but are the dupes of a confusion of ideas, -arising from their not having distinguished between moral principles -and public expediency. On this point, therefore, we must distinguish -and define, which I will do in a few words. - -The simple consummation of a fact does not render it legitimate; and, -consequently, it is not on this account alone worthy of respect. The -robber who has stolen does not acquire a right to the thing stolen; -the incendiary who reduces a house to ashes is no less deserving of -punishment, of being forced to make reparation, than if he had been -arrested in the attempt. This is so evident and clear, that it cannot -be called in question. To assert the contrary, is to become the enemy -of all morality, of all justice, of all right; and to proclaim the -exclusive rule of force and cunning. Consummated facts, appertaining -to social and political order, do not change their nature; the -usurper, who seizes upon the crown of his lawful predecessor; the -conqueror, who, by mere force of arms, has subdued a nation, does not -thereby acquire a right to its possession; the government, which by -gross iniquities has despoiled entire classes of citizens, exacted -undue contributions, abolished legitimate rights, cannot justify its -acts by the simple fact of its having sufficient strength to execute -these iniquities. That is equally evident; and if there is here any -difference at all, the crime is only the greater, from the greater -gravity and extent of the wrongs committed, and of the scandal given -to the public. Such are the principles of sound morality--individual -morality, social morality; morality of the whole human race; immutable, -eternal morality. - -Let us now examine the question of public expediency. In some -instances, a consummated fact, in spite of all its injustice, all -its immorality and atrocity, acquires such an ascendency, that by -not accepting it, or by being determined to destroy it, we should -let loose a train of troubles and commotions, and perhaps without -effect. Every government is bound to respect justice, and to act in -such a manner that its subjects may also respect it; but it should not -command what will not be obeyed, when it is deprived of the means of -enforcing obedience. In such a case, we should not commit an injustice -by not attacking the illegal interests, or by not endeavoring to -obtain redress for the victims; the government, in such a case, may be -compared to a man who, beholding robbers loaded with the fruit of their -theft, is without the means of forcing them to make restitution. If you -suppose an impossibility, what does it avail to say that the government -is not a single individual, but a defender of all legitimate interests? -No one is bound to impossibilities. - -Observe, also, that this remark applies not only to a physical -impossibility, but also to a moral one. Whenever, therefore, the -government possesses the material means of obtaining reparation, a -moral impossibility will be constituted, when the employing of those -means would cause serious difficulties to the state, endanger the -public peace, or sow the seeds of future insurrection. Order and public -interest require the preference, for these are the primary objects of -all government; consequently, that which cannot be accomplished without -endangering them, ought to be considered as impossible. The application -of these doctrines will always be a question of prudence, that cannot -be subjected to any general rule. Depending as it _does_ upon a -thousand circumstances, it cannot be decided upon abstract principles; -but by the consideration of existing facts, duly appreciated and -considered by political tact. Such is the case of the respect due to -consummated facts; the injustice of these facts is apparent; but we -must not overlook their force. Not to attack them is not, necessarily, -to sanction them. The legislator is bound to diminish the evil as far -as possible; but not to risk an aggravation of it by attempting an -impracticable reparation. As it is particularly injurious to society -for great interests to remain insecure, and uncertain for the future, -just means must be adopted, which, without occasioning complicity in -the evil, may prevent the dangers of a doubtful situation, resulting -from injustice itself. A just policy does not sanction injustice; but -a wise policy never despises the importance of established facts. If -such facts exist, and appear indestructible, it tolerates them; but -without affording them the sanction of its participation or approval. -Acting with dignity, it makes the best of difficulties; and in some -sort allies the principles of eternal justice with the views of public -expediency. We have a very striking case in point, which will place -this matter in the clearest possible light. After the great evils, -and the enormous acts of injustice perpetrated during the French -Revolution, what possibility was there of making a complete reparation? -In 1814, could every thing be restored to the position in which it -stood in 1789? The throne overturned, all social distinctions levelled, -and property broken up; who could reconstruct the ancient social -edifice? No one. - -Such is the respect to be entertained for consummated facts, which -might be more properly termed _indestructible_ ones. To illustrate -my idea still further, I will give it a very simple exemplification. -A proprietor, driven from his possessions by a powerful neighbor, -has not the means of repossessing himself of them. He has neither -wealth nor influence; and his spoliator abounds in both. If he have -recourse to force, he will be vanquished; if to the tribunal, he will -lose his cause; what, therefore, is he to do? To negotiate for an -accommodation, to obtain what he can, and be resigned to his fate. -This is all that can be said; and it is remarkable, that such are the -principles adopted by governments. History and experience teach us, -that consummated facts are respected when they are indestructible; -that is, when they possess in themselves sufficient force to make them -respected; in any other case, they are not so. And nothing is more -natural. Whatever is not founded upon right, can only be maintained by -force.[32] - - - - -CHAPTER LVI. - -HOW THE CIVIL POWER MAY BE LAWFULLY RESISTED. - - -From what has been said in the foregoing chapters it follows, that -it is allowable to resist illegitimate power by force. The Catholic -religion does not enjoin obedience to governments existing merely -_de facto_; for morality does not admit a mere fact, unsupported -by right and justice. However, when power is in itself lawful, but -in its exercise tyrannical, does our religion prohibit, in every -instance, resistance by physical force; so that not to resist at all, -forms a part of her dogmas? Is insurrection never allowable, in any -supposition, for any motive? Although I have already eliminated many -questions, it is necessary to draw here a fresh distinction, in order -to fix exactly the point at which dogma ends, and opinions begin. It is -evident, in the first place, that an individual has no right to kill -a tyrant on his own authority. The Council of Constance, in its 15th -session, condemned the following proposition as heretical: "Any vassal -or subject may and should, lawfully and meritoriously, kill any tyrant. -He may even, for this purpose, avail himself of ambushes, and wily -expressions of affection or adulation; notwithstanding any oath or pact -imposed upon him by the tyrant; and without waiting for the sentence -or order of any judge." "Quilibet tyrannus potest et debet licite et -meritorie occidi per quemcumque vassallum suum vel subditum, etiam -per clanculares insidias, et subtiles blanditias vel adulationes, non -obstante quocumque præstito juramento, seu confœderatione factis cum -eo, non expectata sententia vel mandato judicis cujuscumque." - -But does this decision of the Council of Constance constitute a -prohibition of every kind of insurrection? No; it speaks of the murder -of a tyrant by any particular individual; but every case of resistance -is not maintained by a single individual; neither is it the aim of -every insurrection to destroy a tyrant. This doctrine only serves to -prevent murder, and a train of evils which would overwhelm society -if it were established that any individual had a right of his own -authority to kill the supreme ruler. Who will venture to accuse this -doctrine of being favorable to tyranny? The liberty of the people -should not be based upon the horrid right of assassination; the defence -of the rights of society should not be confided to the dagger of a -fanatic. The attributes of public power are so extensive and various, -that their exercise must necessarily and frequently inconvenience some -individuals. Man, inclined to extremes and revenge, easily enlarges -upon the grievances which he suffers; passing from a particular to a -general, he is inclined to look upon those who injure or oppose him as -villains. At the slightest shock which he receives from government, -he cries out that tyranny is insupportable; the act of arbitrary -power, real or imaginary, committed against him, becomes, in his -mouth, one of the many iniquities perpetrated, or the commencement of -those that are to be. Grant, therefore, to the individual the right -of killing a tyrant; proclaim to the people that, to render such an -act lawful and meritorious, there is no need of a sentence, or any -judicial condemnation; and from that time this horrible crime will -become frequent. The wisest, the justest kings will fall victims to -the parricidal dagger, or the poisoned cup. You will have furnished no -guarantee to the liberty of the people, and you will have exposed the -dearest interests of society to dreadful hazards. - -The Catholic Church, by this solemn declaration, has conferred an -immense service on humanity. The violent death of him who holds the -supreme power seldom happens without causing bloodshed and great -commotion. It provokes measures of suspicious precaution, easily -converted into tyranny. It follows, then, that any crime instigated -by excessive hatred of tyranny contributes to establish it in a form -still more absolute and cruel. Modern nations should feel grateful -to the Catholic Church for having established this sacred and saving -principle. A person must be possessed of very mean sentiments, or very -ferocious instincts, not to appreciate it, or to regret the bloody -scenes of the Roman Empire and the barbarian monarchy. We have seen, -and we still see, powerful nations delivered up to dreadful troubles, -by the neglect of this Catholic maxim. The history of the last three -centuries, and the experience of this, prove that this august precept -of the Church was given to the people in anticipation of the dangers -which were threatening them. In it we find no flattery for kings; -for they are not the only ones benefited by it; it is a general -proposition, including all others, whatever be their titles, who -exercise supreme authority, whatever be the form of government, from -the Russian autocrat to the most democratical republic. - -It is worthy of remark, that modern constitutions, proceeding from the -bosom of revolutions, have universally rendered a solemn homage to this -Catholic maxim; they have declared the person of the monarch _sacred -and inviolable_. What does this mean, but that this person should be -placed under an impenetrable safeguard? You reproach the Catholic -Church with placing a sort of shield before the person of kings, and -yet you yourselves declare that person inviolable. The anointing of -kings you ridicule, and yet you yourself declare that the king is -sacred. Since you are forced to imitate the Church, her dogmas and her -discipline must have contained an eternal truth, and high political -principles; with this difference, however, that you represent as the -work of the will of man what she esteems the work of the will of God. -But if supreme power makes a scandalous abuse of its faculties, if it -outsteps its just bounds, if it tramples under foot fundamental laws, -if it persecutes religion, corrupts morality, outrages public dignity, -attacks the honor of citizens, exacts illegal and disproportionate -contributions, alienates national property, dismembers provinces, -inflicts death and ignominy upon the people: in such cases, does -Catholicity also prescribe obedience? does it forbid resistance? does -it command subjects to remain tranquil, like a lamb in the claws of a -wild beast? May there not exist, either in an individual, or in the -principal bodies, or in the most distinguished classes of society, or -in the entire mass of the nation, somewhere, in fine, the right of -opposing, of resisting, after all means of mildness, representation, -counsel, and entreaty have failed? In such disastrous circumstances, -does the Church leave the people without hope, and tyrants without -restraint? - -In such extremities, certain very renowned theologians think that -resistance is allowable; but the dogmas of the Church do not descend -to these details. The Church abstains from condemning the opposite -doctrines. In such extreme circumstances, non-resistance is not a -dogmatical prescription. The Church has never taught such a doctrine; -if any one will maintain that she has, let him bring forward a decision -of a Council or of a Sovereign Pontiff to that effect. St. Thomas of -Aquin, Cardinal Bellarmin, Suarez, and other eminent theologians, -were well versed in the dogmas of the Church; and yet, if you consult -their works, so far from finding this doctrine in them, you will find -the opposite one. Now the Church has not condemned them, she has not -confounded them with those seditious writers in whom Protestantism -abounds, nor with modern revolutionists, who are continually disturbing -social order. Bossuet and other authors of repute differ from St. -Thomas, Bellarmin, Suarez; and this gives credit to the opposite -opinion, but does not convert it into a dogma. Upon certain points of -the highest import, the opinions of the illustrious Bishop of Meaux -suffered contradiction; and we know that upon this case of an excess -of tyranny, the Pope at another period was acknowledged to possess -faculties which Bossuet refuses him. - -The Abbé de Lamennais, in his impotent and obstinate resistance to the -Holy see, adduced the doctrines of St. Thomas, and those of some other -theologians, pretending that to condemn his own works was to condemn -schools hitherto held irreproachable. (_Affaires de Rome._) The Abbé -Gerbet, in his excellent refutation of M. de Lamennais, after having -very judiciously remarked, that the Sovereign Pontiff's object in -reproving modern doctrines was, to prevent a renewal of the errors of -Wickliffe, observes, at the epoch of this heresiarch's condemnation, -the doctrines of St. Thomas and of other theologians were well known, -and that, nevertheless, no one believed that they were included in -the condemnation. The excellent author of this refutation deemed -this sufficient to deprive M. de Lamennais of the shield under which -he sought to defend and cover his apostacy; and for this reason, he -abstains from drawing a parallel between the two doctrines. In fact, -this reflection alone is sufficient to convince any judicious man that -the doctrines of St. Thomas bear no resemblance to those of M. de -Lamennais. It may, however, be useful to give in few words a comparison -of the two doctrines. At the present time, and in these matters, it -is very proper to know, not only that these doctrines differ, but -likewise wherein they differ. M. de Lamennais' theory may be stated in -the following terms: A natural equality among men, and, as necessary -consequences, 1. Equality of rights, political rights included; 2. The -injustice of every social and political organization not establishing -this equality completely, as is the case in Europe and in the whole -universe; 3. Expediency and legitimacy of insurrection, to destroy -governments, and change social organization; 4. Abolition of all -government, as the object of the progress of the human race. - -The doctrines of St. Thomas on the same points may be thus expressed: -_A natural equality among men_; that is to say, an essential equality, -but exclusive of physical, intellectual, and moral gifts--an equality -among men in the eyes of God--an equality in their destination, -inasmuch as they are all created to enjoy God--an equality of means, -inasmuch as they are all redeemed by Christ, and may all receive His -grace; but exclusive of the inequalities which it may please God to -establish by gifts of grace and glory. 1. _An equality of social and -political rights._ According to the holy doctor, such an equality is -impossible. He rather supports the utility and legitimacy of certain -hierarchies; the respect due to those established by law; the necessity -of there being some to command and others to obey; the obligation of -being subject to the established laws of the country, whatever be the -form of government; the preference for monarchical governments. 2. _The -injustice of every social and political organization not establishing -a complete equality._ St. Thomas looks upon this as an error opposed -to reason and to faith. Nay, more; not only is it true that the -inequality founded upon the very nature of man and of society is an -effect and punishment of original sin, in as far as it entails upon -man injury or inconvenience; but, according to the holy Doctor, this -inequality would have existed among men even in a state of innocence. -3. _Expediency and legitimacy of insurrection, to destroy governments, -and to change the social organization._ An erroneous and fatal opinion. -We ought to submit to legitimate governments; it is expedient even to -tolerate such as make an improper use of their power; we must exhaust -every means of entreaty, of counsel and representation, before we -have recourse to others. We can only appeal to force in the greatest -extremities, on rare occasions, and then only under many restrictions, -as will be seen elsewhere. 4. _Abolition of all government, as the -object of the progress of the human race._ An absurd proposition--a -dream that cannot be realized. The necessity of government in every -society; arguments founded upon the nature of man; analogies from the -human body, from the very order of the universe; the existence of -government even in a state of innocence. Such are the doctrines of De -Lamennais and St. Thomas respectively. Let the reader compare them, and -judge for himself. - -It is impossible to adduce the words of the holy Doctor--they would -fill the volume. Should any reader wish to consult them himself, let -him read, in addition to the passages inserted in this work, the whole -treatise, _De Regimine Principum_, the commentaries on the Epistle -to the Romans, and those passages of the _Summa_ in which the holy -Doctor treats of the soul, of the creation of man, of the state of -innocence, of the angels and of their hierarchy, of original sin and -its effects, and, above all, his valuable Treatise on Laws and that on -Justice, in which he discusses the origin of the right of property and -of inflicting punishments. After that he will be convinced of the truth -of what I have just advanced; he will then see the injustice of M. de -Lamennais in attempting to make the illustrious writers and saints -venerated on our altars the accomplices of his apostacy. In grave and -delicate matters confusion produces error, the enemies of truth are -interested in spreading darkness, in establishing general and vague -propositions susceptible of various interpretations. They seek with -anxiety a text favorable to some one of the numerous interpretations -that are possible, and proudly exclaim, "How unjust it is in you to -condemn us; what we maintain was asserted centuries ago, by the most -respected and celebrated writers." The Abbé de Lamennais must have -reckoned in a singular manner upon the credulity of his readers, to -think of making them believe that there was no honest man to be found -at Rome capable of informing the Pope, that in condemning the doctrines -of the apostle of revolution, he was condemning also those of the angel -of the schools, and other distinguished theologians. It is possible -that M. de Lamennais never read the authors except in haste and in -fragments, but many persons at Rome have spent their lives in studying -them. - -We are not ignorant of the violent declamations of Luther, Zwinglius, -Knox, Jurieu, and other leaders of Protestantism, to stir up the -people to revolt against princes; we are not ignorant of the gross -and violent invectives made use of by these sectaries to excite the -multitude. Catholics look upon such extravagances with horror. In like -manner, they look with dread upon the anarchical doctrine of Rousseau, -establishing that "the clauses of the _social contract_ are so -determined by the very nature of the act, that the _least modification_ -of them would render them _vain and null_; so that every one then -resumes his former rights and regains his natural liberty". (_Contrat -Social_, l. i. c. 6.) The doctrine of the theologians above cited does -not contain this fruitful germ of insurrection and disaster; but, on -the other hand, they are not found timid and pusillanimous in the last -extremities. They preach up resignation, patience, and longanimity; but -there is a point at which they stop and exclaim, _Enough_. If they do -not advocate insurrection, they do not prohibit it; it would be in vain -to require them to teach as a dogmatical truth the obligation of not -resisting in extreme cases. They cannot teach the people to consider -as a dogma what they do not acknowledge as such. It is not their fault -if the tempest bursts, if the roaring waves arise; no other hand can -control them than that of God, who rides upon the north wind and sports -with the tempest. - -For many centuries there has been inculcated in Europe a doctrine much -criticised by those who do not understand it, the intervention of the -Pontifical authority between the people and their sovereigns. This -doctrine was nothing less than Heaven descending as an arbiter and -judge, to put an end to the disputes of the earth. - -The temporal power of the Popes has served as a wonderful theme to -the enemies of the Church to create alarm, and declaim against Rome; -but this power is no less an historical fact and a social phenomenon, -which has filled with admiration the most renowned men of modern -times, including some Protestants. The Scriptures make it a duty -for slaves to obey their masters, even when they are oppressive and -unjust. All that can be inferred from this is, that a prince, by the -simple fact of his being wicked, does not lose his authority over his -subjects, which condemns beforehand the errors of those who make the -right of commanding dependent upon the sanctity of its possessor. Such -a principle is anarchical, and incompatible with the existence of -every society. When it is once established, power remains unsafe and -tottering; every disturber declares all those divested of authority -whom he may deem culpable. But our question is of a different nature, -and the opinion of theologians cited by us has nothing to do with this -error. These theologians also on their part advocate obedience to -rulers, even though they be oppressive and unjust; they also condemn -insurrection, when founded on no other pretext than the vices of -persons exercising supreme power; they do not admit that any abuse of -power justifies resistance; but they do not consider that they impugn -the sacred text by admitting that in extreme cases it is allowable to -place a barrier against the excesses of a tyrant. "If governments do -not lose their power by the simple fact of their being wicked, how," -it will be said, "can we conceive resistance to them lawful?" This is -certainly not allowable, so long as they do not outstep the bounds of -their faculties; but when they do so, their commands, as St. Thomas -says, are rather acts of violence than laws. "No one has the right of -judging the supreme power." This is true; but above this power exist -the principles of reason, morality, religion. Power, although supreme, -is bound to the execution of its promises, to keep its oaths. Society -is not formed upon the model of Rousseau's ideal _contract_; but there -exist, in certain cases, real pacts between the rulers and the people, -to which both are bound to adhere. - -In the celebrated _Catholic Proclamation to his pious Majesty Philip -the Great, King of Spain and Emperor of the Indies by the Counsellors -and the Council of One Hundred of the city of Barcelona_, in 1640, an -epoch so profoundly religious that the Counsellors quote, as a high -title of glory, _the zeal of the Catalonians for the Catholic faith, -the devotion of the Catalonians to our lady the Blessed Virgin and the -most holy Sacrament_;--at that time, which pride and ignorance have -so often taxed with fanaticism, these counsellors said to the king, -"Besides civil obligation, the customs, constitutions, and acts of the -court of Catalonia are binding on conscience, and to violate them would -be a mortal sin; for the prince has no right to annul a contract; it -is made freely, but cannot be revoked without injustice. If a contract -is not subject to the civil law, it is subject to the law of reason; -and although the prince may be the master of the laws, the contracts he -makes with his vassals are inviolable, for in making them he is a mere -individual, and the vassal acquires a right equal to his. A contract, -in fine, should be made between equals. Hence, as the vassal cannot be -unfaithful to his lord, the latter, in like manner, is bound to keep -the promise he has made by solemn engagement; and indeed, the rupture -of a pact ought least of all to be expected on the part of a prince. -If the word of a king is law, that word given in a solemn contract is -still more binding." (_Catholic Proclamation_, sect. 27.) The courtiers -urged the monarch to measures of coercion to reduce the Catalonians to -submission; the Castilian army was preparing to enter the principality. -In this extremity, after exhausting all means of representation and -entreaty, the counsellors thus expressed themselves: "Finally, men who -have vowed an inveterate hatred against the Catalonians have been so -successful in their continual persuasions, that the uprightness and -equity of your majesty have been turned from the means of peace and -tranquillity proposed by us, and which should have been admitted, were -it only on the grounds of experience; and to fill up the cup of their -malice, they now lay your majesty under an obligation of oppressing -the principality still further, by sending an army to sack and pillage -wherever the caprice of the soldier may lead him; which would place -this country in a position to say (were it not for the love it has -borne, still bears, and ever will bear to your majesty) that such -a breach of sworn faith would leave it free, a thing of which the -province is unwilling to think, and prays God to avert. Nevertheless, -the principality knows from experience that these soldiers have neither -respect nor pity for any thing or person, married women and innocent -virgins, temples, or God Himself, images of the Saints or the sacred -vessels of our churches, nay, even the blessed Sacrament has twice this -year been committed to the flames by these soldiers. _The principality -is, therefore, everywhere in arms to defend, in such an urgent and -irremediable extremity, fortune, life, honor, liberty, home, laws, and -above all the sacred temples, the sacred images, and the holy Sacrament -of the altar (be the same for ever praised). In such a case, the holy -theologians do not merely affirm that resistance is lawful, but still -further, that all persons, whether lay or clerical, may take up arms to -avert the evil; that both secular and ecclesiastical property may and -ought to contribute to the defence; that the nations invaded may, as -the cause is universal, unite, confederate, and form juntas with a view -to prevent such evils._" (§36) - -Such was the language addressed to kings, at a time when religion -predominated over all things. The counsellors, according to the usage -of the time, took care to make marginal notes of the sources of their -information; and we are not aware that their doctrines have ever been -condemned as heretical. These doctrines cannot, without manifest -dishonesty, be confounded with those of many Protestants and modern -revolutionists. A cursory perusal of these writings will enable any -one to discover how widely they differ. By maintaining that it is -not allowable in any case, in the greatest extremities, not even -when the most precious and sacred interests are at stake, to offer -resistance to the civil power, the thrones of kings are thought to be -strengthened; for it is generally kings that are spoken of. But it -should be remembered, that this doctrine affects every other supreme -power, under every form of government. Since the texts of Scripture -recommending obedience "to the powers that be," do not allude to kings -only, but to all supreme powers, without exception or distinction, it -follows that resistance cannot in any case be offered to the president -of a republic. Will it be said that the faculties of a president are -determined? Are not the faculties of a king also determined? Are -there not, in absolute governments, laws fixing the limits of these -faculties? And is not this the distinction constantly employed by -the supporters of monarchy to repel the errors of their adversaries, -who confound monarchy with despotism? "But," it will be said, "the -president of a republic is only temporary." And what if he were -perpetual? Besides, the faculties are neither increased nor diminished -by the simple fact of their having to last a long or short period. If a -council, a man, a family, is invested with a certain right, by virtue -of a certain law; with certain restrictions, but with certain contracts -and oaths; such a council, such a man or such a family is bound to -adhere to the oath taken, whatever be the extent of its duration, -temporary or perpetual. Such are the principles of natural right; so -certain and simple, that they cannot present any difficulty. - -Theologians, even those most attached to the Sovereign Pontiff, teach a -doctrine which we must notice here, on account of the analogy it bears -to the point under discussion. It is known that the Pope, when speaking -_ex cathedra_, is acknowledged to be infallible, but not as a simple -individual; and that, in this latter capacity, he might fall into -heresy. In this case, theologians are of opinion that he would forfeit -his dignity; some maintaining that he ought to be deposed, others that -his deposition is the consequence of his having fallen from the faith. -Whichever of these opinions be admitted, in this case resistance would -become allowable, for this reason, that the Pope would have shamefully -departed from the object of his institution, would have trampled on -the basis of the laws of the Church, which is her dogmas, and would -consequently have nullified the promises and oaths of obedience made to -him. Spedalieri, in adducing this argument, observes, that kings are -certainly not of higher rank than Popes,--that power has been granted -to both _in ædificationem non in destructionem_; adding, that if -Sovereign Pontiffs authorize this doctrine with relation to themselves, -temporal sovereigns cannot object to its application to them. - -It is strange that the monarchical zeal of Protestants and incredulous -philosophers imputes to the Catholic religion as a crime, that she has -allowed it to be maintained within her bosom, that, in certain cases, -the subject may be released from his oath of allegiance; whilst other -philosophers of the same school reproach it with having sanctioned -despotism by its _detestable doctrine of non-resistance_, as Dr. Beatty -expresses it. _The direct, indirect, and declaratory powers of the -Popes_ have served as an admirable bugbear to intimidate kings; the -dangerous principles of theological works formed an excellent pretext -for raising the cry of alarm, for representing Catholicity as a nest of -seditious maxims. The hour of revolutions was struck,--circumstances -were changed,--fresh necessities arose, and men adapted their language -to the times. The Catholics, a short time before seditious and -regicidal, were then declared abettors of despotism, fulsome adulators -of civil power. Recently, the Jesuits, leagued with the infernal -policy of Rome, were everywhere undermining thrones, to establish on -their ruins the universal monarchy of the Pope; but the secret of this -horrid plot was discovered, and fortunately so, for the world was -otherwise about to experience a frightful catastrophe. But now that -the Jesuits are expelled, and are expiating their crimes in exile, the -French Revolution, the prelude to so many others, breaks out, and the -aspect of affairs changes immediately. Protestants and unbelievers, the -_supporters of ancient discipline_, _the zealous adversaries of the -abuses of the Court of Rome_, fully comprehending the new situation -of affairs, hasten to conform to it. From that moment, the Jesuits, -the Catholics, the Pope, are no longer seditious or tyrannicides, but -Machiavellian supporters of tyranny, enemies of the liberty of the -people; and just as a league had been supposed to exist between the -Jesuits and the Pope for the foundation of a universal theocracy, -there is now discovered, thanks to the investigations of these eminent -philosophers and _strict, incorruptible Christians_, _an infamous -pact between the Pope and kings_ to oppress, enslave, and degrade the -unfortunate human race. - -The answer to this enigma may be thus briefly expressed. So long as -kings maintain their power and the peaceable possession of their -thrones, so long as Providence restrains the tempest, and the monarch, -raising his proud head towards heaven, commands the people with a lofty -air, the Catholic Church does not flatter him. "Thou art dust," she -says to him, "and into dust thou shalt return; power was given thee -not unto destruction, but unto edification; thy faculties are great, -but not boundless. God is thy judge, as well as that of the lowest of -thy subjects." The Church is then accused of insolence; and if any -theologian should venture to investigate the origin of civil power, -to point out, with generous freedom, the duties to which this power -is subject; to write, in a word, with prudence upon public right, but -without servility, the Catholics are then declared seditious. But the -tempest bursts, thrones are overturned, revolution prevails, spills the -blood of the people in torrents, cuts off royal heads, and all in the -name of liberty. The Church says: "This is no liberty, but a succession -of crimes; the fraternity and equality which I have taught, were never -your orgies and guillotines." The Church then becomes a vile flatterer; -her words, her actions, have indubitably revealed that the Sovereign -Pontiff is the surest anchor of despotism; it has been proved that the -Court of Rome has been polluted by an infamous pact.[33] - - - - -CHAPTER LVII. - -POLITICAL SOCIETY IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. - - -We have already seen what has been the conduct of the Christian -religion with respect to society; that is to say, that not caring -whether such or such political forms were established in a country, -she has ever addressed herself to man, seeking to enlighten his -understanding and to purify his heart, fully confident that when these -objects were attained, society would naturally pursue a safe course. -This is sufficient to obliterate the reproach imputed to her of being -an enemy to the liberty of the people. - -Protestantism has certainly never revealed to the world a single -dogma which exalts the dignity of man, nor created fresh motives -of consideration and respect, or closer bonds of fraternity. The -Reformation cannot, therefore, boast of having given the least impetus -to the progress of modern nations; it cannot, consequently, lay the -least claim to the gratitude of the people in this respect. But as -it frequently happens that people lay aside main points and set a -great value on appearances; and as Protestantism has been supposed -to accord much better than Catholicity with those institutions in -which it is usual to find guarantees for a high degree of liberty; we -must draw a parallel. Besides, we cannot omit it without betraying an -ignorance of the genius of this age, and authorizing the suspicion that -Catholicity cannot derive any advantage from such a comparison. In the -first place, I will observe, that those who look upon Protestantism as -inseparable from public liberty do not in this respect agree with M. -Guizot, who cannot certainly be accused of any want of sympathy for the -Reformation. "In Germany," says this celebrated publicist, "far from -demanding political liberty, it has accepted, I should not like to say -political servitude, _but the absence of liberty_." (_Hist. Gén. de la -Civil. en Eur._ leç. 12.) - -I quote M. Guizot, because in Spain we are so accustomed to -translations, because we Spaniards have been led to suppose, that -the best thing for us is to believe foreigners on their bare word; -because amongst us, in questions of importance, it is necessary to -have recourse to foreign authorities; and hence, a writer who appears -to slight such authorities, exposes himself to the risk of being -treated as an ignoramus, as one behind the age. Besides, with a certain -class of writers, the authority of M. Guizot is decisive. In fact, a -multitude of publications have appeared amongst us bearing the title -of "Philosophy of History," whose authors, it is quite clear, have -used the works of that French writer as their text-books. Is this -assertion, that Protestantism is the natural bulwark of liberty, true -or false, accurate or inaccurate? What do history and philosophy teach -us on this point? Has Protestantism advanced the popular cause, by -contributing to the establishment and development of liberal forms of -government? To place the question in its true light, and discuss it -thoroughly, we must take a view of the state of Europe at the close -of the fifteenth century, and at the beginning of the sixteenth. It -is incontestable that individuals and society were then making rapid -progress towards perfection. We have sufficient evidence of this fact -in the wonderful march of intellect at this period, in the numerous -measures of improvement effected at that epoch, and in the better -organization everywhere introduced. This organization is doubtless -still imperfect; but it is nevertheless such as cannot be likened -to that of former times. If we carefully examine into the state of -society at that epoch, as represented either in the writings or in the -events of the time, we shall observe a certain restlessness, anxiety, -and fermentation, which, while they indicated the existence of vast -wants not yet satisfied, were evidence also of a tolerably distinct -knowledge of those wants. Far from discovering in the men of that -period a contempt or forgetfulness of their rights and dignity, or any -discouragement and pusillanimity at the sight of obstacles, we find -them abounding in foresight and ingenuity, swayed by lofty and sublime -thoughts, fired with noble sentiments, and animated with intrepid and -ardent courage. The progress of European society at that epoch was very -rapid; three very remarkable circumstances contributed to render it so: -1. The introduction of the whole body of men to the rank of citizens, -as a necessary consequence of the abolition of slavery and the decline -of feudality; 2. The very nature of civilization, in which every thing -advances together and abreast; 3. In fine, the existence of a means -for increasing its development and rapidity--this means was the art of -printing. To make use of a physico-mathematical expression, we may say, -that the amount of motion must have been very considerable, since it -was the product of the mass by the rapidity, and that the mass, as well -as the rapidity, were then very considerable. - -This powerful movement, which proceeds from good, is in itself good, -and is productive of good, is, however, accompanied by inconveniences -and perils; it raises flattering hopes, but it also inspires -apprehensions and fears. The people of Europe are an ancient people, -but they may be said to have become young again; their inclinations, -their wants, urge them to great enterprises; and they enter upon them -with the ardor of an impetuous and inexperienced young man, feeling in -his breast a great heart, and in his head the lively spark of genius. -In this situation, a great problem presents itself for solution, viz., -to find the most proper means for directing society without impeding -its progress; and for conducting it by a way free from precipices -to the objects of its aim, _intelligence_, _morality_, _felicity_. -A slight glance at this problem startles us at its immense extent; -so numerous are the objects it embraces, the relations it bears, the -obstacles and difficulties with which it is beset. Considering this -question attentively, and comparing it with man's weakness, the mind is -ready to lose courage and despond. The problem, however, exists, not as -a scientific speculation, but as a real and urgent necessity. In such -a case, society is like individuals; it attempts, essays, and makes -efforts to get clear of the difficulty as well as possible. - -Man's civil state improves daily; but to maintain this improvement, and -to perfect it, requires a means: and this is the problem of _political -forms_. What ought these forms to be? And, above all, what elements can -we make use of? What is the respective force of these elements? What -are their tendencies, their relations, their affinities? How shall they -be combined? _Monarchy_, _Aristocracy_, _Democracy_--these three powers -present themselves at the same time to dispute for the direction and -government of society. They are certainly not equal, either in force, -means of action, or in practical intelligence; but they all command -our respect, they have all pretensions to a preponderance more or less -decisive, and none of them are without the probability of obtaining it. -This simultaneous concurrence of pretensions, this rivalship of three -powers so different in their nature and aim, forms one of the leading -features of this epoch. It is, as it were, in a great measure the key -to the principal events; and, in spite of the various aspects presented -by this feature, it may be signalized as a general fact among all the -civilized portion of the nations of Europe. - -Before proceeding further in our examination of this subject, the mere -indication of such a fact suggests the reflection, that it must be very -incorrect to say that Catholicity has tendencies opposed to the true -liberty of the people; for we see that European civilization, which, -during so many ages, was under the influence and guardianship of this -religion, did not then present one single principle of government -exclusively predominating. Survey the whole of Europe at this period, -and you will not find one country in which the same fact did not -exist. In Spain, France, England, Germany, under the names of Cortes, -States-General, Parliaments, or Diets; the same thing everywhere, with -the simple modifications which necessarily result from circumstances -adapted to each people. What is very remarkable in this case is, that -if there be a single exception, it is in favor of liberty; and, strange -to say, it exists precisely in Italy, where the influence of the Popes -is immediately felt. The names of the Republics of Genoa, Pisa, Sienna, -Florence, Venice, are familiar to all. It is well known that Italy is -the country in which popular forms at that period gained most ground, -and in which they were put in practice, whilst in other countries they -had already abandoned the field. I do not mean to say that the Italian -Republics were a model worthy of being imitated by the other nations of -Europe. I am well aware that these forms of government were attended -with grave inconveniences; but since so much is said of _spirit_ and -_tendencies_, since the Catholic Church is reproached with her affinity -to despotism, and the Popes with a _taste_ for oppression, it is well -to adduce those facts which may serve to throw some doubt upon certain -authoritative assertions, adduced as so many philosophico-historical -dogmas. If Italy preserved her independence in spite of the efforts of -the Emperors of Germany to wrest it from her, she owed it in a great -part to the firmness and energy of the Popes. - -In order to comprehend fully the relations which Catholicity bears to -political institutions, in order to ascertain what degree of affinity -it bears to such and such forms, and to form a correct idea of the -influence of Protestantism in this respect over European civilization, -we must examine carefully and in detail each of the elements claiming -preponderance. When we examine them afterwards in their relations with -each other, we will ascertain, as far as possible, where the truth lies -in this shapeless mass. Every one of these three may be considered in -two ways: 1. According to the ideas formed of them at the period we are -speaking of; 2. According to the interests these elements represent, -and the part they play in society. We must lay particular stress upon -this distinction, without which we should expose ourselves to the -commission of serious errors. In fact, the ideas which were entertained -upon such or such principles of government did not coincide with the -interest represented by this same element, and with the part it acted -in society; and although it is clear that these two things must have -had very close relations with each other, and could not be disengaged -from a real and reciprocal influence, yet it is most certain that they -differ considerably, and that this difference, the source of very -various considerations, shows the subject in points of view quite -dissimilar. - - - - -CHAPTER LVIII. - -MONARCHY IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. - - -The idea of monarchy has ever existed in the bosom of European society, -even at the time when the least use was made of it; and it is worthy -of remark, that at the time when its energy was taken away, and it -was destroyed in practice, it still retained its force in theory. We -cannot say that our ancestors had any very fixed notions upon the -nature of the object represented by this idea; nor can we wonder -at it, since the continual variations and modifications which they -witnessed must have prevented them from forming any very correct -knowledge of it. Nevertheless, if we peruse the codes in places where -monarchy is treated of, and if we consult the writings which have been -preserved upon this matter, we shall find that their ideas on this -point were more fixed than might have been imagined. By studying the -manner of thinking of this period, we find that men in general were -almost destitute of analytical knowledge, being more erudite than -philosophical; so much so, that they scarcely ventured to express -an idea without supporting it by a multitude of authorities. This -taste for erudition, which is visible at the first glance into their -writings--a mere tissue of quotations--and which must have been very -natural, since it was so general and lasting, had very advantageous -results; not the least of which was the uniting of ancient with -modern society, by the preservation of a great number of records and -memorials, which, had it not been for this public taste, must have been -destroyed, and by exhuming from the dust the remains of antiquity about -to perish. But, on the other hand, it produced many evils; amongst -others, a sort of stifling of thought, which could no longer indulge in -its own inspirations, although they may have been more happy than the -ancient ones on some points. - -However it may be, such is the fact: on examining it in relation to the -matter under discussion, we find that monarchy was represented at that -time as one single picture, in which there appeared at the same time -the kings of the Jews and the Roman emperors, whose features had been -corrected by the hand of Christianity. That is to say, the principles -of monarchy were composed of the teachings of Scripture and the Roman -codes. Seek every where the idea of emperor, king, or prince, you -will always find the same thing, whether you look for the origin of -power, its extent, its exercise, or its object. But what ideas were -entertained of monarchy? What was the acceptation of this word? Taken -in a general sense, abstractedly from the various modifications which -a variety of circumstances gave to its signification, it meant, _the -supreme command over society, vested in the hands of one man, who was -to exercise it according to reason and justice_. This was the leading -idea, the only one fixed, as a sort of pole, round which all other -questions revolved. Did the monarch possess in himself the faculty -of making laws without consulting general assemblies, which, under -different names, represented the different classes of the kingdom? From -the moment that we propose this question we come upon new ground. We -have descended from theory to practice; we have brought our ideas into -contact with the object to which they are to be applied. From that -moment, we must allow, every thing vacillates and becomes obscure; a -thousand incoherent, strange, and contradictory facts pass before our -eyes; the parchments upon which are inscribed the rights, liberties, -and laws of the people give rise to a variety of interpretations, which -multiply doubts and increase difficulties. We see, in the first place, -that the relations of the monarch with the subject, or, more properly -speaking, the mode in which government should be exercised, was not -very well defined. The confusion from which society was emerging was -still felt, and was inevitable in an aggregation of heterogeneous -bodies, in a combination of rival and hostile elements; that is, we -discover an embryo, and consequently it is impossible as yet to find -regular and well-defined forms. - -Did this idea of monarchy contain any thing of despotism, any thing -that subjected one man to the dominion of another by setting aside the -eternal laws of reason and justice? No; from the moment that we touch -upon this point we discover a new horizon, clear and transparent, upon -which objects present themselves distinctly, without a shade of dimness -or obscurity. The answer of all writers is decisive: Rule ought to be -conformable to reason and justice; if it is not, it is mere tyranny. -So that the principle maintained by M. Guizot, in his _Discours sur la -Democratie moderne_, and in his _History of Civilisation in Europe_, -viz. that the will alone does not constitute a right; that laws, to -be laws, should accord with those of eternal reason, the only source -of all legitimate power;--that this principle, I say, which we might -imagine to be newly applied to society, is as ancient as the world. -Acknowledged by ancient philosophers, developed, inculcated, and -applied by Christianity, we find it in every page of jurists and -theologians. - -But we know what this principle was worth in the monarchies of -antiquity, and also in our own days in countries where Christianity has -not yet been established. Who, in such countries, presumes continually -to remind kings of their obligation to be just? Observe, on the -contrary, what is the case among Christians: the words 'reason' and -'justice' are constantly in the mouth of the subject, because he knows -that no one has a right to treat him unreasonably or unjustly; and this -he knows, because Christianity has impressed him with a profound idea -of his own dignity, because it has accustomed him to look upon reason -and justice, not as vain words, but as eternal characters engraven on -the heart of man by the hand of God, perpetually reminding man that, -although he is a frail creature, subject to error and to weakness, -he is, nevertheless, stamped with the image of eternal truth and of -immutable justice. If any one should question the truth of what I -have advanced, it will suffice, to convince him, to remind him of the -numerous texts previously cited in this work, and in which the most -eminent Catholic writers bear testimony to their manner of thinking on -the origin and faculties of civil power. - -So much for ideas; as for facts, they vary according to times and -countries. During the incursions of the barbarians, and so long as the -feudal system prevailed, monarchy remained much beneath its typical -idea; but during the course of the sixteenth century, matters assumed -a different aspect. In Germany, France, England, and Spain, powerful -monarchs were reigning, who filled the world with the fame of their -names; in their presence aristocracy and democracy bowed with humility; -or if by chance they ventured to raise their heads, it was only to -suffer still greater degradation. The throne, it is true, had not yet -attained that ascendency of power and importance which it acquired in -the following century; but its destiny was irrevocably fixed--power -and glory awaited it. Aristocracy and democracy might have labored to -take part in future events; but it would have been labor in vain for -them to attempt to appropriate them. A fixed and powerful centre was -essential to European society, and monarchy completely satisfied this -imperative necessity. The people understood and felt it; hence we find -them eagerly grasping at this saving principle, and placing themselves -under the safeguard of the throne. - -The question is not, therefore, whether or not the throne ought to -exist, or whether it ought to preponderate over aristocracy and -democracy: these two questions have been already resolved. At the -commencement of the sixteenth century, its existence and preponderance -were already necessary. The question to be resolved is, whether the -throne ought so decisively to have prevailed, that the two elements, -aristocracy and democracy, should be erased from the political world; -whether the combination which had hitherto existed was still to exist: -or, whether these two elements should disappear; whether monarchical -power should be absolute. The Church resisted royal power when it -attempted to lay hands upon sacred things; but her zeal never carried -her so far as to depreciate, in the eyes of the people, an authority -which was so essential to them. On the contrary, besides continually -giving to the power of kings a more solid basis, by her doctrines -favorable to all legitimate authority, she endeavored to give them -a still more sacred character by the august ceremonies displayed at -their coronations. The Church has been sometimes accused of anarchical -tendencies, for having energetically struggled against the pretensions -of sovereigns; by some, on the contrary, she has been reproached with -favoring despotism, because she preached up to the people the duty -of obedience to the _lawful_ authorities. If I mistake not, these -accusations, so opposite to each other, prove that the Church has -neither been adulatory nor anarchical; she has maintained the balance -even, by telling the truth both to kings and their subjects. - -Let the spirit of sectarianism seek, on all sides, historical facts, -to prove that the Popes have attempted to destroy civil monarchy by -confiscating it to their own profit. But let us bear in mind what the -Protestant Müller says, that the Father of the faithful was, during the -barbarous ages, a tutor sent by God to the European nations; and let -us not be astonished to find that differences have sometimes occurred -between him and his pupils. To discover the intention which dictated -these reproaches against the Court of Rome, relative to monarchy, we -need only reflect upon the following question. All writers consider as -a great benefit the creation of a strong central authority, and yet -circumscribed within just limits that it may not abuse its power; they -laud to the skies every thing tending, directly or indirectly, among -all the nations of Europe, to establish such an authority. Why, then, -when speaking of the conduct of Popes, do they attribute to a pretended -taste for despotism the support which they give to royal authority, -whilst they qualify with anarchical usurpation their efforts to -restrain, upon certain points, the faculties of sovereigns? The answer -is not difficult.[34] - - - - -CHAPTER LIX. - -THE ARISTOCRACY OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. - - -The aristocracy, as including the privileged portion of society, -comprehended two classes very distinct in their origin and nature, -the nobility and the clergy. Both abounded in power and riches; both -were placed far above the people, and were important wheels in the -political machine. There was, however, this remarkable difference -between them, that the principal basis of the power and grandeur of -the Clergy was religious ideas--ideas which circulated throughout -society, which animated it, gave it life, and consequently insured -for a long time the preponderance of the ecclesiastical power; whilst -the grandeur and influence of the nobles rested solely upon a fact -necessarily transient, viz. the social organization of the epoch--an -organization which was becoming rapidly modified, since the people were -then struggling to liberate themselves from the bonds of feudalism. I -do not mean, that the nobles did not possess legitimate rights to the -power and influence which they exercised; but merely that the principal -portion of these rights, even supposing them founded upon the most just -laws and titles, was not necessarily connected with any of the great -conservative principles of society--those principles which invest with -an immense force and ascendency the person or class which in any way -represents them. But we touch here upon a subject little investigated, -and upon the explanation of which depends the comprehension of great -social facts. It is well, therefore, to develop it fully, and to -examine it attentively. - -Of what was monarchy the representative? Of a principle eminently -conservative of society--a principle which has withstood all the -attacks of theories and revolutions, and to which have been attached, -as the only anchor of safety, those very nations in the bosom of which -democratical ideas were diffused, and in which liberal institutions -originated. This is one of the causes why monarchy, even in its most -calamitous times, triumphed over its disasters. Feudal pride, and the -unsettled state of the times, with the agitation of rising democracy, -united to oppress it; scarcely was its power distinguishable amid -the troubled waves of society, like the broken mast of a shipwrecked -vessel. But, even at this time, we find the ideas of force and power -bound to those of monarchy. Regal dignity was trampled under foot and -outraged in various ways, but still held sacred and recognised as -inviolable. Theory was not in accordance with practice; the idea was -more forcible than the fact which it expressed: but we need not be -astonished at this phenomenon, since such is always the character of -ideas producing great changes. They are, at first, merely visible in -society; they spread, take root, and penetrate into all institutions; -time continues to prepare the way; and if the idea is just and moral, -if it point to the satisfaction of a want, the moment at length comes -in which facts give way, the idea triumphs, and bends and humbles -all before it. This was the case, in the sixteenth century, with -regard to monarchy; under one form or another, with greater or less -modifications, it was actually essential to the people, as it is still; -and for this reason it naturally prevailed over all its adversaries, -and survived all accidents. - -With respect to the clergy, we need not attempt to show that they were -the representatives of the religious principle--a real social necessity -for all the nations of the earth, when taken in its general sense; and -a real social necessity for the nations of Europe, when taken in its -Christian sense. - -We have already seen that the nobility could not be compared either -to monarchy or to the clergy, since they were destitute of the high -principles represented by each of these bodies. Extensive privileges, -and the ancient possession of great estates, with the guarantee of the -laws and customs of the time; glorious traditions of military feats, -pompous names, titles, and escutcheons of illustrious ancestors; such -were the insignia of the lay aristocracy. But nothing of all this had -any direct and essential relation with the great wants of society. -The nobility depended upon a particular organization, necessarily -transient; they were too nearly allied to a law purely positive and -human, to be able to reckon upon a long duration, or to flatter -themselves with success in all their pretensions and exigencies. It -will be objected, perhaps, that the existence of an intermediate -class between the monarch and the people is an essential necessity, -acknowledged by all publicists, and founded upon the very nature of -things. In fact, we have seen that in nations from which the ancient -aristocracy has disappeared, a new one has been formed, either by the -course of events or by the action of governments. But this objection -is not applicable to the question in the point of view under which I -consider it. I do not deny the necessity of an intermediate class; -I merely affirm that the ancient nobility, such as it was, did not -contain elements to ensure its duration, since it was liable to be -replaced by another, as it has been in effect. The classes of the -laity acquire their political and social importance from a superiority -of intellect and force; this superiority no longer existing in the -nobility, its fall was inevitable. At the beginning of the sixteenth -century the throne and the people daily acquired a greater ascendency; -the former became the centre of all social forces, and the people were -constantly enriching themselves by industry and commerce. With regard -to learning, the discovery of printing, as it became general, prevented -it from being henceforth the exclusive patrimony of any particular -class. - -It was evident, therefore, that the nobility perceived, at this -epoch, their ancient power escaping, and possessed no other means of -preserving a part of it than to struggle to preserve the titles which -it had given them. Unfortunately for them, their wealth was daily -decreasing, not only from the dilapidations occasioned by luxury, -but also from the extraordinary increase of non-territorial riches; -the profound changes wrought in the value of every thing by means of -the reorganization of society and the discovery of America caused -immovable property to lose much of its importance. If the force of -landed property was gradually diminishing, the rights of jurisdiction -were marching still more rapidly towards their ruin. On one hand, -these rights were opposed by the power of kings; and, on the other, by -municipalities and other centres of action possessed by the popular -element; so that, in spite of the most profound respect for acquired -rights, and merely by allowing things to take their ordinary course, -the ancient nobility was inevitably sunk to that point of depression in -which it now exists. This could not happen to the clergy. Despoiled of -their wealth, entirely or partially deprived of their privileges, there -still remained for them the ministry of religion. No one could exercise -this ministry without them; which was sufficient to insure them great -influence in spite of all commotions and changes. - - - - -CHAPTER LX. - -ON DEMOCRACY. - - -Such was the situation of Europe during the centuries preceding -the sixteenth, that it appears difficult to find for democracy a -well-defined place in political theories. Stifled by the established -powers, deprived as yet of the resources which, in time, gave it -the ascendency, it was natural it should be almost unobserved by -politicians. It was in reality very feeble; and it was not, therefore, -surprising that, owing to the influence of reality over ideas, -theorists should regard the people merely as an abject portion of -society, unworthy of honors or happiness, and fit only to labor and -to serve. It is, however, worthy of remark, that ideas from that time -took a new direction; it may even be affirmed that they were infinitely -more elevated and more generous than facts. This is one of the most -convincing proofs of the intellectual development that Christianity -had operated amongst men--one of the most unexceptionable testimonies -in favor of that profound sentiment of reason and justice which it -had deposited in the heart of society. Now these elements were not to -be stifled by events the most unfavorable, nor by the rudest shocks; -for they were supported upon the very dogmas of religion, which still -remain firm, in spite of all commotion, as an immovable axis remains -fixed in the midst of broken machinery. - -In perusing the writings of this epoch, we find established, as an -indubitable fact, the right of the people to the administration of -justice; they were not to be irritated by any vexatious regulations; -the public imposts were to be equally divided; no one was to be forced -to do any thing contrary to reason or the well-being of society: -that is to say, these writers acknowledged and established all those -principles upon which were to be based the laws and customs destined -one day to produce civil liberty. This is so true, that, in proportion -as circumstances permitted, these principles were rapidly and -extensively developed; vast and numerous applications were immediately -made of them; and civil liberty took such deep root among the people -of modern Europe, that it has never been erased from their bosoms; and -we see it preserved in forms of absolute government as well as in the -mixed forms. - -To complete my demonstration, that the ideas in favor of the people -proceeded from Christianity, I will adduce a reason which appears to me -decisive. The philosophy adopted by the schools of that period was that -of Aristotle. Aristotle's authority was of great weight; he was called -by an autonomasia, _the Philosopher_; a good commentary of his works -was considered the highest point to be attained in these matters. And -yet, so far as the relations of society were concerned, the doctrines -of the Stagyrite were not adopted; Christian writers took a higher and -more generous view of mankind. Aristotle's degrading doctrines upon man -born to servitude, destined to this end even by nature, anterior to all -legislation; his horrible doctrines upon infanticide; his theories, -which at one blow deprived all those who professed the mechanical arts -of the title of citizen; in a word, those monstrous systems, which -the ancient philosophers unconsciously learned from the society which -surrounded them, were utterly rejected by Christian philosophers. The -man who had just perused Aristotle's work on Politics took up his -Bible, or the works of the Fathers: the authority of Aristotle was -great, but that of the Church was still greater; the works of the -pagan philosopher must be interpreted piously, or abandoned; in either -case the rights of humanity were saved, and this was an effect of the -preponderating force of the Catholic faith. - -The system of castes most forcibly contributes to arrest the -development of the popular element, by condemning the majority of the -people of a country to a state of perpetual abjection and slavery. In -this system, honors, riches, and command are confined and transferred -from father to son; a barrier separates men from each other, and -ends in causing the most powerful to be considered as belonging to a -superior class of beings. The Church has ever opposed the introduction -of so fatal a system, and to apply the word _caste_ to the clergy -would betray an ignorance of its meaning. On this subject M. Guizot -has done ample justice to the cause of truth. He expresses himself in -the following manner in the fifth lecture of his _Histoire générale -de la Civilisation en Europe_: "With regard to the mode of formation -and transmission of power in the Church, there is a word," says -he, "much used in speaking of the Christian clergy, and which I am -under the obligation of discarding; it is the word _caste_. The body -of ecclesiastical magistrates has often been called a caste. This -expression is not correct; the idea of heirship is inherent in that -of _caste_. Travel over the world; take all those countries in which -the system of _castes_ exists, in India, in Egypt, you will find -everywhere the _caste_ essentially hereditary; it is the transmission -of the same situation, of the same power, from father to son. Where -heirship does not exist, there is no caste, there is a corporation; -the spirit of corporate bodies has its inconveniences, but it is very -different from that of castes. The word caste cannot be applied to -the Christian Church. The celibacy of the clergy has prevented them -from becoming a caste. You perceive already the consequences of this -difference. A system of _caste_, and the existence of hereditary -succession, inevitably involve the idea of privileges. The very -definition of a _caste_ implies privileges. When the same functions, -the same powers, become hereditary in the same families, it is evident -that privileges follow, and that no one can acquire such functions and -powers unless he is born to them. This, in fact, is what has taken -place: wherever religious government has fallen into the hands of a -caste, it has become a privilege; no one has been permitted to enter -it but the members of families belonging to the caste. Nothing of this -has ever occurred in the Christian Church; on the contrary, she has -ever maintained the equal admissibility of all men, whatever their -origin, to all her functions, to all her dignities. The ecclesiastical -state, particularly from the fifth to the twelfth century, was open -to all. The Church was recruited from all ranks, from the inferior as -well as from the superior,--more commonly even from the inferior. She -alone resisted the system of castes; she alone maintained the principle -of equality of competition; she alone called all legitimate superiors -to the possession of power. This is the first grand result naturally -produced by the fact that she was a corporation, and not a caste." - -This splendid passage of the French writer completely vindicates -the Catholic Church from the reproach of exclusiveness with which -it had been attempted to stain her; it presents to me also the -opportunity of making some reflections upon the beneficial effects -of Catholicity upon the development of civilization in favor of the -plebeian classes. We are not ignorant of the numerous declamations -against religious celibacy which have proceeded from the mouths of -the pretended defenders of the rights of humanity; but is it not -strange that they forget, as M. Guizot justly observes, that celibacy -is exactly what has prevented the Christian clergy from becoming a -caste? Let us examine, in fact, what would have been the case on the -contrary supposition. At the time to which we refer, the ascendency -of religious power was unlimited, and the wealth of the Church -considerable; that is to say, she possessed every thing necessary -for enabling a caste to establish its preponderance and stability. -What further was needful, therefore? Hereditary succession, nothing -more; and this would have been established by the marriage of the -clergy. What I here affirm is no vain conjecture, it is a positive -fact, which I can render evident by bringing forward historical proof. -From certain remarkable regulations in ecclesiastical legislation, -we learn that it required all the energy of pontifical authority to -prevent this succession from being introduced. Every thing, in fine, -tended to such an end; and if the Church preserved itself from such -a calamity, it was owing to the horror which she always entertained -of this fatal custom. Read the 17th chapter of the first book of the -Decretals of Gregory IX.; the pontifical regulations therein contained -prove that the evil here spoken of presented alarming symptoms. The -pope makes use of the strongest terms possible to be found: "_Ad -enormitatem istam eradicandam_," "observato Apostolici rescripti -decreto _quod successionem in Ecclesia Dei hereditariam detestatur_." -"_Ad extirpandas successiones a sanctis Dei Ecclesiis studio totius -sollicitudinis debemus intendere._" "Quia igitur in Ecclesia -successiones, et in prælaturis et dignitatibus ecclesiasticis _statutis -canonicis damnantur_." These expressions, and others of a like -nature, clearly show that the danger was already considered serious, -and justify the prudence of the Holy See in reserving to itself the -exclusive right of granting dispensations on this point. - -It required the continual vigilance of the pontifical authority to -prevent this abuse from making daily progress, for it was urged on -by the most powerful feelings of nature. Four centuries had elapsed -since these measures had been taken, and yet we find that, in 1533, -Pope Clement VII. was obliged to restrict a canon of Alexander III. -in order to prevent grave scandals, grievously lamented by the pious -Pontiff. Suppose that the Church had not opposed such an abuse with all -her force, and that the custom had become general; bear in mind also, -that in those ages of the grossest ignorance, the privileged classes -were every thing, and the people had scarcely a civil existence; and -see whether there would not have been formed an ecclesiastical caste -along with that of the nobility, and whether both, united by the bonds -of family and common interest, would not have opposed an invincible -obstacle to the ulterior development of the plebeian class, plunging -European society into that degradation in which Asiatic society now -exists. Such would have been the consequence of the marriage of the -clergy, if the pretended reform had been realized a few centuries -sooner. When it came, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, it -found European society in a great measure formed; it had to contend -against an adult, who could not easily be made to forget his ideas and -change his habits. What has actually taken place may lead us to infer -what would have taken place. In England, a close alliance was formed -between the lay aristocracy and the Protestant clergy; and what is very -remarkable, we have seen, and we still see, in that country, something -resembling castes, with the modifications which must necessarily ensue -from the great development of a certain kind of civilization and -liberty at which Great Britain has arrived. - -If the clergy in the middle age, establishing their perpetuity by -hereditary succession, had constituted themselves an exclusive class, -would not the aristocratic alliance of which we are speaking have -been a natural consequence? And who would thenceforth have been able -to break this alliance? The enemies of the Church interpret all her -discipline, and even some of her dogmas, by imputing to her ulterior -designs; and hence they consider the law of celibacy as the result -of an interested design. It was easy to see, however, that if the -Church had entertained worldly views, she might have selected as a -model those priests of other religions who have formed a separate, -preponderating, and exclusive class, for which the severity of duty -did not form a brazen wall against the enjoyments of nature. Europe, -it will be objected, is not Asia. This is true; but the Europe of our -days, and even that of the sixteenth century, is no longer the Europe -of the middle ages. In those centuries, in which none but the clergy -could read and write, and in which knowledge was exclusively in their -possession, had they wished to plunge the world into darkness, they -had only to extinguish the torch with which they were enlightening it. -It is also very certain, that celibacy has given to the clergy a moral -force and ascendency which they could not have attained by any other -means. But this only proves that the Church has preferred moral to -physical power, and that the spirit of her institutions is to act by -exercising a direct influence upon the intelligence and heart of man. -Now, is it not eminently praiseworthy to use all possible moral means -for the direction of mankind? Is it not an honor to the Catholic clergy -to have accomplished, by institutions severe against themselves, what -they might have realized in part by systems indulgent to their own -passions and degrading to others? Oh, we see here the work of Him who -will remain with His Church till the end of the world. - -Whatever may be the value of these reflections, it cannot be contested, -that where Christianity has not existed, the people have been the -victims of a small number, whose contempt and insults have been the -only recompense of their labors. Consult history and experience; -the fact is general and constant; there is not an exception even in -those ancient republics so vaunted for their liberty. Under liberal -forms, slavery existed; a slavery properly so called for some men; -a slavery glossed over with fine appearances for that turbulent -multitude who served the caprice of the Tribunes, and believed they -were exercising their sublime rights by condemning to ostracism or -to death the most virtuous citizens. It has sometimes happened that, -among the Christians, appearances were not in favor of liberty, but -things were so in reality, if we understand by the word liberty the -empire of just laws, aiming at the well-being of the multitude, and -founded upon the consideration and profound respect due to the rights -of mankind. Observe the grand phases of European society at the time -when Catholicity exclusively predominated. With various forms, distinct -origins, different inclinations, they all follow the same course; all -tend to favor the cause of the multitude; whatever has this for its -aim, endures; whatever has not, perishes. Whence comes it that this was -not the case in other countries? If evident reasons and palpable facts, -moreover, did not manifest the salutary influence of the religion of -Jesus Christ, so remarkable a coincidence would suffice to suggest -grave reflections to those, who meditate upon the cause and character -of the events which change or modify the destiny of mankind. Let those -who represent Catholicity as the enemy of the people, point out to us -a single doctrine of the Church sanctioning the abuses under which the -people were suffering, or the injustice which oppressed them. Let them -show us whether, at the commencement of the sixteenth century, when -Europe was under the exclusive domination of the Catholic religion, -the people were not as far advanced as they could be, considering the -ordinary course of things. They certainly did not possess so much -wealth as they have since acquired, and their knowledge was not so -extensive as in modern times; but is the progress which has been made -in this respect attributable to Protestantism? Was not the sixteenth -century commenced under more favorable auspices than the fifteenth, and -the latter under better auspices than the fourteenth? This proves that -Europe, under the shield of Catholicity, continued in a progressive -march; that the cause of the multitude suffered no prejudice from the -influence of Catholicity; and that if great ameliorations have since -been effected, they have not been a consequence of what is called the -Reformation. - -It is the development of industry and commerce that has most -powerfully contributed to elevate modern democracy, by diminishing -the preponderance of the aristocratic classes. I do not touch upon -the events which took place in Europe before the appearance of -Protestantism; but I see at a glance that, far from impeding such -a movement, Catholic doctrines and institutions must have favored -it, since, under their shield and protection, the manufacturing and -mercantile interests were surprisingly developed. No one is ignorant -of their astonishing success in Spain: and we cannot attribute this -progress to the Moors; for Catalonia, subject exclusively to the -Catholic influence, evinced such activity, prosperity, and intelligence -in industry and commerce, that we could scarcely believe to what a -state of perfection they had arrived, did not unexceptionable documents -bear ample testimony to the fact. Read the _Historical Memoirs of -the Marine, Commerce, and Arts of the ancient City of Barcelona_, by -our celebrated Capmany. May we not account it an honor to belong to -this Catalonian nation, whose ancestors displayed such zeal in all -things, never allowing other nations to surpass them in the march of -civilization and improvement? Whilst this phenomenon was advancing in -the south of Europe, the association of the Hanseatic towns, the origin -of which is lost in the centuries of the middle ages, was created in -the north. It obtained in time such an amount of power as to measure -its force with that of kings. Its rich factories, established all over -Europe, and favored with many advantageous privileges, elevated it to -the rank of a real power. Not satisfied with the power which it enjoyed -in its own country, and in Sweden, Norway, and Denmark, it extended -it to England and Russia. London and Novogorod admired the splendid -establishments of those intrepid merchants, who, by means of their -wealth, obtained exorbitant privileges; who had their own magistrates, -and formed an independent state in the centre of foreign countries. - -It is very remarkable that the Hanseatic league selected religious -communities as their model, in all that concerned the system of life -of the clerks in their counting-houses. Their clerks ate in common, -had common dormitories, and none of them were allowed to marry. Any -one of them transgressing this law, forfeited his rights to remain a -member or a citizen of the Hanseatic Confederation. In France, the -manufacturing classes were also organized, the better to resist the -elements of dissolution existing in their bosom; and this change, so -fruitful in results, is entirely due to a king venerated upon the -altars of the Catholic Church. _The Establishment for the Trades of -Paris_ gave a powerful impetus to the industrial classes, by augmenting -their intelligence and improving their morals; and whatever were the -abuses that crept into that organization, it cannot be denied that -St. Louis satisfactorily supplied a great want, by organizing the -trades in the best manner possible, considering how little progress -had at that time been made. What shall we say of Italy, containing -within its bosom the powerful republics of Venice, Florence, Genoa, -and Pisa? It is difficult to conceive what progress industry had made -in this peninsula, and, as a natural consequence, what a development -the democratical element received. Had the influence in itself been -so oppressive, had the breath of the Roman court been fatal to the -progress of the people, is it not evident that its effects would have -been particularly felt in those countries which were the scene of its -actions? Whence comes it, then, that whilst a great part of Europe was -groaning under feudal oppression, the middle class, whose only title -to nobility was the fruit of their intelligence and labor, appeared in -Italy so powerful, so brilliant and flourishing? I will not contend -that this development was attributable to the Popes; but, at least, we -must grant that they never opposed it. - -Now, if we observe a similar phenomenon in Spain, and particularly in -Aragon, where the Pontifical influence was great; if the same thing is -observable in the north of Europe, inhabited by people whom Catholicity -alone has civilized; if, in fine, the same phenomenon is realized, with -greater or less rapidity, in all countries exclusively subject to the -belief and authority of the Church, we may conclude that Catholicity -contains nothing opposed to the movement of civilization, and that it -is not opposed to a just and legitimate development of the popular -element. - -I cannot think how it is possible for any one who has read history to -accord to Protestantism the honor of being favorable to the interests -of the multitude. Its origin was essentially aristocratic; and in those -countries in which it has succeeded in taking root, it has established -aristocracy upon such firm foundations, that the revolutions of three -centuries have not been able to overturn it. Witness, for a proof of -this, what has taken place in Germany, England, and all the north -of Europe. It has been said that Calvinism is more favorable to the -democratical element; and that if it had prevailed in France it would -have established a system of federative republic in place of monarchy. -Whatever may be the value of this conjecture upon a change which -would certainly not have been very beneficial to the future prospects -of that nation, it is perfectly certain that no other system than -that of aristocracy would have been found practicable in France; for -circumstances at that period would admit of nothing else; and the -aristocrats who were at the head of religious innovation, would admit -of no other organization. Had Protestantism triumphed in France, it is -probable that the poor of that country, in imitation of their brethren -in Germany, would have claimed a share in the rich booty; but they -certainly would not have found Calvin's proverbial harshness more -advantageous to them than the furious rashness of Luther was to the -Germans. It is probable that these wretched villagers, who, according -to contemporary writers, had nothing to eat but rye-bread, with no -animal food, and slept upon a bundle of straw, with a board for their -pillow, would not have felt themselves more comfortable than their -brethren in Germany, had they thought proper to participate in the -effects of the new doctrines. In this case, they would not have been -punished, but exterminated, like their brethren beyond the Rhine. -In England, the sudden disappearance of the monasteries produced -pauperism. Their property having fallen into the hands of laymen, -the religious being driven from their abodes, the poor who subsisted -upon the alms of these holy establishments were left without the -means of subsistence. And observe, that the evil was not temporary; -it has continued to our own days, and is now one of the greatest -evils afflicting Great Britain. I am aware that almsgiving is said -to encourage indolence; but it is very certain that England, with -her poor-laws and her legal charity, contains a far greater number -of destitute poor than Catholic countries. It will be difficult to -convince me, that to let people die of hunger is a good means of -developing the popular element. Protestantism must have contained -something very repulsive to the democrats of that period, since we -find it rejected in Spain and Italy, the two countries in which the -people enjoyed the greatest share of prosperity and rights. And this -becomes still more worthy of attention, when we remark that religious -innovation took root wherever the feudal aristocracy predominated. -Look, it will be said, at the United Provinces; but this example only -proves that Protestantism, determined to find supporters, willingly -took part with the mal-contents. If Philip II. had been a zealous -Protestant, the United Provinces would probably have alleged that they -were unwilling to remain any longer subject to an heretical prince. -These provinces were for a long time under the exclusive influence of -Catholicity, and yet they were prosperous; the popular element was -developed in their bosom, without meeting any obstacle on the part of -religion. Exactly at the beginning of the sixteenth century they made -the discovery, that they could no longer prosper without abjuring the -faith of their ancestors. Observe the geographical position of the -United Provinces; see them surrounded by reformists offering to assist -them; and you will find in political considerations the reason which -you may seek in vain in imaginary affinity between the Protestant -system and the interests of the people.[35] - - - - -CHAPTER LXI. - -ON THE VALUE OF THE DIFFERENT POLITICAL FORMS--CHARACTER OF MONARCHY IN -EUROPE. - - -The enthusiasm enkindled in Europe in latter times, has cooled down -by degrees; experience has shown that a political organization not -in accordance with the social organization is of no advantage to a -nation, but rather overwhelms it with evil. Men also understand, and -not without difficulty, simple as the matter is, that political systems -should be regarded solely as a means of ameliorating the condition -of the people, and that political liberty, to be at all rational, -must be made a medium for the acquisition of civil liberty. Amongst -enlightened men, these are ordinary ideas; fanaticism for such or such -political forms, considered abstractly from their civil results, is -now abandoned as a thing denoting ignorance, or as a discreditable -means hypocritically made use of by the ambitious, devoid of real -merit, whose only way to fortune is disturbance and revolution. It -cannot, however, be denied that, considered as simple instruments, -certain political forms, such as mixed, moderate, constitutional, -or representative governments, or whatever they be designated, have -acquired in some countries consideration and solidity; and that, in -many countries, any principle which might be considered opposed to -representative forms, and only favorable to absolute ones, would be -repudiated beforehand. Civil liberty has become necessary to the -people of Europe; and in some nations the idea of this liberty is so -identified with that of political liberty, that it is difficult to -explain how civil liberty can exist under an absolute monarchy. We -must therefore examine what are the tendencies of the Catholic and -those of the Protestant religions. I will proceed so as to discover -these tendencies by an impartial analysis of historical facts. Never, -perhaps, as M. Guizot felicitously observes, were the natural course of -things, and the hidden ways of Providence, less understood. Wheresoever -we meet not with assemblies, elections, urns, and votes, we imagine -power must be absolute, and liberty unprotected. I have an express -design in making use of the word tendencies, because it is clear that -Catholicity has no dogma on this point--it does not pronounce upon the -advantages of any particular form of government. The Roman Pontiff -acknowledges equally as his son the Catholic seated upon the bench of -an American Assembly, and the most humble subject of the most powerful -monarch. The Catholic religion is too prudent to descend upon any such -ground. Emanating from heaven itself, she diffuses herself, like the -light of the sun, over all things, enlightens and strengthens all, and -is never obscured or tarnished. Her object is to conduct man to heaven, -by furnishing him on his passage with great assistance and consolation -upon earth; she ceases not to point out to him eternal truths; she -gives him in all his affairs, salutary counsels; but the moment we come -to mere details, she has no obligation to impose, no duty to enjoin. -She impresses upon his mind her sacred maxims of morality, admonishing -him never to depart from them; like a tender mother speaking to her -son, she says to him, "Provided you depart not from my instructions, do -what you consider most expedient." - -But is it true that there is in Catholicity at least a tendency to -obstruct liberty? What has been the result of Protestantism in Europe -with regard to political forms? In what has it corrected or ameliorated -the work of Catholicity? In the centuries preceding the sixteenth, the -organization of European society was so complicated, the development -of all the intellectual faculties had arrived at such a point, the -contention of interests was so lively, in fine, every nation was -so enlarged by the successive agglomeration of provinces, that a -central, forcible, energetic power, predominating over all individual -pretensions and those of classes, was indispensable to the peace and -prosperity of the people. Europe had no other hope for peace; for -wherever there exists a great number of various, opposite, and all -powerful elements, a regulating action is necessary to prevent violent -shocks, to calm excessive ardor, to moderate the rapidity of motion, to -prevent a continual war, which would necessarily lead to destruction -and chaos. This immediately gave to the monarchical principle a fresh -and irresistible impulse; and as this impulse was felt in every -European country, even in those possessing republican institutions, it -evidently resulted from causes that lay deep in the social condition -of the times. At the present day there is not a publicist of any note -who would question these truths. During the last half century, in fact, -events have occurred well calculated to demonstrate that in Europe -monarchy is something more than _usurpation_ and _tyranny_. In the -very countries in which democratical ideas have taken root, it has -been found necessary to modify them, and in some degree to depart from -them, in order to preserve the throne, which is regarded as the best -safeguard of the great interests of society. - -It is the infirmity of all things human, however good and salutary they -may be, always to bring with them an accompaniment of inconveniences -and evils. Monarchy could not evidently be exempt from this general -rule; in other words, the great extension of force and power was -sure to produce abuse and excess. The European nations are not of -a sufficiently patient character, nor of a sufficiently moderate -temperament, to endure with resignation all sorts of disorders. The -European entertains so profound an idea of his dignity, that he cannot -comprehend the quietism of the Oriental nations, living in the midst of -degradation, bowing their slavish heads before the despot who despises -and oppresses them. Hence, whilst we in Europe acknowledge and feel -the necessity of a very strong power, we have always endeavored to -take measures for restraining and preventing the abuse of this power. -Nothing exalts so much the grandeur and dignity of the European nations -as the comparison of them with those of Asia. The latter have no better -means of delivering themselves from oppression than the assassination -of their sovereigns. Whilst the blood of one monarch is still warm, -another ascends his throne, trampling with a disdainful foot on the -heads of nations as cruel as they are degraded. Not so in Europe; -we have always recourse to intellectual means; we have established -institutions which lastingly protect the people from oppression and -excesses. We cannot deny that our efforts have cost torrents of blood, -or affirm that we have always adopted the most expedient means; but on -this point Europe, guided by the same spirit as in all other matters, -has become anxious to substitute right in the place of mere might. -This is no recent problem; it existed when European society was in its -infancy, and in these latter times has been overlooked. Great efforts -were made many centuries ago to resolve it. Observe how Count de -Maistre states his opinions on this difficult problem: - -"Although the greatest and most general interest of sovereignty -consists in its being just, and although the cases in which it -transgresses this condition are incomparably fewer than the others, -unfortunately it does, however, frequently transgress it; and the -particular character of certain sovereigns may so far augment these -inconveniences, that in order to render them supportable, it is -necessary to compare them with those which would exist if there were -no sovereign. It was therefore impossible that men should not, from -time to time, make efforts to secure themselves against the excess of -this enormous prerogative; but on this point the world has adopted -two widely different systems. _The daring tribe of Japheth has at all -times been gravitating_ (if we may use the expression) _towards what is -termed liberty_; that is, towards that social condition in which the -influence of the governing powers is least sensibly felt. Ever jealous -of his rights and liberties, the European has sought to preserve them, -sometimes by expelling his rulers, and at other times by opposing to -them the barrier of law. He has tried every thing, every imaginable -form of government, to set himself free from his rulers, or to restrain -their power. - -"The _immense posterity of Shem and Cham_ have pursued another course. -From the earliest ages down to our own time they have always said to -their fellowmen, _Do whatever you please, and when we are tired we -will put you to death_. Besides, they have never been able or willing -to comprehend the nature of a republic; the balance of power, all those -privileges, all those fundamental laws of which we are so proud, are -totally unknown to them. Among them, the richest and most independent -man, the possessor of immense movable wealth, absolutely at liberty to -transport it whither he pleases, sure, moreover, of entire protection -upon European ground, and threatened at home with the rope or the -dagger, prefers them, nevertheless, to the misery of dying of ennui -among us. But no one will ever think of recommending to Europe the -public law of Asia and Africa, so short and clear; but as power in -Europe is always so much feared, discussed, attacked, or transferred, -since nothing so much wounds our pride as despotic government, the -most general European problem is to know _how sovereign power may be -restrained without being destroyed_." (_Du Pape_, liv. ii. chap. 2.) - -This spirit of political liberty, this desire of limiting power by -means of institutions, did not originate with the French philosophers; -before their time, and long before the appearance of Protestantism, -it was circulating in the veins of the European people. History has -left us irrefragable testimonies of this truth. What institutions -were deemed suitable for the accomplishment of this object? Certain -assemblies, in which the voice of the nation's interests and opinions -might be heard--assemblies formed in various ways, and meeting from -time to time around the throne to make their complaints and assert -their claims. As it was impossible for these assemblies to constitute -the government without destroying the monarchy, it was necessary, -in one way or another, to secure their influence in state affairs; -and I do not see that anything better has hitherto been devised for -attaining this object than the right of intervention in the enactment -of laws, a right guaranteed to them by another, that may be justly -termed the right arm of national representation,--the right of voting -the supplies. Much has been written respecting constitutions and -representative governments, but this is the essential point. Many and -various modifications may be introduced, but in reality all consists in -the establishment of the throne as the centre of power and of action, -surrounded by assemblies that shall deliberate upon the laws and the -taxes. - -Does political liberty in this point of view originate in Protestant -ideas? Is it under any obligation to them? Has it, in fine, any -reproach against Catholicity? I open the works of Catholic writers -anterior to Protestantism, in order to ascertain their sentiments on -this subject, and I find that they take a clear view of the problem to -be solved. I examine rigidly whether they teach anything opposed to the -progress of the world, to the dignity or the rights of man; I examine, -again, whether they bear any affinity to despotism or to tyranny, and -I find them full of sympathy for the progress of enlightenment and of -mankind, inflamed with noble and generous sentiments, and zealous for -the happiness of the multitude. I remark, indeed, that their hearts -swell with indignation at the mere names of tyranny and despotism. I -open the records of history; I study the opinions and customs of the -nations, and the predominating institutions; I behold on all sides -nothing but _fueros_, privileges, liberty, cortes, states-general, -municipalities, and juries. All this appears in the greatest confusion, -but I see it; and I am not astonished to discover an absence of order, -for it is a new world just arisen from chaos. I ask myself if the -monarch possesses in himself the faculty of making laws; and upon this -question I very naturally find variety, uncertainty, and confusion; but -I observe that the assemblies representing the different classes of -the nation take part in the enactment of the laws. I ask whether they -have any interference in the great affairs of the state; and I find -it stated in the codes that they are to be consulted on all grave and -important affairs: I see monarchs frequently observing this precept. I -ask whether these assemblies possess any guarantees for their existence -and their influence; and the codes inform me by the most decisive -texts, and a thousand facts are at hand to convince me, that these -institutions were deeply rooted in the customs and manners of the -people. - -Now what was then the predominating religion? Catholicity. Were the -people much attached to religion? So much so that the spirit of -religion predominated over all. Did the clergy possess great influence? -Very great. What was the power of the Popes? It was immense. Where do -you find the clergy attempting to extend the power of kings to the -prejudice of the people? Where are the pontifical decrees against -such or such forms? Where are the measures and plans of the Popes -for the restriction of one single legitimate right? No reply. Then I -say indignantly, Europe, under the influence of Catholicity, arose -from chaos to order, civilization advanced at a firm and steady pace, -the grand problem of political forms engaged the attention of men -of wisdom, questions of morality and laws were receiving a solution -favorable to liberty, and yet the influence of the clergy was never -greater even in temporal matters, and the power of the Popes was in -every sense quite colossal. - -What! one word from the Sovereign Pontiff would have smitten unto death -every form of popular government; and yet such forms were receiving -a rapid development. Where, then, is the tendency of the Catholic -religion to enslave the people? Where the infamous alliance between -kings and Popes to oppress and harass the people, to establish on the -throne a ferocious despotism, and to rejoice under its gloomy shades -over the misfortune and tears of mankind? When the Popes had a quarrel -with any kingdom, was it usually with the king or the people? When it -was necessary to oppose a firm front against tyranny and oppression, -who stood forward more promptly or more firmly than the Sovereign -Pontiff? Does not Voltaire himself admit that the Popes restrained -princes, _protected the people_, put an end to the quarrels of the time -by a wise intervention, reminded both kings and people of their duties, -and hurled anathemas against those enormities which they could not -prevent? (Quoted by M. de Maistre, _Du Pape_.) - -It is very remarkable that the Bull In _Cœna Domini_, which created -so much alarm, contains in its fifth article an excommunication -against "_those who should levy new taxes upon their estates, or -should increase those already existing beyond the bounds marked out by -right_." The spirit of deliberation, so common even at this period, -and which formed so singular a contrast with the tendency to violent -measures, arose in a great measure from the example given by the -Catholic Church during so many centuries. In fact, it is impossible to -point out a society in which more assemblies have been held, combining -in them every thing distinguished by science and virtue. General, -national, provincial Councils and diocesan synods are to be met with -in every page of the Church's history. Such an example, exposed during -centuries to the view of the people, could not fail to influence and -affect customs and laws. In Spain the greatest part of the Councils of -Toledo were also national congresses; whilst the episcopal authority -performed its functions in them, watching over the purity of dogmas, -and providing for the wants of discipline, the great affairs of the -state were also discussed in them in harmony with the secular power. In -them were enacted those laws which are still an object of admiration to -modern observers. The utopias of Rousseau are now fallen into complete -disrepute among the best publicists. Representative governments are -no longer to be defended as a means of bringing the general will into -action, but as an instrument, through the medium of which reason and -good sense may be consulted, which would otherwise remain dispersed -throughout the nation. Legislative assemblies are now represented -to us, in works upon constitutional law, as the foci in which all -knowledge serving to throw light on the difficulties of public affairs -may be concentrated; they are held up to us as the representatives of -all legitimate interests, as the organ of all reasonable opinions, the -voice of all just complaints, a channel of perpetual communication -between governors and their subjects, a measure of justice in the laws, -a means of rendering the laws respectable and venerable in the eyes -of the people; in short, as a permanent guarantee that a government, -never consulting its own interests, should study only public utility -and expediency. At a time when we are informed in such fine terms -what these assemblies ought to be, not what they are, it will not be -uninteresting to refer to the Councils; for we see at a glance that the -Councils must in a certain manner explain the nature and spirit, and -point out the motives and aim, of political assemblies. - -I am aware of the fundamental differences existing between these two -assemblies; men who receive their powers from popular election cannot, -in fact, be placed in the same rank as those who have been appointed by -the Holy Ghost to govern the Church of God; neither can the monarch, -who derives his right to the throne from the fundamental laws of the -nation, be confounded with that rock upon which the Church of Christ is -built. I grant also that, whether with regard to the subjects discussed -in the Councils, or with regard to the persons engaged in these -discussions, and to the extension of the Church over the whole earth, -there must necessarily be a great dissimilarity between the Councils -and political assemblies, with respect to the epoch of their being -assembled, and the mode of their organization and of their proceedings. -But we are not here about to imagine an ingenious parallel, and to seek -with subtilty resemblances which do not exist; my only aim is to show -the influence which the lessons of prudence and maturity given for so -long a time by the Church must have exercised upon political laws and -customs. If we consult the annals of the nations of antiquity, or those -of modern times, we shall discover that all deliberative assemblies are -composed of persons who have a right to sit in them by a regulation -stated in the laws. But to admit into them a man of knowledge, simply -because he is so, is to pay a noble tribute to merit--to proclaim in -the most solemn manner, that the care of ruling the world belongs -properly to intelligence. This the Church alone has done. - -I make this observation to prove that society is indebted mainly to the -Church for the progress it has made in this respect. I will adduce on -this point a fact that has not perhaps been sufficiently attended to, -but which clearly shows that the Catholic Church was the first to seek -out men of talent wherever they were to be found, and unhesitatingly -to allow them influence in public affairs. I will not speak of that -spirit which forms one of her distinctive characteristics among all -other societies, which has ever led her to seek merit, and nothing but -merit, and to raise it to the highest functions--a spirit which no one -can deny her, and which has eminently contributed to her splendor and -preponderance. But it is very remarkable that the influence of this -spirit has been felt where, at first sight, it might have been least -expected. In fact, it is well known that, according to the doctrines -of the Church, no private individual has any right to interfere in the -decisions and deliberations of the Councils; hence, however learned a -theologian or jurist may be, his knowledge gives him no right whatever -to take part in those august assemblies. Nevertheless, it is well -known that the Church has ever taken care to call to them men who, -whatever might be their titles, excelled most by their talents or their -learning. Who does not read with pleasure the list of learned men who, -although not Bishops, were present at the Council of Trent? - -In modern society, do not talent, wisdom, and genius carry the highest -head, command the greatest consideration and respect, and present the -best claims to the direction of public affairs, and to the exercise of -a preponderating influence? These should know that nowhere have their -claims been respected or their dignity acknowledged so well as in the -Church. What society, in fact, has ever sought, as the Church has, -to elevate them, to consult them in the most important affairs, and -to afford them an opportunity of shining in grand assemblies? In the -Church, birth and riches are of no importance. If you are a man of high -merit, untarnished by misconduct, and at the same time conspicuous by -your abilities and your knowledge, that is enough--she will look upon -you as a great man, will always show you extreme consideration, treat -you with respect, and listen to you with deference. And since your -brow, though sprung from obscurity, is radiant with fame, it will be -held worthy to bear the mitre, the Cardinal's hat, or the tiara. To -speak in the language of the day, I may remark, that the aristocracy of -knowledge owes much of its importance to the ideas and discipline of -the Church.[36] - - - - -CHAPTER LXII. - -THE DEVELOPMENT OF MONARCHY IN EUROPE. - - -A single glance at the state of Europe in the fifteenth century enables -us to discover that such a state of things could not long exist, and -that of the three elements claiming preference, the monarchical must -necessarily prevail. And it could not be otherwise; for we have always -seen that societies, after a long period of trouble and agitation, -place themselves at last under the protection of that power which -offers them the greatest security and well-being. Beholding, on the one -hand, those great feudatories, so proud, so exacting, so turbulent, -enemies to each other, and rivals of the king as well as of the people; -on the other hand, the commons, whose existence appears under so many -different forms--whose rights, privileges, _fueros_ and liberties -present so various and complex an aspect--whose ideas have no constant -and well defined direction;--we conclude at once, that neither were -possessed of sufficient force to struggle against the royal power, -already acting by a fixed plan and a determinate system, seizing every -opportunity which might serve to forward its views. Who is not aware -of the sagacity displayed by Ferdinand the Catholic in developing and -implanting his prominent idea--that of centralizing power, giving -it vigor, and rendering its action forcible and universal; that is, -the idea of founding a true monarchy? And why not acknowledge in the -immortal Ximenes a worthy and more eminent continuator of this policy? -It would be erroneous to consider this as an evil to nations. All -publicists agree that it was necessary to give strength and stability -to power, and prevent its action from becoming weak or intermittent; -but the only representative of real power at that time was the throne. -Hence, to fortify and aggrandize royal power was of real necessity; -all plans and efforts of man would have failed to place an obstacle -in its way. But it remains, nevertheless, to be seen, whether this -aggrandizement of royal power outstepped its due bounds; and this is -the place for contrasting Protestantism with Catholicity, that we may -ascertain which of them was culpable, if either, and to what extent. -This is a very important and curious subject, but at the same time one -of difficulty and delicacy. In fact, such a change has taken place of -late in the meaning of words, the aversion which parties profess for -each other is so profound, each one repels with such impetuosity every -thing which bears the most remote resemblance to what is esteemed by -his adversaries, that it is an arduous undertaking to render the state -of the question and the meaning of words comprehensible. I ask one -thing of my readers of all opinions; that is, that they will suspend -their judgment until they have read the whole of what I have to adduce -on this point. If they consent to this, and do not quarrel with the -first word that shocks them--in a word, if they have sufficient -patience to hear before they judge, I am confident that, if we do not -altogether agree, which is impossible amid such a variety of opinions, -they will at least grant that I have taken an apparently reasonable -view of the subject, and that my conjectures are not altogether -unfounded. - -I shall commence, in the first place, by completely laying aside the -question whether it was advantageous or not to society that, in the -greatest part of European monarchies, royal power should have any other -limits than those naturally imposed upon it by the state of ideas and -customs. This question some will answer in the affirmative, others in -the negative; and I need not observe to what party they respectively -belong. To many people the word _liberty_ is a scandal, just as the -term absolute power is with others synonymous with despotism. But what -is that liberty which the former repel with so much force? what meaning -is attached to this word in their dictionaries? They have witnessed -the French Revolution, with its iniquities and frightful crimes, and -they have heard it continually crying out for liberty: they have -witnessed the Spanish Revolution, with its vociferations of death, and -its sanguinary excesses--its injustice, its disdain for every thing -that Spaniards had been accustomed to esteem the most valuable and -sacred; and yet they have heard the cries of this Revolution also for -_liberty_. What was to be expected? Why, what we now witness. They -confounded the name of liberty with all sorts of impieties and crimes; -and, in consequence, they hated it, they repelled it, they fought -against it sword in hand. In vain were they informed that the cortes -was an ancient institution; they replied, that the ancient cortes was -not like that of their times. In vain were they reminded that our laws -ordained the nation's right of interference by its vote on the levying -of taxes. They replied: "We are well aware of it; but the nation is -not now represented by those who interfere in its affairs; they only -avail themselves of this pretended title to enslave both the king and -the people." They were told that the representatives of the different -classes had formerly the right of intervention in the important affairs -of the state. "What class do you represent," they replied; "you who -degrade the monarch, insult and persecute the nobility, abuse and -plunder the clergy, despising the people, and making their customs and -their religious belief a subject for your sneers? What, then, do you -represent? Is it the Spanish nation, when you trample on her religion -and laws, when you excite social dissolution on all sides, and make -blood flow in torrents? How can you call yourselves the restorers of -our fundamental laws, when we find nothing either in you or in your -acts which marks the true Spaniard; when all your theories, plans, and -projects are only miserable copies of foreign books but too well known, -while you have forgotten your own language?" - -I pray the reader will cast his eyes over the files of the journals, -the bulletins of the cortes, and other documents that remain of the -two epochs of 1812 and 1820; let him also call to mind the events we -have recently witnessed; let him afterwards peruse the records and -memorials of anterior epochs,--our codes, our books, every thing, in -fine, capable of throwing light upon the character, the ideas, and -the customs of the Spanish people; then let him lay his hand upon -his heart, and, whatever be his political opinions, let him tell us, -upon his honor, if he finds the least resemblance between the past -and the present; if he does not, at the very first glance, perceive -a striking and violent contrast between the two epochs--a chasm, in -fact, to fill up which, I say it with grief, would require heaps of -fresh ruins, ashes, dead bodies, and torrents of blood. Were we to -place the question beyond the influence of the empoisoned atmosphere -of human passions and of bitter recollections, we might, it is true, -very well examine the expediency of allowing the royal authority -to attain to a growth that set it free from every kind of check or -restraint, even in affairs of the most essential importance and in the -voting of the government supplies. The question would then have merely -a historico-political aspect, could not be confounded with actual -practice, and, consequently, would not affect either the interests or -the opinions of our time. However that might be, I will not stop to -consider or to notice what has been thought and said upon the subject, -but will take up the hypothesis, that the disappearance from the body -politic, at that time, of every element save the monarchical, was a -misfortune to the people, and an obstacle to the progress of true -civilization. And whose was the fault? let me ask. - -It is remarkable that the greatest increase of royal power in Europe -dates precisely from the commencement of Protestantism. In England, -from the time of Henry VIII., not only did monarchy prevail, but a -despotism so cruel that no vain appearances of impotent forms have -availed to disguise its excesses. In France, after the Huguenot war, -royal power became more absolute than ever; in Sweden, Gustavus -ascended the throne, and from that time kings began to exercise an -almost unlimited power; in Denmark, monarchy continued, and became -stronger; in Germany, the kingdom of Prussia was formed, and absolute -forms generally prevailed; in Austria, the empire of Charles V. arose -in all its power and splendor; in Italy, the small republics were fast -disappearing, and the people, under some title or another, became -subject to princes; in Spain, in fine, the ancient cortes of Castile, -Aragon, Valencia, and Catalonia fell into disuse: that is to say, -instead of seeing, by the accession of Protestantism, the people take -one step towards representative forms, we find, on the contrary, that -they rapidly advanced towards absolute government. This is a certain, -incontestable fact. Sufficient attention has not perhaps been paid -to so singular a coincidence; but it is not the less real, and is -certainly of a nature to suggest numerous and interesting reflections. -Was this coincidence purely accidental? Was there any hidden connection -between Protestantism and the development and definitive establishment -of absolutism? I think there was; and I will even add, that, had -Catholicism retained an exclusive sway in Europe, the power of the -throne would have been gradually diminished--that representative -forms would probably not have disappeared altogether--that the people -would have continued to take part in national affairs--that we should -have been much farther advanced in civilization, much better fitted -for the enjoyment of true liberty--and that this liberty would not -be associated in our minds with scenes of horror. Yes, the fatal -Reformation has given a wrong direction to European society, injured -civilization, created necessities that previously had no existence, -and opened chasms which it cannot close. It destroyed many elements of -good, and consequently produced a radical change in the conditions of -the political problem. This I think I can demonstrate. - - - - -CHAPTER LXIII. - -TWO KINDS OF DEMOCRACY. - - -There is in the history of Europe one leading fact contained in all -its pages, and still visible in our days, viz. the parallel march of -two democracies, which, although sometimes apparently alike, are, in -reality, very different in their nature, origin, and aim. The one is -based upon the knowledge and dignity of man, and on the right which -he possesses of enjoying a certain amount of liberty conformable -to reason and justice. With ideas more or less clear, more or less -uniform, upon the real origin of society and of power, it entertains -at least very clear, precise, and fixed ones upon the real object and -aim of both. Whether the right of commanding proceeds directly and -immediately from God, or whether we suppose it communicated previously -to society, and transmitted afterwards to those who govern, it always -grants that power is for the common weal, and that, if it does not -direct its actions to this end, it falls into tyranny. To privileges, -honors, and distinctions of every kind, it applies its favorite -touchstone--the public good; whatever is opposed to this, is rejected -as noxious; whatever does not tend to promote it, is repudiated as -superfluous. Convinced that knowledge and virtue are the only things -of real worth, and deserving of consideration in the distribution -of the social functions, this democracy requires them to be sought -without ceasing, that they may be elevated to the summit of power and -of glory; it goes to seek them in the midst of the deepest obscurity. -A nobleman, proud of his titles and his heraldry, and boasting of the -glorious deeds of his ancestors, without being able to imitate them, -is, in its estimation, an object of ridicule; it will allow such a -man to enjoy his riches, that the sacred right of property may not be -violated; but it will remove from his grasp, by all lawful means, the -influence he might derive from the nobility of his blood. In fine, if -it takes nobility, birth or riches into consideration, it is not for -any intrinsic worth of these advantages, but because they are signs -which lead us to expect a more accomplished education, more knowledge -and probity. - -Full of generous ideas, this democracy, placing the dignity of man -in the highest degree, reminding man of his rights, and also of his -duties, is indignant at the very name of tyranny. It hates tyranny, -condemns it, repels it, and is perpetually employed in discovering -the best means for preventing it. Wise and calm, as the inseparable -companion of reason and good sense must ever be, it agrees very well -with monarchy; but we may rest assured that its desires have generally -been, that the laws of the country should, in one way or another, -place a restraint upon the excesses of kings. Aware that the rock -against which they ran the risk of being wrecked, was the excess of -contributions levied upon the people, its favorite idea, which it has -never abandoned, even when it was impracticable, has been to restrain -the unlimited faculties of power with respect to contributions. Another -of its predominating ideas has been to prevent the will of man from -prevailing in the formation or application of the laws. It has ever -sought to guarantee and secure in some way, that the will should not -usurp the place of reason. Such has been the force of this universal -desire, that it has been indelibly stamped upon European manners, and -the most absolute monarchs have been compelled to gratify it. Hence -one thing very worthy of remark is, that the throne has ever been -surrounded by respectable counsellors, whose existence was insured -either by the laws or by the national customs. These counsellors -certainly could not preserve, in all circumstances, the independence -necessary for the accomplishment of their object, but they did not -fail to be of great service; for their mere existence was an eloquent -protest against unjust and arbitrary regulations; it was a noble -personification of reason and justice, pointing out the sacred limits -ever to be regarded as inviolable by the most powerful monarch. This -is also the reason why sovereigns in Europe never exercise themselves -the faculty of pronouncing judgment, differing in this respect from -the sultans. The laws and customs of Europe energetically repulse this -faculty, as fatal to the people as it is to the monarch; and the mere -recital of such an attempt would excite public indignation against its -author. - -The meaning of all this is, that this principle, so much extolled, that -it is not the monarch but the law that commands, has been received in -Europe for many centuries; it was in full force in all the European -nations long before modern publicists emphatically enunciated it. It -will be said, perhaps, that if this was the case in theory, it was not -so in practice. I do not deny that there were reprehensible exceptions, -but the principle was generally respected. As a case in point, let us -take the most absolute reign of modern times, with the most unlimited -royal power in all its splendor, in its apogee,--the reign in which -the king could exclaim with too much pride, but yet with truth, "I am -the state"--that of Louis the Fourteenth. It lasted more than half a -century, with an astonishing variety and complication of events. How -many deaths, confiscations, and banishments took place in it, executed -by the royal command, without any judicial ordeal! Perhaps some -arbitrary acts of this time may be cited; but let them be compared with -what was passing under equivalent circumstances amongst the nations -out of Europe: let any one recall to mind what took place at the time -of the Roman empire, and the excesses of absolute royalty wherever -Christianity did not exist, and he will see that the excesses committed -in European monarchies are scarcely worthy of being mentioned. This -is a proof that the distinction made between monarchical governments, -whether absolute or despotic, is not arbitrary and fictitious. Any one -acquainted with the legislation and history of Europe must be well -aware that this distinction is correct, and he will be forced to smile -at those boisterous declamations in which malice or ignorance endeavors -to confound the two systems of government. - -This limit imposed upon power, this circle of reason and justice which -we always find traced around it, derives its origin principally from -the ideas disseminated by Christianity, whether it have its guarantee -in ideas and manners or in political forms. It is Christianity that -has proclaimed, "Reason and justice, knowledge and virtue, are every -thing; the mere will of man, his birth, his titles, are of no intrinsic -value." These words have penetrated every where, from the palace of -kings to the poor man's cottage; and, from the moment that the mind -of an entire people became imbued with such ideas, Asiatic despotism -became impracticable. In fact, in the absence of every political form -limiting the power of the monarch, a voice resounds in his ears on -all sides, exclaiming, "We are not thy slaves, we are thy subjects; -thou art a king, but thou art a man, and a man who, like ourselves, -must appear one day before the Supreme Judge; thou hast the power of -making laws, but merely for our interests; thou canst exact tributes -from us, but only such as are necessary for the common weal; thou -canst not judge us according to thy caprice, but only conformably to -the laws; thou canst not seize our property without rendering thyself -more culpable than the common robber, nor make an attempt on our lives, -of thy own will, without becoming an assassin; the power thou hast -received is not for thy comfort or pleasure, nor for the gratification -of thy passions, but solely for our happiness; thou art a person -exclusively devoted to the public weal; if thou forgettest this, thou -art a tyrant." - -Unfortunately, however, together with this spirit of lawful -independence, of rational liberty,--together with this just, noble, and -generous democracy, there has ever been another accompanying it, and -forming with it the most lively contrast. The latter has been extremely -injurious to the former, by preventing it from attaining the object of -its just pretensions; erroneous in its principles and perverse in its -intentions, violent and unjust in its mode of acting, its traces have -been everywhere marked by a stream of blood. Instead of obtaining true -liberty for the people, it has merely served to deprive them of that -which they already possessed; or if it actually found them groaning -under the yoke of slavery, it has only served to rivet their chains. -Allying itself on all occasions with the basest passions, it has -attracted to its standard all that was most vile and abject in society, -and gathered together the most turbulent and ill-disposed men. By -cheating its miserable followers with delusive promises, and exciting -them with the prospect of plunder and pillage, it has been a perpetual -source of commotions, scandals, and bitter animosities, that have at -length produced their natural results--persecutions, proscriptions, and -executions. Its fundamental dogma was the rejection of all authority of -every description, to overturn which was its constant aim; the reward -it expected for its labors was to seat itself upon a throne established -amidst universal ruin, to glut itself with the blood of thousands of -victims, and to revel in the grossest orgies during the distribution -of its blood-stained spoil. In all times, in all countries, riots, -popular insurrections, and revolutions have taken place; but, -for the last seven centuries, Europe presents these scenes in so -singular a character, that it forms a most fitting subject for the -reflection of philosophers. In fact, these tendencies towards social -dissolution--tendencies, the origin of which it is not difficult to -discover in the very heart of man--have not only existed in the bosom -of Europe, but have been formed into a theory; as ideas, they have -been defended with all the obstinacy and infatuation of a sectarian -spirit; and, wherever an opportunity occurred, reduced to practice -with unyielding pertinacity and unbridled fury. The system was made up -of folly and fanaticism, and carried out with obstinacy, a spirit of -proselytism, and monstrous crimes. In every page of its history this -truth is attested in characters of blood. Happy our nation, had she not -tried the experiment! - -Europe may be compared to those men of great capacity and of active and -intrepid characters, who are either the very best or the very worst -of men. Scarcely can a single fact of any weight remain isolated in -Europe: there is not a truth that is not useful, nor an error that is -not fatal. Ideas have a tendency to become realized, and facts, in -their turn, incessantly call in the aid of ideas. If virtues exist, -they are explained, and their foundation is sought for in elevated -theories. If crimes are met with, their vindication is attempted on -the authority of perverse theories. Nations do not rest satisfied with -the practice either of good or evil--they strive to propagate it, and -are restless till they have induced their neighbors to imitate them. -Nay, there is something beyond a mere spirit of proselytism limited -to a few countries--ideas, in our times, aim at nothing short of -universal empire. The spirit of propagandism does not date from the -French Revolution, nor even from the sixteenth century; from the very -dawn of civilization, from the times when the minds of men began to -evince symptoms of activity, this phenomenon is apparent, and in a very -striking manner. In the agitated Europe of the twelfth and thirteenth -centuries, we behold the Europe of the nineteenth century, just as the -imperfectly defined lineaments of the germ contain forms of the future -being. - -A great part of the sects which assailed the Church, dating from the -tenth century, were decidedly revolutionary; they either proceeded -from the fatal democracy which I have just mentioned, or derived -their support from it. Unfortunately this democracy, restless, unjust -and turbulent, having compromised the tranquillity of Europe in the -centuries anterior to the sixteenth, found in Protestantism its most -fervent propagators. Among the numerous sects into which the pretended -reform was immediately divided, some opened the way for it, and others -adopted it as their standard. And what must have been the result -in the political organization of Europe? I will say it candidly: -the disappearance of those political institutions which enabled the -different classes of the state to take part in its affairs, was -inevitable. Now, as it was very difficult for the European people, -considering their character, ideas and customs, to submit for ever to -their new condition, as their predominant inclination must have urged -them to place bounds upon the extension of power, it was natural that -revolutions should ensue; it was natural that future generations should -have to witness great catastrophes, such as the English Revolution of -the seventeenth century and the French Revolution of the eighteenth. -There was a time when it might have been difficult to comprehend these -truths; that time is past. The revolutions in which for some centuries -the different nations of Europe have been successively involved, have -brought within the reach of the least intelligent that social law so -frequently realized, viz. that anarchy leads to despotism, and that -despotism begets anarchy. Never, at any time, in any nation (history -and experience prove the fact), have anti-social ideas been inculcated, -the minds of the people been imbued with the spirit of insubordination -and rebellion, without almost immediately provoking the application -of the only remedy at the command of nations in such conflicts, the -establishment of a very strong government, which justly or unjustly, -legally or not, lifts up its iron arm over every one, and makes all -heads bend under its yoke. To clamor and tumult succeeds the most -profound silence; the people then easily become resigned to their new -condition, for reflection and instinct teach them that although it is -well to possess a certain amount of liberty, the first want of society -is self-preservation. - -What was the case in Germany, after the introduction of Protestantism -by a succession of religious revolutions? Maxims destructive of -all society were propagated, factions formed, insurrections took -place; upon the field of battle and upon the scaffolds blood flowed -in torrents; but no sooner did the instinct of social preservation -begin to operate, than, instead of popular forms being established -and taking root, every thing tended towards the opposite extreme. -And was not this the country in which the people had been flattered -by the prospect of unrestrained liberty, of a repartition and even a -community of property; in fine, by the promise of the most absolute -equality in every thing. Yet, in this same country, the most striking -inequality prevailed, and the feudal aristocracy preserved its full -force. In other countries, in which no such hopes of liberty and -equality had been held out, we can scarcely discover the limits which -separated the nobility from the people. In Germany, the nobility still -retained their wealth and their preponderance, were still surrounded by -titles, privileges, and distinctions of every description. In that very -country, in which there were such outcries against the power of kings, -in which the name of king was declared synonymous with tyrant, the most -absolute monarchy was established; and the apostate of the Teutonic -order founded that kingdom of Prussia, from which representative forms -are still excluded.[C] In Denmark, Protestantism was established, and -with it absolute power immediately took deep root; in Sweden we find, -at the very same time, the power of Gustavus established. - - [C] When this was written.--Tr. - -What was the case in England? Representative forms were not introduced -into that country by Protestantism; they existed centuries before, -as well as in other nations of Europe. But the monarch who founded -the Anglican Church was distinguished for his despotism, and the -Parliament, which ought to have restrained him, was most shamefully -degraded. What idea can we form of the liberty of a country whose -legislators and representatives debased themselves so far as to -declare, that any one obtaining a knowledge of the illicit amours of -the Queen is bound, under pain of high treason, to bring an accusation -against her? What can we think of the liberty of a country, in -which the very men who ought to defend that liberty, cringe with so -much baseness to the unruly passions of the monarch, that they are -not ashamed, in order to flatter the jealousy of the sovereign, to -establish that any young female who should marry a king of England, -should, under a pain of high treason, be compelled before her marriage -to reveal any stain there might be on her virtue? Such ignominious -enactments are certainly a stronger proof of abject servility than -the declaration of that same Parliament, establishing that the mere -will of the monarch should have the force of law. Representative forms -preserved in that country at a time when they had disappeared from -almost every other nation of Europe, were not, however, a guarantee -against tyranny; for the English cannot assuredly boast of the liberty -they enjoyed under the reigns of Henry VIII. and Elizabeth. Perhaps in -no country in Europe was less liberty enjoyed, in no country were the -people more oppressed under popular forms, in no country did despotism -prevail to a greater extent. If there be anything which can convince -us of these truths, in case the facts already cited should be found -insufficient, it is undoubtedly the efforts made by the English to -acquire liberty. And if the efforts made to shake off the yoke of -oppression are to be regarded as a sure sign of its galling effects, -we are justified in thinking that the oppression under which England -was groaning must have been very severe, since that country has passed -through so long and terrible a revolution, in which so many tears and -so much blood has been shed. - -When we consider what has taken place in France, we remark that -religious wars have always given an ascendency to royal power. After -such long agitations, so many troubles and civil wars, we see the reign -of Louis XIV., and we hear that proud monarch exclaim, "_I am the -state._" We have here the most complete personification of the absolute -power which always follows anarchy. Have the European nations had to -complain of the unlimited power exercised by monarchs? have they had -to regret that all the representative forms which could ensure their -liberties perished under the ascendency of the throne? Let them blame -Protestantism for it, which spreading the germs of anarchy all over -Europe, created an imperious, urgent, and inevitable necessity for -centralizing rule, for fortifying royal power: it was necessary to -stop up every source from which dissolvent principles might flow, and -to keep within narrow bounds all the elements which, by contact and -vicinity, were ready to ignite and produce a fatal conflagration. - -Every reflecting man will agree with me on this point. Considering the -aggrandizement of absolute power, they will discover in it nothing -but the realization of a fact already long ago everywhere observed. -Assuredly, the monarchs of Europe cannot be compared, either by the -fact of their origin or the character of their measures, to those -despots who, under different titles, have usurped the command of -society at the critical moment when it was near its dissolution; but -it may be said with reason, that the unlimited extent of their power -has been caused by a great social necessity, viz. that of one sole and -forcible authority, without which the preservation of public order was -impossible. We cannot without dismay take a view of Europe after the -appearance of Protestantism. What frightful dissolution! What erroneous -ideas! What relaxation of morals! What a multitude of sects! What -animosity in men's minds! What rage, what ferocity! Violent disputes, -interminable debates, accusations, recriminations without end; -troubles, rebellion, intestine and foreign wars, sanguinary battles, -and atrocious punishments. Such is the picture that Europe presents; -such are the effects of this apple of discord thrown among men who are -brethren. And what was sure to be the result of this confusion, of -this retrograde movement, by which society seemed returning to violent -means, to the tyranny of might over right? The result was sure to be -what it has in fact been: the instinct of preservation, stronger than -the passions and the frenzy of man, was sure to prevail; it suggested -to Europe the only means of self-preservation; royal power, already in -the ascendant, and verging towards its highest point, was sure to end -by attaining it in reality; there to become isolated and completely -separated from the people, and to impose silence on popular passions. -What ought to have been effected by a wise direction of ideas, was -accomplished by the force of a very powerful institution; the vigor -of the sceptre had to neutralize the impulse given to society towards -its ruin. If we consider attentively, we shall find that such is the -meaning of the event of 1680 in Sweden, when that country was subjected -to the fierce will of Charles XI.; such the meaning of the event of -1669 in Denmark, when that nation, wearied with anarchy, supplicated -King Frederick III. to declare the monarchy hereditary and absolute, -which he in fact did; such, in fine, is the meaning of what took place -in Holland in 1747, and of the creation of an hereditary stadtholder. -If we require more convincing examples, we have the despotism of -Cromwell in England after such terrible revolutions, and that of -Napoleon in France after the republic.[37] - - - - -CHAPTER LXIV. - -STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE THREE SOCIAL ELEMENTS. - - -When once these three elements of government, monarchy, aristocracy, -and democracy, began each to contend for the ascendency, the most -certain means of securing the victory to monarchy, to the exclusion -of the other two elements, was to drive one of these latter into acts -of turbulence and outrage; for it thus became absolutely necessary to -establish one sole, powerful, unfettered centre of action, that would -be able to awe the turbulent and to insure public order. Now, just -at this time, the position of the popular element was full of hope, -but also beset with dangers; and hence, to preserve the influence -it had already acquired, and to increase its ascendency and power, -the greatest moderation and circumspection were requisite. Monarchy -had already acquired great power, and, having obtained it in part by -espousing the cause of the people against the lords, it came to be -regarded as the natural protector of popular interests. It certainly -had some claims to this title, but no less certainly did it find in -this circumstance a most favorable opportunity for extending its power -to an unlimited degree, at the expense of the rights and liberties of -the people. - -There existed a germ of division between the aristocracy and the -commons, which afforded the monarchs an opportunity of curtailing the -rights and powers of the lords, convinced, moreover, as they were, that -any measure tending to such an object would be well received by the -multitude. But, on the other hand, the monarch might rest assured that -the lords would hail with delight any act tending to humble the people, -who already had raised their heads so high when the feudal aristocracy -was to be resisted; and, in this case, if the people committed any -excesses, if they adopted maxims and doctrines subversive of public -order, no one could prevent the monarch from putting a stop to their -proceedings by all possible means. The lords, who were powerful enough -to repress such disorders themselves, would very naturally be glad to -leave such a work to the monarch, fearing lest the people, in their -exasperation against them, might deprive them of their prerogatives, -their honors, their property, and even of their lives; or from the -secret satisfaction they would naturally feel at seeing that rival -power brought down which had recently humbled themselves, and whose -rivalry had been maintained through so many and such ferocious -struggles. In such an undertaking, the lords would naturally bring -the whole weight of their influence to the support of the monarch, -thus taking advantage of the false direction given to the popular -movement to revenge themselves upon the people, whilst veiling their -vengeance under the pretext of public utility. The people, it is true, -possessed various means of defence; but when isolated and opposed to -the throne, they found these means too weak to afford them any hope of -victory. Learning, indeed, was no longer the exclusive patrimony of any -privileged class, but knowledge had not had time to become diffused so -far as to form a public opinion strong enough to exercise any direct -influence upon the affairs of government. The art of printing was -already producing its results, but was not yet sufficiently developed -to produce that rapid and extensive circulation of ideas which has -subsequently been attained. Notwithstanding the efforts everywhere -made at that time to promote the diffusion of knowledge, we need only -understand correctly the nature and character of the knowledge of the -period, to be convinced that neither in substance nor in form was -it calculated to become, to any general extent, the property of the -popular classes. Thanks to the progress of commerce and the arts, there -arose, it is true, a new description of wealth, destined of necessity -to become the patrimony of the people. But commerce and the arts were -then in their infancy, and did not possess either the extent or the -influence which, at a later period, connected them intimately with -every branch of society. Except in some few countries of very little -importance, the position of the merchant and the artizan could not -secure them any great amount of influence of itself. - -Considering the course of events, and the elevation which royal power -had acquired on the ruins of feudalism, the only means for restricting -monarchical power, until the democratic element should have acquired -sufficient force to be respected, was the union of the aristocracy -with the people. But such a coalition was not easily to be obtained, -since between the aristocracy and the people there existed so much -animosity and rivalry--a rivalry which, to a certain extent, was -inevitable, owing to the opposition of their respective interests. -We must bear in mind, however, that the nobility were not the only -aristocracy; there was another much more powerful and influential than -they--the clergy. This latter class was at that time possessed of all -the ascendency and influence which both moral and material means can -confer; in fact, besides the religious character, which insured the -respect and veneration of the people, they were possessed, at the same -time, of abundant riches; which easily secured to them, on the one -hand, gratitude and influence; and, on the other, made them feared by -the great, and respected by monarchs. Now, here is one of the leading -mistakes of Protestantism: to crush the power of the clergy at such a -time, was to accelerate the complete victory of absolute monarchy, to -leave the people defenceless, the monarch unrestrained, aristocracy -without a bond of union, without a vital principle; it was to prevent -the three elements--monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy--from uniting -to form a limited government, towards which almost all the European -nations appeared to be inclining. We have already seen that it was -not at that time expedient to isolate the people, for their political -existence was still feeble and precarious; and it is no less evident -that the nobility, as a means of government, ought not to have been -left to themselves. This class, possessing no other vital principle -than that derived from their titles and privileges, were incapable of -resisting the attacks continually aimed at them by the royal power. In -spite of themselves, the nobility were under the necessity of yielding -to the monarch's will, of abandoning their inaccessible castles, -to resort to the sumptuous palaces of kings, and play the part of -courtiers. - -Protestantism crushed the power of the clergy, not only in the -countries in which it succeeded in implanting its errors, but also in -others. In fact, where it could not fully introduce itself, its ideas, -when not in open opposition to the Catholic faith, exercised a certain -degree of influence. From that time the power of the clergy lost its -principal support in the political influence of the Popes, for whilst -kings assumed a tone of greater boldness against the pretensions of the -Holy See, the Popes, on their side, that they might give no pretext, no -occasion for the declamations of Protestants, were obliged to act with -great circumspection in every thing relating to temporal affairs. All -this has been regarded as the progress of European civilization,--as -one step towards liberty; however, the rapid sketch which I have just -given of the political condition of that period, clearly proves that, -instead of taking the surest way to the development of representative -forms, the road to absolute monarchy was chosen. Protestantism, -interested in crushing by all possible means the power of the Popes, -exalted that of kings even in spiritual matters. By thus concentrating -in their hands the spiritual and temporal powers, it left the throne -without any sort of counterpoise. By destroying the hope of obtaining -liberty by peaceable means, it led the people to have recourse to -force, and opened the crater of those revolutions which have cost -modern Europe so many tears. - -In order that the forms of political liberty should take root and -attain to perfection, they were not to be forced prematurely from -the atmosphere which gave them birth; for in this atmosphere existed -together the monarchical, aristocratical, and popular elements, -all strengthened and directed by the Catholic religion; under the -influence of this same religion, these elements were being gradually -combined, politics were not to be separated from religion. Instead -of regarding the clergy as a fatal element, it was important to look -upon them as a mediator among all classes and powers, ready to calm -the ardor of strife, to place bounds against excess, to prevent the -exclusive preponderance of the monarch, the nobility, or the people. -Whenever powers and interests of different natures are to be combined, -a mediator is essential, or some sort of intervention to prevent -violent shocks; if this mediator does not exist in the very nature of -the circumstances, recourse must be had to the law for the creation -of one. From this it is evident what an evil Protestantism inflicted -upon Europe; since its first act was completely to isolate the temporal -power, to place it in rivalship and hostility to the spiritual, and -to leave no mediator between the monarch and the people. The lay -aristocracy at once lost their political influence; for they had now -lost their force and bond of union, which they derived from their -connection with the ecclesiastical aristocracy. When once the nobles -were reduced to mere courtiers, the power of the throne was entirely -without a counterpoise. - -I have said it, and I repeat it, that the strengthening of the royal -power, even at the expense of the rights and liberties of the lords -and of the commons, tended powerfully to the maintenance of public -order, and consequently to the progress of civilization; but, at the -same time, the extreme preponderance obtained by this power is much to -be lamented; and it may be well to reflect, that one of the principal -causes of this preponderance was the removal of the clergy from the -sphere of politics. At the commencement of the sixteenth century, the -question no longer was, whether those numerous castles should be left -standing, from the heights of which proud barons gave the law to their -vassals, and held themselves justified in despising the ordinances of -the monarch; nor whether that long list of communal liberties should be -preserved, which had no connection with each other, which were opposed -to the pretensions of the great, and at the same time embarrassed the -action of the sovereign, by preventing the formation of a central -government capable of insuring order, of protecting legitimate -interests, of giving an impulse to the movement of civilization, which -had everywhere commenced with so much activity. This was no longer -the question; on all sides the castles were being levelled, the great -lords were descending from their fortresses, and becoming more humane -towards the people; they were giving up their exactions, and beginning -to show respect to the power of the monarch; and the commons, obliged -to submit to an amalgamation of the multitude of petty states, to form -extensive monarchies, were forced to part with so much of their rights -and liberties as was opposed to the system of general centralization. - -The question was, to discover whether there existed any means of -limiting power, and yet securing to the people the benefits of its -centralization and augmentation; whether it was possible, without -embarrassing or weakening the action of power, to secure to the people -a reasonable amount of influence over the progress of affairs, and, -above all, the right they had already acquired of watching over the -public revenues. That is, at once to prevent the sanguinary horrors -of revolutions, and the abuses and disorders of court favorites. The -people alone were incapable of preserving this influence, unless -they had been furnished with a knowledge of the public affairs; an -indispensable resource in such a case, but of which they were in -general completely destitute. I do not mean to deny the existence of -a certain kind of knowledge amongst the commons; but we must bear -in mind that the term _public affairs_ had acquired an extensive -signification; for it was not merely applied to a municipality or -a province; centralization becoming everywhere more general and -triumphant, caused this term to be applied to whole kingdoms, not -merely considered as isolated, but in the whole of their relations with -other nations. From that time European civilization began to assume -that character of _generality_, which still distinguishes it: from that -time, to understand aright the private affairs of any one kingdom, it -was necessary to look abroad over the whole of Europe, sometimes over -the whole world. Men capable of such elevated views could not be very -common in society; moreover, as the most exalted part of society was -attracted by the splendor of the throne of the monarch, a focus of -intelligence was sure to be formed there, with exclusive pretensions to -the government. Compare with this centre of action and intelligence, -the people alone, still weak and ignorant, and the result may be -easily guessed. Weakness and ignorance never prevailed over force and -intelligence. But, what remedy was there for this difficulty? The -preservation of the Catholic religion all over Europe, and consequently -the influence of the clergy; for it is well known that the clergy were -still considered at this epoch as the centre of learning. - -Those who have extolled Protestantism for having weakened the influence -of the Catholic clergy, have not sufficiently reflected upon the -nature of that influence. It would have been difficult to discover at -that epoch a class of citizens connected with the three elements of -power by common interests with each, and yet not exclusively allied -to any. Monarchy had nothing to fear from the clergy. In fact, how -can we imagine that the ministers of a religion regarding power as an -emanation from Heaven would declare themselves the enemies of royal -power, which was acknowledged to be at the head of all others? Neither -had the aristocracy any thing to apprehend on the part of the clergy, -so long as they did not outstep the bounds of reason. The titles, by -virtue of which they claimed the possession of riches, their rights to -a certain degree of consideration and of precedence were not likely to -be combated by a class whose principles and interests were necessarily -favorable to every thing within the bounds of reason, of justice, and -of the laws. The democracy, comprising the generality of the people, -found support and most generous protection in the Church. How could the -Church, which had labored so much to emancipate them from the ancient -slavery, and at a later period from feudal chains, declare herself -the enemy of a class which might be considered as her creature? If -the people experienced an amelioration in their civil condition, it -was owing to the efforts of the clergy; if they acquired political -influence, it was owing to the amelioration of their condition--another -favor obtained through the influence of the clergy; and if the clergy -had any where a sure support, it was natural to look for it in that -popular class which, continually in contact with them, received from -them their inspirations and instructions. - -Besides, the Church selected her members indiscriminately from all -classes. To elevate a man to the sacred ministry she required neither -titles of nobility nor riches, and this alone was sufficient to insure -intimate relations between the clergy and the people, and to prevent -the latter from regarding them with aversion and estrangement. Hence -the clergy, united to all classes, were an element perfectly adapted -to prevent the exclusive preponderance of any of these classes, to -maintain all social elements in a certain gentle and productive -fermentation, which in time would have produced and matured a natural -combination. I do not mean to assert that there would not have arisen -differences, disputes, perhaps conflicts, inevitable occurrences so -long as men shall be men; but who does not see that the terrible -effusion of blood in the wars of Germany, in the revolutions of England -and France, would have been impossible? It will be said, perhaps, that -the spirit of European civilization necessarily tended to diminish the -extreme inequality of classes; I grant it, and will even add, that this -tendency was conformable to the principles and maxims of the Christian -religion, continually reminding men of their equality before God, -of their common origin and destination, of the emptiness of honors -and riches, and proclaiming that virtue is the only thing solid upon -earth, the only thing capable of rendering us pleasing in the eyes of -God. But to reform is not to destroy; to cure the disease, we must not -kill the patient. It was deemed better to overthrow at one blow what -might have been corrected by legal means; European civilization having -been corrupted by the fatal innovations of the sixteenth century, -legitimate authority having been disregarded even in matters within its -exclusive sphere, its mild and beneficent action has been replaced by -the disastrous expedients of violence. Three centuries of calamity have -more or less opened the eyes of nations, by teaching them how perilous -it is, even for the success of an enterprise, to confide it to the -cruel hazard of the employment of force; but it is probable that if -Protestantism, like an apple of discord, had not been thrown into the -middle of Europe, all these great social and political questions would, -at the present time, be much nearer being solved in a safe, peaceable, -and certain manner, if, indeed, they had not been already solved long -since.[38] - - - - -CHAPTER LXV. - -POLITICAL DOCTRINES BEFORE THE APPEARANCE OF PROTESTANTISM. - - -In matters appertaining to representative government, modern political -science boasts of its great progress: we hear it continually asserting -that the school in which the deputies of the Constituent Assembly -imbibed their lessons was totally ignorant of political constitutions. -Now when we compare the doctrines of the predominating school of the -present day with those of the preceding school, what difference do we -discover between them? On what points do they differ? Where is this -boasted progress? - -The school of the eighteenth century said: "The king is the natural -enemy of the people; his power must either be totally destroyed, or at -least so far restrained and limited, that he may only appear with his -hands tied on the summit of the social edifice, merely invested with -the faculty of approving the measures of the representatives of the -people." And what says the modern school, which boasts of its progress, -of the advantage it has derived from experience, and of having hit the -exact point marked out by reason and good sense? "Monarchy," says this -school, "is essential to the great European nations; the attempts at -republicanism made in America, whatever may be their results, require, -as yet, the test of time; besides, they were made under circumstances -very different from those in which we are placed, and consequently, -are not to be imitated by us. The king should not be regarded as the -enemy of the people, but as their father; instead of presenting him to -public view with his hands tied, he should be represented surrounded -with power, grandeur, and even with majesty and pomp; without which it -is impossible for the throne to fulfil the high functions with which -it is invested. The king should be inviolable--not nominally, but -really and effectually, so that his power cannot, under any pretext, -be attacked. He should be placed in a sphere beyond the whirlwind of -passion and party, like a tutelar divinity, a stranger to mean views -and base passions; he ought to be, as it were, the representative of -reason and justice." "Fools," exclaims this school to its adversaries, -"can you not see that it would be better to have no king at all than -such a one as you would have? Your king would always be an enemy to the -constitution, for he would find this constitution always attacking, -embarrassing, restricting, and humiliating him." - -We will now compare this progress with the doctrines predominating in -Europe long before the appearance of Protestantism. This comparison -will enable us to show clearly that every thing reasonable, just, and -useful, contained in these doctrines, was already known and generally -propagated in Europe when society was under the exclusive influence of -the Catholic Church. - -_A king is essential_, says the modern school; and, thanks to the -influence of the Catholic religion, all the great nations of Europe had -a king: _the king must not be regarded as the enemy, but as the father -of the people_; and he was already called the father of the people: -_the power of the king should be great_; that power was great: _the -king should be inviolable, his person sacred_; his person was sacred, -and his prerogative insured to him by the Church from the earliest -ages, in an august and solemn ceremony, that of his coronation. "The -people are supreme," said the school of the last century; "the law is -the expression of the general will, the representatives of the people -are alone, therefore, invested with legislative faculties; the monarch -cannot resist this will. The laws are submitted to his sanction through -mere formality; if the king refuses this sanction, the laws are to -undergo another examination; but if the will of the representatives of -the people still remains the same, it shall be raised to the dignity -of law; and the monarch who, by the refusal of his sanction, shall show -that he regards this general will as detrimental to the public good, -shall be compelled, at the expense of his dignity and independence, to -give effect to it." - -In reply to this, the modern school says: "The supremacy of the -people is either unmeaning, or has a dangerous sense; the law should -not be the expression of will, but of reason; mere will does not -constitute a law; for this purpose, reason, justice, and public -expediency are required." These ideas were general long before the -sixteenth century, not only amongst educated men, but even among the -most simple and ignorant classes. A doctor of the thirteenth century -admirably expressed it in his habitual laconic language: "_It is a -rule dictated by reason, and having the common weal for its aim._" -"Would you," continued the modern school, "have royal power a truth, -you must assign it the first place among legislative powers; you must -entrust it with an absolute _veto_. In the ancient cortes, in the -ancient states-general and parliaments, the king did occupy this place -among the legislative powers; nothing was done without his consent; he -possessed _an absolute veto_." - -"Away with classes!" exclaims the Constituent Assembly; "away with -distinctions! The king face to face with the people, directly -and immediately; the rest is an attempt against imprescriptible -rights." "You are rash," replies the modern school; "if there are -no distinctions, they must be created. If there are not in society -classes forming in themselves a second legislative body a mediator -between the king and the people, there must be artificial ones; -through the medium of the law must be created what does not exist in -society; if reality is wanting, recourse must be had to fiction." Now -these classes existed in ancient society, they took part in public -affairs, they were organized as active instruments, they formed the -first legislative bodies. I ask now, whether this parallel does not -show, as clear as the light of day, that what is now termed progress -in matters of government, is, in fact, a true return towards what was -every where taught and practised under the influence of the Catholic -religion before the appearance of Protestantism? In addressing -myself to men endowed with the least intelligence upon social and -political questions, I may assuredly dispense with the differences -which must necessarily result from the two epochs. I grant that the -course of events would of itself have caused important modifications; -political institutions were to be accommodated to the fresh wants -to be satisfied. But I maintain, at the same time, that, so far as -circumstances permitted, European civilization was advancing on the -right road to a better state, containing within itself the means -necessary for reforming without destroying. But for this purpose a -spontaneous development of events was necessary to bear in mind that -the mere action of man is of little avail, that sudden attempts are -dangerous; that the great productions of society are like those of -nature, both requiring an indispensable element, _time_. - -There is one fact which appears to me to have been too little reflected -upon, although including the explanation of some strange phenomena -of the last three centuries. This fact is, that Protestantism has -prevented civilization from becoming homogeneous, in spite of a -strong tendency urging all the nations of Europe to homogeneity. The -civilization of the nations without doubt receives its nature and -its characteristics from the principles that have given it life and -movement; now these principles being the same, or very nearly so, -in all the nations of Europe, these nations must have borne a close -resemblance to each other. History and philosophy agree on this -point; therefore, so long as the European nations did not receive -the inculcation of any germ of division, their civil and political -institutions were developed with a very remarkable similarity. True, -certain differences were observable in them, which were the inevitable -consequences of a variety of circumstances; but we see that they -were becoming more and more alike and forming Europe into one vast -whole, of which we can scarcely form a correct idea, accustomed as we -are to ideas of disunion. This homogeneity would have arrived at its -perfection through the effect of the rapidity which the increase and -prosperity of commerce and the arts gave to intellectual and material -communications; the art of printing would have contributed to it more -than anything else, for the ebb and flow of ideas would have dispersed -the inequalities separating the nations one from another. - -But unfortunately, Protestantism appeared and separated the European -people into two great families, which, since their division, have -professed a mortal hatred towards each other. This hatred has been the -cause of furious wars, in which torrents of blood have been shed. One -thing yet more fatal than these catastrophies was the germ of civil, -political, and literary schism, introduced into the bosom of Europe -by the absence of religious unity. Civil and political institutions, -and all the branches of learning, had appeared and prospered in Europe -under the influence of religion; the schism was religious; it affected -even the root, and extended to the branches. Thus arose among the -various nations those brazen walls which kept them separate; the spirit -of suspicion and mistrust was everywhere spread; things which before -would have been deemed innocent or without importance, from that time -were looked upon as eminently dangerous. - -What uneasiness, disquietude, and agitation must have been the result -of these fatal complications! We may say that in this detestable germ -is contained the history of the calamities with which Europe was -afflicted during the last three centuries. To what may we attribute the -Anabaptist wars in Germany, those of the empire, and the Thirty-years -war; those of the Huguenots in France, and the bloody scenes of the -League; and that profound source of division, that uninterrupted series -of discord, which beginning with the Huguenots, was continued by the -Jansenists, and then by philosophers, terminating in the Convention? -Had England not contained in her bosom that nest of sects engendered -by Protestantism, would she have had to suffer the disasters of a -revolution which lasted so many years? Had Henry VIII. not seceded from -the Catholic Church, Great Britain would not have passed two-thirds of -the sixteenth century in the most atrocious religious persecutions, -and under the most brutal despotism; she would not have been drowned -during the greater part of the seventeenth in torrents of blood, shed -by sectarian fanaticism. Had it not been for Protestantism, would -England have been in the fatal position in which she is placed by the -Irish question, scarcely leaving her a choice between a dismemberment -of the empire and a terrible revolution? Would not nations of brethren -have found the means of coming to an amicable understanding, if, during -the last three centuries, religious discords had not separated them by -a lake of blood? Those offensive and defensive confederations between -nation and nation, which divided Europe into two parties, as inimical -to each other as the Christians to the Mussulmans, that traditional -hatred between the North and the South, that profound separation -between Protestant and Catholic Germany, between Spain and England, -between that country and France, were sure to have an extraordinary -effect in retarding communications between European nations; and what -would have been obtained much sooner by moral means, could only be -obtained by material ones. Steam tends to convert Europe into one vast -city; if men who were one day to live under the same roof hated one -another for three centuries, what was the cause of it? If people's -hearts had been united long before in mutual affection, would not the -happy moment in which they were to join hands have been hastened? - - - - -CHAPTER LXVI. - -POLITICAL DOCTRINES IN SPAIN. - - -My explanation of this matter would be incomplete, were I to leave the -following difficulty unresolved: "In Spain, Catholicity has prevailed -exclusively, and under it an absolute monarchy was established, a -sufficient indication that Catholic doctrines are inimical to political -liberty." The great majority of men never look deeply into the real -nature of things, nor pay due attention to the true meaning of words. -Present them with something in strong relief that will make a vivid -impression on their imagination, and they take facts just as they -appear at the first glance, thoughtlessly confounding _causality_ with -_coincidence_. It cannot be denied that the empire of the Catholic -religion _coincided_ in Spain with the final _preponderance_ of -absolute monarchy; but the question is, _Was the Catholic religion -the true cause of this preponderance?_ Was it she that overturned the -ancient cortes, to establish the throne of absolute monarchs on the -ruins of popular institutions? - -Before we commence our examination into the cause that destroyed the -influence of the nation on public affairs, it may be well to remind the -reader that in Denmark, Sweden, and Germany, absolutism was established -and upheld in juxtaposition with Protestantism. Hence the argument of -coincidence is very little worth, as, owing to the exact identity of -circumstances in the two cases, it could just as well be proved that -Protestantism leads to absolutism. I will just observe here, that -in my endeavors to demonstrate in the foregoing chapters that the -pseudo-Reformation tended to the overthrow of political liberty, I -have not rested my arguments upon coincidences only, however careful -I may have been to point them out to the reader. I have said that -Protestantism, by diffusing dissolvent doctrines, had occasioned a -necessity for an extension of temporal power; that by destroying the -political influence of the clergy and the Popes, it had destroyed the -equilibrium between the social classes, left no counterpoise to the -throne, and further augmented the power of the monarch, by granting him -ecclesiastical supremacy in Protestant countries, and exaggerating his -prerogatives in Catholic nations. - -But we will dismiss these general considerations, and fix our attention -upon Spain. This nation has the misfortune to be one of those that -are least known; its history is not properly studied, nor are sound -views taken of its present condition. Its troubles, its rebellions, -its civil wars, proclaim that it has not yet received its true system -of government, which proves that the nation to be governed is but -imperfectly understood. Its history is, if possible, still less -perfectly understood. The present influence of events already very -remote, works secretly and almost imperceptibly; and hence the eye -of the observer is satisfied with a superficial view of affairs, -and he forms his opinions too hastily--opinions which too often, in -consequence, take the place of facts and reality. In treating of the -causes that have deprived Spain of her political liberty, almost all -authors fix their attention principally or exclusively upon Castile, -giving monarchs infinitely more credit for sagacity than the course -of events would seem to justify. They generally select the war of the -_Communeros_ as their point of view, and, according to certain writers, -but for the defeat at Villalar, the liberties of Spain would have been -forever secure. I admit that the war of the _Communeros_ affords an -excellent point of view for the study of this matter; in fact, the -field of Villalar was in some measure witness to the conclusion of -the drama. Castile should be regarded as the centre of events; and it -is here that the Spanish monarchs gave proof of great sagacity in the -manner in which they brought the enterprise to a close. Nevertheless, -I do not deem it just to give an exclusive preference to one of these -considerations, and it does appear to me that the real state of the -question is generally misconceived: effects are taken for causes, -accessories for principals. - -In my opinion, the ruin of free institutions resulted from the -following causes:--1st, the premature and immoderately extensive -development of these institutions; 2dly, the formation of the Spanish -nation out of a successive reunion of very heterogeneous parts, all -possessing institutions extremely popular; 3dly, the establishment of -the centre of power in the middle of the provinces where these forms -were most restricted, and where the authority of the crown was the -greatest; 4thly, the extreme abundance of wealth, the power and the -splendor which the Spanish people saw everywhere around them, and which -lulled them to sleep in the arms of prosperity; 5thly, the exclusively -military position of the Spanish monarchs, whose armies were everywhere -victorious, their military power and prestige being at their height -precisely at the critical time when the quarrel had to be decided. I -will take a rapid view of these causes, although the nature of this -work does not permit me to devote to them the space which the gravity -and importance of the subject demand. The reader will pardon me this -political digression on account of the close connection existing -between this subject and the religious question. - -As regards popular forms of government, Spain has been in advance -of all monarchical nations. This is an indubitable fact. In Spain, -these forms received a premature and extreme development; and this -contributed to their ruin, as a child sickens and dies, if, in its -tender years, its growth is too rapid, or its intellect too precocious. -This active spirit of liberty, this multitude of _fueros_ and of -privileges, these impediments everywhere placed in the way of power, -checking the rapidity and energy of its action--this great development -of the popular element, in its very nature restless and turbulent, -existing simultaneously with the wealth, the power, and the pride -of the aristocracy, very naturally gave rise to many commotions. -Elements so numerous, so various, and so opposite to each other, which, -moreover, had not time to be combined so as to form a peaceable and -harmonious whole, were not likely to work tranquilly together. Order is -the prime necessity of society; it is essential to the growth of the -ideas, the manners, and the laws of a nation. Wherever there exists -a germ of continual disorder, how deep soever it may have struck its -roots, it is sure to be extirpated, or at least crushed, so as no -longer to keep public tranquillity in perpetual danger. The municipal -and political organization of Spain had this inconvenience, and hence -an imperative necessity for its modification. But the ideas and the -manners of the time were such, that matters could not be expected to -stop at a simple modification. The system of constituencies, which so -easily creates numerous assemblies, either to enact new fundamental -codes or to reform the old ones, was not then understood as it is in -our days; neither were men's ideas at that time so generalized as to -place them above all that exclusively and particularly relates to a -people, at a point of elevation whence they could no longer observe -every petty local object, but had their attention wholly engrossed -by mankind, society, the nation, or the government. It was not so at -that time: a charter of liberty granted by a king to a city or a town; -an immunity wrested from a feudal lord by his armed vassals; some -privilege obtained in reward of warlike achievements, or sometimes -granted as a recompense for the bravery of a man's ancestors; a -concession to the cortes, made by the monarch in exchange for the grant -of a contribution, or, as it was then termed, of a _service_,--a law or -custom, the antiquity of which lay hidden in the depths of the past, or -confounded with the infancy of monarchy: such, to give a few instances, -were the titles of which they were proud, and which they maintained -with jealous ardor. - -Liberty now-a-days is more vague, and sometimes less positive, owing -to the generalization and elevation which men's ideas have assumed; -but then it is far less liable to destruction. Speaking a language -well understood by the people, and appearing as the common cause of -all nations, it awakens universal sympathies, and is in a position to -found more extensive associations as a guarantee against the attacks -of power. The words liberty, equality, rights of man, intervention -of the people in public affairs, ministerial responsibility, public -opinion, liberty of the press, toleration, and other similar ones, do -undoubtedly contain a great diversity of meanings, which it would be -difficult to determine and to classify when we come to make a specific -application of them; and yet these words present to the mind certain -ideas which, although complicated and confused, have a false appearance -of clearness and simplicity. On the other hand, these words represent -certain striking objects that dazzle the mind by their vivid and -flattering colors, and hence they cannot be uttered without exciting -a lively interest; they are understood by the masses, and hence every -self-constituted champion of the ideas they convey is at once regarded -as a defender of the rights of all mankind. But imagine yourself -living among the people of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and -your position will be found very different. Take for your subject the -franchises of Catalonia or of Castile, and address yourself to the -Aragonese, who were so intractable on the subject of their _fueros_, -and you will produce no effect--will not succeed in awakening either -their zeal or their interest; a charter that does not contain the -name of one of their towns or cities is, in their eyes, a thing of -no importance, and foreign to their wishes. This inconvenience, -originating in the ideas of the times, which were naturally confined -to local circumstances, became very great in Spain, where, under the -same sceptre, there was formed an amalgamation of people differing most -widely in their manners, in their municipal and political organization, -and divided, moreover, by rivalries and animosities. In such a state -of things it was comparatively easy to curtail the liberties of one -province without giving umbrage to the others, or exciting their -apprehensions for their own liberties. If, at the period of the -insurrections of the _Communeros_ in Castile against Charles V., there -had existed that communication of ideas and sentiments, and those -lively sympathies, which at the present time unite people together, -the defeat of Villalar would have been a simple defeat and nothing -more; the cry of alarm, resounding throughout Aragon and Castile, would -certainly have given more trouble to the young and ill-advised monarch. -But such was not the case; all the efforts of the people were isolated, -and consequently barren of results. The royal power, proceeding upon a -fixed and steady plan, was able to beat down piecemeal these scattered -forces, and the result was not doubtful. In 1521, Padilla, Bravo, and -Maldonado perished on the scaffold; in 1591, D. Diego de Heredia, D. -Juan de Luna, and the Justiciary himself, D. Antonio de Lanuza, met the -same fate; when, in 1640, the Catalonians rose in insurrection for the -defence of their rights, notwithstanding the manifestos they issued to -attract supporters, they found no one to assist them. There were then -no flying sheets, coming every morning to fix the attention of the -people upon all sorts of questions, and to stir up alarm at the least -appearance of danger to their liberties. The people, warmly attached -to their customs and usages, satisfied with the nominal confirmations -which their monarchs were daily giving to their _fueros_, proud also of -the respect shown to their ancient liberties, were little aware that -they were confronted by a sagacious adversary, who never resorted to -force but to effect a decisive blow, yet constantly held his powerful -arm ready to crush them. An attentive study of the history of Spain -will show that the concentration of the whole governing power in the -hands of the monarch, to the exclusion, as far as was possible, of -popular influence, dates from the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella. Nor -is this surprising; for there was then a greater necessity for such -a course, and it could be more easily adopted. There was a greater -necessity; for, from that time, the action of government began to -extend from one common center over the whole of Spain, the various -portions of which differed so widely in their laws, their manners, and -their customs; hence the central action naturally felt more sensibly -the embarrassment occasioned by so great a diversity of cortes, of -municipalities, of codes, and of privileges; and, as every government -wishes its action to be rapid and efficacious, the idea of simplifying, -uniting, and centralizing their power naturally took possession of the -kings of Spain. It is, in fact, easy to understand that a monarch at -the head of numerous armies, with magnificent fleets at his disposal, -who had, on a hundred occasions, humbled his most powerful foes, and -won the respect of foreign nations, would not like to be continually -going to preside over the cortes in Castile, in Aragon, in Valencia, -and in Catalonia. It would undoubtedly cost him dear to be constantly -repeating the oath binding him to protect the rights and liberties of -his subjects, and listening to the perpetual strain re-echoed in his -ears by the _procuradores_ of Castile, and the _brazos_ of Aragon, -Valencia, and Catalonia. It was hard for him to be obliged humbly to -solicit from the cortes assistance for the expenses of the state, -and particularly for almost continual wars. If he submitted to this, -it was only from the dread of those resolute men, real lions in the -battle-field when fighting in defence of their religion, their country, -and their king, and who would have fought with no less intrepidity in -their streets and houses, had an attempt been made to despoil them of -those rights and franchises which they inherited from their forefathers. - -The union of the crowns of Aragon and Castile alone so far prepared -the way for the ruin of popular institutions, that it followed almost -necessarily. From that time, in fact, the throne had obtained too great -a preponderance for the _fueros_ of the kingdoms recently united to -oppose it with success. To imagine the existence at that period of a -political power capable of resisting the crown, we must suppose all the -assemblies held from time to time in the different kingdoms under the -name of cortes united into one grand national representative body, with -a power analogous to that of the king; we must suppose this central -assembly actuated by a zeal equal to that of the ancient assemblies for -the preservation of their _fueros_ and privileges, ready to sacrifice -all their rivalries to the public good, and advancing towards their -object with a firm step, in one compact mass, and never giving an -advantage to their adversary. In other words, we must suppose what was -utterly impossible at that period; impossible, on account of the ideas, -the habits, and the rivalries of the people; impossible, at a time when -the people were incapable of comprehending the question in so lofty a -sense; impossible, owing to the resistance which it would have met with -from the monarchs; to the embarrassment and complication, arising from -the municipal, social, and political organization. In a word, it was -something impossible to effect or even to conceive. - -Every circumstance was in favor of the aggrandizement of the royal -power. The monarch being no longer merely king of Aragon or of Castile, -but of Spain, the ancient kingdoms dwindled into insignificance before -the majesty and the splendor of the throne, and sank by degrees to -the rank which alone suited them, that of provinces. From that moment -the action of the monarch became more extensive and complicated, -and consequently he could not come so frequently into contact with -his vassals. The celebration of the cortes in each of the recently -united kingdoms, would have occasioned long delays; for the king was -oftentimes engaged at another part of the empire. When sedition was to -be chastised, abuses to be checked, or excesses to be repressed, he -was no longer obliged to have recourse to the forces of the particular -kingdom in which these things occurred, as he could employ the arms -of Castile to subdue insurrection in the kingdom of Aragon, and -those of Aragon to put down the rebels of Castile. Grenada lay at -his feet; Italy yielded to one of his victorious captains; in his -fleet was Columbus, who had just discovered a new world; under these -circumstances, it was in vain to listen for the murmurs of the cortes -and of _ayuntamientos_,--these were no longer heard, they had totally -disappeared. - -Had the national manners had a peaceable tendency, had not Spain been -habituated to war, democratic institutions would probably have been -preserved with less difficulty. Had the attention of the people been -fixed exclusively upon their municipal and political affairs, they -would have better understood their real interests; kings themselves -would not have been so ready to rush into war, and the throne would -in some degree have lost the prestige it obtained from the splendor -and success of its armies; the administration would not have been -imbued with that blunt harshness for which military habits are always -more or less remarkable; and the ancient _fueros_ would thus have -more easily retained some consideration. But precisely at that period -Spain was the most warlike nation in the world; it was in its element -on the battle-field; seven centuries of combats had made it a nation -of soldiers. Its recent victories over the Moors; the exploits of its -armies in Italy; the discoveries of Columbus; every thing, in fine, -contributed to its exaltation, and to inspire it with that spirit of -chivalry which, for so long a time, was one of its distinguishing -characteristics. It was necessary for the king to be a captain; and -he was certain to captivate the minds of Spaniards, so long as he won -renown by brilliant feats of arms. Now, arms are the bane of popular -institutions. After a victory on the field of battle, the order and -discipline of the camp are usually transferred to the city. - -From the time of Ferdinand and Isabella, the throne rose to such a -height of power that liberal institutions were almost lost sight of. -The people and the grandees, it is true, reappeared upon the scene -after the death of Isabella; but this was entirely owing to the -misunderstanding between Ferdinand the Catholic and Philip le Bel, -which impaired the unity, and consequently the strength of the throne; -and hence, as soon as these circumstances disappeared, the throne again -resumed its full preponderance, and that not only during the last -days of Ferdinand, but even under the regency of Ximenes. The men of -Castile, exasperated by the excesses of the Flemish, and encouraged -perhaps by the hope, that the rule of a young monarch would be, as it -usually is, only feeble, again raised their voices; their remonstrances -and complaints speedily ended in commotions and in open insurrection. -Notwithstanding many circumstances highly favorable to the -_Communeros_, and the probability that their conduct would be followed -by all the provinces of the monarchy, we find that the insurrection, -although considerable, did not assume either the importance or extent -of a national movement; a great portion of the Peninsula preserved a -strict neutrality, and the rest inclined to the cause of monarchy. If -I am not mistaken, this fact indicates that the throne had already -obtained an immense prestige, and was regarded as the highest and most -powerful institution. The entire reign of Charles V. was extremely well -calculated to perfect this beginning. Commenced under the auspices of -the battle of Villalar, this reign continued through an uninterrupted -series of wars, in which the treasures and the blood of Spain were -spent with incredible profusion in all the countries of Europe, -Africa, and America. The nation was not allowed time even to think of -its affairs: almost always deprived of the presence of its king, it -had become a province at the disposal of the Emperor of Germany, the -ruler of Europe. True, the cortes of 1538 boldly gave Charles a severe -lecture instead of the succor he demanded. But it was already too -late; the clergy and the nobility were expelled from the cortes, and -the representation of Castile was restricted for the future to the -_procuradores_ alone; that is, it was doomed to be no more than the -shadow of what it had been--a mere instrument of the royal will. - -Much has been said against Philip II.; but, in my opinion, this monarch -merely kept his place, and allowed things to take their natural course. -The crisis was already past; the question already decided; the Spanish -nation could not regain its lost influence, save by the regenerating -action of centuries. Still, we must not imagine that absolute power -was so fully and completely established as to leave not a vestige of -ancient liberty; but this liberty could do nothing from its asylum in -Aragon and Catalonia against the giant that held it in check from the -midst of a country entirely subject to his sway, from the capital of -Castile. The monarchs might probably, by one bold and heavy blow, have -struck down every thing that opposed them; but whatever probabilities -of success they had in the vast means at their disposal, they were very -careful not to make the attempt, but left the inhabitants of Navarre, -the subjects of the crown of Aragon, in the tranquil enjoyment of -their franchises, rights, and privileges. At the same time, they were -careful to prevent the contagion spreading to the other provinces. By -means of partial attacks, and more especially by leading the people to -allow their ancient liberties to fall into desuetude, they gradually -diminished their zeal for them, and insensibly brought them to a habit -of tamely bending under the action of a central power.[39] - - - - -CHAPTER LXVII. - -POLITICAL LIBERTY AND RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE. - - -In the sketch I have here drawn, the rigorous accuracy of which no -one can question, we have not discovered any thing like oppression -in Catholicity, nor any alliance between the clergy and the throne -for the destruction of liberty: what we _have_ discovered is merely -the regular and natural order of things,--a successive development of -events contained in each other, as the plant is contained in the germ. -As for the Inquisition, I think I have said enough respecting it in -the chapters that treat of it: in this place I will merely observe, -that it was not a political instrument in the hands of kings, ready -to be used at their beck. Religion was its object; and as we have -seen, far from losing sight of this object to suit the wishes of the -sovereign, it unhesitatingly condemned the doctrines that would have -unjustly extended the powers of the monarch. Shall I be told, that the -Inquisition was in its very nature intolerant, and consequently opposed -to the growth of liberty? I answer, that toleration, as now understood, -had at that time no existence in any European country. Besides, it was -under the direct and full influence of religious intolerance that the -people were emancipated, municipalities organized, the system of large -representative assemblies established, which, under different names, -and more or less directly, interfered in public affairs. - -Men's ideas were not yet so far perverted as to lead them to believe -that religion was favorable and conducive to the oppression of the -people; on the contrary, we observe in the hearts of these people a -vehement desire for liberty and progress, whilst at the same time they -clung with enthusiasm to a faith, in the sight of which it appeared to -them just and salutary to refuse toleration to any doctrine at variance -with the teaching of the Church of Rome. Unity of faith does not fetter -the people--does not impede their movements in any direction--as well, -indeed, might it be said, that the mariner is fettered by the compass -that guides him in safety through the wide expanse of waters. Was the -ancient unity of European civilization wanting in grandeur, in variety, -or in beauty? Did Catholic unity, presiding over the destinies of -society, arrest its progress, even in the ages of barbarism? Let us -fix our eyes upon the grand and delightful spectacle exhibited in the -centuries preceding the sixteenth, and pause a moment to reflect; we -shall all the better understand in what manner Protestantism has given -a wrong direction to the course of civilization. - -The immense agitation occasioned by the gigantic enterprise of the -Crusades shows in what a state of fermentation were the elements -deposited in the bosom of society. The shock excited them to -activity--union augmented their force--every where, and in every sense, -was to be seen a vigorous and active movement, a sure presage of the -high degree of civilization and refinement which Europe was about to -attain. The arts and sciences, as if called into life by some powerful -voice, reappeared, loudly asserting their claim to protection and an -honorable reception. On the feudal castles, those heirlooms of the -manners of the period of conquest, a ray of light suddenly gleamed, -that illuminated with the rapidity of lightning all climates and all -people. Those masses of men, who had hitherto bent in painful toil -for the benefit of their masters, now lifted up their heads, and, -with bold hearts and enfranchised lips, demanded a share in social -advantages. Addressing each other with a look of intelligence, they -combined together, and insisted in common that the law should be -substituted for caprice. Then towns sprang up, increased in size and -importance, and were surrounded with ramparts; municipal institutions -arose, and began to develop themselves; kings, till then the sport of -the pride, ambition or stubbornness of the feudal lords, seized upon -an opportunity so favorable, and made common cause with the people. -Threatened with destruction, feudalism entered valiantly into the -contest, but in vain; and, restrained by a power even more irresistible -than the weapons of its adversaries, and, as if oppressed by the air -it breathed, it felt its action impeded, its energies enfeebled, and, -despairing of victory, it gave itself up to the enjoyment to be found -in the patronage of the arts. - -To the coat of mail now succeeded elegance of dress; to the powerful -shield, the pompous escutcheon; to the bearing and address of the -warrior, the manners of the courtier:--thus was the whole power of -feudalism undermined; the popular element was left completely at -liberty to develop itself; and the powers of monarchs became every -day more extensive. Royalty thus strengthened, municipal institutions -in full vigor, and feudalism undermined, the remnants of barbarism -and oppression still existing in the laws fell one by one beneath -the attacks of so many adversaries; and, for the first time in the -world's history, there was seen a considerable number of great nations -presenting the peaceful spectacle of many millions of men living in -social union, and enjoying together the rights of men and of citizens. -Until this period, public tranquillity, and even the very existence -of society, had to be secured by carefully excluding from the working -of the political machine a great number of individuals by means of -slavery--a system that proved at once the intrinsic inferiority and -weakness of the governments of antiquity. The Christian religion, -with the courage inspired by the consciousness of strength, and with -an ardent love for humanity, had never doubted that she held in her -hands other means of restraining men than a recourse to degradation -and violence, and had, in fact, resolved the problem in a manner the -most noble and generous. She had said to society: "Dost thou dread this -immense multitude, that have no sufficient titles to thy confidence? I -will stand security for them. Thou enslavest them; thou puttest chains -around their necks; I will subdue their hearts. Leave them free; and -this multitude, before which thou tremblest as before a herd of wild -beasts, will become a class of men serviceable to themselves and to -thee." This voice had been heard, and all men were freed from the yoke -of slavery--all entered upon this noble struggle, which was to place -society in equilibrium, without destroying or shaking its foundations. -We have already said above, that there existed powerful adversaries. -Shocks more or less violent were inevitable; but there was no cause for -anticipating any serious catastrophe, unless some fatal combination of -circumstances arose to overthrow the only power capable of moderating -the inflamed, and sometimes exasperated, passions of men--to impose -silence upon that powerful voice, ever ready to say to the combatants, -_That is enough_. That voice--the voice of Christianity--might have -been heard with greater or less docility; but it would always have -sufficed to calm down the fury of the passions, to moderate the -fierceness of their conflicts, and thus to prevent scenes of bloodshed. - -If we take a glance at Europe at the end of the fifteenth and beginning -of the sixteenth centuries, with a view to discover the social -elements, whose struggle seemed likely to disturb public tranquillity, -we shall find the power of the throne already far superior to that of -the lords and of the people; we shall see it endeavoring to please its -rivals, lending its aid to one for the subjugation of the others: but -already this power was evidently indestructible. Held more or less -in check by the proud remnants of feudalism, and by the ever-growing -and encroaching power of the people, monarchy nevertheless maintained -its position as a central force for the protection of society against -violence and excess. This tendency was so strong, that we every -where meet with the same phenomenon, manifested with more or less -distinctness, and with characters of greater or less identity. The -nations of Europe were great both in numbers and extent; the abolition -of slavery gave a sanction to the principle, that man ought to live -free in the midst of society, enjoying its most essential advantages, -and with sufficient room to enable him to take a more or less elevated -rank, according to the means he employs to gain it. Thus society had -said to each individual: "I acknowledge thee as a man and a citizen; -from this moment I guarantee to thee the possession of these titles. If -thou desirest to lead a quiet life in the bosom of thy family--labor -and be careful; no one shall wrest from thee the rewards of thy labors, -nor trammel the free exercise of thy faculties. Dost thou aspire to -the possession of wealth--consider how others have acquired it, and -display a similar activity and intelligence. Art thou ambitious of -fame, of rising to an elevated rank, to splendid titles--the sciences -and the military profession are before thee. If thou hast inherited an -illustrious name, thou mayest still increase its lustre; if thou art -not in possession of such a name, thou art free to acquire one." - -Such was the condition of the social problem at the end of the -fifteenth century. Every thing was made public, all the great means -of action were openly developing themselves with rapidity; the art -of printing already transmitted men's thoughts from one end of the -world to the other with the speed of lightning, and insured their -preservation for the benefit of future generations. The frequent -intercourse between nations, the revival of literature and the arts, -the cultivation of the sciences, the inclination for travelling and -commerce, the discovery of a new passage to the East Indies, the -discovery of America, the preference given to political negotiations -for effecting the arrangements of international relations,--every thing -combined to give to the minds of men that strong impulse, that shock -which at once arouses and develops all their faculties, and gives new -life. It is difficult to understand by what process of reasoning, -in the face of facts so positive and certain,--facts that stand so -prominently forward in every page of history, any man could ever -seriously maintain that Protestantism aided human progress. If previous -to Luther's reform society had been found stationary, and still -submerged in the chaos into which it had been plunged by the irruptions -of the barbarians; if the people had not succeeded, previously to that -reform, in forming themselves into great nations, and in providing -themselves with systems of government more or less perfectly organized, -but all unquestionably superior to any that had hitherto existed,--the -assertion might carry with it a degree of plausibility, or, at all -events, it would not stand, as it unfortunately does, in direct -opposition to the most authentic and notorious facts. But what, on -the contrary, was the actual state of Europe at the time of Luther's -appearance? The administration of justice, exercised with more or less -perfection, already possessed a highly moral, rational, and equitable -system of legislation for the guidance of its decisions; the people -had in great part shaken off the yoke of feudalism, and had acquired -abundant resources for the preservation and defence of their liberties; -the executive had made immense progress, owing to the establishment, -extension, and amelioration of municipalities; the royal authority, -enlarged, fortified, and consolidated, formed in the midst of society -a central force powerful to work good, to prevent evil, to restrain -the passions, to preserve the balance of interests, to prevent ruinous -social contests, and to watch over the general welfare of society by -constant protection and effectual encouragement; in fine, at that -period, nations were seen to fix a look of great foresight and sagacity -on the rock upon which the vessel of society is in danger of being -wrecked, whenever the power of royalty is left without any sort of -counterpoise. Such was already the condition of Europe before the -religious revolution of the sixteenth century. - -I promptly concede that great progress has been made since that period -in all matters of a social, political and administrative nature; -but does it follow that this progress is owing to the Protestant -Reformation? To prove that it is, it would be necessary to produce -two societies absolutely similar in position and circumstances, but -separated by a long space of time, that would render all reciprocal -influence between them impossible, and subjected, one to the influence -of the Catholic, the other to the Protestant principle; then each of -the two religions might come forward and say to the world, "This is my -work." But it is absurd to compare, as is often done, times so widely -different, circumstances so utterly dissimilar and exceptional with -ordinary cases; it should also be remembered, that, in every thing, -the first step is always the most difficult, and the greatest merit -is always due to invention; in a word, after so many other violations -of the rules of logic, our opponents should not obstinately persist -in deducing from one single fact all other facts, simply because the -latter happen to be posterior to the former, otherwise they will fall -under suspicion of insincerity in their search after truth, and of a -wish to falsify history. - -The organization of European society, such as Protestantism found it, -was, assuredly not perfect, but it was, at all events, as perfect as -was possible. Unless Providence had vouchsafed to govern the world -by prodigies, Europe, at this period, could not have attained to a -more advantageous position. The elements of progress, of happiness, -of civilization and refinement, were in her bosom; they were numerous -and powerful; time was developing them by degrees in a manner truly -wonderful; and as mournful experience is every day lessening the -prestige and credit of destructive doctrines, the time is perhaps not -far distant, when philosophers, examining dispassionately this period -of history, will agree that society had even then received the most -fortunate impulse. It will be seen that Protestantism, by giving a -wrong direction to the march of society, only precipitated it upon -a perilous route, where it has been on the brink of ruin; and would -perhaps have been ruined altogether, had not the hand of the Most -High been stronger than the feeble arm of man. Protestants boast of -having rendered great service to society by having destroyed in some -countries, and impaired in others, the power of the Popes. As regards -the Papal supremacy in relation to matters of faith, what I have -elsewhere said will suffice to demonstrate the disastrous consequences -of the exercise of private judgment; as to discipline, I am unwilling -to enter upon questions that would indefinitely extend the limits of -this work. I will merely ask my opponents, whether they deem it prudent -to leave a society co-extensive with the world without a legislator, -without a judge, without an arbitrator, without a counsellor, without a -chief? - -_Temporal power._--This term has long been the bugbear of kings--the -watchword of the anti-Catholic party--a snare into which many upright -men have fallen--a butt for the shafts of discontented statesmen, -disappointed writers, and snarling canonists; and nothing more natural, -seeing that the subject afforded them an opportunity of pouring -out their resentments, and of giving currency to their suspicious -doctrines, well assured that, by affecting zeal for the power of the -monarch, they would find, in case of danger, a ready asylum in the -palaces of kings. The present is not the place for the discussion of -a question that has been the subject of so many vehement and learned -disputes; and it would be the more inopportune, as, in the existing -state of things, assuredly no power apprehends the least temporal -usurpation on the part of the Holy See, which, whatever its enemies -may say, has evinced at all times, and even humanly speaking, more -prudence, tact, patience, and wisdom than any other power upon earth; -and amidst the extreme difficulties of modern times, has taken up a -position that enables it to yield to the various exigencies of the -times without any compromise of its high dignity, without any deviation -from its sublime obligations. It is certain that the temporal power of -the Popes had risen in the course of time to such a height, that the -successor of St. Peter had become a universal counsellor, arbitrator, -and judge, from whose sentence it was dangerous to appeal, even in -purely political matters. The general movement throughout Europe had -somewhat weakened this power; but yet, at the moment when Protestantism -made its appearance, it still had such an ascendency over the minds of -men, it commanded so much veneration and respect, and was possessed of -such vast means for defending its rights, enforcing its pretensions, -supporting its decisions, and making its counsels respected, that the -most powerful monarchs of Europe considered it a very serious matter -to have the Court of Rome opposed to them in any affair whatever; and -consequently they eagerly sought on all occasions, to secure its favor -and friendship. Rome had thus become a general centre of negotiation, -and no affair of importance could escape its influence. - -Such have been the outcries raised against the colossal power, against -this pretended usurpation of rights, that one might suppose the -Popes to have been a succession of deep conspirators, who, by their -intrigues and artifices, aimed at nothing short of universal monarchy. -As our opponents plume themselves on their spirit of observation -and historical analysis, I felt it necessary to observe, that the -temporal power of the Popes was strengthened and extended at a time -when no other power was as yet really constituted. To call that -power usurpation therefore, is not merely an inaccuracy--it is an -anachronism. In the general confusion brought upon all European society -by the irruptions of the barbarians, in that strange medley of races, -laws, manners, and traditions, there remained only one solid foundation -for the structure of the edifice of civilization and refinement, -only one luminous body to shine upon the chaos, only one element -capable of giving life to the germ of regeneration that lay buried in -blood-stained ruins--Christianity, predominant over and annihilating -the remains of other religions, arose, in this age of desolation, like -a solitary column in the center of a ruined city, or like a bright -beacon amid darkness. - -Barbarians, and proud of their triumphs as they were, the conquering -people bowed their heads beneath the pastoral staff that governs the -flock of Jesus Christ. The spiritual pastors, a body of men quite new -to these barbarians, and speaking a lofty and divine language, obtained -over the chiefs of the ferocious hordes from the north a complete -and permanent ascendency, which the course of ages could not destroy. -Such was the foundation of the temporal power in the Church; and it -will be easily conceived that as the Pope towered above all the other -pastors in the ecclesiastical edifice, like a superb cupola above the -other parts of a magnificent temple, his temporal power must have risen -far higher than that of ordinary bishops; and must also have had a -deeper, more solid, and more lasting foundation. All the principles -of legislation, all the foundations of society, all the elements of -intellectual culture, all that remained of the arts and sciences, all -was in the hands of religion; and all very naturally sought protection -from the pontifical throne, the only power acting with order, concert, -and regularity, and the only one that offered any guarantee for -stability and permanence. Wars succeeded to wars, convulsions to -convulsions, the forms of society were continually changing; but the -one great, general, and dominant fact, the stability and influence of -religion, remained still the same: and it is ridiculous in any man to -declaim against a phenomenon so natural, so inevitable, and, above -all, so advantageous, designating it, "A succession of usurpations of -temporal power." - -Power, ere it can be usurped, must exist; and where, I pray, did -temporal power then exist? Was it in kings?--the sport, and frequently -the victims of the haughty barons? In the feudal lords?--continually -engaged in contests amongst themselves, with kings, and with the -people? In fine, was it in the people?--a troop of slaves, who, thanks -to the efforts of religion, were slowly working out their freedom? -The people, it is true, united against the lords--they raised their -voices to demand protection from the monarch, or to solicit the aid -of the Church against the vexations and outrages inflicted on them by -both; still, however, they as yet formed but an unorganized embryo of -society, without any fixed rule, without government, and without laws. -Could we honestly compare modern times with these? Could we apply to -these bygone ages restrictions and distinctions of authority that are -admissible only in a state of society in which the elements of life -and civilization have been developed, in which solid and permanent -foundations have been laid, in which, consequently, the functions of -social authority could be, and have in effect been, regulated, after -a minute analysis of the limits of their respective jurisdictions? To -reason otherwise, would be to seek order in chaos, smoothness on the -surface of a tempest-tossed ocean. We should not forget, either, a -general and unvarying fact, founded on the very nature of things,--a -fact, moreover, to which the history of all times and all countries is -continually calling our attention, and which has received a striking -confirmation from the revolutions of modern times,--viz. that whenever -society is deeply diseased, there is always at hand a principle of life -to stay the progress of the malady. A contest takes place--collisions -occur one after another--they become more frequent and more violent; -but ultimately the principle of order prevails over that of disorder, -and continues long afterwards to predominate in society. This principle -may be more or less just, more or less rational, more or less violent, -more or less adequate to attain its object; but whatever it be in these -respects, it always prevails in the end, unless, during the struggle, -another, a better and more powerful principle takes its place. - -Now, in the middle ages, this principle was the Christian Church. She -alone could be this principle, for she had truth in her doctrines, -justice in her laws, and regularity and prudence in her government. -She was the only element of life that existed at this period--the only -depository of the grand idea upon which the reorganization of society -depended; and this idea was not vague and abstract, but positive and -practicable, for it proceeded from the lips of Him whose word calls -forth worlds out of nothing, and makes light to shine forth in the -midst of darkness. When once the sublime doctrines of the Church -had penetrated into the heart of society, her pure, fraternal, and -consoling morality necessarily influenced its manners. Forms of -government also, and systems of legislation were, in like manner, -more or less affected by her mild and powerful influence. These are -facts--undeniable facts. Now, the Roman Pontiffs were the center of -this happy preponderance which religion so legitimately obtained and so -justly deserved; hence it is clear that the power of the Holy See very -naturally rose above all other powers. - -After having contemplated this sublime picture, drawn from the plain -and authentic records of history, why dwell on the defects or the vices -of some few individuals? Why drag to light the excesses, the errors, -the disorders ever incident to humanity? Why maliciously seek out facts -through a long succession of obscure ages, collecting them together -and placing them in a light most calculated to make an impression, and -to mislead the ignorant? Why, in fine, urge, exaggerate, disfigure, -and paint these facts in the darkest possible colors? To do so, is -to betray a very shallow understanding of the philosophy of history, -a spirit of great partiality, low views, grovelling sentiments, -and miserable spleen. It should be loudly proclaimed to the whole -world, and a thousand times repeated, that it may never be forgotten, -that limits which have no existence cannot be respected--that to -create power is not to usurp it--that to make laws is not to violate -them--that to reduce to order the chaos in which society is overwhelmed -is not to disturb society. Now this was the work of the Church--this is -what was done by the Popes.[40] - - - - -CHAPTER LXVIII. - -UNITY IN FAITH NOT ADVERSE TO POLITICAL LIBERTY. - - -The supposed incompatibility of unity in faith with political liberty -is an invention of the irreligious philosophy of the last century. -Whatever political opinions be adopted, it is of extreme importance -that we be on our guard against such a doctrine. We must not forget -that the Catholic religion occupies a sphere far above all forms of -government--she does not reject from her bosom either the citizen -of the United States, or the inhabitant of Russia, but embraces all -men with equal tenderness, commanding all to obey the legitimate -governments of their respective countries. She considers them all as -children of the same father, participators in the same redemption, -heirs to the same glory. It is very important to bear in mind that -irreligion allies itself to liberty or to despotism, according as -its interests incline; lavish of its applause when an infuriated -populace are burning temples and massacring the ministers of the -altar, it is ever ready to flatter monarchs, to exaggerate their -power beyond measure, whenever they win its favor by despoiling the -clergy, subverting discipline, and insulting the Pope. Caring little -what instruments it employs, provided it accomplishes its work, it -is royalist when in a position to sway the minds of kings, to expel -the Jesuits from France, from Spain, from Portugal, to pursue them to -the four quarters of the globe without allowing them either respite -or repose; liberal in the midst of popular assemblies that exact -sacrilegious oaths from the clergy, and send into exile or to the -scaffold the ministers of religion who remain faithful to their duty. - -The man who cannot see that what I have advanced is strictly true, -must have forgotten history, and paid little attention to very recent -occurrences. With religion and morality, all forms of government are -good; without them, none can be good. An absolute monarch, imbued -with religious ideas, surrounded by counsellors of sound doctrines, -and reigning over a people amongst whom the same doctrines prevail, -may make his subjects happy, and will be sure to do so as far as -circumstances of time and place permit. A wicked monarch, or one -surrounded by wicked counsellors, will do mischief in proportion to -the extent of his powers; he will be even more to be dreaded than -revolution itself, because better able to arrange his plans, and to -carry them out more rapidly, with fewer obstacles, a greater appearance -of legality, more pretensions to public utility, and consequently -with more certainty of success and of permanent results. Revolutions -have undoubtedly done great injury to the Church; but persecuting -monarchs have done equally as much. A freak of Henry VIII. established -Protestantism in England; the cupidity of certain other princes -produced a like result in the nations of the north; and in our own -days, a decree of the Autocrat of Russia drives millions of souls into -schism. It follows that an unmixed monarchy, if it be not religious, is -not desirable; for irreligion, immoral in its nature, naturally tends -to injustice, and consequently to tyranny. If irreligion be seated -on an absolute throne, or if she hold possession of the mind of its -occupant, her powers are unlimited; and, for my part, I know nothing -more horrible than the omnipotence of wickedness. - -In recent times, European democracy has signalized itself lamentably -by its attacks upon religion; a circumstance which, far from favoring -its cause, has injured it extremely. We can indeed form an idea of a -government more or less free, when society is virtuous, moral, and -religious; but not when these conditions are wanting. In the latter -case, the only form of government that remains is despotism, the rule -of force, for force alone can govern men who are without conscience -and without God. If we attentively consider the points of difference -between the revolution of the United States and that of France, we -shall find that one of the principal points of difference consists -in this, that the American revolution was essentially democratic, -that of France essentially impious. In the manifestos by which the -former was inaugurated, the name of God, of Providence, is every where -seen; the men engaged in the perilous enterprise of shaking off the -yoke of Great Britain, far from blaspheming the Almighty, invoke his -assistance, convinced that the cause of independence was the cause of -reason and of justice. The French began by deifying the leaders of -irreligion, overthrowing altars, watering with the blood of priests the -temples, the streets, and the scaffolds--the only emblem of revolution -recognized by the people is Atheism hand in hand with liberty. This -folly has borne its fruits--it communicated its fatal contagion to -other revolutions in recent times--the new order of things has been -inaugurated with sacrilegious crimes; and the proclamation of the -rights of man was begun by the profanation of the temples of Him from -whom all rights emanate. - -Modern demagogues, it is true, have only imitated their predecessors -the Protestants, the Hussites, the Albigenses; with this difference, -however, that in our days irreligion has manifested itself openly, side -by side with its companion, the democracy of blood and baseness; whilst -the democracy of former times was allied with sectarian fanaticism. -The dissolving doctrines of Protestantism rendered a stronger power -necessary, precipitated the overthrow of ancient liberties, and obliged -authority to hold itself continually on the alert, and ready to strike. -When the influence of Catholicity had been enfeebled, the void had to -be filled up by a system of espionage and force. Do not forget this, -you who make war upon religion in the name of liberty; do not forget -that like causes produce like effects. Where moral influences do not -exist, their absence must be supplied by physical force: if you take -from the people the sweet yoke of religion, you leave governments no -other resource than the vigilance of police, and the force of bayonets. -Reflect, and choose. Before the advent of Protestantism, European -civilization, under the ægis of the Catholic religion, was evidently -tending towards that general harmony, the absence of which has -rendered necessary an excessive employment of force. Unity of faith -disappeared, opening the way to an unrestrained liberty of opinion and -religious discord; the influence of the clergy was in some countries -destroyed, in others weakened: thus was the equilibrium between -different classes put an end to, and the class naturally destined -to fill the office of mediator rendered powerless. By abridging the -power of the Popes, both people and governments were let loose from -that gentle curb which restrained without oppressing, and corrected -without degrading; kings and people were arrayed against each other, -without any body of men possessed of authority to interpose between -them in case of a conflict; without a single judge, who, the friend -of both parties, and disinterested in the quarrel, might have settled -their differences with impartiality, governments began to place their -reliance upon standing armies, and the people upon insurrections. - -And it is of no avail to allege that in countries where Catholicity -prevailed, a political phenomenon arose similar to that which we -observe in Protestant nations; for I maintain that amongst Catholics -themselves events did not follow the course which they naturally would -have followed, had not the fatal Reformation intervened. To attain -its complete development, European civilization required the unity -from which it had sprung; it could not by any other means establish -harmony amongst the diverse elements which it sheltered in its bosom. -Its homogeneity was gone the moment unity of faith disappeared. From -that hour no nation could adequately effect its organization without -taking into account, not only its own internal wants, but also the -principles that prevailed in other countries, against the influence of -which it had to be on its guard. Do you suppose, for instance, that the -policy of the Spanish government, constituted as it was the protector -of Catholicity against powerful Protestant nations, was not powerfully -influenced by the peculiar and very dangerous position of the country? - -I think I have shown that the Church has never been opposed to the -legitimate development of any form of government; that she has taken -them all under her protection, and consequently that to assert that she -is the enemy of popular institutions is a calumny. I have also placed -it equally beyond a doubt, that the sects hostile to the Catholic -Church, by encouraging a democracy either irreligious or blinded -by fanaticism, so far from aiding in the establishment of just and -rational liberty, have, in fact, left the people no alternative between -unbridled licentiousness and unrestrained despotism. The lesson thus -furnished by history is confirmed by experience; and the future will -serve only to corroborate its truth. The more religious and moral men -are, the more deserving they are of liberty; for they have then less -need of external restraints, having a most powerful one in their own -consciences. An irreligious and immoral people stand in need of some -authority to keep them in order, otherwise they will be constantly -abusing their rights, and will consequently deserve to lose them. St. -Augustine perfectly understood these truths, and explains briefly and -beautifully the conditions necessary for all forms of government. The -holy Doctor shows that popular forms are good where the people are -moral and conscientious; where they are corrupt, they require either an -oligarchy or an unmixed monarchy. - -I have no doubt that an interesting passage, in the form of a dialogue, -that we meet with in his first book on Free Will, chap. vi., will be -read with pleasure. - -"_Augustine._ You would not maintain, for instance, that men or people -are so constituted by nature as to be absolutely eternal, and subject -neither to destruction nor change?--_Evodius._ Who can doubt that they -are changeable, and subject to the influence of time?--_Augustine._ -If the people are serious and temperate; and if, moreover, they have -such a concern for the public good that each one would prefer the -public interest to his own, _is it not true that it would be advisable -to enact that such a people should choose their own authorities the -administration of their affairs?_--_Evodius._ Certainly.--_Augustine._ -But, in case these same people become so corrupt that _the citizens -prefer their own to the public good; if they sell their votes; if, -corrupted by ambitious men, they intrust the government of the state -to men as criminal and corrupt as themselves_; is it not true that, -in such a case, if there be amongst them a man of integrity, and -possessing sufficient power for the purpose, he will do well to take -from these people the power of conferring honors, and concentrate it -in the hands of a small number of upright men, or even in the hands of -one man?--_Evodius._ Undoubtedly.--_Augustine._ Yet, since these laws -appear very much opposed to each other, the one granting the people the -right of conferring honors, the other depriving them of that right; -since, moreover, they cannot both be in force at once, _are we to -affirm that one of these laws is unjust, or that it should not have -been enacted?_--_Evodius._ By no means."[D] - - [D] _Aug._ Quid ipsi homines et populi, ejusne generis rerum sunt, - ut interire mutarive non possint, æternique omnino sint?--_Evod._ - Mutabile plane atque tempori obnoxium hoc genus esse quis - dubitet?--_Aug._ Ergo, si populus sit bene moderatus et gravis, - communisque utilitatis diligentissimus custos, in quo unusquisque - minoris rem privatam quam publicam pendat, nonne recte lex fertur, qua - huic ipsi populo liceat creare sibi magistratus, per quos sua res, id - est publica, administretur?--_Evod._ Recte prorsus.--_Aug._ Porro, si - paulatim depravatus idem populus rem privatam reipublicæ præferat, - atque habeat venale suffragium, corruptusque ab eis qui honores - amant, regimen in se flagitiosis consceleratisque committat, nonne - item recte, si quis tunc extiterit vir bonus, qui plurimum possit, - adimat huic populo potestatem dandi honores, et in paucorum bonorum - vel etiam unius redigat arbitrium?--_Evod._ Et id recte.--_Aug._ Cum - ergo duæ istæ leges ita sibi videantur esse contrariæ, ut una earum - honorum dandorum populo tribuat potestatem, auferat altera, et cum - ista secunda ita lata sit, ut nullo modo ambæ in una civitate simul - esse possint, num dicemus aliquam earum injustam esse et ferri minime - debuisse?--_Evod._ Nullo modo. - -The whole question is here comprised in a few words: Can monarchy, -aristocracy, and democracy, be one and all legitimate and proper? Yes. -By what considerations are we to be guided in our decision as to which -of these forms is legitimate and proper in any given case? By the -consideration of existing rights, and of the condition of the people -to whom such form is to be applied. Can a form once good become bad? -Certainly it may; for all human things are subject to change. These -reflections, as solid as they are simple, will prevent all excessive -enthusiasm in favor of any particular form of government. This is not -a mere question of theory, but one of prudence also. Now, prudence -does not decide before having attentively considered and weighed all -circumstances. But there is one predominant idea in this doctrine of -St. Augustine: this idea I have already indicated, viz. that great -virtue and disinterestedness are required under a free government. -Those who are laboring to establish political liberty on the ruins of -all religious belief would do well to reflect upon the words of the -illustrious doctor. - -How would you have people exercise extensive rights, if you disqualify -them by perverting their ideas and corrupting their morals? You say -that under representative forms of government reason and justice -are secured by means of elections; and yet you labor to banish this -reason and justice from the bosom of that society in which you talk of -securing them. You sow the wind, and reap the whirlwind; instead of -models of wisdom and prudence, you offer the people scandalous scenes. -Do not say that we are condemning the age, and that it progresses -in spite of us: we reject nothing that is good; but perversity and -corruption we must reprobate. The age progresses--true; but neither -you nor we know whither. Catholics know one thing--a thing which it -needs not a prophet to tell, viz. that a good social condition cannot -be formed out of bad men; that immoral men are bad; that where there -is no religion, morality cannot take root. Firm in our faith, we shall -leave you to try, if you choose, a thousand forms of government, to -apply your palliatives to your own social patient, to impose upon -him with deceitful words; his frequent convulsions--his continued -restlessness--are evidences of your incapacity; and well is it for your -patient that he still feels this anxiety: it is a sure sign that you -have not entirely succeeded in securing his confidence. If ever you do -secure it--if ever he fall asleep quietly in your arms--"all flesh will -then have corrupted its way;" and it may also be feared lest God should -resolve to sweep man from the face of the earth. - - - - -CHAPTER LXIX. - -OF INTELLECTUAL DEVELOPMENT UNDER THE INFLUENCE OF CATHOLICITY. - - -It has been abundantly proved in the course of this work, that the -pseudo-Reformation has not in any way contributed to the perfection -either of individuals or of society; from which we may naturally infer -that the case is the same as regards the development of the intellect. -I am unwilling, however, to let this truth stand merely as a corollary, -and I believe it to be susceptible of a special elucidation. We may -freely examine what advantage Protestantism has conferred upon the -various branches of human learning, without any fear of the result as -regards Catholicity. When we are to examine objects naturally embracing -a great many different relations, it is not enough merely to pronounce -certain conspicuous names, or to cite with emphasis one or two facts. -This is not the way to place a question in its proper light; and to -treat it adequately, much more is required. A discussion, either -confined within limits too narrow to admit of its full development, -or allowed an indefinite range, carries with it, in the eyes of an -observer of only slight penetration, an air of universality, elevation, -and boldness, whilst in reality it is all uncertainty and vagueness, -and is liable to be involved in endless contradictions. - -To investigate this question satisfactorily, we must, it seems to me, -grasp the Catholic and Protestant principles respectively, subject -them to a most rigid scrutiny, and seize upon every point that appears -favorable or inimical to the development of the human mind. Further, -we should survey, in its widest range, the history of the intellect; -pausing here and there at the epochs where the influence of the -principle whose tendencies and effects we are studying has been most -effectively exerted; then, rejecting anomalous exceptions, as proving -nothing either one way or the other, and facts too insignificant -and isolated to affect in any way the course of events, the mind, -sufficiently elevated, and observing attentively, and with a sincere -desire to know the truth, will be enabled to discover how far its -philosophical deductions are in accordance with facts; and thus will it -complete the solution of the problem. - -One of the fundamental principles of Catholicity, one of its -distinctive characteristics, is the submission of the intellect to -authority in matters of faith. This is the point against which the -attacks of Protestants have ever been and still are directed: and -this is quite natural, seeing that Protestants profess resistance -to authority as a fundamental and constituent principle. From this -fatal source flow all their other errors. If there be in Catholicity -any thing capable of arresting the march of the mind or of lowering -its flight, it must unquestionably be the principle of submission to -authority. With this principle must rest all the blame in this respect, -if indeed the Catholic religion be chargeable with any. - -_Submission of the intellect to authority._ These words, it cannot -be denied, do, unless we have seized upon their true meaning, and -ascertained the precise objects to which this submission is applicable, -at first sight, convey an idea of antagonism to intellectual -development. If you cherish an ardent affection for the dignity of our -nature; if you are an enthusiastic advocate of scientific progress, -and behold with delight the brilliant efforts of a bold, vigorous, -and accomplished genius; you will discover something repulsive in a -principle which appears to invoke slavery, since it checks the flight -of the mind, clips the wings of the intellect, and casts it into the -dust. But if you examine this principle in its essence, apply it to -the various branches of learning, and observe what are the points of -contact which it offers with the methods adopted for the cultivation -of the mind, will you discover any foundation for these suspicions and -apprehensions? What truth will you find in the reproaches of which -Catholicity has been made the object? How vain and puerile will appear -all the declamation published on this subject! - -We will now enter fully into the examination of this difficulty; we -will take the Catholic principle, and analyze it with the eye of -impartial philosophy. With this principle before us, we will survey the -whole field of science, and consult the testimony of the greatest men. -If we find that it has ever been opposed to the genuine development -of any one branch of learning; if, on visiting the tombs where repose -the most illustrious, they tell us that the principle of submission to -authority chained down their intellects, obscured their imaginations, -and withered their hearts,--we will then acknowledge that Protestants -are right in the reproaches which they are constantly directing against -the Catholic religion on this subject. God, man, society, nature, -the entire creation--such are the objects on which our minds can be -occupied; beyond the sphere of these objects we cannot reach, for -they embrace infinity--there is nothing beyond them. Well, then, the -Catholic principle opposes no obstacle to the mind's progress. Whether -as regards God or man, society or nature, it imposes no shackles, -places no obstacle in the way of the human mind; instead of checking -this progress, it rather serves as a lofty beacon, which, far from -interfering with the mariner's liberty, guides him in safety amid the -obscurity of night. - -How does the Catholic principle oppose the freedom of the human mind -in anything relating to the Divinity? Protestants surely will not tell -us that there is anything at all wrong in the idea which the Catholic -religion gives of God. Agreeing with us on the idea of a being eternal, -immutable, infinite, the Creator of heaven and earth, just, holy, full -of goodness, a rewarder of the good, and a punisher of the wicked, -they admit this to be the only reasonable idea of God that can be -presented to the mind of man. To this idea the Catholic religion unites -an incomprehensible, profound, and ineffable mystery, veiled from the -sight of weak mortals,--the august mystery of the Trinity; but on this -point Protestants cannot reproach us, unless they are prepared to avow -themselves Socinians. The Lutherans, the Calvinists, the Anglicans, -and many other sects, condemn, as well as we do, those who deny this -august mystery. We may remark here, that Calvin had Michael Servetus -burned at Geneva for his heretical doctrines on the Trinity. I am well -aware of the ravages that Socinianism has made among the separated -Churches, where the spirit and the right of private judgment in matters -of faith have converted Christians into unbelieving philosophers; but, -notwithstanding this, the mystery of the Trinity was long respected by -the leading Protestant sects, and is so yet, externally at least, by -the greater part of them. - -In any case, I cannot see how this mystery shackles human reason in -its contemplation of the Divinity. Does it prevent it from going -forth into immensity? What limit does it fix to the infinite ocean -of light and being implied in the word _God_? Does it in the least -obscure this splendor? When the mind of man, soaring above the regions -of creation, and detaching itself from the body that would bear it -down, abandons itself to the delights of sublime meditation on the -infinite Being, Creator of heaven and earth, does this august mystery -stop him in his heavenward flight? Ask the innumerable volumes -written on the Divinity, eloquent and irrefragable testimonies of -liberty enjoyed by the human mind wherever Catholicity prevails. The -doctrines of Catholicity relative to the Divinity may be considered -under two aspects; either as having reference to mysteries above our -comprehension, or as touching what is within the reach of reason. -As regards mysteries, their abode is in a region so sublime, they -appertain to an order of things so superior to any created thought, -that the mind, even after the most extensive, most profound, and, at -the same time, most free investigations, is unable, without the aid -of revelation, to form even the most remote idea of these ineffable -wonders. How can things that never meet, which are of a totally -distinct order, and which are an immense distance apart, interfere -with each other? The intellect can fix upon one of them by means of -meditation, can lose itself in contemplating it, without even thinking -of the other. Can the moon's orbit come into contact with the remotest -of the fixed stars? - -Do you fear that the revelation of a mystery may limit the sphere of -your reason's operations? Are you apprehensive lest, in wandering -through immensity, you may be smothered in the narrowness of your -reason? Was space wanted for the genius of Descartes, of Gassendi, -of Mallebranche? Did these men complain that their intellects were -limited, imprisoned? Why, indeed, should they complain (I speak not of -them only, but of all the great minds of modern times who have treated -of the Divinity), when they cannot but own that they are indebted to -Catholicity for the most splendid and sublime ideas that enrich their -writings? The philosophers of antiquity, in their treatises on the -Divinity, are at an immense distance below the least eminent of our -metaphysical theologians. What would Plato himself be compared to Lewis -of Granada, Louis de Léon, Fénélon, or Bossuet? Before Christianity -appeared upon earth, before the faith of the Chair of Peter had taken -possession of the world, the primitive ideas on the Divinity having -been effaced, the human mind wandered amongst a thousand errors, -a thousand monstrous fancies; feeling the necessity of a God, man -substituted for the Supreme Being the creation of his own imagination. -But ever since the ineffable splendor, descending from the bosom of the -Father of light, has shone upon the whole earth, ideas of the Divinity -have remained so fixed, clear, and simple, and at the same time so -lofty and sublime, that human reason has obtained a wider range; the -veil which concealed the origin of the universe has been withdrawn; -the world's destiny has been marked out, and man has received the key -that explains the wonders which fill and surround him. Protestants have -felt the force of this truth; their aversion for every thing Catholic -was almost fanatical; yet, generally speaking, they may be said to have -respected the idea of the Divinity. On this point, of all others, the -spirit of innovation has been felt the least. How, indeed, could it be -otherwise? The God of the Catholics was too great to be replaced by -any other. Newton and Leibnitz, embracing heaven and earth in their -speculations, could say nothing new of the Author of so many wonders, -nothing but what had already been taught by the Catholic religion. - -Well had it been for Protestants if, whilst in the midst of their -wanderings they preserved this precious treasure, they had faithfully -followed the example of their predecessors, and had rejected that -monstrous philosophy which threatens us with the revival of all errors, -ancient and modern, beginning with the substitution of a monstrous -pantheism for the sublime Deity of Christianity. Let those Protestants -who are friends of truth, jealous of the honor of their communion, -devoted to their country's welfare, and interested in the future -prospects of mankind, be warned in time. If pantheism should prevail, -it will not be the spiritualist but the naturalist philosophers who -will triumph. The German philosophers may in vain seek refuge in -abstraction and enigmas, in vain condemn the sensualist philosophy -of the last century; a God confounded with nature is not God, a God -identified with every thing is nothing; pantheism is a deification of -the universe, that is, a denial of God. - -What sorrowful reflections suggest themselves to us when we consider -the direction now taken by the minds of men in different parts of -Europe, and more especially in Germany! Catholics long since told them -they would begin with resistance to authority by denying a dogma, but -would end by a denial of all, and fall into atheism; and the course of -ideas during the last three centuries has fully confirmed the truth -of the prediction. Strange, that German philosophy should aim at -producing a reaction against the materialist school, and with all its -spiritualism end in pantheism! Providence, it would seem, has ordained -that the soil which has produced so many errors should be barren of -truth. Out of the Church all is unsteadiness and confusion; materialism -ending in atheism, wild idealism and fantastic spiritualism resulting -in pantheism! Verily, God still abhors pride, and repeats the terrible -chastisement of the confusion of tongues. Catholicity triumphs the -while; but mourns in the midst of her triumphs. I do not see either how -it can be that Catholicity impedes the operation of the intellect as -regards the study of man. What does the Church require of us on this -point? What does she teach on the subject? How far extends the circle -embracing the doctrines we are forbidden to call in question? - -Philosophers are divided into two schools, the materialists and -the spiritualists. The former assert that the human soul is only a -portion of matter, which, by a certain modification, produces in us -what we call thought and will; the latter maintains that the energy -accompanying thought and will is incompatible with the inertness -of matter; that what is divisible, composed of divers parts, and -consequently of divers entities, could not harmonize with the simple -unity essential to a being that thinks, wills, reasons, with itself -upon every thing, and possesses the profound consciousness of -individuality. For these reasons they assert that the contrary opinion -is false and absurd; and they ground their opinion upon a variety of -considerations. The Catholic Church intervenes in the dispute, and -says: "The soul of man is not corporeal, it is a spirit; you cannot -be both a Catholic and a materialist." But ask the Catholic Church -by what systems you are to explain the ideas, the sensations, the -acts of the will, and human feelings,--and she will tell you that on -these matters you are perfectly free to hold what you consider most -in accordance with reason; that faith does not descend to particular -questions appertaining to the affairs of this world, which God himself -delivered to the consideration of men. Before the light of the Gospel -shone upon the world, the schools of philosophy were in the most -profound ignorance on the subject of our origin and our destiny; none -of the philosophers could explain the profound contradictions that are -found in man; none of them succeeded in pointing out the cause of that -strange mixture of greatness and littleness, of goodness and malice, -of knowledge and ignorance, of excellence and baseness. But religion -came forth, and said: "Man is the work of God; his destiny is to be for -evermore united with God; for him the earth is a place of exile only; -man is no longer what he was when he came forth from the hands of his -Creator; the whole human race is subjected to the consequences of a -great fall." Now I would defy all philosophers, ancient and modern, to -show wherein the obligation of believing these things militates in the -slightest degree against the progress of true philosophy. - -So far, indeed, are the doctrines of Catholicity from checking -philosophical progress, that they are, on the contrary, a most fruitful -source of this progress in every respect. If we wish to make progress -in any of the sciences, it is no slight advantage for the intellect -to have a safe and firm axis around which it may revolve; it is a -fortunate thing to be enabled to avoid at the very outset in the -intellectual race, a multitude of questions which would entangle us -in inextricable labyrinths, or from which we could not escape without -falling into most lamentable absurdities; in a word, when we approach -the investigation of these questions, we ought to consider ourselves -happy in finding them resolved beforehand in their most important -points, and in knowing where the truth lies, and where the danger of -falling into error. The philosopher's position is then that of a man -who, sure of the existence of a mine in a certain spot, does not waste -his time in searching after it, but, knowing his ground, his researches -and labors are profitable from the first. This is the cause of the -vast advantage which in these matters modern philosophers possess over -those of antiquity: the ancients had to grope in the dark; the moderns, -preceded by brilliant lights, advance with a firm and sure step, and -march straight to their destination. They may boast incessantly that -they set aside revelation, that they hold it in disdain, perhaps that -they even openly attack it. Even in this case religion enlightens them, -and often guides their steps; for there are a thousand splendid ideas -for which they are indebted to religion, and which they cannot erase -from their minds; ideas which they have found in books, learned in -catechisms, and imbibed with their milk; ideas which they hear uttered -by every one around them, which are spread everywhere, and which -impregnate with their vivifying and beneficent influence the atmosphere -they breathe. In repudiating religion, these same moderns are carrying -ingratitude to great lengths; for at the very moment they insult her, -they are profiting by her favors. - -This is not the place to enter into details on this matter, or -numerous proofs might easily be adduced in support of the foregoing -observations; a comparison between the first works of modern philosophy -that came to hand and the works of the ancients would be decisive; but -such a labor would still be incomplete for those who are not versed -in these matters; and for those who are so, it would be superfluous. -I leave the question with entire confidence to the perspicacity and -impartiality of my readers; it will, I think, be acknowledged that -whenever our modern philosophers have spoken of man with truth and -dignity, their language has borne the impress of Christian ideas. Such -is the influence of Catholicity upon those sciences which, confined to -a purely speculative order, allow the genius of the philosopher the -widest range and the greatest freedom possible; but if, as regards -those sciences, the influence of Catholicity, instead of checking the -mind in its flight, only enlarges its range, increases its sublimity, -its daring, and at the same time its security, by preventing it from -running astray, what shall we say of its influence on the study of -ethics? Has the whole body of philosophers together ever discovered -any thing beyond what is contained in the Gospel? What doctrine excels -in purity, in sanctity, in sublimity that taught by the Catholic -religion? On this point we will do justice to the philosophers, even to -those most hostile to the Christian religion. They have attacked its -doctrines, and smiled at the divinity of its origin; but have always -evinced a profound respect for its morality. I know not what secret -influence has constrained them into an avowal that must certainly have -cost them dear. "Yes," they invariably say, "it cannot be denied that -the morality of Catholicity is excellent." - -There are certain doctrines of Catholicity which cannot be said to -appertain directly either to God, to man, or to morality, in the sense -generally given to this word. The Catholic religion is a revealed -religion, of an order far superior to any thing that the human mind is -capable of conceiving. Its object is to guide us to a destiny that we -could neither attain nor even imagine by our own strength, and it is -based upon this principle, that human nature, corrupted by the fall, -requires to be restored and purified; evidently, therefore, it should -contain certain doctrines explanatory of the mode in which this work of -restoration and purification is to be effected, whether in a general or -particular sense; and at the same time pointing out the means which -God has chosen to lead man to happiness. Such are the doctrines of the -Incarnation, of Redemption, of Grace, and of the Sacraments. - -These dogmas embrace a wide field; the relations in which they stand -to God and to man are very extensive; the doctrines of the Catholic -Church are, and always have been, unchangeable. Well then! extensive -as they are, they afford not a single point that can be said to -have a tendency to embarrass the free action of the intellect in -investigations of any kind. The cause of this fact is the same as that -I have already indicated. Those who have attentively compared the -sciences of philosophy and theology may have remarked that theology, in -the sublime questions mentioned above, occupies a sphere so distinct -and supereminent as scarcely to preserve a single point of contact -with that in which philosophy moves. They are two vast and sublime -orbits, occupying in the depths of space positions very distant from -each other. Man sometimes tries to make them approximate, and would -be glad if a ray of terrestrial light could penetrate into the region -of incomprehensible mysteries; but he scarcely knows how to begin -this, and we hear him avow, with a profound sense of his own weakness, -that he is _speaking only conventionally_ and _by analogy_, merely -with a view to make himself better understood. The Church allows such -attempts, owing to the good intentions they evince; sometimes she -even prompts and encourages them, desiring, as far as possible, to -accommodate what is incomprehensible in her doctrines to the feeble -capacities of men. - -After all their reasonings on the attributes of the Divinity and -the relations of man to God, have philosophers discovered any thing -incompatible with these doctrines of Catholicity? Have revealed truths -stood in their way as a stumbling-block to their investigations? -When Descartes, in the seventeenth century, effected a revolution in -philosophy, a singular incident occurred that will throw a strong -light on this subject. The Catholic doctrine respecting the august -mystery of the Eucharist is known, and also in what the dogma of -_transubstantiation_ consists. Many theologians, the reader is also -probably aware, in order to explain the supernatural phenomenon which -takes place after the consummation of the miracle, had recourse -to the doctrine of accidents, which they distinguished from the -substance. Now the theory of Descartes, and of almost all other -modern philosophers, was incompatible with this explanation, for they -denied the existence of accidents distinct from the substance. It -consequently appeared at first sight that a difficulty would here arise -for the Catholic doctrine, and that the Church would have to oppose -this system of philosophy. And did it so happen? Not at all. Upon a -careful investigation of the matter, it was seen that the Catholic -dogma belonged to a region infinitely above that uncertain one in -which the philosophic doctrine was discovered, however closely they -might have seemed to approximate. In vain theologians discussed the -matter, indulged in mutual recriminations, drew from the new doctrine -all sorts of inferences, in order to represent it as dangerous. The -Church, always superior to the thoughts of men, kept aloof from these -disputes, maintaining that grave, majestic, and impassive attitude so -well becoming her to whom Jesus Christ confided the sacred deposit -of His doctrine. Such is the liberty accorded by the Church to the -genius of philosophers, that it is free in every sense. The Church has -no need to be continually imposing restrictions and conditions; the -sacred doctrines of which she is the depository dwelling in so elevated -a region that the mind of man can scarcely ever meet them, at least -so long as his investigations do not wander from the track of true -philosophy. - -But this human reason, at once so powerful and so feeble, sometimes -becomes puffed up with arrogance and pride, and in the name of liberty -and independence claims a right to blaspheme the Almighty, to deny -man's free will, the immortality and spirituality of his soul, her -sublime origin and her heavenly destiny. At such a time we avow, and we -glory in the avowal, the Church does raise her voice, not to oppress -or tyrannize over the human mind, but to defend the rights of the -Supreme Being and the dignity of human nature; then, indeed, we behold -her opposing, with unyielding firmness, that senseless liberty which -consists in the fatal right of uttering all sorts of extravagances. -This liberty Catholics neither possess nor desire, knowing that in -these matters, as in others, there is a sacred line of demarcation -between liberty and licentiousness. Happy slavery, that keeps us from -atheism, materialism, and from doubting whether our souls come from -God, whether they tend towards Him, and whether there exists for -unhappy mortals, after the sufferings that weigh upon them in this -life, a life of eternal happiness purchased by the merits of a God-man! -As for the sciences which have society for their object, I think I need -not vindicate the Catholic religion from the reproach of having in -this respect oppressed the human mind. The long train of reflections -in which I have set forth her doctrines and her influence, as regards -the nature and extent of power, and the civil and political liberty -of nations, proves to a demonstration that the Catholic religion, -without descending to the arena in which the passions of men strive and -contend, teaches a doctrine most favorable to true civilization and to -the rightly-understood liberties of the people. - -I will also touch briefly upon the relations of the Catholic principle -with the study of the natural sciences. Assuredly it is not easy to -see in what way this principle can be injurious to the progress of the -human mind in this department of knowledge. I have said, it is not -easy; I might have said impossible, and that for a very simple reason, -founded upon a fact within the reach of every man; viz. the extreme -reserve which the Catholic religion evinces in every thing relating to -purely natural science. One might suppose that God had designed, on -this matter, to read us a severe lesson on our excessive curiosity: -you have only to read the Bible to be convinced of the truth of what -I have advanced. I do not mean that nature is never noticed in the -Bible; that divine book presents her to us in her grandest, noblest, -and most sublime aspect; as a living whole, in fact, together with all -her relations and her sublime destiny, but without any kind of analysis -or decomposition. In these sacred pages the painter's pencil and the -poet's fancy will meet with magnificent models; but the inquisitive -philosopher will look in vain for the hints he is in quest of. The Holy -Spirit did not aim at making naturalists, but virtuous men; hence, in -describing the creation, He represents it solely in a light the best -adapted to excite in us feelings of admiration and gratitude towards -the Author of so many wonders and benefits. Nature, as she appears -in the sacred text, has not much to gratify the curiosity of the -philosopher; but then she delights and ennobles the imagination--she -moves and penetrates the heart. - - - - -CHAPTER LXX. - -HISTORICAL ANALYSIS OF INTELLECTUAL DEVELOPMENT. - - -From the rapid view we have taken of the several branches of learning -in their relations to the authority of the Church, it is clear to a -demonstration, that the alleged enslavement of the intellect amongst -Catholics is nothing but a mere bugbear: in no respect does our faith -either arrest or retard the progress of learning. Since, however, it -not unfrequently happens that, in arguments apparently the most solid, -a flaw is discovered when they are brought to the test of facts, it -will be well to corroborate our assertion by historical testimony; -fully assured as we are, that the result must be favorable to the cause -of truth. We will begin at the beginning. - -M. Guizot maintains that the contest between the Church and the -advocates of the freedom of thought originated in the middle ages. -Noticing the efforts of John Erigena, Roscelin, Abelard, and the alarm -they excited in the Church, he observes: "This was the great event -that occurred at the end of the eleventh, and at the beginning of the -twelfth centuries, at a time when the Church was under theocratic and -monastic influence. It was then that, for the first time, a serious -struggle was commenced between the clergy and the freethinkers." -(_Hist. Générale de la Civilisation en Europe. Leçon 6._) The entire -scope of M. Guizot's work shows that, in his judgment, the best-founded -reproach that could be cast upon the Catholic Church was, that she -checked the freedom of thought. According to him, this is the point -upon which the advantage of the Protestant system over Catholicity is -the least controvertible. His object being the complete development of -this idea, in treating of the religious revolution of the sixteenth -century it was requisite for him to deposit it as a seed in his -preliminary lectures; as otherwise the fact of the Reformation would -have appeared isolated, and shorn of its importance. Besides, it was -necessary that the resistance of Protestants to the Catholic Church -should have a meaning; that it should carry with it the appearance -of a noble and generous thought; that it should be regarded as the -proclamation of the freedom of the human mind. To attain this end, -the Church, on the one hand, must be represented as asserting claims -in the middle ages to which she had not previously pretended; and, on -the other, those writers who resisted these alleged pretensions of the -Church must be held up as men of extraordinary penetration. - -Now, such is precisely the thread of M. Guizot's discourse; and we -hence infer his efforts to prepare beforehand the triumph of his -opinions. His plan, however, is ill-concerted; for he appears to have -overlooked the most palpable facts in the history of the Church; and -not even to have known what were the doctrines of the three champions, -whose names he invokes with so much complacency. That no one may -accuse me of making inconsiderate assertions, I will here quote his -words literally: "Thus every thing," says he, "seemed turning to the -advantage of the Church, of her unity, and of her power. But whilst -the Papacy was grasping at the government of the world, whilst the -monasteries were undergoing a moral reformation, a few powerful but -isolated individuals claimed for human reason the right of being -something in man, the right to interfere in the formation of his -opinions. Most of them refrained from attacking received opinions, or -religious belief; they merely said that reason had a right to prove -them; and that it was not enough that they were affirmed by authority. -John Erigena, Roscelin, and Abelard were the interpreters, through whom -individual reason began to lay claim to her inheritance--the first -authors of that movement of liberty, which was associated with the -reform movement of Hildebrand and St. Bernard. If we seek the dominant -feature of this movement, we shall find that it was not a change of -opinion, a revolt against the system of public belief; it was simply -the right of reasoning claimed for reason." (_Hist. Générale de la -Civilisation en Europe. Leçon 6._) - -We will pass over the author's singular parallel between the efforts of -John Erigena, Roscelin, and Abelard, and those of the great reformers, -Hildebrand or St. Gregory VII., and St. Bernard. These latter sought -to reform the Church by legitimate means, to render the clergy more -venerable by making them more virtuous, and to win greater respect for -authority by sanctifying the persons entrusted with its exercise: the -others, according to M. Guizot, resisted this authority in matters -of faith; that is, they aimed at its overthrow, and for this purpose -laid the axe to the root; the former _were_ reformers, the latter -devastators: and yet we are told that their efforts were directed to -one and the same object, had one and the same tendency. Verily, the -philosophy of history were a sorry thing, if it could allow of such -a confusion of ideas! What progress can be made in this branch of -knowledge, by men who have so strange a way of dealing with facts? But, -I repeat, let us take leave of these aberrations, and fix our attention -specially on two points: the worth of these three writers, so much -vaunted, and the idea we are told to entertain of their resistance to -authority. Doubtless the names of John Erigena and Roscelin are already -pronounced with respect by those persons who would fain be thought well -versed in the philosophy of history, without having ever read history, -and who are obliged to content themselves with those easy lessons that -are learned in an hour, and studied in an evening. With persons of this -description, it is enough to have heard these names pronounced with -emphasis, to have seen them coupled with epithets, such as _powerful -men_, _advocates of human reason_, _interpreters of individual reason_, -to make them fancy that learning is no less indebted to Erigena and -Roscelin than to Descartes or Bacon. - -Without bearing in mind the remarks I have already made on the -peculiarity of M. Guizot's position, it would not be easy to conjecture -why he should seek to represent as new and extraordinary, what was, -in fact, neither new nor uncommon; how he could say that the Church -first began the contest against liberty of thought, when she put down -Erigena, Roscelin, and Abelard. He brings forward these three writers, -as though their influence had been paramount; whereas they had no more -influence than other sectarians, who abounded in preceding centuries. -Who and what really was this John Erigena? A writer but imperfectly -versed in theological science; but who, puffed up by the favor shown -him by Charles the Bold, broached certain errors on the subject of the -Eucharist, predestination and grace. In all that, I see only a man -departing from the doctrine of the Church; and in Nicholas the First -attempting to stop him in his career, I see only a Pope fulfilling his -duty. What is there in all this either new or extraordinary? Does not -the whole history of the Church, from the time of the Apostles, exhibit -an unbroken succession of similar facts? - -I repeat, it is impossible to conceive for what purpose the name -of Erigena is brought forward. His errors produced no result of -importance; and the age in which he lived cannot be considered as -having exercised any great influence on the intellectual development -of subsequent times. He lived in the ninth century. Now, this century -had no share in the movement of those that followed; indeed, it is -well known that the tenth century was the darkest period of ignorance -during the middle ages; and that the intellectual movement commenced -only at the close of the tenth, and at the opening of the eleventh -century. Erigena and Roscelin are separated by two centuries. As for -Roscelin and Abelard, it is easier to understand why their names are -cited. Every one knows the noise that Abelard made in the world by -his doctrines, and perhaps still more by his adventures. Roscelin may -also command attention by his errors, and especially as the master of -Abelard. - -To give an idea of the spirit that guided these men, and of the opinion -we are to form of their intentions, we must enter into some details -touching their lives and their doctrines. Roscelin was one of the most -crafty men of his time. A subtle dialectician and warm partizan of -the sect of the Nominalists, he substituted his own opinions for the -teaching of the Church; and ended by falling into the gravest errors on -the sacred mystery of the Trinity. History has recorded a fact, that -proves incontestably the notorious dishonesty of the man--his want -of probity and of modesty. At the time that Roscelin was propagating -his errors, St. Anselm, who was afterwards archbishop of Canterbury, -was living, but at that time abbot of Beck. Lanfranc, archbishop of -Canterbury, who died some time before, had left behind him the highest -reputation for virtue and sound doctrine. Roscelin thought that the -authority of so high a name would give currency and consideration to -his errors; and, resorting to the foulest calumny, he affirmed that his -opinions were the same as those of Archbishop Lanfranc, and Anselm, -abbot of Beck. To this calumny Lanfranc could not reply, as he was -already in the tomb; but the abbot of Beck vigorously repelled so -unjust an imputation; and at the same time vindicated the reputation -of Lanfranc, who had been his master. The works of St. Anselm leave -no doubt as to the nature of Roscelin's errors. We find them recorded -with the greatest precision. In fact, it were difficult to say why M. -Guizot has conferred so much importance upon this man, or why he should -be adduced as one of the principal champions of the freedom of thought. -There is nothing in Roscelin to distinguish him from other heretics. -He is a man who employs artifices and subtleties, and falls into -error; but nothing is more common in the history of the Church; and it -certainly cannot be considered matter of astonishment. - -Abelard is more deserving of notice: his name has become so famous that -no one is unacquainted with his sad adventures. A disciple of Roscelin, -and as well skilled as his master in the dialectics of the age, -endowed with great talents, and eager to parade them on the principal -theatres of literature, Abelard earned a reputation never attained -by the dialectician of Compiègne. His errors on points of very great -importance produced much mischief in the Church, and drew upon himself -many sorrows. But it is not true, as M. Guizot will have it, that his -doctrines met with less reproof than his method; neither is it true -that he and his master Roscelin had no intention of effecting a radical -change in matters of doctrine. Evidence of a most unexceptionable kind -fortunately places the matter beyond all doubt, and proves that it -was not Roscelin's method, but his error on the Trinity, for which he -was condemned. Nor have we less certainty in the case of Abelard; for -the various errors taken from his works are preserved in the form of -articles. - -We learn from St. Bernard, that on the Trinity, Abelard held the -opinions of Arius--on the Incarnation, those of Nestorius--on grace, -those of Pelagius. All this did not merely _tend_ to a radical change -of doctrine, but actually was one. I do not know that Abelard ever -protested against the truth of these accusations; and even if he had, -we all know how to estimate such a protest. It is certain that, in the -famous Assembly of Sens--convoked at the request of Abelard himself--he -had not a word to say in reply to the sainted abbot of Clairvaux, who -reproached him with his errors; and laying before him the very words -of his propositions, extracted from his writings, urged him either -to defend or abjure them. Abelard, confronted with so formidable an -adversary, was so embarrassed that he could only say, in reply, that -he appealed to Rome. The Council of Sens, out of respect for the Holy -See, abstained from condemning the person of the innovator, but did -not fail to condemn his errors; and this condemnation was approved by -the Sovereign Pontiff, and extended to his person also. Now, from the -articles containing the errors of Abelard, it does not appear that -his dominant idea was to proclaim the liberty of thought. He has, it -is true, an overweening confidence in his own subtleties; but, beyond -this, his only fault is an erroneous and dogmatizing spirit on points -of the greatest importance; a fault which he had in common with all the -heretics who preceded him. - -All this M. Guizot ought to have known; how he can have overlooked it -I cannot imagine, nor why he attaches to these authors an importance -which they really do not deserve. Perhaps he was anxious to furnish -Protestants with some illustrious predecessors, when he laid such -stress on the names of Roscelin and Abelard. These two, after all, were -not deficient in ability or in erudition, and they lived precisely -during the early period of the intellectual movement. Probably M. -Guizot thought, that to bring these two innovators upon the scene would -answer his purpose extremely well, as showing that, from the very -dawn of intellectual development, men of the greatest fame had raised -their voices in favor of freedom of thought. After all, had M. Guizot -succeeded in proving that John Erigena, Roscelin, and Abelard aimed at -nothing more than the assertion of the right of private examination in -matters of faith, it would not follow that these innovators had not -sought to effect a radical change in matters of doctrine. In fact, what -can be more radical as regards matters of faith than that which strikes -at authority, the root of all certainty? Neither would it follow, that -in condemning the errors of these men the Church had taken alarm merely -at their _method_; for if this method was to consist in withdrawing the -intellect from the yoke of authority, even in matters of faith, it was -itself a very grievous error, combated at all times by the Catholic -Church, which never would consent to have her authority called in -question on points of faith. - -And yet, if these innovators had entered into the contest chiefly -for the purpose of contending against authority in matters of faith, -M. Guizot would have had some reason to notice their proceedings as -constituting a new era; but, strange to say, their propositions do not -appear to have been drawn up with a view to advocate the independence -of thought, nor against authority in matters of faith; it was not -for such an attempt, but for other errors, that the Church condemned -them. Where, then, are the accuracy and historical truth which we -should expect from such a man as M. Guizot? How could he venture, in -addressing a numerous audience, thus to substitute his own thoughts -for facts? The fact is, he well knew that these were matters generally -treated very superficially; that to gain the sympathy of superficial -men it would suffice to speak in pompous terms of the liberty of -thought, to pronounce certain names probably heard by many for the -first time, such as Erigena and Roscelin, and especially to mention the -unfortunate lover of Heloïse. - -M. Guizot, unable to conceal from himself that his observations upon -this period were somewhat feeble, tries to apply a remedy by inserting -a passage from the _Introduction to the Theology_ of Abelard, which, in -my opinion, is very far from answering the purpose of the publicist. -His object, in fact, is to show that from that very period a vigorous -spirit of resistance to the authority of the Church in matters of faith -had sprung up, and that the human mind was even then longing to burst -asunder the fetters in which it had been held. He would have us believe -that Abelard, yielding to the importunities of his own disciples, had -the courage to throw off the yoke of authority; and that his writings -were, to a certain extent, the expression of a necessity long felt, of -an idea with which many minds had long been agitated. The following -is the passage referred to: "If we seek the dominant feature of this -movement, we shall find that it was not a change of opinion, a revolt -against the system of public belief; it was simply the right of -reasoning claimed for reason." - -We have already seen how utterly devoid of truth is this assertion of -the publicist. The very attack upon authority was itself a radical -change in opinions, and a revolution in received doctrines; for the -authority of the Church was in itself a dogma, and formed the basis -of all religious belief, as experience has satisfactorily shown, -since the appearance of Protestantism at the commencement of the -sixteenth century. But let us allow the historian to proceed: "The -disciples of Abelard, as he himself tells us in his _Introduction to -Theology_, required of him philosophical arguments, and such as would -satisfy reason, requesting him to teach them not merely to repeat his -instructions, but to understand them also; for no one can believe -what he does not understand, and it is ridiculous to preach to others -things that neither the teacher nor his pupils understand. 'What object -can the study of philosophy have but that of leading the mind to the -contemplation of God, to whom all things are to be referred? Why are -the faithful allowed to read works treating of worldly affairs and the -books of the Gentiles, except to prepare them to understand the sacred -Scriptures, and to furnish them with the skill necessary for their -defence?... For this purpose alone we should avail ourselves of all -our reasoning powers, lest, on questions so difficult and complicated -as those that form the object of Christian faith, the subtilty of our -opponents should too readily injure the purity of our faith.'" - -It cannot be denied, that in Abelard's time a lively curiosity aroused -men's minds to employ all their powers to be able to give a reason -for what they believed; but it is not true that the Church threw any -obstacle in the way of this movement, considering it as a scientific -method, and so long as it did not overstep legitimate bounds, and -attack or undermine the articles of faith. It is impossible to take -a more unfavorable view of the Church than M. Guizot has here taken -of her; nor could any one more completely overlook, I will even say -distort, facts. - -"The importance of this first attempt at liberty," says he, "of this -revival of the spirit of inquiry, was soon felt. The Church, though -engaged in effecting her own reform, took the alarm nevertheless, and -at once declared war against the reformers, whose new methods menaced -her with more evils than their doctrines." - -Thus is the Church represented as conspiring against the progress -of thought, repressing with a strong arm the first attempts of the -mind to advance in the path of science, and laying aside questions of -doctrine to contend against methods; and all this, we are told, as -if it were something new and wonderful. "For," says M. Guizot, "this -was the great event which occurred at the end of the eleventh and -beginning of the twelfth centuries, at a time when the Church was under -theocratic and monastic influence. It was now that, for the first time, -a serious struggle commenced between the clergy and the freethinkers. -The quarrels of Abelard and St. Bernard, the Councils of Soissons and -Sens, in which Abelard was condemned, merely give expression to this -event, which has occupied so large a space in the history of modern -civilization." - -Still the same confusion of ideas. I have said already, and must repeat -here that the Church has condemned no method; it was not a _method_, -but error, that the Church condemned, unless by a method be meant an -assault upon the articles of faith, under pretence of breaking the -fetters of authority, which is not merely a method, but an error of the -very highest import. In reproving a pernicious doctrine, subversive of -all faith, and denying the infallibility of the See of St. Peter in -matters of doctrine, the Church did not put forth any new pretensions; -her conduct has always been the same ever since the time of the -Apostles, and is the same still. The moment a doctrine is propagated -that appears in the least degree dangerous, the Church examines it, -compares it with the sacred deposit of truth confided to her; if the -doctrine is not inconsistent with divine truth, she allows it free -circulation, for she is not ignorant that _God has given up the world -to the controversies of men_; but if it is opposed to the faith, its -condemnation is irremissible, without concern or regret. Were the -Church to act otherwise, she would contradict herself, and cease to be -what she is, the jealous depository of divine truth. If she allowed her -infallible authority to be questioned, that moment she would forget one -of her most sacred obligations, and would lose all claim on our belief; -for, in betraying an indifference for truth, she would prove herself to -be no longer a religion descended from heaven, but a mere delusion. - -Precisely at the time of which M. Guizot speaks, we observe a fact -which proves that the Church allows free scope to the exercise of -thought. The high reputation which St. Anselm sustained during his -whole career, and the great esteem in which he was held by the -Sovereign Pontiffs of his time, are well known; yet St. Anselm -philosophised with great freedom. In the introduction to his -_Monologue_, he tells us that some persons entreated him to explain -things by reason alone, without the aid of the sacred Scriptures. The -Saint was not afraid to comply with their request, and he accordingly -wrote the little work we have just named. In other parts of his works, -too, St. Anselm adopts the same method. Very few persons concern -themselves now-a-days about ancient writers, and doubtless very few -have read the works of the holy Doctor of whom we are speaking. They -display, however, such perspicuity of thought, such solid reasoning, -and above all such a discreet and temperate judgment, that we are -surprised to find the human mind, at the very commencement of the -intellectual movement, attaining to so high an elevation. In him we -find the greatest freedom of thought combined with the respect due -to the authority of the Church; and far from impairing the vigor of -his ideas, this respect augments their force and perspicuity. From -his works we learn that Abelard was not the only one who taught, _not -merely to repeat his lectures, but also to understand them_; for St. -Anselm, some years previous, followed the same method with a clearness -and solidity far beyond what could be expected at that time. We there -discover, also, that in the bosom of the Catholic Church men carried -the operations of reason to the greatest possible extent, though always -within the bounds prescribed by its own weakness, and with reverential -regard to the sacred veil that shrouds august mysteries. - -The works of St. Anselm prove that Abelard was not exactly the man -to teach the world that the end of philosophical studies is to lead -the mind to the contemplation of God, to whom all things should be -referred; and that we should avail ourselves of all our reasoning -powers, lest on questions so difficult and complicated as those that -form the object of Christian faith, the subtilties of our opponents -should too readily injure the purity of our faith. But from the Saint's -profound submission to the authority of the Church, from the candor and -ingenuousness with which he acknowledges the limits of the human mind, -we see that he was persuaded _that it is not impossible to believe what -we do not comprehend_; and, in fact, there is a wide difference between -the conviction that a thing exists, and a clear knowledge of the nature -of the thing in the existence of which we believe. - - - - -CHAPTER LXXI. - -RELIGION AND THE HUMAN MIND IN EUROPE. - - -As we are to examine what was, in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, -the conduct of the Church in reference to innovators, we will avail -ourselves of the excellent opportunity afforded by this epoch for -noticing the progress of the human mind. It has been said that -in Europe intellectual development was exclusively theological. -This is true, and necessarily so; all the faculties of man receive -their development according to the circumstances that surround -him; and as his health, his temperament, his strength, his color -even, and his stature depend upon climate, food, mode of life, and -other circumstances affecting him, so in like manner his moral -and intellectual faculties bear the stamp of the principles which -predominate in the family and society of which he forms a constituent -part. Now, in Europe, religion was the predominating element; in -every thing religion made herself heard and felt; nowhere was there a -principle of life or action discoverable unconnected with religion. It -was quite natural, therefore, that in Europe all the faculties of man -should have their development in a religious sense. A little attention -will show us that this was the case not with the intellect only, but -likewise with the heart, with the passions even, and with the whole -moral man; just as, in whatever direction we go in Europe, we meet -at every step with some monument of religion; so whatever faculty we -examine in the individual European, we find upon it the impress of -religion. - -And the case was the same with families and society as with -individuals; religion was equally predominant in both. Wherever man -has progressed towards a state of perfection, we observe a similar -phenomenon; and it is an invariable fact in the history of the human -race, that no society ever entered on the road to civilization, save -under the direction and impulse of religious principles. True or -false, rational or absurd, wherever man is on the road to improvement, -these principles are found. Some nations, indeed, may well excite our -pity at the monstrous superstitions into which they have fallen; but -we still must acknowledge, that, under these very superstitions, lay -concealed germs of good that did not fail to produce considerable -benefits. The Egyptians, Phœnicians, Greeks, and Romans were all -extremely superstitious; yet the progress they made in civilization -and intellectual culture was such, that their monuments and memorials -strike us even yet with admiration. It is easy to smile at an -extravagant observance or a senseless dogma; but we should remember -that the growth and preservation of certain moral principles cannot -be otherwise secured than under the protecting shade of religious -belief. Now, these principles are most indispensably necessary to -prevent individuals from being monstrously changed, and to maintain -the social and family ties unbroken. Much has been said against the -immorality tolerated, permitted, and sometimes even taught by certain -forms of religion; and certainly nothing is more lamentable than to -behold man thus led astray by that which ought to be his best guide. -Let us, however, look for a reality beneath these shadows, which appear -at first so gloomy, and we shall soon discover some rays of light that -may lead us to regard false religions, not indeed with indulgence, -but with less horror than those infamous systems which make matter -self-existent, and pleasure the only divinity. - -To preserve the idea of moral good and evil, an idea without meaning -except in the supposition that there exists a divine power, is itself -an inestimable advantage. Now this advantage adheres inseparably to -every form of religion, even to those that make the most absurd and -most criminal applications of the idea of good and evil. Doubtless, the -people of antiquity, and those of our own time who have not received -the light of Christianity, have gone most deplorably astray; but, in -the midst of their very wanderings, there always remains a certain -degree of light; and this light, however dimly it shines, however faint -and feeble its rays, is incomparably better than the thick darkness of -atheism. Between the nations of antiquity and those of Europe there is -this very remarkable difference, that the former passed from a state of -infancy to a state of civilization; while the latter advanced to this, -in passing from that undefinable state which, in Europe, was the result -of the invasion of the barbarians, of the confused mixture of a young -with a decrepit society, of rude and ferocious nations with others that -were civilized, cultivated, or rather effeminate. Hence, amongst the -ancients the imagination was developed before the intellect, whilst -amongst Europeans the intellect came before the imagination. With the -former, poetry came first; with the latter, what is termed dialectics -and metaphysics. - -What is the reason of so striking a difference? When a people are yet -in their infancy, either an infancy properly so called, or having lived -long in ignorance, in a state similar to that of an infant people, we -find them rich in sensations, but very poor in ideas. Nature, with -her majesty, her wonders, and her mysteries, affects such a people -the most; their language is grand, picturesque, and highly poetical; -their passions are not refined, but, on the other hand, they are -very energetic and violent. Now an intellect that ingenuously seeks -the light, loves truth in its purity and simplicity, confesses and -embraces it readily, lending itself neither to subtilties, artifices, -nor disputes. The least thing that makes a vivid impression upon the -senses or the imagination of such a people fills them with surprise and -wonder; you cannot inspire them with enthusiasm without setting before -them something heroic and sublime. - -On the first glance at the state of the people of Europe in the middle -ages, we perceive in them a certain resemblance to an infant people, -but, at the same time, a very striking difference on several points. -Their passions are very strong, they are pleased beyond every thing -with the wonderful and the extraordinary, and, for want of realities, -their imagination conjures up gigantic phantoms. The profession of arms -is their favorite occupation; they rush eagerly into the most perilous -adventures, and meet them with incredible courage. All this indicates a -development of the feelings of sensibility and imagination, inasmuch as -they produce intrepidity and valor; but, strange to say, together with -these dispositions, we find a singular taste for things the most purely -intellectual; with the most lively, ardent, and picturesque reality, -we find associated a taste for the coldest and barest abstractions. -A knight, with the cross on his shoulder, gorgeously clad, covered -with trophies, beaming with glory won in a hundred combats; a -subtile dialectician, disputing on the system of the Nominalists, -and urging his subtilely devised abstractions till he becomes -unintelligible;--these are certainly two characters very dissimilar, -and yet they exist together in the same society; both have their -prestige, receive the greatest homage, and are followed by enthusiastic -admirers. Even when we have taken into account the singular position -of the European nations at that period, it is not easy to assign a -cause for this anomaly. We can easily understand how the people of -Europe, emerging, for the most part, from the forests of the North, and -engaged for a long time either in intestine wars or in conflicts with -vanquished tribes, should have preserved, together with their warlike -habits, a strong and lively imagination and violent passions; but it -is not so easy to account for their taste for an order of ideas purely -metaphysical and dialectical. When, however, we come to look deeply -into the matter, we discover that this apparent anomaly had its origin -in the very nature of things. How is it that a people in their infancy -have so much imagination and sensibility? Because the objects by which -these faculties are naturally excited abound around them; because -individuals, being continually exposed to the influence of external -things, these objects operate upon them more forcibly. Man first feels -and imagines; later he understands and reflects: this is the natural -order in which his faculties begin to operate. Hence, with every people -the development of the imagination and of the passions precedes that of -the intellect; the passions and the imagination finding their object -and aliment before the intellect. This accounts, also, for the fact -that the poetical always precedes the philosophical era. From this -it follows, that nations in their infancy think little, as they want -ideas; and this is the chief distinctive mark between them and the -people of Europe at the period we are speaking of. In fact, _ideas_ at -that time _abounded in Europe_; and hence the purely intellectual was -held in such repute even amidst the most profound ignorance. Hence, -also, the intellect strove to shine even before its time appeared to -have arrived. Sound ideas respecting God, respecting man and society, -were already everywhere disseminated, thanks to the incessant teaching -of Christianity; and as there still remained numerous traces of the -wisdom of antiquity, both Christian and Pagan, the consequence was, -that every man possessed of a little learning had, in fact, a great -fund of ideas. - -It is clear, however, that notwithstanding these advantages, the -minds of men could not, amidst the chaos of erudition and philosophy -that then presented itself, escape the confusion naturally resulting -from the wide-spread ignorance, occasioned by a long succession of -revolutions. They could not possess sufficient discrimination and -judgment to pursue all at once, and with success, the study of the -Bible, of the writings of the holy Fathers, of the civil and canon -law, of the works of Aristotle, and of the Arabian commentaries. Yet -these were all studied at the same time; on all these, disputes were -zealously maintained; and the errors and extravagances which in such -a state of things were inevitable were accompanied by the presumption -that is invariably inherent in ignorance. To succeed in explaining -certain passages of the Bible, of the Fathers, of the codes, and of -the works of philosophers, great preparatory labors were necessary, -as the experience of subsequent ages has proved. It was necessary -to study languages, to examine archives and monuments, to collect -together from all parts an immense mass of materials; then, to reduce -these to order, to compare them together, and to discriminate between -them; in a word, it was necessary to possess a rich fund of learning, -enlightened by the torch of criticism. Now all this was then wanting, -and could only be attained in the course of ages. The consequence was -inevitable, considering the mania that existed for explaining every -thing. If a difficulty arose, and the facts and knowledge requisite -for its solution were wanting, they adopted a roundabout way; instead -of seeking the support derivable from facts, the disputants took their -stand upon an idea; substituting some subtle abstraction for solid -reasoning; where they found it impossible to form a body of sound -doctrine, they threw together a confused mass of ideas and words. Who -could repress a smile, or not feel pity for Abelard, for instance, -promising his disciples to explain to them the prophet Ezechiel, with -very little time for preparation, and actually fulfilling his promise? -I would ask the reader whether, in the middle of the thirteenth -century, an explanation of Ezechiel, given with only a slight -preparation, could have been successful or interesting? - -The study of dialectics and metaphysics was embraced with so much -ardor, that in a short time these branches of knowledge superseded all -others. The consequences were prejudicial to the minds of men; their -attention being wholly engrossed by this object of their choice, the -pursuit of more solid learning was regarded with indifference--history -was neglected, literature unnoticed, in a word, the mind was only half -developed. Every thing appertaining to the imagination and the feelings -was sacrificed to the cultivation of the intellect; not, indeed, in -its most useful operations,--the formation of a clear and perfect -perception, of a mature judgment, of a habit of sound and accurate -reasoning,--but in those which are astute, subtle, and extravagant. - -Those who would reproach the Church for her conduct at that period -in reference to innovators have a very imperfect understanding of -the actual condition of Europe as regards science and religion. We -have already seen that the intellectual development was religious; -consequently, even when it deviated from the right path, it still -retained this character, and the oddest subtilties were applied to -mysteries the most sublime. Almost all the heretics of the time were -renowned dialecticians, and their errors arose from an excess of -subtilty. Roscelin, one of the leading dialecticians of his time, -was the founder, or at least one of the leaders of the sect of the -Nominalists. Abelard was celebrated for the readiness of his talents, -his skill in disputation, and his address in explaining every thing to -suit his thesis. The abuse of his intellect led him into the errors -which we have already spoken of--errors which he would have avoided, -had he not proudly yielded himself up to his own vain thoughts. The -mania for subtilising every thing drew Gilbert de la Poirée into -the most lamentable errors on the subject of the Divinity; Amaury, -another celebrated philosopher, after the fashion of the time, took -up so warmly the question of Aristotle's primordial matter, that he -ended by declaring matter to be God. The Church strenuously opposed -these errors, which arose in great numbers in minds led astray by vain -arguments, and puffed up with foolish pride. It would argue a strange -misconception of the true interests of science, to suppose that the -Church's resistance to these raving innovators was not most favorable -to intellectual progress. - -These headstrong men, eager in the pursuit of knowledge, and captivated -by the first chimera presented to their imagination, stood greatly in -need of some discreet authority to restrain them within the bounds -of reason and moderation. The intellect had scarcely taken the first -steps in the career of knowledge, and yet fancied it already knew every -thing, "pretending to know all things except the _nescio_, I know not," -as St. Bernard reproaches the vain Abelard. Why should we not, for the -good of humanity, and the credit of the human intellect, approve the -condemnation pronounced by the Church against the errors of Gilbert, -which aimed at nothing less than the overthrow of the ideas that we -have of God? If Amaury and his disciple David de Dinant are smitten by -the sentence of the Church, it is because they destroy the idea of the -Divinity by confounding the Creator with _primordial matter_. Was it -for the advantage of Europe that its intellectual movement should be -commenced by precipitating itself at the very outset into the abyss of -pantheism? - -Had the human intellect followed in its development the way marked out -for it by the Church, European civilization would have gained at least -two centuries; the fourteenth century would have been as far advanced -as the sixteenth was. To convince ourselves of the truth of this -assertion, we have only to compare writings with writings, and men with -men; the men most firmly attached to the faith of the Church attained -to such eminence that they left the age in which they lived far behind -them. Roscelin's antagonist was St. Anselm; the latter always remained -faithful to the authority of the Church; the former rebelled against -her: and who, let met ask, would have the hardihood to compare the -dialectician of Compiègne with the learned Archbishop of Canterbury? -How vast the difference between the profound and skilful metaphysician -who composed the Monologue and the Prosologue, and the frivolous leader -of the disputes of the Nominalists! Have the subtilties and cavillings -of Roscelin any weight whatever against the lofty thoughts of the man -who, in the eleventh century, to prove the existence of God, could -reject all vain and captious reasonings, concentrate himself within -himself, consult his own ideas, compare them with their object, and -demonstrate the existence of God from the very idea of God, thus -anticipating Descartes by five hundred years? Who best understood the -true interests of science? Show me how the intellect of St. Anselm was -degraded or shackled by the influence of the formidable authority of -the Church, by any usurpation on the part of Popes of the rights of -the human mind. And can Abelard himself be compared, either as a man, -or as a writer, with his Catholic adversary, St. Bernard? Abelard was -a perfect master of all the subtilties of the schools; noisy disputes -were his amusement; he was intoxicated with the applause of his -disciples, who were dazzled by their master's talents and courage, and -still more by the learned follies of the age; yet what has become of -his works? Who reads them? Who ever thinks of finding in them a single -page of sound reasoning, the description of a single great event, or a -picture of the manners of the time, in other words, the least matter of -interest to science or history? On the contrary, what man of learning -has not often sought this in the immortal works of St. Bernard? - -It is impossible to find a more sublime personification of the Church -combating against the heretics of his time than the illustrious Abbot -of Clairvaux, contending against all innovators, and speaking, if we -may use the term, in the name of the Catholic faith. No one could more -worthily represent the ideas and sentiments which the Church endeavored -to diffuse amongst mankind, nor more faithfully delineate the course -through which Catholicity would have led the human mind. Let us pause -for a moment in the presence of this gigantic mind, which attained to -an eminence far beyond any of its contemporaries. This extraordinary -man fills the world with his name--upheaves it by his words--sways it -by his influence; in the midst of darkness he is its light; he forms, -as it were, a mysterious link, connecting the two epochs of St. Jerome -and St. Augustine, of Bossuet and Bourdaloue. In the midst of a general -relaxation and corruption of morals, by the strictest observances and -the most perfect purity he is proof against every assault. Ignorance -prevails throughout all classes; he studies night and day to enlighten -his mind. A false and counterfeit erudition usurps the place of true -knowledge; he knows its unsoundness, disdains and despises it; and his -eagle eye discovers at a glance that the star of truth moves at an -immense distance from this false reflection, from this crude mass of -subtilties and follies, which the men of his time termed philosophy. If -at that period there existed any useful learning, it was to be sought -in the Bible, and in the writings of the holy Fathers; to the study -of these, therefore, St. Bernard devotes himself unremittingly. Far -from consulting the vain babblers who are arguing and declaiming in -the schools, St. Bernard seeks his inspirations in the silence of the -cloister, or in the august sanctuary of the temple; if he goes out, it -is to contemplate the great book of nature, to study eternal truths in -the solitude of the desert, and, as he himself has expressed it, "in -forests of beech-trees." - -Thus did this great man, rising superior to the prejudices of his -time, avoid the evil produced in his contemporaries by the method -then prevailing. By this method the imagination and the feelings were -stifled; the judgment warped; the intellect sharpened to excess; and -learning converted into a labyrinth of confusion. Read the works -of the sainted Abbot of Clairvaux, and you will find that all his -faculties go, as it were, hand in hand. If you look for imagination, -you will find the finest coloring, faithful portraits, and splendid -descriptions. If you want feeling, you will learn how skilfully he -finds his way into the heart, captivates, subdues, and fashions it to -his will. Now he strikes a salutary fear into the hardened sinner, -tracing with great force the formidable picture of the divine justice -and the eternal vengeance; then he consoles and sustains the man who -is sinking under worldly adversity, the assaults of his passions, the -recollection of his transgressions, or an exaggerated fear of the -divine justice. Do you want pathos? Listen to his colloquies with -Jesus and Mary; hear him speaking of the blessed Virgin with such -enrapturing sweetness, that he seems to exhaust all the epithets that -the liveliest hope and the most pure and tender love can suggest. Would -you have vigor and vehemence of style, and that irresistible torrent -of eloquence which nothing can resist, which carries the mind beyond -itself, fires it with enthusiasm, compels it to enter upon the most -arduous paths, and to undertake the most heroic enterprises? See him -with his burning words inflaming the zeal of the people, nobles, and -kings; moving them to quit their homes, to take up arms, and to unite -in numerous armies that pour into Asia to rescue the Holy Sepulchre. -This extraordinary man is every where met with, every where heard. -Entirely free from ambition, he possesses, nevertheless, a leading -influence in the great affairs of Europe: though fond of solitude -and retirement, he is continually obliged to quit the obscurity of -the cloister to assist in the councils of kings and popes. He never -flatters, never betrays the truth, never dissembles the sacred ardor -which burns within his breast; and yet he is every where listened to -with profound respect; his stern voice is heard in the cottages of the -poor and in the palaces of kings; he admonishes with terrible severity -the most obscure monk and the Sovereign Pontiff. - -In the midst of so much ardor and activity, his mind loses none of -its clearness or precision. His exposition of a point of doctrine is -remarkable for ease and lucidity; his demonstrations are vigorous and -conclusive; his reasoning is conducted with a force of logic that -presses close upon his adversary, and leaves him no means of escape: in -defence, his quickness and address are surprising. In his answers he -is clear and precise; in repartee, quick and penetrating; and without -dealing in the subtilties of the schools, he displays wonderful tact in -disentangling truth from error, sound reason from artifice and fraud. -Here is a man formed entirely and exclusively under the influence of -Catholicity; a man who never strayed from the pale of the Church, who -never dreamed of setting his intellect free from the yoke of authority; -and yet he rises like a mighty pyramid above all the men of his time. - -To the eternal honor of the Catholic Church, and utterly to disprove -the accusation brought against her, of exerting an influence hostile -to the freedom of the human mind, I must observe that St. Bernard -was not the only man who rose superior to the age, and pointed out -the way to genuine progress. It is unquestionably certain, that the -most distinguished men of that period, those least influenced by the -evils that so long kept the human mind in pursuit of mere vanities and -shadows, were precisely the men most devotedly attached to Catholicity. -These men set an example of what was necessary to be done for the -advancement of learning; an example that for a long time had, it is -true, but few followers, but which found some in subsequent ages: now -it is to be observed that the progress of learning was due to the -credit obtained by this method--I speak of the study of antiquity. - -The sacred sciences were the chief object of attention at this -period; as the intellect was theologically developed, dialectics and -metaphysics were studied with a view to their application to theology. -With Roscelin, Abelard, Gilbert de la Poirée, and Amaury, the phrase -was: "Let us reason, subtilise, and apply our systems to all sorts -of questions; let our reason be our rule and guide, without which -knowledge is impossible." With St. Bernard, St. Anselm, Hugh and -Richard de St. Victor, Peter Lombard, on the contrary, it was: "Let us -see what antiquity teaches; let us study the works of the holy Fathers; -let us analyse and compare their texts; we cannot place our dependence -exclusively on arguments, which are sometime dangerous and sometimes -futile." Which of these two judgments has been actually confirmed? -Which of these methods was adopted when real progress was to be made? -Was not recourse had to an unremitting study of ancient works? Was it -not found necessary to throw aside the cavils of the dialecticians? -Protestants themselves boast of having taken this way; their -theologians consider it an honor to be versed in antiquity; and would -be offended if treated as mere dialecticians. On which side, then, was -reason? With the heretics, or with the Church? Who best understood -the method most favorable to intellectual progress? The heretical -dialectician, or the orthodox doctor? To these questions there can only -be one reply. These are not mere opinions--they are facts; not an empty -theory, but the actual history of learning, as known by all the world, -and as represented to us in irrefragable documents. Unless prepossessed -by the authority of M. Guizot, the reader certainly cannot complain -that I have eschewed questions of history, or claimed his belief on my -own bare word. - -Unhappily, mankind seemed doomed never to find the true road without -going a long way round; thus the intellect, taking the very worst -way of all, went in pursuit of subtilties and cavils, forsaking the -beaten track of reason and good sense. At the beginning of the twelfth -century the evil had reached to such a height, that to apply a remedy -was no slight undertaking; nor is it easy to say how far matters -might have gone, nor what evils would have ensued in various ways, had -not Providence, who never abandons the care of the moral, any more -than of the physical universe, raised up an extraordinary genius, -who, rising to an immense height above the men of his age, reduced -the chaos to order. Out of the undigested mass, by retrenching here, -adding there, classifying and explaining, this man collected a fund -of real learning. Persons acquainted with the history of learning at -that time will readily understand that I speak of St. Thomas Aquinas. -Rightly to appreciate the extraordinary merit of this great Doctor, -we must view him in connection with the times and circumstances of -which we are treating. Beholding in St. Thomas Aquinas one of the most -luminous, most comprehensive, and most penetrating intellects that have -ever adorned the human race, we are almost tempted to think that his -appearance in the thirteenth century was inopportune; we regret that -he did not live in a more recent age, to enter the lists with the most -illustrious men of whom modern Europe can boast. But, upon further -reflection, we find that the human mind owes so much to him, we see so -clearly the reason why his appearance at the time when Europe received -his lectures was most opportune, that we have no other feeling left -than one of profound admiration of the designs of Providence. - -What was the philosophy of his time? Amidst the strange compound of -Greek and Arabian philosophy and of Christian ideas, what would have -become of dialectics, metaphysics, and morality? We have already seen -what sort of fruit began to grow out of such combinations, favored by -a degree of ignorance unable to distinguish the real nature of things, -and encouraged by pride that pretended to a knowledge of every thing. -And yet the evil was only beginning; its further development would -have been attended with symptoms still more alarming. Fortunately, -this great man appeared; the first touch of his powerful hand advanced -learning two or three centuries. He could not root out the evil, but at -least he applied a remedy; owing to his indisputable superiority, his -method and his learning soon won their way everywhere. He became, as it -were, the centre of a grand system, round which all other scholastic -writers were forced to revolve; he thus prevented a multitude of errors -that without his intervention would have been almost inevitable. He -found the schools in a state of complete anarchy; he reduced them -to order; and on account of his angelic intellect, and his eminent -sanctity, was looked up to as their sublime dictator. This is the view -I take of the mission of St. Thomas; it will be viewed in the same -light by all those who study his works, and do not content themselves -with a hasty perusal of a biographical article respecting him. - -Now this man was a Catholic, and the Catholic Church venerates him upon -her altars, and I do not see that his mind was shackled by authority -in matters of faith; it goes abroad freely amongst all the branches -of knowledge; he unites in his person such extensive and profound -acquirements as to appear a prodigy for the age in which he lived. We -observe in St. Thomas, notwithstanding the purely scholastic method -which he adopted, the same characteristic that we discover in all the -eminent Catholic writers of the times. He reasons much; but it is easy -to see that he does not trust entirely to his reason, but proceeds with -that wise diffidence which is an unequivocal sign of real learning. -He avails himself of the doctrines of Aristotle; but evidently would -have made less use of them, and more of the Fathers, but for his -leading idea, which was, to make the philosophy of his time subservient -to the defence of religion. The reader must not suppose that his -metaphysics and moral philosophy are a congeries of inexplicable -enigmas, as a knowledge of the period at which he wrote might lead us -to apprehend. Nothing of the kind; and any one who entertains such an -idea has evidently not spent much time in the study of his writings. -His metaphysical works, it must be acknowledged, make us perfectly -acquainted with the dominant ideas of the time; but it is equally -undeniable, that in every page we meet with the most luminous passages -on the most complicated questions of ideology, ontology, cosmology, -and psychology; so much so, that we almost imagine we are reading the -works of a philosopher who wrote after the fullest development of the -sciences had been attained. - -What his political ideas were, we have already seen; were it -necessary, and did the nature of the present work permit, I might here -produce many fragments from his _Treatise on Laws and on Justice_, -distinguished for such solid principles, such lofty views, so profound -a knowledge of the nature of society, that they would occupy an -honorable position amongst the best works on legislation written in -modern times. His treatises on virtues and vices, whether considered -generally, or in detail, exhaust the subject, and defy all subsequent -writers to produce a single idea of any importance that has not been -already either developed, or at least suggested in them. Above all, his -works are remarkable for moderation and extreme reserve in doctrinal -expositions, in which respect they are eminently conformable to the -spirit of Catholicity; and assuredly if all writers had followed in -his footsteps, the field of science would have presented us with -an assembly of sages, and would not have been converted into a -blood-stained arena for furious combatants. Such is his modesty, that -he does not relate a single incident in his life, private or public; -from him we hear nothing but the language of enlightened reason, calmly -dispensing its treasures: the man, with his fame, his misfortunes, his -labors, and all his vain pretensions, with which other writers are wont -to weary us, never appears for an instant.[41] - - - - -CHAPTER LXXII. - -ON THE PROGRESS OF THE HUMAN MIND FROM THE ELEVENTH CENTURY TO THE -PRESENT TIME. - - -I think I have satisfactorily vindicated the Catholic Church from the -reproaches cast upon her by her enemies, for her conduct during the -eleventh and twelfth centuries in reference to the development of the -human mind. Let us now take a rapid survey of the march of intellect up -to our own times, and see what titles Protestantism can produce to the -gratitude of the friends of progress in human knowledge. - -If I mistake not, the following are the phases through which the human -mind has passed, since the revival of learning in the eleventh century. -First came the epoch of subtilties, with its heaps of crude erudition; -then the age of criticism, with appropriate attempts at grave -controversies on the meaning of records and monuments; and finally -came the reflecting age, and the inauguration of the philosophical -period. The eleventh and succeeding centuries, to the sixteenth, -were characterized by a fondness for dialectics and erudite trifles; -criticism and controversy formed the distinctive characteristics of the -sixteenth, and part of the seventeenth centuries; the philosophical -spirit began to prevail towards the middle of the seventeenth, and -continued to our own time. Now of what advantage was Protestantism to -learning? None; Protestantism found learning already accumulated--this -I can easily prove--Erasmus and Louis Vives shone in the time of Luther. - -Did Protestantism promote the study of criticism? Yes; just as an -epidemic that decimates nations aids the progress of the medicinal -art. But we must not suppose that the taste for this kind of literary -labor would not have been disseminated without the aid of the -pseudo-Reformation. As monuments came to light, as a knowledge of -languages became more general, as the public acquired clearer and more -correct notions of history, people would naturally set themselves to -discriminate between the apocryphal and the authentic. The necessary -documents were at hand, and were studied unremittingly; for this was -the favorite taste of the epoch. Under such circumstances, how is it -possible there should have existed no desire to examine to what author, -and to what age, such documents severally belonged; to investigate -how far ignorance or dishonesty had falsified them, had taken from, -or added to them? On this subject, I need only relate what took place -relative to the famous decretals of Isidore Mercator. These decretals -had been received, without opposition, during the centuries anterior -to the fifteenth, owing to the want of antiquarian and critical -research; but the moment that knowledge and facts began to accumulate, -the edifice of imposture gave way. As early as the fifteenth century, -Cardinal Cusa challenged the authenticity of certain decretals that had -been supposed to be anterior to Pope Siricius; and the reflections of -the learned Cardinal led the way to other attacks of a similar kind. A -serious discussion arose, in which Protestants naturally took part; but -it would unquestionably have been engaged in all the same, if Catholic -writers had been left entirely to themselves. When the learned came to -read the codes of Theodosius and Justinian, the works of antiquity, and -collections of ecclesiastical records, they could not possibly fail to -observe that the spurious decretals contained sentences and fragments -belonging to an era posterior to the time to which they were referred; -and when once such doubts had arisen, error was sure to be promptly -exposed. - -We may say of controversy, what we have just said of criticism. There -would have been no want of controversy, even if the unity of the faith -had never been violated. In support of this assertion, the recollection -of what occurred amongst the different schools of Catholics is -quite conclusive. These schools were engaged in controversy amongst -themselves, in the presence even of the common opponent: and we may -rest assured that, if their attention had not been partially diverted -by that enemy, their polemical discussions would have been maintained -only with the greater energy and warmth. Protestants have no more -the advantage over Catholics, as regards controversy than as regards -criticism. However true it be that some of our theologians did not see -the necessity of opposing the enemy with arms superior to those taken -from the arsenal of Aristotelian philosophy, it is quite certain that -a great number of them took up a sufficiently lofty position, and were -thoroughly impressed with the importance of the crisis, and urged the -introduction of very great modifications into the course of theological -studies. Bellarmin, Melchior Cano, Petau, and many others, were no way -inferior to the most skilful Protestants, whatever may have been the -boasted scientific merits of the defenders of error. - -The knowledge of the learned languages must have contributed in an -extraordinary degree to the progress of critical and controversial -learning. Now I do not see that Catholics were behind others in the -knowledge of Latin, Greek, and Hebrew. Anthony de Nebrija, Erasmus, -Louis Vives, Lawrence Villa, Leonardus Aretinus, Cardinal Bembo, -Sadolet, Poggio, Melchior Cano, and many others, too numerous to -mention; were they, I ask, trained in Protestantism? Did not the Popes, -moreover, take the lead in this literary movement? Who patronized the -learned with greater liberality? Who supplied them with more abundant -resources? Who incurred greater expenses in the purchase of the best -manuscripts? Nor let it be forgotten, that such was the taste for pure -Latinity, that some among the learned objected to read the Vulgate, for -fear of acquiring inelegant phrases. - -As regards Greek, we need only bear in mind the causes that led to -its diffusion in Europe, to be convinced that the progress made -in the knowledge of this language owes nothing whatever to the -pseudo-Reformation. It is well known that, after the taking of -Constantinople by the Turks, the literary remains of that unfortunate -nation were brought to the coasts of Italy. In Italy the study of Greek -was first seriously commenced; from Italy it spread to France, and to -the other European states. Half a century before the appearance of -Protestantism, this language was taught in Paris by the Italian Gregory -de Tiferno. At the end of the fifteenth and beginning of the sixteenth -centuries, Germany itself could boast of the celebrated John Reuchlin, -who taught Greek with great applause, first at Orleans and Poictiers, -and afterwards at Ingolstadt. Reuchlin, being on one occasion at Rome, -so felicitously explained, and read with so pure an accent, a passage -from Thucydides, in the presence of Argyropilus, that the latter, -filled with admiration, exclaimed: "_Gracia nostra exilio transvolavit -Alpes_; our exiled Greece has crossed the Alps." - -Respecting Hebrew, I will transcribe a passage from the Abbé Goujet: -"Protestants," says he, "would fain have it thought that they -effected the revival of this language in Europe; but they are forced -to acknowledge, that whatever they know of Hebrew they owe to the -Catholics, who were their teachers, and the sources whence, even to -this day, is obtained all that is most valuable in Oriental literature. -John Reuchlin, who lived the greater part of his time in the fifteenth -century, was unquestionably a Catholic, and one of the most skilful -Hebrew scholars, and was also the first Christian who reduced the -teaching of that language to a system. John Weissel of Groningen had -taught him the elements of this language, and had himself pupils in -whom he had awakened a love for this study. In like manner, it was by -the exertions of Picus de Mirandula, who was a strict Catholic, that a -taste for the study of Hebrew was revived in the West. At the time of -the Council of Trent, most of the heretics who then knew that language -had learned it in the bosom of the Church they had forsaken; and their -vain subtilties respecting the meaning of the sacred text excited the -faithful to still greater assiduity in the study of a language so -well calculated to insure their own triumph and the defeat of their -opponents. In devoting themselves to this branch of study, moreover, -they were only following out the intentions of Pope Clement V., who, -as early as the beginning of the fourteenth century, had ordained that -Greek, and Hebrew, and even Arabic and Chaldean, should be publicly -taught, for the benefit of foreigners, at Rome, at Paris, at Oxford, at -Bologna, and at Salamanca. The design of this Pope, who so well knew -the advantages resulting from well-conducted studies, was, to augment -the learning of the Church by the study of languages, and to raise -up doctors capable of defending her against every form of error. By -means of these languages, and more especially of Hebrew, he intended -to renew the study of the sacred books, that the latter, when read in -the original, might appear more worthy of the Holy Spirit who inspired -them, and by their combined grandeur and simplicity, when better -known, awaken greater reverence for them; and that, without derogating -from the respect due to the Latin version, it might be felt that an -intimate acquaintance with the originals was peculiarly serviceable in -confirming the faith of believers, and confuting heretics." (L'Abbé -Goujet, _Discours sur le renouvellement des Etudes, et principalement -des Etudes ecclésiastiques depuis le quatorzième siècle_.) - -One of the causes which contributed the most to the development of -the human mind was the creation of great centres of instruction, -collecting the most illustrious talents and learning, and diffusing -rays of light in all directions. I know not how men could forget that -this idea was not due to the pretended Reformation, seeing that most of -the universities of Europe were established long before the birth of -Luther. That of Oxford was established in 895; Cambridge in 1280; that -of Prague, in Bohemia, in 1358; that of Louvain, in Belgium, in 1425; -that of Vienna, in Austria, in 1365; that of Ingolstadt, in Germany, -in 1372; that of Leipsic in 1408; that of Basle, in Switzerland, in -1469; that of Salamanca in 1200; that of Alcala in 1517. It would be -superfluous to notice the antiquity of the universities of Paris, -of Bologna, of Ferrara, and of a great many others, which attained -the highest renown long before the advent of Protestantism. The -Popes, it is well known, took an active part in the establishment -of universities, granting them privileges, and bestowing upon them -the highest honors and distinctions. How can any one, then, venture -to assert, that Rome has opposed the progress of learning and the -sciences, in order to keep the people in darkness and ignorance? As if -Divine Providence had intended to confound these future calumniators -of His Church, Protestantism made its appearance precisely at the -time when, under the auspices of a renowned Pope, the progress in -the science, in literature and the arts was most active. Posterity, -judging of our disputes with impartiality, will undoubtedly pass a -severe sentence upon those pretended philosophers, who are constantly -endeavoring to prove from history, that Catholicity has impeded the -progress of the human mind, and that scientific progress has been all -owing to the cry of liberty raised in central Germany. Yes; sensible -men in future ages, like those of our own times, will form a correct -judgment upon this subject, when they reflect that Luther began to -propagate his errors _in the age of Leo X_. - -Certainly, the court of Rome could not at that time be reproached -with obscurantism. Rome was at the head of all progress, which she -urged onwards with the most active zeal, the most ardent enthusiasm; -so much so, indeed, that if she were censurable at all--if there were -in her conduct any thing of which history should disapprove--it was -rather that her march was too quick than too slow. Had another St. -Bernard addressed Leo X., he would assuredly not have blamed him for -abusing his authority to impede the march of the human intellect and -the progress of learning. "The Reformation," says M. de Chateaubriand, -"deeply imbued with the spirit of its founder--a coarse and jealous -monk--declared itself the enemy of the arts. By prohibiting the -exercise of the imaginative faculties, it clipped the wings of genius, -and made her plod on foot. It raised an outcry against certain alms -destined for the erection of the basilica of St. Peter for the use -of the Christian world. Would the Greeks have refused the assistance -solicited from their piety for the building of a temple to Minerva? Had -the Reformation been completely successful from the beginning, it would -have established, for a time at least, another species of barbarism: -viewing as superstition the pomp of divine worship; as idolatry the -_chefs-d'œuvre_ of sculpture, of architecture, and of painting, its -tendency was to annihilate lofty eloquence and sublime poetry--to -degrade taste, by repudiating its models--to introduce a dry, cold, -and captious formality into the operations of the mind--to substitute -in society affectation and materialism in lieu of ingenuousness and -intellectuality, and to make machinery take the place of manual and -mental operations. These are truths confirmed by everyday experience. - -"Amongst the various branches of the reformed religion, their -approximation to the beautiful and sublime is always found to be -proportioned to the amount of Catholic truth they have retained. In -England, where an ecclesiastical hierarchy has been upheld, literature -has had its classic era. Lutheranism preserves some sparks of -imagination, which Calvinism aims at utterly extinguishing; and so on, -till we come to Quakerism, which would reduce social life to unpolished -manners and the practice of trades. Shakspeare, in all probability, -was a Catholic; Milton has evidently imitated some parts of the poems -of St. Avitus and Masenius; Klopstock has borrowed very largely from -the faith of Rome. In our own days, in Germany, the high imaginative -powers have been put forth only when the spirit of Protestantism -had begun to decline. It was in treating Catholic subjects that the -genius of Goethe and Schiller was manifested; Rousseau and Madame -de Staël are, indeed, illustrious exceptions to this rule; but were -they Protestants after the model of the first disciples of Calvin? -At this very day, painters, architects, and sculptors, of all the -conflicting creeds, go to seek inspiration at Rome, where they find -universal toleration. Europe, nay, the whole world, is covered with -monuments of the Catholic religion. To it we are indebted for that -Gothic architecture, which rivals in its details, and eclipses in -its magnificence, the monuments of Greece. It is now three centuries -since Protestantism arose,--it is powerful in England, in Germany, -in America,--it is professed by millions of men,--and what has it -erected? It can show only the ruins it has made; on which perhaps, it -has planted gardens or built factories. Rebelling against the authority -of tradition, the experience of centuries, and the venerable wisdom of -ages, Protestantism let go its hold on the past, and planted a society -without roots. Acknowledging for their founder a German monk of the -sixteenth century, the reformers renounced the wonderful genealogy -that unites Catholics, through a succession of great and holy men, -with Jesus Christ Himself, and, through Him, with the patriarchs and -the earliest of mankind. The Protestant era, from the first hours of -its existence, refused all relationship with the era of that Leo who -protected the civilized world against Attila, and also with the era of -that other Leo, at whose coming barbarism vanished, and society, now -no longer in need of defence, put on the ornaments of civilization." -(_Etud. Histor._, François I.) - -It is much to be regretted that the author of such noble sentiments, -who so accurately describes the effects of Protestantism on literature -and the arts, should have said, that "the Reformation was, properly -speaking, philosophic truth, under the guise of Christianity, attacking -religious truth." (_Etud. Histor._, Preface.) What is the meaning -of these words? We shall best understand them from the illustrious -author's own explanation. "Religious truth," says he, "is the knowledge -of one God manifested in a form of worship. Philosophic truth is the -threefold knowledge of things intellectual, moral, and natural." -(_Etud. Histor._, Exposition.) It is difficult to imagine how any one -who admits the truth of the Catholic religion, and, as a necessary -consequence, the falsehood of Protestantism, can define the latter to -be, philosophic truth at war with religious truth. In the natural, -as well as in the supernatural, order of things, in philosophy as in -religion, all truths come from God, all end in Him. There cannot, -therefore, be any antagonism between truths of one order and truths of -another order; between religious and true philosophy, between nature -and grace, no antagonism is possible. Truth is that which is; for -truth resides in beings themselves; we should rather say, it consists -of beings themselves such as they exist, such as they are in their -substance; and hence it is quite incorrect to say that philosophic -truth has ever stood in antagonism to religious truth. - -According to the same author "Philosophic truth is neither more nor -less than the independence of the human mind; its tendency being to -make discoveries, and lead to perfection in the three sciences that -come within its sphere, viz. the intellectual, the moral, and the -natural. But philosophic truth," he continues, "looking forwards to -the future, has stood in opposition to religious truth, which adheres -to the past, owing to the immovable nature of the eternal principle -upon which it is founded." (_Etud. Histor._, Exposition.) With all the -respect due to the immortal author of the _Génie du Christianisme_ and -of the _Martyrs_, I must take the liberty to observe, that we find here -a lamentable confusion of ideas. The philosophic truth of which M. de -Chateaubriand here treats, must be either science itself, considered -as an aggregate of truths, or a general knowledge, in which truth and -error are commingled; or, in fine, the whole body of men of learning, -considered as constituting a very influential class in society. In the -first case, it is impossible for philosophic truth to be in antagonism -to religious truth,--that is, to Catholicity; in the second case, the -alleged opposition is nothing extraordinary, for error being in this -case mixed up with truth, will on some points be found to be opposed -to Catholic faith; and, finally, as regards the third hypothesis, -it is unfortunately too true, that many men, distinguished by their -talents and erudition, have been opposed to Catholicity; but, on the -other hand, as great a number of men equally eminent have triumphantly -maintained the truth of Catholicity; hence it would be extremely -illogical to affirm that philosophic truth, even in this sense, is -opposed to religious truth. - -It is not my wish to give an unfavorable interpretation to the words of -the illustrious writer; I rather incline to think, that, in his mind, -philosophic truth is nothing but a spirit of independence considered -in a general, vague, and undefined sense, and not as applied to any -object in particular. This is the only way to reconcile assertions -so different; for it is quite clear, that, after he had so severely -condemned the Protestant Reformation, the writer could not proceed -to admit that this same Reformation carried with it philosophic -truth, properly so called, wherein it became opposed to Catholic -doctrines. But, in this case, the language of the illustrious author -is unquestionably wanting in precision; this, however, need not -surprise us, as, upon reflection, we shall find that, in treating -historico-philosophical subjects, precision is not to be expected from -writers whose genius has been wont to soar into the highest regions on -the wings of a sublime poetry. - -It was not either in Germany or in England, but in Catholic France, -that the philosophical movement advanced with the greatest freedom -and daring. Descartes, the founder of a new era in philosophy, that -superseded the Aristotelian, and gave a fresh impulse to the study of -logic, of physics, and metaphysics, was a Frenchman and a Catholic. -The greater part of his most distinguished followers were also in -communion with the Roman Church. Philosophy, then, in the highest -sense of the word, owes nothing to Protestantism. Before Leibnitz, -Germany could scarcely reckon a single philosopher of any note; and -the English schools that attained to any thing like celebrity arose -after Descartes' time. We shall find, upon reflection, that France was -the centre of the philosophical movement from the end of the sixteenth -century; and at that period all the Protestant countries were so -backward in this kind of study, that the active progress of philosophy -amongst the Catholics was scarcely noticed by them. In like manner, -it was in the bosom of the Catholic Church that the taste arose for -profound meditations on the secrets of the heart, and on the relations -of the human mind to God and nature, and that sublime abstraction which -concentrates man's faculties, sets him free from the body, and elevates -him to those exalted regions that appear destined to be visited -exclusively by celestial spirits. Is not mysticism, in its purest, most -refined, and most elevated form, found in our Catholic writers of the -golden age? Since that time, what has been published that may not be -met with in the works of St. Teresa, in those of St. John of the Cross, -in the venerable Avila, in Louis de Grenada, and in Louis de Léon? - -And Pascal, that man of thought, one of the most vigorous geniuses -of the seventeenth century, who was unhappily deceived for some time -by a hypocritical and canting sect, was he a Protestant? Was it not -he who laid the basis of that philosophico-religious school, whose -investigations, directed at one time to the deepest questions of -religion, at another to those of nature, or to the mysteries of the -human heart, have surrounded truth with a flood of light? Do not the -apologists of Christianity, whether Protestants or Catholics, when -engaged in combating indifference or incredulity, avail themselves by -preference of his _Pensées_? Authors who have written on the philosophy -of history have perhaps surpassed all others in their eagerness to -vilify the Church as the enemy of enlightenment, whilst they represent -Protestantism as the great bulwark of the rights of the mind. Now, -gratitude alone should have induced them to proceed more circumspectly; -they should not forget that the real founder of the philosophy of -history was a Catholic, and that the first and best work ever written -on this subject came from the pen of a Catholic Bishop. It was Bossuet, -in his immortal _Discours sur l'Histoire Universelle_, who first taught -our modern thinkers to take a lofty survey of the human race; to -embrace at one view all the events that have marked the course of ages, -contemplating them in all their vastness and intimate connection, with -all their phases, effects, and causes, and to draw from them salutary -lessons for the instruction both of princes and people. Now, Bossuet -was a Catholic, and, moreover, one of the most trenchant adversaries of -the Protestant Reformation. His fame is heightened too by another work, -in which he completely overthrows the doctrines of the innovators, by -proving their continual variations, and demonstrating that theirs must -be the way of error, seeing that variation is incompatible with truth. -We may ask the abettors of Protestantism, if the Eagle of Meaux feels -in his flight the fetters of the Catholic religion, when, glancing at -the origin and destiny of mankind, at the fall of our first parents and -its consequences, on the revolutions of the East and West, he traces -with such wonderful sublimity the designs of Divine Providence? - -As regards the literary movement, I might almost consider myself -relieved from all necessity of combating the reproaches cast upon -Catholicity by its enemies. What, in fact, was the literature of all -the Protestant countries together, at the time when Italy produced -those orators and poets, who, in succeeding ages, have been universally -received as models? Various descriptions of literature were already -quite common in Catholic countries, that were not even known in England -or Germany; and when, at a later period, an attempt was made to fill -up the hiatus, no better means could be found for the purpose than to -take for models the Spanish writers, who had been subject _to Catholic -obscurantism and the fires of the Inquisition_. - -Neither the mind, the heart, nor the imagination of man owes any thing -to Protestantism. Before the Reformation these were all in graceful and -vigorous progress; after the Reformation, this progress continued in -the bosom of the Catholic Church as successfully as before. Catholicity -displays a bright array of illustrious men crowned with the glories -they have won amidst the unanimous plaudits of all civilized nations. -Whatever has been said of the tendency of our religion to enslave and -hoodwink the mind, is but calumny. No; that which is born of light, -cannot produce darkness; that which is the work of truth itself, need -not fly from the sun's rays to conceal itself in the bowels of the -earth. The daughter of heaven may walk in the brightness of day, may -dare discussion, may gather around her all the brightest intellects; -well assured that the more closely and attentively they see and -contemplate her, the more pure, the more beauteous and enrapturing will -she appear. - - - - -CHAPTER LXXIII. - -SUMMARY.--DECLARATION OF THE AUTHOR. - - -Having reached the end of my difficult enterprise, let me be allowed -to take a retrospective view of the vast space over which I have but -just passed, like the traveller who rests after his labor. The fear of -seeing religious schism introduced into my country; the sight of the -efforts which were made to inculcate Protestant errors amongst us; the -perusal of certain writings, wherein it was stated that the pretended -Reformation had been favorable to the progress of nations,--such were -the motives which inspired me with the idea of undertaking this work. -My object was, to show that neither individuals nor society owe any -thing to Protestantism, either in a religious, social, political, or -literary point of view. I undertook to examine what history tells us, -and what philosophy teaches us, on this point. I was not ignorant -of the immense extent of the questions which I had to enter upon; I -was far from flattering myself that I was able to clear them up in a -becoming manner; nevertheless I set forth upon my journey, with that -courage which is inspired by the love of truth, and the confidence that -one is defending its cause. - -When considering the birth of Protestantism, I have endeavored to -take as lofty a view as possible. I have rendered to men that justice -which is due to them; I have attributed a large portion of the evil -to the wretched condition of mankind, to the weakness of our minds, -and to that inheritance of perverseness and ignorance which has been -transmitted to us by the fall of our first parent. Luther, Calvin, -and Zuinglius have disappeared from my eyes; placed in the immense -picture of events, they have been viewed by me as small imperceptible -figures, whose individuality was far from deserving the importance -which was given to them at other periods. Honest in my convictions, -and unreserved in my words, I have acknowledged with candor, but with -sorrow, that there existed certain abuses, and that these abuses were -taken as pretexts when it was wished to break the unity of the faith. -I have allowed that a portion of the blame shall also fall upon men; -but I have also pointed out, that the more you here lay stress upon -the weakness and wickedness of man, the more do you illustrate the -providence of Him who has promised to be with His Church till the -consummation of ages. - -By the aid of reasoning and irrefragable experience, I have proved -that the fundamental dogmas of Protestantism show little knowledge of -the human mind, and were a fruitful source of errors and catastrophes. -Then, turning my attention to the development of European civilization, -I have made a continued comparison between Protestantism and -Catholicity; and I believe that I may assert, that I have not hazarded -any proposition of importance without having supported it by the -evidence of historical facts. I have found it necessary to take a -survey of all ages, dating from the commencement of Christianity, and -to observe the different phases under which civilization has appeared; -without this, it would have been impossible to give a complete -vindication of the Catholic religion. - -The reader may have observed that the prevailing idea of the work is -this: "Before Protestantism European civilization had reached all the -development which was possible for it; Protestantism perverted the -course of civilization, and produced immense evils in modern society; -the progress which has been made since Protestantism, has been made not -by it, but in spite of it." I have only consulted history, and I have -taken extreme care not to pervert it; I have borne in mind this passage -of holy writ: "Has God, then, need of thy falsehood?" The documents to -which I refer are there; they are to be found in all libraries, ready -to answer; read them, and judge for yourselves. - -I am not aware, in the multitude of questions which have presented -themselves to me, and which it has been indispensable for me to -examine, that I have resolved any in a manner not in conformity with -the dogmas of the religion which I was desirous of defending. I am -not aware that, in any passage of my book, I have laid down erroneous -propositions, or expressed myself in ill-sounding terms. Before -publishing my work, I submitted it to the examination of ecclesiastical -authority; and without hesitation, I complied with the slightest -hint on its part, purifying, correcting, and modifying what had been -pointed out as worthy of purification, correction, or modification. -Notwithstanding that, I submit my whole work to the judgment of the -Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman Church; as soon as the Sovereign -Pontiff, the Vicar of Jesus Christ upon earth, shall pronounce sentence -against any one of my opinions, I will hasten to declare that I -consider that opinion erroneous, and cease to profess it. - - - - -NOTES. - -NOTE 1, p. 26. - -The _History of the Variations_ is one of those works which exhaust -their subject, and which do not admit of reply or addition. If -this immortal _chef-d'œuvre_ be read with attention, the cause of -Protestantism, with respect to faith, is forever decided: there is no -middle way left between Catholicity and infidelity. Gibbon read it in -his youth, and he became a Catholic, abandoning the Protestant religion -in which he had been brought up. When, at a later period, he left the -Catholic Church, he did not become a Protestant, but an unbeliever. -My readers will perhaps like to learn from the mouth of this famous -writer what he thought of the work of Bossuet, and the effect which was -produced on him by its perusal. These are his words: "In the _History -of the Variations_, an attack equally vigorous and well-directed," says -he, "Bossuet shows, by a happy mixture of reasoning and narration, -the errors, mistakes, uncertainties, and contradictions of our first -reformers, whose variations, as he learnedly maintains, bear the -marks of error; _while the uninterrupted unity of the Catholic Church -is a sign and testimony of infallible truth_. I read, approved, and -believed." (Gibbon's _Memoirs_.) - - -NOTE 2, p. 27. - -It has been wished to represent Luther to us as a man of lofty ideas, -of noble and generous feelings, and as a defender of the rights -of the human race. Yet he himself has left us in his writings the -most striking testimony of the violence of his character, of his -disgusting rudeness, and his savage intolerance. Henry VIII., king of -England, undertook to refute the book of Luther called _De Captivitate -Babylonica_; and behold the latter, irritated by such boldness, writes -to the king, and calls him _sacrilegious, mad, senseless, the grossest -of all pigs and of all asses_. It is evident that Luther paid but -little regard to royalty; he did the same with respect to literary -merit. Erasmus, who was perhaps the most learned man of his age, or -who at least surpassed all others in the variety of his knowledge, in -the refinement and _éclat_ of his mind, was not better treated by the -furious innovator, in spite of all the indulgence for which the latter -was indebted to him. As soon as Luther saw that Erasmus did not think -proper to be enrolled in the new sect, he attacked him with so much -violence, that the latter complained of it, saying, "_that in his old -age he was compelled to contend against a savage beast, a furious wild -boar_." Luther did not confine himself to mere words; he proceeded to -acts. It was at his instigation that Carlostad was exiled from the -states of the Duke of Saxony, and was reduced to such misery, that he -was compelled to carry wood, and do other similar things, to gain his -livelihood. In his many disputes with the Zwinglians, Luther did not -belie his character; he called them _damned_, _fools_, _blasphemers_. -As he lavished such epithets on his dissenting companions, we cannot -be astonished that he called the doctors of Louvain _beasts_, -_pigs_, _Pagans_, _Epicureans_, _Atheists_; and that he makes use -of other expressions which decency will not allow us to cite; and -that, launching forth against the Pope, he says, "_He is a mad wolf, -against whom every one ought to take arms, without waiting even for -the order of the magistrates; in this matter there can be no room left -for repentance, except for not having been able to bury the sword in -his breast_;" adding, "that all those who followed the Pope ought to -be pursued like bandit-chiefs, were they kings or emperors." Such -was the spirit of tolerance which animated Luther. And let it not be -imagined that this intolerance was confined to him; it extended to -all the party of the innovators, and its effects were cruelly felt. -We have an unexceptionable witness of this truth in Melancthon, the -beloved disciple of Luther, and one of the most distinguished men -that Protestantism has had. "I find myself under such oppression," -wrote Melancthon to his friend Camerarius, "that I seem to be in the -cave of the Cyclops; it is almost impossible for me to explain to you -my troubles; and every moment I feel myself tempted to take flight." -"These are," he says, in another letter, "ignorant men, who know -neither piety nor discipline; behold what they are who command, and you -will understand that I am like Daniel in the lions' den." How, then, -can it be maintained that such an enterprise was guided by a generous -idea, and that it was really attempted to free the human mind? The -intolerance of Calvin, sufficiently shown by the single fact mentioned -in the text, is manifested in his works at every page, by the manner in -which he treats his adversaries. _Wicked men_, _rogues_, _drunkards_, -_fools_, _madmen_, _furies_, _beasts_, _bulls_, _pigs_, _asses_, -_dogs_, and _vile slaves of Satan_. Such are the polite terms which -abound in the writings of the famous reformer. And how many wretched -things of the same kind could I not relate, if I did not fear to -disgust my readers! - - -NOTE 3, p. 27. - -The Diet of Spires had made a decree concerning the change of religion -and worship; fourteen towns of the empire refused to submit to it, -and presented a Protest; hence men began to call the dissenters -_Protestants_. As this name is a condemnation of the separated -churches, they have several times attempted to assume others, but -always in vain; the names which they took were false, and false names -do not last. What was their meaning when they called themselves -_Evangelicals_? That they adhered to the Gospel alone? In that case -they ought rather to call themselves _Biblicals_; for it was not to the -Gospel that they professed to adhere, but to the Bible. They are also -sometimes called _Reformers_; and many people have been accustomed to -call _Protestantism, reformation_; but it is enough to pronounce this -word, to feel how inappropriate it is; _religious revolution_ would be -much more proper. - - -NOTE 4, p. 27. - -Count de Maistre, in his work _Du Pape_, has developed this question -of names in an inimitable manner. Among his numerous observations, -there is one very just one: it is, that the Catholic Church alone has -a positive and proper name, which she gives to herself, and which is -given to her by the whole world. The separated Churches have invented -many, but without the power of appropriating them.--"Each one was free -to take what name he pleased," says M. de Maistre; "_Lais_, in person, -might be able to write upon her door, _Hôtel d'Artémise_. The great -point is, to compel others to give us a particular name, which is not -so easy as to take it of our own authority." - -Moreover, it must not be imagined that Count de Maistre was the -inventor of this argument; a long time before him St. Jerome and St. -Augustin had used it. "If you," says St. Jerome, "hear them called -Marcionites, Valentinians, Montanists, know that they are not the -Church of Christ, but the synagogue of Antichrist.--Si audieris -nuncupari Marcionitas, Valentinianos, Montanenses, scito, non Ecclesiam -Christi, sed Antichristi esse synagogam." (Hieron. lib. _Adversus -Luciferianos_.) "I am retained in the Church," says St. Augustin, "by -her very name of Catholic; for it was not without a cause that she -alone, amid so many heresies, obtained that name. All the heretics -desire to be called Catholics; yet if a stranger asks them which is the -church of the Catholics, none of them venture to point out their church -or house.--Tenet me in Ecclesia ipsum Catholicæ nomen, quod non sine -causa inter tam multas hæreses, sic ipsa sola obtinuit, ut cum omnes -hæretici se Catholicos dici velint, quærenti tamen peregrino alicui, -ubi ad Catholicam conveniatur, nullus hæreticorum, vel basilicam suam -vel domum audeat ostendere." (St. Augustin.) What St. Augustin observed -of his time is again realized with respect to the Protestants. I -appeal to the testimony of those who have visited the countries where -different communions exist. An illustrious Spaniard of the seventeenth -century, who had lived a long time in Germany, tells us, "They all -wish to be called Catholic and Apostolical; but notwithstanding this -pretension, they are called Lutherans, or Calvinists.--Singuli volunt -Catholici et Apostolici, sed volunt, et ab aliis non hoc prætenso illis -nomine, sed Luterani potius aut Calviniani nominantur." (Caramuel.) -"I have dwelt in the towns of heretics," continues the same writer, -"and I have seen with my eyes and heard with my ears a thing on which -the heterodox should reflect: _it is, that with the exception of the -Protestant preacher, and a few others, who desire to know more of -the thing than is necessary, all the crowd of heretics gave the name -of Catholics to the Romans_.--Habitavi in hæreticorum civitatibus; -et hoc propriis oculis vidi, propriis audivi auribus, quod deberet -ab hæterodoxis ponderari, _præter prædicantem, et pauculos qui plus -sapiunt quam oportet sapere, totum hæreticorum vulgus Catholicos vocat -Romanos_." Such is the force of truth. The ideologists know well -that these phenomena have deep causes, and that these arguments are -something more than subtilties. - - -NOTE 5, p. 38. - -So much has been said of abuses, the influence which they may have had -on the disasters which the Church suffered during the last centuries -has been so much exaggerated, and at the same time so much care has -been taken, by hypocritical praise, to exalt the purity of manners and -strictness of discipline in the primitive Church, that some people -have at last imagined a line of division between ancient and modern -times. These persons see in the early times only truth and sanctity; -they attribute to the others only corruption and falsehood; as if, -in the early ages of the Church, all the faithful were angels--as if -the Church, at all times, had not errors to correct and passions to -control. With history in our hands, it would be easy to reduce these -exaggerated ideas to their just value, to which Erasmus himself, -certainly little disposed to exculpate his contemporaries, does -justice. He clearly shows us, in a parallel between his own times and -those of the early ages of the Church, how puerile and ill-founded -was the desire, then so widely diffused, of exalting antiquity at the -expense of the present time. We find a fragment of this parallel in the -works of Marchetti, among his observations on Fleury's history. - -It would not be less curious to pass in review the regulations made by -the Church to check all kinds of abuses. The collections of councils -would furnish us with so many materials thereupon, that many volumes -would not suffice to make them known; or rather, these collections -themselves, with alarming bulk, from one end to the other, are nothing -but an evident proof of these two truths: 1st, that there have been -at all times many abuses to be corrected, an effect, in some measure -necessary, of the weakness and corruption of human nature; 2dly, that -at all periods the Church has labored to correct these abuses, so that -it may be affirmed without hesitation, that you cannot point out one -without immediately finding a canonical regulation by its side to check -or punish it. These observations clearly show that Protestantism was -not caused by abuses, but that it was a great calamity, as it were, -rendered unavoidable by the fickleness of the human mind, and the -condition in which society was placed. In the same sense Jesus Christ -has said, _that it was necessary that there should be scandal_; not -that any one in particular is forced to give it, but because such is -the corruption of the human heart, that the natural course of things -must necessarily bring it. - - -NOTE 6, p. 42. - -This concert and unity, which are found in Catholicity, are -things which ought to fill every sensible man with admiration and -astonishment, whatever his religious ideas may be. If we do not suppose -that _the finger of God is here_, how can we explain or understand the -continuance of the centre of unity in the see of Rome? So much has -been said of the supremacy of the Pope, that it is very difficult to -add any thing new; but perhaps our readers will not be displeased to -see a passage of St. Francis de Sales, where the various remarkable -titles given to the Sovereign Pontiff and to his see, by the Church in -ancient times, are collected. This work of the holy Bishop is worthy of -being introduced, not only because it interests the curiosity, but also -because it furnishes matter for grave reflection, which we leave to the -reader. - - -TITLES OF THE POPE. - - Most Holy Bishop of the Catholic Church--Council of Soissons, of 300 - Bishops. - - Most Holy and Blessed Patriarch--Ibid., t. vii., Council. - - Most Blessed Lord--St. Augustine, Ep. 95. - - Universal Patriarch--St. Leo, P., Ep. 62. - - Chief of the Church in the World--Innoc. ad P. P. Concil. Milevit. - - The Bishop elevated to the Apostolic eminence--St. Cyprian, Ep. 3, 12. - - Father of Fathers--Council of Chalcedon, Sess. iii. - - Sovereign Pontiff of Bishops--Id., in præf. - - Sovereign Priest--Council of Chalcedon, Sess. xvi. - - Prince of Priests--Stephen, Bishop of Carthage. - - Prefect of the House of God and Guardian of the Lord's - Vineyard--Council of Carthage, Ep. to Damasus. - - Vicar of Jesus Christ, Confirmer of the Faith of Christians--St. - Jerome, præf. in Evang. ad Damasum. - - High-Priest--Valentinian, and all antiquity with him. - - The Sovereign Pontiff--Council of Chalcedon, in Epist. ad Theodos. - Imper. - - The Prince of Bishops--Ibid. - - The Heir of the Apostles--St. Bern., lib. de Consid. - - Abraham by the Patriarchate--St. Ambrose, in 1 Tim. iii. - - Melchisedech by ordination--Council of Chalcedon, Epist. ad Leonem. - - Moses by authority--St. Bernard, Epist. 190. - - Samuel by jurisdiction--Id. ib., et in lib. de Consider. - - Peter by power--Ibid. - - Christ by unction--Ibid. - - The Shepherd of the Fold of Jesus Christ--Id. lib ii. de Consider. - - Key-Bearer of the House of God--Id. ibid. c. viii. - - The Shepherd of all Shepherds--Ibid. - - The Pontiff called to the plentitude of power--Ibid. - - St. Peter was the Mouth of Jesus Christ--St. Chrysost., Hom. ii., in - Div. Serm. - - The Mouth and Head of the Apostleship--Orig., Hom. lv. in Matth. - - The Cathedra and Principal Church--St. Cypr., Ep. lv. ad Cornel. - - The Source of Sacerdotal Unity--Id., Epist. iii. 2. - - The Bond of Unity--Id. ibid. iv. 2. - - The Church where resides the chief power (_potentior - principalitas_)--Id. ibid. iii. 8. - - The Church the Root and Mother of all the others--St. Anaclet. Papa, - Epist. ad omnes Episc. et Fideles. - - The See on which our Lord has built the Universal Church--St. Damasus, - Epist. ad Univ. Episcop. - - The Cardinal Point and Head of all the Churches--St. Marcellinus, R. - Epist. ad Episc. Antioch. - - The Refuge of Bishops--Conc. Alex., Epist. ad Felic. P. - - The Supreme Apostolic See--St. Athanasius. - - The Presiding Church--Emperor Justin., in lib. viii., Cod. de Sum. - Trinit. - - The Supreme See which cannot be judged by any other--St. Leo, in Nat. - SS. Apost. - - The Church set over and preferred to all the others--Victor d'Utiq., - in lib. de Perfect. - - The first of all the Sees--St. Prosper, in lib. de Ingrat. - - The Apostolic Fountain--St. Ignatius, Epist. ad Rom. in Subscript. - - The most secure Citadel of all Catholic Communion--Council of Rome - under St. Gelasius. - - -NOTE 7, p. 45. - -I have said that the most distinguished Protestants have felt the void -which is found in all sects separated from the Catholic Church. I am -about to give proofs of this assertion, which perhaps some persons may -consider hazardous. Luther, writing to Zwinglius, said, "If the world -lasts for a long time, it will be again necessary, on account of the -different interpretations which are now given to the Scriptures, to -receive the decrees of Councils, and take refuge in them, in order to -preserve the unity of the faith.--Si diutius steterit mundus, iterum -erit necessarium, propter diversas Scripturæ interpretationes quæ -nunc sunt, ad conservandam fidei unitatem, ut conciliorum decreta -recipiamus, atque ad ea confugiamus." - -Melancthon, deploring the fatal results of the want of spiritual -jurisdiction, said, "There will result from it a liberty useless to the -world;" and in another place he utters these remarkable words: "There -are required in the Church inspectors, to maintain order, to observe -attentively those who are called to the ecclesiastical ministry, to -watch over the doctrine of priests, and pronounce ecclesiastical -judgments; so that if bishops did not exist, it would be necessary to -create them. The _monarchy of the Pope would be of great utility to -preserve among such various nations uniformity of doctrine_." - -Let us hear Calvin: "God has placed the seat of his worship in the -centre of the earth, and has placed there only one Pontiff, whom -all may regard, the better to preserve unity.--Cultus sui sedem in -medio terræ collocavit, illi _unum_ Antisticem præfecit, quem omnes -respicerent, quo melius in unitate continerentur."--(Calvin, _Inst._ 6, -§ 11.) - -"I have also," says Beza, "been long and greatly tormented by the same -thoughts which you describe to me. I see our people wander at the -mercy of every wind of doctrine, and after having been raised up, fall -sometimes on one side, and sometimes on the other. What they think of -religion to-day you may know; what they will think of it to-morrow you -cannot affirm. _On what point of religion are the Churches which have -declared war against the Pope agreed? Examine all, from beginning to -end, you will hardly find one thing affirmed by the one which the other -does not directly cry out against as impiety._--Exercuerunt me diu et -multum illæ ipsæ quas describis cogitationes. Video nostros palantes -omni doctrinæ vento, et in altum sublatos, modo ad hanc, modo ad illam -partem deferri. Horum, quæ sit hodie de religione sententia scire -fortasse possis; sed quæ cras de eadem futura sit opinio, neque tu -certo affirmare queas. In quo tandem religionis capite congruunt inter -se Ecclesiæ, quæ Romano Pontifici bellum indixerunt? A capite ad calcem -si percurras omnia, nihil propemodum reperias ab uno affirmari, quod -alter statim non impium esse clamitet." (Th. Bez. _Epist. ad Andream -Dudit_.) - -Grotius, one of the most learned of Protestants, also felt the weakness -of the foundation on which the separated sects repose. Many people have -believed that he died a Catholic. The Protestants accused him of having -the intention of embracing the Roman faith; and the Catholics, who had -relations with him at Paris, thought the same thing. It is said that -the celebrated Petau, the friend of Grotius, at the news of his death, -said mass for him; an anecdote the truth of which I do not guarantee. -It is certain that Grotius, in his work entitled _De Antichristo_, -does not think, with other Protestants, that the Pope is Antichrist. -It is certain that, in his work entitled _Votum pro Pace Ecclesiæ_, -he says, without circumlocution, "that without the supremacy of the -Pope, it is impossible to put an end to disputes;" and he alleges -the example of the Protestants: "as it happens," says he, "among the -Protestants." It is certain that, in his posthumous work, _Rivetiani -Apologetici Discussio_, he openly lays down the fundamental principle -of Catholicity, namely, that "the dogmas of faith should be decided -by tradition and the authority of the Church, and not by the holy -Scriptures only." - -The conversion of the celebrated Protestant Papin, which made so much -noise, is another proof of what we are endeavoring to show. Papin -reflected on the fundamental principle of Protestantism, and on the -contradiction which exists between this principle and the intolerance -of Protestants, who, relying only on private judgment, yet have -recourse to authority for self-preservation. He reasoned as follows: -"If the principle of authority, which they attempt to adopt, is -innocent and legitimate, it condemns their origin, wherein they refused -to submit to the authority of the Catholic Church; but if the principle -of private judgment, which they embraced in the beginning, was right -and just, this is enough to condemn the principle of authority invented -by them for the purpose of avoiding its excesses; for this principle -opens and smooths the way to the greatest disorders of impiety." - -Puffendorf, who will certainly not be accused of coldness when -attacking Catholicity, could not help paying his tribute also to the -truth, when, in a confession for which all Catholics ought to thank -him, he says, "The suppression of the authority of the Pope has sowed -endless germs of discord in the world: as there is no longer any -sovereign authority to terminate the disputes which arise on all sides, -we have seen the Protestants split among themselves, and tear their -bowels with their own hands." (Puffendorf, _de Monarch. Pont. Roman_.) - -Leibnitz, that great man, who, according to the expression of -Fontenelle, advanced all sciences, also acknowledged the weakness -of Protestantism, and the organizing power which belongs to the -Catholic Church. We know that, far from participating in the anger of -Protestants against the Pope, he regarded the religious supremacy of -Rome with the most lively sympathy. He openly avows the superiority of -the Catholic over the Protestant missions; the religious communities -themselves, the objects of so much aversion to so many people, were -to him highly respectable. These anticipations with respect to the -religious ideas of this great man have been more and more confirmed -by one of his posthumous works, published for the first time at Paris -in 1819. _The Exposition of the Doctrine of Leibnitz on Religion, -followed by Thoughts extracted from the writings of the same Author, -by M. Emery, formerly General Superior of St. Sulpice_, contains -the posthumous work of Leibnitz, whereof the title, in the original -manuscript, is, _Theological System_. The commencement of this work, -remarkable for its seriousness and simplicity, is certainly worthy -of the great soul of this distinguished thinker. It is this: "After -having long and profoundly studied religious controversies, after -having implored the divine assistance, and laid aside, as far as it is -possible for man, all spirit of party, I have considered myself as a -neophyte come from the new world, and one who had not yet embraced an -opinion; behold, therefore, the conclusions at which I have arrived, -and what appeared to me, out of all that I have examined, worthy to be -received by all unprejudiced men, as what is most conformable to the -holy Scriptures and respectable antiquity; I will even say, to right -reason and the most certain historical facts." - -Leibnitz afterwards lays down the existence of God, the Incarnation, -the Trinity, and the other dogmas of Christianity; he adopts with -candor, and defends with much learning, the doctrine of the Catholic -Church on tradition, the sacraments, the sacrifice of the Mass, the -respect paid to relics and holy images, the Church hierarchy, and the -supremacy of the Pope. He adds, "In all cases which do not admit the -delay of the convocation of a general Council, or which do not deserve -to be considered therein, it must be admitted that the first of the -Bishops, or the Sovereign Pontiff, has the same power as the whole -Church." - - -NOTE 8, p. 49. - -Some persons may suppose that what we have said with respect to the -emptiness of human knowledge and the weakness of our intellect, has -been said only for the purpose of making the necessity of a rule in -matters of faith more sensibly felt. It is not so. It would be easy for -me to insert here a long list of texts, drawn from the writings of the -most illustrious men of ancient and modern times, who have insisted -upon this very point. I will only quote here an excellent passage from -an illustrious Spaniard, one of the greatest men of the sixteenth -century, Louis Vives. "_Jam mens ipsa, suprema animi et celsissima -pars, videbit quantopere sit tum natura sua tarda ac præpedita, tum -tenebris peccati cæca, et a doctrina, usu, ac solertia imperita et -rudis, ut ne ea quidem quæ videt, quæque manibus contrectat, cujusmodi -sint, aut quid fiant assequatur, nedum ut in abdito illa naturæ, -arcana possit penetrare; sapienterque ab Aristotele illa est posita -sententia: Mentem nostram ad manifestissima naturæ non aliter habere -se, quam noctuæ oculum ad lumen solis._ Ea omnia, quæ universum -hominum genus novit, quota sunt pars eorum quæ ignoramus? Nec solum -id in universitate artium est verum, sed in singulis earum, in quarum -nulla tantum est humanum ingenium progressum, ut ad medium pervenerit, -etiam in infimis illis ac villissimis; ut nihil existimetur verius -esse dictum ab Academicis quam Scire nihil." (Ludovic. Vives, _de -Concordia et Discordia_, lib. iv. c. iii.) So thought this great man, -who, to vast erudition in sacred and profane things, added profound -meditation on the human intellect itself; who followed the progress of -the sciences with an observant eye, and undertook to regenerate them, -as his writings prove. I regret that I cannot copy his words at length, -as well those in the passage which I have just cited, as those of his -immortal work on the causes of the decline of the arts and sciences, -and on the manner of teaching them. If any one complain that I have -told some truths as to the weakness of our minds, and fear lest this -should impede the progress of knowledge by checking its flights, I will -remind him that the best way of promoting the progress of our minds is, -to give them a knowledge of themselves. On this point, the profound -sentence of Seneca may be quoted: "I know that many persons would -have attained to wisdom, if they had not presumed that they already -possessed it." "Puto multos ad sapientiam protuisse pervenire, nisi se -jam crederent pervenisse." - - -NOTE 9, p. 53. - -Dense clouds surround the intellect as soon as it approaches the first -principles of the sciences. I have said that even the mathematics, -the clearness and certainty of which have become proverbial, are not -exempted from this universal rule. The infinitesimal calculation, -which, in the present state of science, may be said to play the -leading part, nevertheless depends on a few ideas which, up to this -time, have not been well explained by any one--ideas with respect to -_limits_. I do not wish to throw any doubt on the certainty of this -calculation: I only wish to show, that, if it were attempted to examine -the ideas which are as it were the elements of it, before the tribunal -of metaphysical philosophy, the consequence would be, that shades -would be cast upon their certainty. Without going further than the -elementary part of science, we might discover some points which would -not bear a continued metaphysical and ideological analysis without -injury: a thing which it would be very easy to prove by example, if -the nature of this work allowed it. We may recommend to the reader on -this subject, the valuable letter addressed by the Spanish Jesuit, -Eximeno, a distinguished philosopher and mathematician, to his friend, -Juan Andres; he will there find some appropriate observations made by a -man who certainly will not be rejected on the ground of incompetency. -It is in Latin, and is called _Epistola ad clarissimum virum Joannem -Andresium_. - -As to the other sciences, it is not necessary to say much to prove that -their first principles are surrounded with darkness; and it may be -said that the brilliant reveries of the most illustrious men have had -no other source than this very obscurity. Led away by the feeling of -their own strength, these men pursued truth even to the abyss; there, -to use the expression of an illustrious contemporary poet, _the torch -was extinguished in their hands_; lost in an obscure labyrinth, they -were then abandoned to the mercy of their fancies and inspirations; -it was thus that reality gave place to the beautiful dreams of their -genius. - - -NOTE 10, p. 54. - -Nothing is better for understanding and explaining the innate weakness -of the human mind, than to survey the history of heresies; a history -which we owe to the Church, to the extreme care which she has taken to -define and classify errors. From Simon Magus, who called himself the -legislator of the Jews, the renovator of the world, and the paraclete, -while paying a worship of latria to his mistress Helena, under the -name of Minerva, down to Hermann, preaching the massacre of all the -priests and all the magistrates of the world, and affirming that he -was the real son of God; a vast picture, very unpleasant to behold, I -acknowledge, if it were only on account of the extravagances with which -it abounds, presents itself to the observer, and suggests to him very -grave and profound reflections on the real character of the human mind; -there it is easy to see the wisdom of Catholicity, in attempting, in -certain cases, to subject this inconstant spirit to rule. - - -NOTE 11, p. 57. - -If any persons find difficulty in persuading themselves that illusion -and fanaticism are, as it were, in their proper element among -Protestants, behold the irresistible testimony of facts in aid of -our assertion. This subject would furnish large volumes; but I must -be content with a rapid glance. I begin with Luther. Is it possible -to carry raving further than to pretend to have been taught by the -devil, to boast of it, and to found new doctrines on so powerful an -authority? Yet this was the raving of Luther himself, the founder -of Protestantism, who has left us in his works the evidence of his -interview with Satan.--Whether the apparition was real, or produced -by the dreams of a night agitated by fever, it is impossible to carry -fanaticism further than to boast of having had such a master. Luther -tells us himself that he had many colloquies with the devil; but -what is above all worthy of attention is, the vision in which, as he -relates in the most serious manner, Satan, by his arguments, compelled -him to proscribe private masses. He gives us a lively description of -this adventure. He wakes in the middle of the night; Satan appears to -him.--Luther is seized with horror; he sweats, he trembles; his heart -beats in a fearful manner. Nevertheless the discussion begins, and the -devil, like a good disputant, presses him so hard with his arguments, -that he leaves him without reply. Luther is conquered; which ought -not to astonish us, since he tells us that the logic of the devil was -accompanied by a voice so alarming, that the blood froze in his veins. -"I then understood," says this wretched being, "how it often happens -that people die _at the break of day_; it is because the devil is able -to kill or suffocate men; and without going so far as that, when he -disputes with them, he places them in such embarrassment, that he can -thus occasion their death. I have often experienced this myself." This -passage is certainly curious. - -The phantom which appeared to Zwinglius, the founder of Protestantism -in Switzerland, affords us another example of extravagance no less -absurd. This heresiarch wished to deny the real presence of Jesus -Christ in the Eucharist; he pretended that what exists under the -consecrated species is only a sign. As the authority of the sacred -text, which clearly expresses the contrary, embarrassed him, behold, -suddenly, at the moment when he imagined that he was disputing with -the secretary of the town, a white or black phantom, so he tells -us himself, appeared to him, and showed him a means. This pleasant -anecdote we have from Zwinglius himself. - -Who does not regret to see such a man as Melancthon also given up -to the prejudices and manias of the most ridiculous superstition, -stupidly credulous with respect to dreams, extraordinary phenomena, -and astrological prognostics? Read his letters, which are filled with -such pitiful things. At the time when the diet of Augsburg was held, -Melancthon regarded as favourable presages for the new gospel an -inundation of the Tiber, the birth at Rome of a monstrous mule with a -crane's foot, and that of a calf with two heads in the territory of -Augsburg,--events which to him were the undoubted announcements of a -change in the universe, and particularly of the approaching ruin of -Rome by the power of schism. He himself makes the horoscope of his -daughter, and he trembles for her because Mars presents an alarming -aspect; he is not the less alarmed at the tail of a comet appearing -within the limits of the north. The astrologers had predicted that in -autumn the stars would be more favorable to ecclesiastical disputes; -this prognostic sufficed to console him for the slowness of the -conferences of Augsburg on the subject of religion: we see, moreover, -that his friends--that is, the leaders of the party--allowed themselves -to be ruled by the same powerful reasons. As if he had not troubles -enough, it is predicted that Melancthon will be shipwrecked in the -Baltic; he avoids sailing on those fatal waters. Certain Franciscans -had prophesied that the power of the Pope was about to decline, and -then to fall for ever; also that, in the year 1600, the Turks were to -become masters of Italy and Germany; Melancthon boasts of having the -original prophecy in his possession; moreover, the earthquakes which -occur confirm him in his belief. - -The human mind had but just set itself up as the only judge of faith, -when the atrocities of the most furious fanaticism already inundated -Germany with blood. Mathias Harlem, the Anabaptist, at the head of a -ferocious troop, orders the churches to be sacked, the sacred ornaments -to be broken in pieces, and all books, except the Bible, to be burnt, -as impious or useless. Established at Munster, which he calls Mont -Sion, he causes all the gold, silver, and precious stones possessed -by the inhabitants to be brought to him, and places them in a common -treasury, and names deacons to distribute them. All his disciples are -compelled to eat in common, to live in perfect equality, and to prepare -for the war which they would have to undertake, _quitting Mount Sion_, -as he himself said, _to subject all the nations of the earth to his -power_. He at length dies in a rash attempt, wherein, like another -Gideon, he undertook nothing less than to exterminate the army of the -impious with a handful of men. Mathias immediately found an heir to his -fanaticism in Becold, perhaps better known under the name of John of -Leyden. This fanatic, a tailor by trade, ran naked through the streets -of Munster, crying out, "_Behold, the king of Sion comes_." He returned -to his house, shut himself up there for three days; and when the -people came to inquire for him, he pretended that he could not speak; -like another Zachary, he made signs that he wanted writing materials, -and wrote that it had been revealed to him by God, that the people -should be governed by judges, in imitation of the people of Israel. -He named twelve judges, choosing the men who were the most attached -to himself; and until the authority of the new magistrates had been -acknowledged, he took the precaution not to allow himself to be seen -by any body. Already was the authority of the new prophet secured in a -certain manner; but not content with the real command, he desired to -surround himself with pomp and majesty; he proposed nothing less than -to have himself proclaimed king. Now the blindness of the sectarian -fanatics was so great, that it was not difficult for him to complete -his mad enterprise; it was enough for him to play off a gross farce. A -goldsmith who had an understanding with the aspirant to royalty, and -was also initiated in the art of prophecy, presented himself before the -judges of Israel, and spoke to them thus: "Behold, this is the will of -the Lord God, the Eternal: as in other times I established Saul over -Israel, and after him David, who was only a simple shepherd, so I now -establish my prophet Becold king of Sion." The judges would not resolve -on abdication; but Becold assured them that he also had had the same -vision, that he had concealed it from humility, but that God having -spoken by another prophet, it was necessary for him to resign himself -to mount the throne, and _accomplish the orders of the Most High_. -The judges persisted in wishing to call the people together; they -assembled in the market-place; there a _prophet_, on the part of God, -presented to Becold a drawn sword, as a sign of the _power of justice, -which was conferred on him over all the earth, to extend to the four -quarters of the world the empire of Sion_; he was proclaimed king with -the most boisterous joy, and solemnly crowned on the 24th of June, -1534. As he had espoused the wife of his predecessor, he raised her to -the royal dignity; but while reserving to her the exclusive privilege -of being queen, he continued to have seventeen wives, in conformity -with the _holy_ liberty which he had proclaimed in this matter. The -orgies, assassinations, atrocities, and ravings of all kinds which -followed cannot be related; it may be affirmed that the sixteen -months of the reign of this madman were only a series of crimes. The -Catholics cried out against such horrible excesses. The Protestants -cried out also; but who was to blame? Was it not they who, after -having proclaimed resistance to the authority of the Church, had thrown -the Bible into the midst of these wretched men, at the risk of their -heads being turned by the ravings of individual interpretation, and of -precipitating them into projects as criminal as they were senseless? -The Anabaptists were well aware of this; and they were exceedingly -indignant with Luther, who condemned them in his writings; and indeed, -what right had he, who had established the principle, to desire to -check its consequences? If Luther found in the Bible that the Pope -was Antichrist, if he arrogated to himself, of his own authority, the -mission of destroying the reign of the Pope, by exhorting all the world -to conspire against him, why could not the Anabaptists say, in their -turn, _that they had intercourse with God, and had received the order -to exterminate all the wicked, and to establish a new kingdom, in which -were to be seen only wise, pious, and innocent men, having become the -masters of all things_. - -Hermann preaching the massacre of all the priests and all the -magistrates of the world; David George proclaiming that his doctrine -alone was perfect, that that of the _Old and New Testaments was -imperfect, and that he was the true Son of God_; Nicholas rejecting -faith and worship as useless, treading under foot the fundamental -precepts of morality, and teaching _that it was good to continue in -sin, that grace might abound_; Hacket pretending that the spirit of -the Messiah had descended upon him, and sending two of his disciples -to cry out in the streets of London, "_Behold Christ coming here with -a vase in his hand!_" Hacket himself crying out, at the sight of the -gibbet, and in the agony of punishment, "Jehovah! Jehovah! do you not -see that the heavens open, and that Jesus Christ comes to deliver me?" -are not all these deplorable spectacles, and a hundred others that I -might mention, proofs sufficiently evident that the Protestant system -nourishes and inflames a fearful fanaticism? Venner, Fox, William -Simpson, J. Naylor, Count Zinzendorf, Wesley, Baron Swedenborg, and -other similar names, are sufficient to remind us of an assemblage -of sects so extravagant, and a series of crimes such as would fill -volumes, which would afford us the most ridiculous and the most odious -pictures, the greatest miseries and the most deplorable errors of the -human mind. I have not invented or exaggerated. Open history, consult -authors--I do not mean Catholics, but Protestants, or whatever they may -be--and you will every where find a multitude of witnesses who depose -to the truth of these facts; notorious facts, which have taken place in -the light of day, in great capitals, and in times bordering on our own; -and let it not be supposed that this abundant source of illusion and -fanaticism has been exhausted in the course of ages; it does not seem -that it is yet near being dried up, and Europe appears condemned to -hear the recital of visions, such as those of Baron Swedenborg in the -inn in London; and we shall still see passports for heaven with three -seals given out, like those of Johanna Southcote. - - -NOTE 12, p. 60. - -Nothing is more palpable than the difference which exists on this point -between Protestants and Catholics. On both sides there are persons who -consider themselves to be favored with heavenly visions; but these -visions render Protestants proud, turbulent, and raving mad, while -among Catholics they increase the spirit of humility, peace, and love. -Even in that very sixteenth century, in which the fanaticism of the -Protestants agitated and stained Europe with blood, there lived in -Spain a woman who, in the judgment of unbelievers and Protestants, is -certainly one of those who have been the most deeply infected with -illusion and fanaticism; but has the supposed fanaticism of this woman -ever caused the spilling of a drop of blood, or the shedding of a tear? -Were her visions, like those of Protestants, orders from heaven for the -extermination of men? After the desolate and horrible picture which I -have given in the preceding note, perhaps the reader will be glad to -let his eyes rest upon a spectacle as peaceful as it is beautiful. It -is St. Theresa writing her own life out of pure obedience, and relating -to us her visions with angelic candor and ineffable sweetness. "The -Lord (she says) willed that I should once have this vision: I saw -near to me, on the left hand, an angel in a corporeal form; this is -what I do not usually see, except by a prodigy; although angels often -present themselves to me without my seeing them, as I have said in the -preceding vision. In this the Lord willed that I should see him in the -following manner: he was not tall, but small and very beautiful, his -face all in a flame, and he seemed to be one of the angels very high -in the hierarchy, who apparently are all on fire. Without doubt, he -was one of those who are called seraphim.--These angels do not tell -me their names; but I clearly see that there is so great a difference -among the angels, between some and others, that I do not know how to -express it. I saw in his hands a long dart of gold, which appeared to -me to have some fire at the end of the point. It seemed to me that -the angel buried this dart from time to time in my heart, and made it -penetrate to my bowels, and that when withdrawing it, he carried them -away, leaving me all inflamed with a great love of God." (_Vie de St. -Thérèse_, c. xxix. no. 11.) Another example: "At this moment I see on -my head a dove very different from those of earth; for this one had -no feathers, but wings as it were of the shell of mother of pearl, -which shone brightly. It was larger than a dove; it seemed to me that -I heard the noise of its wings. It moved them almost for the time of -an Ave Maria. The soul was already in such a condition that, herself -swooning away, she also lost sight of this divine dove. The mind grew -tranquil with the presence of such a guest, although it seemed to me -that so wonderful a favor ought to fill it with perturbation and alarm; -but as the soul began to enjoy it, fear departed, repose came with -enjoyment, and the mind remained in ecstacy." (_Vie_, c. xxviii. no. -7.) It would be difficult to find any thing more beautiful, expressed -in more lively colors, and with a more amiable simplicity. It will not -be out of place to copy here two other passages of a different kind, -which, while they enforce what we wish to show, may contribute to -awaken the taste of our nation for a certain class of Spanish writers, -who are every day falling into oblivion with us, while foreigners -seek for them with eagerness, and publish handsome editions of them. -"I was once at office with all the rest; my soul was suddenly fixed -in attention, and it seemed to me to be entirely as a clear mirror -without reverse or side, neither high nor low, but shining every where. -In the midst of it, Christ our Saviour presented himself to me, as -I am accustomed to see Him. He appeared to me to be at once in all -parts of my soul. I saw Him as in a clear mirror, and this mirror also -(I cannot say how) was entirely imprinted on our Lord himself, by a -communication which I cannot describe--a communication full of love. I -know that this vision has been of great advantage to me every time that -I recollect it, principally when I have just received communion. I was -given to understand that when a soul is in a state of mortal sin, this -mirror is covered with great darkness, and is extremely obscure, so -that our Lord cannot appear or be seen therein, although He is always -present as giving being; as to heretics, it is as if the mirror were -broken, which is much worse than if it were obscured. There is a great -difference between seeing this and telling it; it is difficult to make -such a thing understood. I repeat, that this has been very profitable -to me, and also very afflicting, on account of the view of the various -offences by which I have obscured my soul, and have been deprived of -seeing my Lord." (_Vie_, c. xi. no. 4.) - -In another place she explains a manner of seeing things in God; she -represents the idea by an image so brilliant and sublime, that we -appear to be reading Malebranche, when developing his famous system. - -"We say that the Divinity is like a bright diamond, infinitely larger -than the world; or rather like a mirror, as I have said of the soul in -another vision; except that here it is in a manner so sublime, that I -know not how to exalt it sufficiently. All that we do is seen in this -diamond, which contains all in itself; for there is nothing which is -not comprised in so great a magnitude. It was alarming to me to see in -so short a time so many things assembled in this bright diamond; and I -am profoundly afflicted every time that I think that things so shocking -as my sins appeared to me in this most pure brightness." (_Vie_, c. xl. -no. 7.) - -Let us now suppose, with Protestants, that all these visions were -only pure illusions: at least it is evident that they do not pervert -ideas, corrupt morals, or disturb public order; and assuredly, had they -served only to inspire these beautiful pages, we should not know how -to regret the illusion. This is a confirmation of what I have said of -the salutary effects which the Catholic principle produces in souls, -by preventing them from being blinded by pride, or throwing themselves -into dangerous courses. This principle confines them to a sphere where -it is impossible for them to injure any one; but it does not deprive -them of any of their force or energy to do good, supposing that the -inspiration is real. Although it would have been easy for me to cite a -thousand examples, I was compelled, for the sake of brevity, to confine -myself to one, when selecting St. Theresa as one of those who are the -most distinguished in this respect, and because she was contemporary -with the great aberrations of Protestantism. In fine, as she was a -daughter of Spain, I seized the opportunity of recalling her to the -memories of Spaniards, who begin too much to forget her. - -NOTE 13, p. 64. - -Some of the leaders of the Reformation have left suspicions that they -taught with insincerity, that they did not themselves believe what -they preached, and that they had no other object than to deceive their -proselytes. As I am unwilling to have it imputed to me that I have made -this accusation rashly, I will adduce some proofs in support of my -assertion. Let us hear Luther himself. "Often," he says, "do I think -within myself that I scarcely know where I am, and whether I teach the -truth or not (Sæpe sic mecum cogito, propemodum nescio, quo loco sim, -et utrum veritatem doceam, necne)." (Luther, _Col. Isleb. de Christo_.) -And it is the same man who said: "It is certain that I have received -my dogmas from heaven. I will not allow you to judge of my doctrine, -neither you nor even the angels of heaven (Certum est dogmata mea -habere me de cœlo. Non sinam vel vos vel ipsos angelos de cœlo de mea -doctrina judicare)." (Luther, _contra Reg. Ang._) John Matthei, the -author of many writings on the life of Luther, and who is not scanty -in eulogies on the heresiarch, has preserved a very curious anecdote -touching the convictions of Luther. It is this: "A preacher called John -Musa related to me that he one day complained to Luther that he could -not prevail on himself to believe what he taught to others: '_Blessed -be God_ (said Luther) _that the same thing happens to others as to -myself: I believed till now that THAT was a thing which happened only -to me_.'" (Johann. Matthesius, _conc._ 12.) - -The doctrines of infidelity were not long delayed; but would it be -believed that they are found expressed in various parts of Luther's own -works? "It is likely," says he, speaking of the dead, "that, except a -few, they all sleep deprived of feeling." "I think that the dead are -buried in so ineffable and wonderful a sleep, that they feel or see -less than those who sleep an ordinary sleep." "The souls of the dead -enter neither into purgatory nor into hell." "The human soul sleeps; -all its senses buried." "There is no suffering in the abode of the -dead." ("Verisimile est, exceptis paucis, omnes dormire insensibiles." -"Ego puto mortuos sic ineffabili et miro somno sopitos, ut minus -sentiant aut videant, quam hi qui alias dormiunt." "Animæ mortuorum -non ingrediuntur in purgatorium nec infernum." "Anima humana dormit, -omnibus sensibus sepultis." "Mortuorum locus cruciatus nullos habet.") -(Tom. ii. _Epist. Lat. Isleb._ fol. 44; t. vi. _Lat. Wittenberg_, -in cap. ii., cap. xxiii., c. xxv., c. xlii. et xlix. _Genes._ et t. -iv. _Lat. Wittenberg_, fol. 109.) Persons were not wanting ready to -receive such doctrines; and this teaching caused such ravages, that -the Lutheran Brentzen, disciple and successor of Luther, hesitates -not to say: "_Although no one among us publicly professes that the -soul perishes with the body, and that there is no resurrection of the -dead, nevertheless the impure and wholly profane lives which they for -the most part lead, show very clearly that they do not believe that -there is another life. Some even allow words of this kind to escape -them, not only in the intoxication of libations, but even when fasting, -in their familiar intercourse._ (Et si inter nos nulla sit publica -professio quod anima simul cum corpore intereat, et quod non sit -mortuorum resurrectio, tamen impurissima et profanissima illa vita, -quam maxima pars hominum sectatur, perspicue indicat quod non sentiat -vitam post hanc. Nonnullis etiam tales voces, tam ebriis inter pocula, -quam sobriis in familiaribus colloquiis.)" (Brentius, _Hom._ 35, in -cap. 20, Luc.) There were in this same sixteenth century some men who -cared not to give their names to this or that sect, but who professed -infidelity and scepticism without disguise. We know that the famous -Gruet paid with his head for his boldness in this way; and it was not -the Catholics who cut it off, but the Calvinists, who were offended -that this unhappy man had taken the liberty to paint the character -and conduct of Calvin in their true colors. Gruet had also committed -the crime of posting up placards at Geneva, in which he charged the -pretended reformers with inconsistency, on account of the tyranny which -they attempted to exercise over consciences, after having shaken off -the yoke of authority on their own account. This took place soon after -the birth of Protestantism, as the sentence on Gruet was executed in -1549. - -Montaigne, who has been pointed out as one of the first sceptics who -acquired reputation in Europe, carries the thing so far, that he does -not even admit the natural law. "_They are not serious_ (he says) -_when, to give some certainty to laws, they say that there are any -laws fixed, perpetual, and immutable, which they call natural, which -are impressed on the human race by the condition of their peculiar -essence_." (Montaigne, _Ess._ l. ii. c. 12.) - -We have already seen what Luther thought of death, or at least the -expression which escaped him on this subject; and we cannot be -astonished after that, that Montaigne wished to die like a real -unbeliever, and that he says, speaking of the terrible passage: "_I -plunge my head, insensibly sunk in death, without considering or -observing it, as in a silent and obscure depth, which swallows me up -at once, stifles me in a moment with powerful sleep full of insipidity -and indolence._" (Montaigne, l. iii. c. 9.) But this man, who wished -that death should find him planting his cabbages, and without thinking -of it (_Je veux que la mort me trouve plantant mes choux, mais sans me -soucier d'elle_), was not of the same opinion in his last moments. When -he was near breathing his last, he wished that the holy sacrifice of -the Mass should be celebrated in his apartment, and he expired while -making an effort to raise himself on his bed, in the act of adoring -the sacred Host. We see that he had profited in his heart by some of -his ideas with respect to the Christian religion. "It is pride," he -had said, "that leads man out of the common path, and urges him to -embrace novelties, loving rather to be the chief of a wandering and -undisciplined band, than to be a disciple of the school of truth." In -another place, at once condemning all the dissenting sects, he had -said, "In religious matters it is necessary to adhere to those who are -the established judges of doctrine, and who have legitimate authority, -not to the most learned and the cleverest." - -From all that I have just said, it is clear that if I accuse -Protestantism of having been one of the principal causes of infidelity -in Europe, I do not accuse it without reason. I repeat here, that it is -by no means my intention to overlook the efforts of some Protestants -to oppose infidelity; I do not assail _persons_, but _things_, and I -honor merit wherever I find it. In fine, I will add, that if at the -end of the seventeenth century a considerable number of Protestants -displayed a tendency towards Catholicity, we must seek the reason -for it in the progress which they saw infidelity making,--a progress -which it was impossible to check, at least without holding fast to the -anchor of authority which the Catholic Church offered to the whole -world. I cannot, without exceeding the limits which I have marked out -for myself, give a circumstantial detail of the correspondence between -Molanus and the Bishop of Tyna, of Leibnitz and Bossuet. Readers who -desire to become thoroughly acquainted with that affair, may examine it -partly in the works of Bossuet himself, and partly in the interesting -work of M. de Beausset, prefixed to some editions of Bossuet. - - -NOTE 14, p. 86. - -In order to form an idea of the state of knowledge at the time of the -appearance of Christianity, and become convinced that there was nothing -to be expected from the human mind abandoned to its own strength, it -is enough to recall to mind the monstrous sects which every where -abounded in the first ages of the Church, the doctrines whereof -formed the most shapeless, extravagant, and immoral compound that it -is possible to conceive. The names of Cerinthus, Menander, Ebion, -Saturninus, Basilides, Nicolas, Carpocrates, Valentinus, Marcion, -Montanus, and so many others, remind us of the sects in which delirium -was connected with immorality. When we throw a glance over these -philosophico-religious sects, we see that they were capable neither -of conceiving a philosophical system with any degree of concert, nor -of imagining a collection of doctrines and practices to which the -name of religion can be applied. These men overturned, mixed, and -confounded all; Judaism, Christianity, and the recollections of the -ancient schools, were all amalgamated in their deluded heads; what they -never forgot was, to give a loose rein to all kinds of corruption and -obscenity. - -In the spectacle of these ages, a wide field is opened to the -conjectures of true philosophy. What would have become of human -knowledge, if Christianity had not come to enlighten the world with her -celestial doctrines; if that divine religion, confounding the foolish -pride of man, had not come to show him how vain and senseless were his -thoughts, and how far he was removed from the path of truth? It is -remarkable that these same men, whose aberrations make us shudder, gave -themselves the name of Gnostics, on account of the superior knowledge -with which they supposed themselves to be endowed. We see that man is -at all times the same. - - -NOTE 15, p. 115. - -I have thought that it would not be useless to transcribe here, word -for word, the canons which I have mentioned in the text. My readers may -thereby acquire for themselves a complete knowledge of what is found -there; and there will be no room left to suppose that the real sense of -the regulations has been perverted in the extracts which I have given. - - -CANONS AND OTHER DOCUMENTS, - - _Which show the solicitude of the Church to improve the lot of slaves, - and the various means she has used to accomplish the abolition of - slavery:_ - - -§ I. - - _A penance is imposed on the mistress who maltreats her slave_ - (_ancillam_). - -(Concilium Eliberitanum, anno 305.) - -"Si qua domina furore zeli accensa flagris verberaverit ancillam -suam, ita ut in tertium diem animam cum cruciatu effundat; eo quod -incertum sit, voluntate an casu occiderit; si voluntate, post septem -annos, si casu, post quinquennii tempora, acta legitima pœnitentia, ad -communionem placuit admitti. Quod si infra tempora constituta fuerit -infirmata, accipiat communionem." (Canon 5.) - -It must be observed, that the word 'ancillam' means a slave properly -so called, and not any kind of servant. This appears, indeed, from the -words _flagris verberaverit_, which express a chastisement reserved for -slaves. - - - _They excommunicate the master who, of his own authority, beats his - slave to death._ - -(Concilium Epaoense, anno 517.) - -"Si quis servum proprium sine conscientia judicis occiderit, -excommunicatione biennii effusionem sanguinis expiabit." (Canon 34.) - -This same regulation is repeated in the 15th canon of the 17th Council -of Toledo, held in 694; even the words of the Council of Epaon are -there copied with very slight change. - - - (Ibid.) _The slave guilty of an atrocious crime was to escape - corporeal punishments by taking refuge in a church._ - -"Servus reatu atrociore culpabilis si ad ecclesiam confugerit, a -corporabilibus tantum suppliciis excusetur. De capillis vero, vel -quocumque opere, placuit, a dominis juramenta non exigi." (Canon 39.) - - - _Very remarkable precautions to prevent masters from maltreating the - slaves who had taken refuge in churches._ - -(Concilium Aurelianense quintum, anno 549.) - -"De servis vero, qui pro qualibet culpa ad ecclesiæ septa confugerint, -id statuimus observandum, ut, sicut in antiquis constitutionibus -tenetur scriptum, pro concessa culpa datis a domino sacramentis, -quisquis ille fuerit, expediatur de venia jam securus. Enim vero si -immemor fidei dominus trascendisse convincitur quod juravit, ut is qui -veniam acceperat, probetur postmodum pro ea culpa qualicumque supplicio -cruciatus, dominus ille qui immemor fuit datæ fidei, sit ab omnium -communione suspensus. Iterum si servus de promissione veniæ datis -sacramentis a domino jam securus exire noluerit, ne sub tali contumacia -requirens locum fugæ, domino fortasse dispereat, egredi nolentem -a domino eum liceat occupari, ut nullam, quasi pro retentatione -servi, quibuslibet modis molestiam aut calumniam patiatur ecclesia: -fidem tamen dominus, quam pro concessa venia dedit, nulla temeritate -transcendat. Quod si aut gentilis dominus fuerit, aut alterius sectæ, -qui a conventu ecclesiæ probatur extraneus, is qui servum repetit, -personas requirat bonæ fidei Christianas, ut ipsi in persona domini -servo præbeant sacramenta: quia ipsi possunt servare quod sacrum est, -qui pro transgressione ecclesiasticum metuunt disciplinam." (Canon 22.) - -It is difficult to carry solicitude for the lot of slaves further. This -document is very curious. - - - _They forbid bishops to mutilate their slaves: they order that the - duty of chastising them should be left to the judge of the town, who, - nevertheless, could not cut off their hair, a punishment which was - considered too ignominious._ - -(Concilium Emeritense, anno 666.) - -"Si regalis pietas pro salute omnium suarum legum dignata est ponere -decreta, cur religio sancta per sancti concilii ordinem non habeat -instituta, quæ omnino debent esse cavenda? Ideoque placuit huic sancto -concilio, ut omnis potestas episcopalis modum suæ ponat iræ; nec -pro quolibet excessu cuilibet ex familia, ecclesiæ aliquod corporis -membrorum sua ordinatione præsumat extirpare aut auferre. Quod si talis -emerserit culpa, advocato judice civitatis, ad examen ejus deducatur -quod factum fuisse asseritur. Et quia omnino justum est, ut pontifex -sævissimam non impendat vindictam; quidquid coram judice verius -patuerit, per disciplinæ severitatem absque turpi decalvatione maneat -emendatum." (Canon 15.) - - - _Priests are forbidden to have their slaves mutilated._ - -(Concilium Toletanum undecimum, anno 675.) - -"His a quibus domini sacramenta tractanda sunt, judicium sanguinis -agitare non licet: et ideo magnopere talium excessibus prohibendum -est, ne indiscretæ præsumptionis motibus agitati, aut quod morte -plectendum est, sententia propria judicare præsumant, aut truncationes -quaslibet membrorum quibuslibet personis aut per se inferant, aut -inferendas præcipiant. Quod si quisquam horum immemor præceptorum, aut -ecclesiæ suæ familiis, aut in quibuslibet personis tale quid fecerit, -et concessi ordinis honore privatus, et loco suo, perpetuo damnationis -teneatur religatus ergastulo: cui tamen communio exeunti ex hac vita -non neganda est, propter domini misericordiam, _qui non vult peccatoris -mortem, sed ut convertatur et vivat_." (Canon 6.) - -It should be remarked, that the word _familia_, employed in the two -last canons which we have just cited, should be understood of slaves. -The real meaning of this word is clearly shown us by the 74th canon of -the 4th Council of Toledo. - -"De _familiis_ ecclesiæ constituere presbyteros et diaconos per -parochias liceat ..... ea tamen ratione ut _antea manumissi libertatem -status sui percipiant_." - -We see this word employed in the same sense by Pope St. Gregory. -(Epist. xliv. l. 4.) - - - _A penance is imposed on the master who kills his slave of his own - authority._ - - (Concilium Wormatiense, anno 868.) - -"Si quis servum proprium sine conscientia judicum qui tale quid -commiserit, quod morte sit dignum, occiderit, excommunicatione vel -pœnitentia biennii, reatum sanguinis emendabit." (Canon 38.) - -"Si qua femina furore zeli accensa, flagris verberaverit ancillam suam, -ita ut intra tertium diem animam suam cum cruciatu effundat, eo quod -incertum sit voluntate, an casu occiderit; si voluntate, septem annos, -si casu, per quinque annorum tempora legitimam peragat pœnitentiam." -(Canon 39.) - - - _They check the violence of those who, to revenge themselves for the - asylum granted to slaves, take possession of the goods of the Church._ - -(Concilium Arausicanum primum, anno 441.) - -"Si quis autem mancipia clericorum pro suis mancipiis ad ecclesiam -fugientibus crediderit occupanda, per omnes ecclesias districtissima -damnatione feriatur." (Canon 6.) - - -§ II. - - (Ibid.) _They check all attempts made against the liberty of slaves - enfranchised by the Church, or who have been recommended to her by - will._ - -"In ecclesia manumissos, vel per testamentum ecclesiæ commendatos, -si quis in servitutem, vel obsequium, vel ad colonariam conditionem -imprimere tentaverit, animadversione ecclesiastica coerceatur." (Canon -7.) - - - _They secure the liberty of those who have received the benefit of - manumission in the Churches. The latter are enjoined to take upon - themselves the defence of the enfranchised._ - -(Concilium quintum Aurelianense, anno 549.) - -"Et quia plurimorum suggestione comperimus, eos qui in ecclesiis juxta -patrioticam consuetudinem a servitiis fuerunt absoluti, pro libito -quorumcumque iterum ad servitium revocari, impium esse tractavimus, ut -quod in ecclesia Dei consideratione a vinculo servitutis absolvitur, -irritum habeatur. Ideo pietatis causa communi concilio placuit -observandum, ut quæcumque mancipia ab ingenuis dominis servitute -laxantur, in ea libertate maneant, quam tunc a dominis perceperunt. -Hujusmodi quoque libertas si a quocumque pulsata fuerit, cum justitia -ab ecclesiis defendatur, præter eas culpas, pro quibus leges collatas -servis revocare jusserunt libertates." (Canon 7.) - - - _The Church is charged with the defence of the enfranchised, whether - they have been emancipated within her enclosure, whether they have - been so by letter or testament, or have gained their liberty by - prescription. They restrain the arbitrariness of the judges towards - these unfortunate persons. It is decided that the Bishops shall take - cognizance of these causes._ - -(Concilium Matisconense secundum, anno 585.) - -"Quæ dum postea universo cœtui secundum consuetudinem recitata -innotescerent, Prætextatus et Pappulus viri beatissimi dixerunt: -Decernat itaque, et de miseris libertis vestræ auctoritatis vigor -insignis, qui ideo plus a judicibus affliguntur, quia sacris sunt -commendati ecclesiis: ut si quas quispiam dixerit contra eos actiones -habere, non audeat eos magistratus contradere; sed in episcopi tantum -judicio, in cujus præsentia litem contestans, quæ sunt justitiæ -ac veritatis audiat. Indignum est enim, ut hi qui in sacrosancta -ecclesia jure noscuntur legitimo manumissi, aut per epistolam, aut -per testamentum, aut per longinquitatem temporis libertatis jure -fruuntur, a quolibet injustissime inquietentur. Universa sacerdotalis -Congregatio dixit: Justum est, ut contra calumniatorum omnium versutias -defendantur, qui patrocinium immortalis ecclesiæ concupiscunt. Et -quicumque a nobis de libertis latum decretum, superbiæ ausu prævaricare -tentaverit, irreparabili damnationis suæ sententia feriatur. Sed si -placuerit episcopo ordinarium judicem, aut quemlibet alium sæcularem, -in audientiam eorum accersiri, cum libuerit fiat, et nullus alius -audeat causas pertractare libertorum nisi episcopus cujus interest, aut -is cui idem audiendum tradiderit." (Canon 7.) - - -_The defence of the freed is confided to the priests._ - - (Concilium Parisiense quintum, anno 614.) - -"Liberti quorumcumque ingenuorum a sacerdotibus defensentur, nec ad -publicum ulterius revocentur. Quod si quis ausu temerario eos imprimere -voluerit, aut ad publicum revocare, et admonitus per pontificem ad -audientiam venire neglexerit, aut emendare quod perpetravit distulerit, -communione privetur." (Canon 5.) - - -_The enfranchised recommended to the Churches shall be protected by the -Bishops._ - -(Concilium Toletanum tertium, anno 589.) - -"De libertis autem id Dei præcipiunt sacerdotes, ut si qui ab episcopis -facti sunt secundum modum quo canones antiqui dant licentiam, sint -liberi; et tantum a patrocinio ecclesiæ tam ipsi quam ab eis progeniti -non recedant. Ab aliis quoque libertati traditi, et ecclesiis -commendati, patrocinio episcopali tegantur, a principe hoc episcopus -postulet." (Canon 6.) - - - _The Church undertakes to defend the liberty and the property acquired - by industry of the enfranchised who have been recommended to her._ - -(Concilium Toletanum quartum, anno 633.) - -"Liberti qui a quibuscumque manumissi sunt, atque ecclesiæ patrocinio -commendati existunt, sicut regulæ antiquorum patrum constituerunt, -sacerdotali defensione a cujuslibet insolentia protegantur; sive in -statu libertatis eorum, seu in peculio quod habere noscuntur." (Cap. -72.) - - - _The Church will defend the enfranchised: a regulation which does not - distinguish whether they have been recommended to her or not._ - -(Concilium Agathense, anno 506.) - -"Libertos legitime a dominis suis factos ecclesia, si necessitas -exegerit, tueatur; quod si quis ante audientiam, aut pervadere, aut -expoliare præsumpserit, ab ecclesia repellatur." (Canon 29.) - - -§ III. - - _The Church shall regard the ransom of captives as her first care; she - shall give their interests the preference over her own, however bad - may be the state of her affairs._ - -"Sicut omnino grave est, frustra ecclesiastica ministeria venundare, -sic iterum culpa est, imminente hujusmodi necessitate, res maxime -desolatæ Ecclesiæ captivis suis præponere, et in eorum redemptione -cessare." (Caus. xii. q. 2, canon 16.) - - - _Remarkable words of St. Ambrose touching the ransom of captives. - To perform this pious duty, the holy Bishop breaks up and sells the - sacred vessels._ - -(S. Ambrosius de Off. lib. ii. cap. 15.) - -(§ 70.) "Summa etiam liberalitas captos redimere, eripere ex hostium -manibus, subtrahere neci homines, et maxime feminas turpidini, reddere -parentibus liberos, parentes liberis, cives patriæ, restituere. Nota -sunt hæc nimis Illyriæ vastitate et Thraciæ: quanti ubique venales -erant captivi orbe.... - -Ibid. (§ 71.) "Præcipua est igitur liberalitas, redimere captivos -et maxime ab hoste barbaro, qui nihil deferat humanitatis ad -misericordiam, nisi quod avaritia reservaverit ad redemptionem." - -Ib. l. ii. c. 2 (§ 13.) "_Ut nos aliquando in invidiam incidimus, quod -confregerimus vasa mystica, ut captivos redimeremus_, quod Arianis -displicere potuerat, nec tam factum displiceret, quam ut esset quod in -nobis reprehenderetur." - -These noble and charitable sentiments were not those of St. Ambrose -only; his words are but the expression of the feelings of the whole -Church. Without referring to numberless proofs which I might adduce -here, and before I pass to the canons which I mean to insert, I will -copy some passages from a touching letter of St. Cyprian, which -contains the motives which animated the Church in her pious enterprise, -and gives a lively description of her zeal and charity in these -admirable efforts. - -"Cyprianus Januario, Maximo, Proculo, Victori, Modiano, Nemesiano, -Nampulo, et Honorato, fratribus salutem. Cum maximo animi nostri gemitu -et non sine lacrymis legimus litteras vestras, fratres carissimi, quas -ad nos pro dilectionis vestræ sollicitudine de fratrum nostrorum et -sororum captivitate fecistis. Quis enim non doleat in ejusmodi casibus, -aut quis non dolorem fratris sui suum proprium computet cum loquatur -apostolus Paulus et dicat: _Si patitur unum membrum, compatiuntur et -cætera membra: si lætatur membrum unum, collætantur et cætera membra._ -(1 ad Cor. xii. 26.) Et alio loco: _Quis infirmatur, inquit, et non ego -infirmor?_ (2 ad Cor. xi. 29.) Quare nunc et nobis captivitas fratrum -nostra captivitas computanda est, et periclitantium dolor pro nostro -dolore numerandus est, cum sit scilicet adunationis nostræ corpus -unum, et non tantum dilectio sed et religio instigare nos debeat et -confortare ad fratrum membra redimenda. Nam cum denuo apostolus Paulus -dicat: _Nescitis quia templum Dei estis, et Spiritus Dei habitat in -vobis?_ (1 ad Cor. iii. 16), etiamsi charitas nos minus adigeret ad -opem fratribus ferendam, considerandum tamen hoc in loco fuit, Dei -templum esse quæ capta sunt, nec pati nos longa cessatione et neglecto -dolore debere, ut diu Dei templa captiva sint; sed quibus possumus -viribus elaborare et velociter gerere ut Christum judicem et Dominum -et Deum nostrum promereamur obsequiis nostris. Nam cum dicat Paulus -apostolus, _Quotquot in Christo baptizati estis, Christum induistis_ -(ad Gal. iii. 27,) in captivis fratribus nostrus contemplandus est -Christus et redimendus de periculo captivitatis, qui nos de diaboli -faucibus exuit, nunc ipse qui manet et habitat in nobis de barbarorum -manibus exuatur, et redimatur nummaria quantitate qui nos cruce redemit -et sanguine. - - * * * * * - -Quantus vero communis omnibus nobis mœror atque cruciatus est de -periculo virginum quæ illic tenentur? pro quibus non tantum libertatis, -sed et pudoris jactura plangenda est, nec tam vincula barbarorum quam -lenonum et lupanarium stupra defienda sunt, ne membra Christo dicata -et in æternum continentiæ honorum pudica virtute devota, insultantium -libidine et contagione fœdentur? Quæ omnia istic secundum litteras -vestras fraternitas nostra cogitans et dolenter examinans, prompte -omnes et libenter ac largiter subsidia nummaria fratribus contulerunt. - - * * * * * - -Misimus autem sestertia centum millia nummorum, quæ istic in -ecclesia cui de Domini indulgentia præsumus, cleri et plebis apud -nos consistentis collatione, collecta sunt, quæ vos illic pro vestra -diligentia dispensabitis. - - * * * * * - -Si tamen ad explorandam nostri anima charitatem, et examinandi nostri -pectoris fidem tale aliquid acciderit, nolite cunctari nuntiare hæc -nobis litteris vestris, pro certo habentes ecclesiam nostram et -fraternitatem istic universam, ne hæc ultra fiant precibus orare, si -facta fuerint, libenter et largiter subsidia præstare." (Epist. 60.) - -Thus the zeal for the redemption of captives, a zeal which was exerted -with so much ardor in later ages, had appeared in the earliest times of -the Church; this zeal was founded on grand and sublime motives, which -render this work in some measure divine, and secure to those who devote -themselves to it an unfading crown. Important information on this -subject will be found also in the works of St. Gregory. (V. lib. iii. -ep. 16; lib. iv. ep. 17; lib. vi. ep. 35; lib. vii. ep. 26, 28, and 38; -lib. ix. ep. 17.) - - - _The property of the Church employed for the redemption of captives._ - -(Concilium Matisconense secundum, anno 585.) - -"Unde statuimus ac decernimus, ut mos antiquus a fidelibus reparetur; -et decimas ecclesiasticis famulantibus ceremoniis populus omnis -inferat, quas sacerdotes aut in pauperum usum _aut in captivorum -redemptionem prærogantes_, suis orationibus pacem populo ac salutem -impetrent: si quis autem contumax nostris statutis saluberrimis fuerit, -a membris ecclesiæ omni tempore separetur." (Canon 5.) - - - _It is allowed to break up the sacred vessels, in order to devote the - price of them to the redemption of captives._ - -(Concilium Rhemense, anno 625 vel 630.) - -"Si quis episcopus, excepto si evenerit ardua necessitas pro -redemptione captivorum ministeria sancta frangere pro qualicumque -conditione presumpserit, ab officio cessabit ecclesiæ." (Canon 22.) - -The following canon informs us that the Bishops gave letters of -recommendation to the captives; they are desired to state therein the -date and price of the ransom; they are requested also to mention there -the wants of those who are thus restored to liberty. - -(Concilium Lugdunense tertium, anno 583.) - -"Id etiam de epistolis placuit captivorum, ut ita sint sancti -pontifices cauti, ut in servitio pontificibus consistentibus qui eorum -manu vel subscriptione agnoscat epistolæ aut quælibet insinuationum -litteræ dari debeant, quatenus de subscriptionibus nulla ratione -possit Deo propitio dubitari: et epistola commendationis pro -necessitate cujuslibet promulgata dies datarum et pretia constituta, -vel necessitates captivorum quos cum epistolis dirigunt, ibidem -inserantur." (Canon 2.) - - - _Excess into which some ecclesiastics allowed themselves to fall, by - an indiscreet zeal in favor of captives._ - - (Synodus S. Patricii, Auxilii et Isernini Episcoporum in Hibernia - celebrata, circa annum Christi 450 vel 456.) - -"Si quis clericorum voluerit juvare captivo cum suo pretio illi -subveniat, nam si per furtum illum inviolaverit, blasphemantur multi -clerici per unum latronem, qui sic fecerit excommunionis sit." (Canon -32.) - -The church employed her property in the ransom of captives; and when -the latter had afterwards acquired the means of repaying the sums -advanced for them, she refused all reimbursement and graciously gave up -the price of the ransom. - -(Ex epistolis S. Gregorii.) - -"Sacrorum canonum statuta et legalis permittit auctoritates, lici -res ecclesiasticas in redemptionem captivorum impendi. Et ideo, quia -edocti a vobis sumus, ante annos fere 18, virum reverendissimum -quemdam Fabium, Episcopum Ecclesiæ Firmanæ, libras 11 argenti de eadem -ecclesia pro redemptione vestra, ac patris vestri Passivi, fratris et -co-episcopi nostri, tunc vero clerici, necnon matris vestræ, hostibus -impendisse, atque ex hoc quamdam formidinem vos habere, ne hoc -quod datum est, a vobis quolibet tempore repetatur, hujus præcepti -auctoritate suspicionem vestram prævidimus auferendam; constituentes, -nullam vos exinde, hæredesque vestros quolibet tempore repetitionis -molestiam sustinere, nec a quoquam vobis aliquam objici quæstionem." -(L. 7, ep. 14, et hab. Cuas. 12, q. 2, c. 15.) - - - _The property of the Church served to ransom captives._ - -(Concilium Vernense secundum, anno 844.) - -"Ecclesiæ facultates quas reges et reliqui christiani Deo voverunt, -ad alimentum servorum Dei et pauperum, ad exceptionem hospitum, -_redemptionis captivorum_, atque templorum Dei instaurationem, nunc -in usu sæcularium detinentur. Hinc multi servi Dei penuriam cibi et -potus ac vestimentorum patiuntur, pauperes consuetam eleemosynam non -accipiunt, negliguntur hospites, _fraudantur captivi_, et fama omnium -merito laceratur." (Canon 12.) - -Let us observe in this canon the use which the Church made of her -property; after having supported the clergy, and maintained divine -worship, she devoted it to succor the poor, travellers or pilgrims, -and to redeem captives. I make this observation here, because the -opportunity offers; not because this canon is the only proof of the -excellent use which the Church made of her property. Indeed, a great -number of others might be cited, beginning with the canons called -Apostolical. It is necessary also to remark the expression which is -sometimes made use of to stigmatize the wickedness of the spoilers of -the Church, or of those who administer her property badly; they are -called _pauperum necatores_, 'murderers of the poor;' to make it well -understood that one of the principal objects of this property is the -support of the necessitous. - - -§ IV. - - _Those who attempt to take away the liberty of persons are - excommunicated._ - -(Concilium Lugdunense secundum, anno 566.) - -"Et qui peccatis facientibus multi in perniciem animæ suæ ita conati -sunt, aut conantur assurgere, ut animas longa temporis quiete sine -ulla status sui competitione viventes, nunc improba proditione atque -traditione, aut captivaverint aut captivare conentur, si juxta -præceptum domini regis emendare distulerint, quousque hos quos -obduxerunt, in loco in quo longum tempus quiete vixerint, restaurare -debeant, ecclesiæ communione priventur." (Canon 3.) - -We see in this canon that private individuals, by too frequent -attempts, employed violence to reduce free persons to slavery. At -this time, on account of the irruptions of the barbarians, the state -of Europe was such, that public authority, weak in the extreme, did -not, properly speaking, exist. This is the reason why it is so noble -to see the Church struggling every where to support public order, to -defend liberty, and excommunicating those who attacked that liberty, in -contempt of the commands of the king. - - - _The same abuse repressed._ - -(Concilium Rhemense, anno 625 vel 630.) - -"Si quis ingenuum aut liberum ad servitium inclinare voluerit, aut -fortasse jam fecit, et commonitus ab episcopo se de inquietudine ejus -revocare neglexerit, aut emendare noluerit, tamquam calumniæ reum -placuit sequestrari." (Canon 17.) - - - _It is declared that he who leads away a Christian to sell him, is - guilty of homicide._ - -(Concilium Confluentinum, anno 922.) - -"Item interrogatum est, quid de eo faciendum sit qui christianum -hominem seduxerit, et sic vendiderit: responsumque est ab omnibus, -homicidii reatum, ipsum hominem sibi contrahere." (Canon 7.) - - - _The traffic in men, practised at that time in England, is proscribed; - it is forbidden to sell men like ignoble animals._ - -(Concilium Londinense, anno 1102.) - -"Ne quis illud _nefarium negotium_ quo hactenus in Anglia solebant -homines sicut bruta animalia venundari, deinceps ullatenus facere -præsumat." - -We see, from the canon which I have just cited, to what point the -Church had attained in all that affects true civilization. We are in -the nineteenth century, and it is considered that a great step has been -gained in modern civilization by the consent of the great European -nations to sign treaties to suppress the slave-trade; now the canon -which we have just cited tells us, that at the beginning of the twelfth -century, and in that very town of London, where the famous Convention -was lately held, the traffic in men was forbidden, and stigmatized as -it deserves. _Nefarium negotium_--detestable trade--it is called by the -Council: _infamous traffic_, it is called by modern civilization, the -unconscious heir of the thoughts and even the words of those men who -are treated by it as barbarians, of those Bishops, whom calumny has -more or less represented as a band of conspirators against the liberty -and happiness of the human race. - - - _It is ordered that persons who have been sold or pledged, shall - immediately recover their liberty by restoring the price received; it - is ordained that more shall not be required of them than they shall - have received for their liberty._ - -(Synodus incerti loci, circa annum 616.) - -"De ingenuis qui se pro pecunia aut alia revendiderint, vel -oppignoraverint, placuit ut quandoquidem pretium, quantum pro ipsis -datum est, invenire potuerunt, absque dilatione ad statum suæ -conditionis reddito pretio reformentur, nec amplius quam pro eis datum -est requiratur. Et interim, si vir ex ipsis, uxorem ingenuam habuerit, -aut mulier ingenuum habuerit maritum, filii qui ex ipsis nati fuerint, -in ingenuitate permaneant." (Canon 14.) - -The text of this Council, held, according to some, at Boneuil, well -deserves to have some remarks made on it. The beneficial regulation -which allowed a man who had been sold to regain his liberty by paying -the sum received, checked an evil which was deeply rooted in the -customs of Gaul at that time, for we find it at a very early period. We -know, indeed, from Cæsar, whose testimony we have cited in the text, -that many men of that country sold their liberty to relieve themselves -from difficulties. Let us also remark the regulation contained in the -same canon with respect to the children of the person who was sold; -whether it be the father or mother, the canon prescribes, in both -cases, that the children shall be free; and it here departs from the -well known rule of civil law: _partus sequitur ventrem_. - - -§ V. - - _It is forbidden to give up to the Jews the slaves who have taken - refuge in the churches; it matters little whether they have chosen - that asylum because their masters obliged them to things contrary to - the Christian faith, or because they have been maltreated by them - after having been once withdrawn from the sacred asylum under the - promise of pardon._ - -(Concilium Aurelianense tertium, anno 538.) - -"De mancipiis Christianis, quæ in Judæorum servitio detinentur, si eis -quod Christiana religio vetat, a dominis imponitur, aut si eos quos de -ecclesia excusatos tollent, pro culpa quæ remissa est, affligere aut -cædere fortasse præsumpserint, et ad ecclesiam iterato confugerint, -nullatenus a sacerdote reddantur, nisi pretium offeratur ac detur, quod -mancipia ipsa valere pronuntiaverit justa taxatio." (Canon 13.) - - - _The precept given in the preceding canon is renewed; a precept - contained in the canon which we have just cited._ - -(Concilium Aurelianense quartum, anno 541.) - -"Cum prioribus canonibus jam fuerit definitum ut de mancipiis -Christianis, quæ apud Judæos sunt, si ad ecclesiam confugerint, et -redimi se postulaverint, etiam ad quoscumque Christianos refugerint, et -servire Judæis noluerint, taxato et oblato a fidelibus justo pretio, ab -eorum dominio liberentur, ideo statuimus, ut tam justa constitutio ab -omnibus catholicis conservetur." (Canon 30.) - - - _The Jew who perverts a Christian slave is punished with the loss of - all his slaves._ (Ibid.) - -"Hoc etiam decernimus observandum, ut quicumque Judæus proselytum, qui -advena dicitur, Judæum facere præsumpserit, aut Christianum factum ad -Judaicam superstitionem adducere; vel si Judæus Christianam ancillam -suam sibi crediderit sociandam; vel si de parentibus Christianis natum, -Judæum sub promissione fecerit libertatis, mancipiorum amissione -mulctetur." (Canon 31.) - - - _Jews are forbidden to have Christian slaves henceforth; as to those - who are in their power, all Christians are allowed to ransom them by - paying their Jewish masters twelve solidi._ - -(Concilium Matisconense primum, anno 581.) - -"Et liceat quid de Christianis qui aut de captivitatis incursu, aut -fraudibus Judæorum servitio implicantur, debeat observari, non solum -canonicis statutis, sed et legum beneficio pridem fuerit constitutum; -tamen quia nunc item quo rumdam querela exorta est, quosdam Judæos, -per civitates aut municipia consistentes, in tantam insolentiam et -proterviam prorupisse, ut nec reclamantes Christianos liceat vel -pretio de eorum servitute absolvi: idcirco præsenti concilio, Deo -auctore, sancimus, ut nullus Christianus Judæos deinceps debeat -deservire; sed datis pro quolibet bono mancipio 12 solidis, ipsum -mancipium quicumque Christianus, seu ad ingenuitatem, seu ad servitium, -licentiam habeat redimendi; quia nefas est, ut quos Christus Dominus -sanguinis sui effusione redemit, persecutorum vinculis maneant -irretiti. Quod si acquiescere his quæ statuimus quicumque Judæus -noluerit, quamdiu ad pecuniam constitutam venire distulerit, liceat -mancipio ipsi cum Christianis ubicumque voluerit habitare. Illud etiam -specialiter sancientes, quod si quis Judæus Christianum mancipium ad -errorem Judaicum convictus fuerit suasisse, ut ipse mancipio careat, et -legandi damnatione plectatur." (Canon 16.) - - * * * * * - -The preceding canon is almost equivalent to a decree for the entire -emancipation of Christian slaves; for if, on the one hand, Jews were -forbidden to acquire new Christian slaves, and, on the other, those who -were in their possession could be redeemed by the first Christian who -came, it is clear that the charity of the faithful thus finding a door -open to it, the number of Christian slaves who groaned in the power of -the Jews must have diminished in an extraordinary manner. It is not -said that these canonical regulations of the Church from the first -moment obtained all the result which was intended; but, as she was -the only power that remained standing at that time, and the only one -that exercised influence on the nations, it cannot be doubted that her -regulations were infinitely advantageous to those in whose favor they -were established. - - - _Jews are forbidden to acquire Christian slaves. If a Jew perverts to - Judaism, or circumcises a Christian slave, the latter becomes free - without having any thing to pay to his master._ - -(Concilium Toletanum tertium, anno 589.) - -"Suggerente concilio, id gloriossimus dominus noster canonibus -inserendum præcipit, ut Judæis non liceat Christianas habere uxores, -_neque mancipia comparare in usus proprios_.... - -"Si qui vero Christiani ab eis Judaico ritu sunt maculati, vel etiam -circumcisi, non reddito pretio ad libertatem et religionem redeant -Christianam." (Canon 14.) - -This canon is remarkable, both because it protects the conscience of -the slave, and imposes on masters a punishment favorable to liberty. -This manner of checking the arbitrary power of those who violated the -consciences of their slaves, is found, during the following century, in -a curious example contained in the collection of the laws of Ina, queen -of the West Saxons. It is this: - - - _If a master makes his slave work on Sunday, the slave becomes free._ - -(Leges Ynæ reginæ Saxonum Occiduorum, anno 692.) - -"Si servus operetur die dominica per præceptum domini sui, sit liber." -(Leg. iii.) - -Another curious example: - -_If a master gives meat to a slave on a fasting-day, the slave becomes -free._ - - (Concilium Berghamstedæ anno 5^o Withredi regis Cantii, id est Christi - 697: sub Bertualdo Cantuariensi archiepiscopo celebratum. Hæc sunt - judicia Withredi regis Cantuariorum.) - -"Si quis servo suo carnem in jejunio dediderit comedendam, servus liber -exeat." (Canon 15.) - - - _It is definitively forbidden for Jews to have Christian slaves; - all contravention of this order shall deprive the Jews of all their - slaves, who shall obtain their liberty from the prince._ - -(Concilium Toletanum quartum, anno 633.) - -"Ex decreto gloriosissimi principis hoc sanctum elegit concilium, ut -Judæis non liceat Christianos servos habere, nec Christiana mancipia -emere, nec cujusquam consequi largitate: nefas est enim ut membra -Christi serviant Antichristi ministris. Quod si deinceps servos -Christianos, vel ancillas Judæi habere præsumpserint, sublati ab eorum -dominatu libertatem a principe consequantur." (Canon 66.) - - - _It is forbidden to sell Christian slaves to Jews or Gentiles; if such - sales have been made, they shall be annulled._ - -(Concilium Rhemense, anno 625.) - -"Ut Christiani Judæis vel Gentilibus non vendantur; et si quis -Christianorum necessitate cogente mancipia sua Christiana elegerit -venundanda, non aliis nisi tantum Christianis expendat. Nam si -paganis aut Judæis vendiderit, communione privetur, et emptio careat -firmitate." (Canon 11.) - -No precaution was too great in those unhappy times. It might appear at -first that such regulations were an effect of the intolerance of the -Church with respect to the Jews and Pagans; and yet, in reality, they -were a barrier against the barbarism which invaded all; they were a -guarantee of the most sacred rights of man; so much the more necessary, -as all the others, it may be said, had disappeared. Read the document -which we are about to transcribe; you will there see that barbarism was -carried so far, that slaves were sold to the Pagans to be sacrificed. - - (Gregorius Papa III. ep. ad Bonifacium Archiepiscopum, anno 731.) - -"Hoc quoque inter alia crimina agi in partibus illis dixisti, quod -quidam ex fidelibus ad _immolandum_ paganis sua venundent mancipia. -Quod ut magnopere corrigere debeas, frater, commonemus, nec sinas fieri -ultra; scelus est enim et impietas. Eis ergo qui hæc perpetraverunt, -similem homicidæ indices pœnitentiam." - -These excesses must have occupied the active attention of the Church, -as we see the Council of Liptines, held in 743, again insist on this -point, and forbid Christian slaves to be given up to the Gentiles. - -"Et ut mancipia Christiana paganis non tradantur." (Canon 7.) - - - _It is forbidden to sell a Christian slave out of the territory - comprised within the kingdom of Clovis._ - -(Concilium Cabilonense, anno 650.) - -"Pietatis est maximæ et religionis intuitus, ut captivitatis vinculum -omnino a Christianis redimatur. Unde sancta Synodus noscitur censuisse, -ut nullus mancipium extra fines vel terminos, qui ad regnum domini -Clodovei regis pertinent, debeat venundare, ne quod absit, per tale -commercium, aut captivitatis vinculo, vel quod pejus est, Judaica -servitute mancipia Christiana teneantur implicita." (Canon 9.) - -This canon, which forbids the selling of Christian slaves out of the -kingdom of Clovis, for fear that they should fall into the power of -the Pagans and Jews, and the other of the Council of Rheims, cited -above, which contains a similar regulation, are worthy of remark, -under two aspects; they show, 1st, the high respect which we ought -to have for the soul of man, even of him who is a slave, since it -is forbidden to sell him where his conscience might be in danger: a -respect which it was very important to maintain, both in order to -eradicate the erroneous maxims of antiquity on this point, and because -it was the first step towards emancipation. 2d. By limiting the power -of sale, there was introduced into that kind of property a law which -distinguished it from others, and placed it in a different and more -elevated category. This was a great step made towards declaring open -war against this property itself, and abolishing it by legitimate means. - - - _Clerics who sold their slaves to Jews are severely reproved: they are - threatened with alarming punishments._ - -(Concilium decimum Toletanum, anno 656.) - -"Septimæ collationis immane satis et infandum operationis studium -nunc sanctum nostrum adiit concilium; quod plerique ex sacerdotibus -et levitis, qui pro sacris ministeriis, et pietatis studio, -gubernationisque augmento sanctæ ecclesiæ deputati sunt officio, -malunt imitari turbam malorum, potius quam sanctorum patrum insistere -mandatis: ut ipsi etiam qui redimere debuerunt, venditiones facere -intendant, quos Christi sanguine præsciunt esse redemptos; ita -duntaxat, ut eorum dominio qui sunt empti in ritu Judaismo convertantur -oppressi, et fit execrabile commercium, ubi nitente Deo justum est -sanctum adesse conventum; quia majorum canones vetuerunt ut nullus -Judæorum conjugia vel servitia habere præsumat de Christianorum cœtu." - -Here the Council eloquently reprimands the guilty; it continues: - -"Si quis enim post hanc definitionem talia agere tentaverit, noverit se -extra ecclesiam fieri, et præsenti, et futuro judicio cum Juda simili -pœna percelli, dum modo Dominum denuo proditionis pretio malunt ad -iracundiam provocare." (Canon 7.) - - -§ VI. - - _Pope St. Gregory the First gives freedom to two slaves of the Church - of Rome. Remarkable passage, in which this holy pope explains the - motives which induced the Christians to enfranchise their slaves._ - -"Cum Redemptor noster totius conditor creaturæ ad hoc propitiatus -humanam voluerit carnem assumere, ut divinitatis suæ gratia, diruto -quo tenebamur captivi vinculo servitutis, pristinæ nos restitueret -libertati; salubriter agiter, si homines quos ab initio natura creavit -liberos et protulit, et jus gentium jugo substituit servitutis, in -ea natura in qua nati fuerant, manumittentis beneficio, libertati -reddantur. Atque ideo pietatis intuitu, et hujus rei consideratione -permoti, vos Montanam atque Thomam famulos sanctæ Romanæ Ecclesiæ, cui -Deo adjutore deservimus, liberos ex hac die civesque Romanos efficimus, -omneque vestrum vobis relaxamus servitutis peculium." (S. Greg. l. v. -ep. 12.) - - - _Bishops are directed to respect the liberty of those who have been - enfranchised by their predecessors. Mention is made of the power given - to Bishops to free their slaves who deserve well, and the sum is fixed - which they may give them to aid them in living._ - -(Concilium Agathense, anno 506.) - -"Sane si quos de servis ecclesiæ benemeritos sibi episcopus libertate -donaverit, collatam libertatem a successoribus placuit custodiri, cum -hoc quod eis manumissor in libertate contulerit, quod tamen jubemus -viginti solidorum numerum, et modum in terrula, vineola, vel hospitiolo -tenere. Quod amplius datum fuerit, post manumissoris mortem ecclesia -revocabit." (Canon 7.) - - - _What has been mortgaged or alienated from the property of the Church - by a Bishop who has left nothing of his own, must be restored; but - enfranchised slaves are excepted from this rule: they shall preserve - their liberty._ - -(Concilium Aurelianense quartum, anno 541.) - -"Ut episcopus qui de facultate propria ecclesiæ nihil relinquit, de -ecclesiæ facultate si quid aliter quam canones eloquunter obligaverit, -vendiderit, aut distraxerit, ad ecclesiam revocetur. Sane si de servis -ecclesiæ libertos fecerit numero competenti, in ingenuitate permaneant, -ita ut ab officio ecclesiæ non recedant." (Canon 9.) - -An English Council ordains that, at the death of each Bishop, all his -English slaves shall be freed. The solemnization of the obsequies is -regulated; to terminate the funeral ceremonies, each Bishop and abbot -shall enfranchise three slaves, by giving them each three solidi. - - (Synodus Cellichytensis, anno 816.) - -"Decimo jubetur, et hoc firmiter statuimus asservandum, tam in nostris -diebus, quamque etiam futuris temporibus, omnibus successoribus -nostris qui post nos illis sedibus ordinentur quibus ordinati sumus: -ut quandocumque aliquis ex numero episcoporum migraverit de sæculo, -hoc pro anima illius præcipimus, ex substantia uniuscumque rei -decimam partem dividere, ac distribuere pauperibus in eleemosynam, -sive in pecoribus, et armentis, seu de ovibus et porcis, vel etiam in -cellariis, _nec non omnem hominem Anglicum liberare, qui in diebus suis -sit servituti subjectus_, ut per illud sui proprii laboris fructum -retributionis percipere mereatur, et indulgentiam peccatorum. Nec -ullatenus ab aliqua persona huic capitulo contradicatur, sed magis, -prout condecet, a successoribus augeatur, et ejus memoria semper in -posterum per universas ecclesias nostræ ditioni subjectas cum Dei -laudibus habeatur et honoretur. Prorsus orationes et eleemosynas quæ -inter nos specialiter condictam habemus, id est, ut statim per singulas -parochias in singulis quibusque ecclesiis, pulsato signo, omnis -famulorum Dei cœtus ad basilicam conveniant, ibique pariter XXX psalmos -pro defuncti animæ decantent. Et postea unusquisque antistes et abbas -sexcentos psalmos, et centum viginti missas celebrare faciat, _et tres -homines liberet et eorum cuilibet tres solidos distribuat_." (Canon 10.) - - - _A curious document, which shows the generous resolution made by the - Council of Armagh in Ireland, to give liberty to all the English - slaves._ - - (Concilium Ardamachiense in Hibernia celebratum, anno 1171: ex Giraldo - Cambrensi, cap. xxviii. Hiberniæ expugnatæ.) - -"His completis convocato apud Ardamachiam totius Hiberniæ clero, et -super advenarum in insulam adventu tractato diutius et deliberato, -tandem communis omnium in hoc sententia resedit: propter peccata -scilicet populi sui, eoque præcipue quod Anglos olim, tam a -mercatoribus, quam prædonibus atque piratis, emere passim, et in -servitutem redigere consueverant, divinæ censura vindictæ hoc eis -incommodum accidisse, ut et ipsi quoque ab eadem gente in servitutem -vice reciproca jam redigantur. Anglorum namque populus adhuc integro -eorum regno, communi gentis vitio, liberos suos venales exponere, et -priusquam inopiam ullam aut inediam sustinerent, filios proprios et -cognatos in Hiberniam vendere consueverant. Unde et probabiliter credi -potest, sicut venditores olim, ita et emptores, tam enormi delicto juga -servitutis jam meruisse. Decretum est itaque in prædicto concilio, -et cum universitatis consensu publice statutum, ut Angli ubique -per insulam, servitutis vinculo mancipati, in pristinam revocentur -libertatem." - -It is thus that religious ideas influence and soften the ferocious -manners of nations. When a public calamity occurs, they immediately -find its cause in the divine anger, justly excited by the traffic which -the Irish carried on by buying English slaves of merchants, robbers, -and pirates. It is not less curious to learn, that at that time the -English were barbarous enough to sell their children and relations, -like the Africans of our days. This frightful custom must have been -pretty general, as we read in the passage quoted, that it was the -common vice of those nations: _communi gentis vitio_. This makes us -better understand the necessity of a regulation inserted above, that -of the Council of London, held in 1102, which proscribes this infamous -traffic in men. - - - _It is forbidden to change the slaves of the Church for other slaves, - unless the exchange procured their liberty._ - -(Ex concilio apud Sylvanectum, anno 864.) - -"Mancipia ecclesiastica, nisi ad libertatem non convenit commutari; -videlicet ut mancipia, quæ pro ecclesiastico homine dabuntur, in -ecclesiæ servitute permaneant, et ecclesiasticus homo, qui commutatur, -fruatur perpetua libertate. Quod enim semel Deo consecratum est, ad -humanos usus transferri non decet." (V. Decret. Greg. IX., l. iii. tit. -19, cap. 3.) - - - _A Canon containing the same regulation as the preceding; and whence, - moreover, it appears, that the faithful, for the salvation of their - souls, were accustomed to offer their slaves to God and the Saints._ - -(Ex eodem, anno 864.) - -"Injustum videtur et impium, ut mancipia, quæ fideles Deo et sanctis -ejus pro remedio animæ suæ consecrarunt, cujuscumque muneris mancipio, -vel commutationis commercio iterum in servitutem secularium redigantur, -cum canonica auctoritas servos tantummodo permittat distrahi fugitives. -Et ideo ecclesiarum rectores summopere caveant, ne eleemosyna unius, -alterius peccatum fiat. Et est absurdum, ut ab ecclesiastica dignitate -servus discedens, humanæ sit obnoxius servituti." (Ibid. cap. 4.) - - - _Freedom shall be granted to slaves who wish to embrace the monastic - state, yet without neglecting useful precautions to ascertain the - reality of their vocation._ - -(Concilium Romanum sub S. Gregorio I., anno 597.) - -"Multos de ecclesiastica seu sæculari familia, novimus ad omnipotentis -Dei servitium festinare, ut ab humana servitute liberi in divino -servitio valeant familiarius in monasteriis conversari, quos si passim -dimittimus, omnibus fugiendi ecclesiastici juris dominium occasionem -præbemus: si vero festinantes ad omnipotentis Dei servitium, incaute -retinemus, illi invenimur negare quædam qui dedit omnia. Unde necesse -est, ut quisquis ex juris ecclesiastici vel sæcularis militiæ servitute -ad Dei servitium converti desiderat, probetur prius in laico habitu -constitutus: et si mores ejus atque conversatio bona desiderio ejus -testimonium ferunt, absque retractatione servire in monasterio -omnipotenti Domino permittatur, ut ab humano servitio liber recedat, -qui in divino obsequio districtiorem appetit servitutem." (S. Greg. -epist. 44. lib. iv). - - - _The abuse of ordaining slaves without the consent of their masters - had spread; this abuse is checked._ - -(Ex epistolis Gelasii Papæ.) - -"Ex antiquis regulis et novella synodali explanatione comprehensum est, -personas obnoxias servituti, cingulo cœlestis militiæ non præcingi. Sed -nescio utrum ignorantia an voluntate rapiamini, _ita ut ex hac causa -nullus pene Episcoporum videatur extorris_. Ita enim nos frequens et -plurimorum querela nos circumstrepit, ut ex hac parte nihil penitus -putetur constitutum." (Distin. 54. c. 9.) - -"_Frequens equidem, et assidua nos querela, circumstrepit_ de his -pontificibus, qui nec antiquas regulas nec decreta nostra noviter -directa cogitantes, obnoxias possessionibus obligatasque personas, -venientes ad clericalis officii cingulum non recusant." (Ibid. c. 10.) - -"Actores siquidem filiæ nostræ illustris et magnificæ feminæ, Maximæ, -petitorii nobis insinuatione conquesti sunt, Sylvestrum atque Candidum, -originarios suos, contra constitutiones, quæ supradictæ sunt, et -contradictione præeunte a Lucerino Pontifice diaconos ordinatos." (Ibid -c. 11.) - -"_Generalis etiam querelæ vitanda præsumptio est, qua propemodum -causantur universi_, passim servos et originarios, dominorum jura, -possessionumque fugientes, sub religiosæ conversationis obtentu, -vel ad monasteria sese conferre, vel ad ecclesiasticum famulatum, -conniventibus quippe præsulibus, indifferenter admitti. Quæ modis -omnibus est amovenda pernicies, ne per Christiani nominis institutum -aut aliena pervadi, aut publica videatur disciplina subverti." (Ibid. -c. 12.) - - - _The parish priests are allowed to choose some clerics from the slaves - of the Church._ - -(Concilium Emeritense, anno 666.) - -"Quidquid unanimiter digne disponitur in sancta Dei ecclesia, -necessarium est ut a parochitanis presbyteris custoditum maneat. Sunt -enim nonnulli, qui ecclesiarum suarum res ad plenitudinem habent, et -sollicitudo illis nulla est habendi clericos, cum quibus omnipotenti -Deo laudum debita persolvant officia. Proinde instituit hæc sancta -synodus, ut omnes parochitani presbyteri, juxta ut in rebus sibi a Deo -creditis sentiunt habere virtutem, de ecclesiæ suæ familia clericos -sibi faciant; quos per bonam voluntatem ita nutriant, ut et officium -sanctum digne paragant, et ad servitium suum aptos eos habeant. Hi -etiam victum et vestitum dispensatione presbyteri merebuntur, et domino -et presbytero suo, atque utilitati ecclesiæ fideles esse debent. Quod -si inutiles apparuerint ut culpa patuerit, correptione disciplinæ -feriantur; si quis presbyterorum hanc sententiam minime custodierit, et -non adimpleverit, ab episcopo suo corrigatur: ut plenissime custodiat, -quod digne jubetur." (Canon 18.) - - - _It is prescribed to the Bishops to confer liberty on the slaves of - the Church before they admit them into the clerical body._ - -(Concilium Toletanum nonum, anno 655.) - -"Qui ex familiis ecclesiæ servituri devocantur in clerum ab episcopis -suis, necesse est, ut libertatis percipiant donum: et si honestæ vitæ -claruerint meritis, tunc demum majoribus fungantur officiis." (Canon -11.) - - - _It is allowed to ordain the slaves of the Church, liberty having been - previously conferred on them._ - -(Concilium quartem Toletanum, anno 633.) - -"De familiis ecclesiæ constituere presbyteros ut diaconos per parochias -liceat; quos tamen vitæ rectitudo et probitas morum commendat: ea -tamen ratione, _ut antea manumissi libertatem status sui percipiant_, -et denuo ad ecclesiasticos honores succedant; irreligiosum est enim -obligatos existere servituti, qui sacri ordinis suscipiunt dignitatem." - - -§ VII. - -We have shown in the text by what means, with what wisdom and -perseverance Christianity abolished slavery in the ancient world; -Christian and Catholic Europe was free at the time when Protestantism -appeared. Let us now see what Catholicity has done in modern times, -with respect to slaves in other parts of the world. We can present to -our readers in one document, which is the evidence of the ideas and -feelings of the Sovereign Pontiff Gregory XVI., an interesting history -of the solicitude of the Roman See in favor of the slaves of the whole -universe. I mean the apostolical letters published at Rome, November -3, 1839, against the slave-trade; and I recommend the perusal of them. -It will be there seen, in the most authentic and decisive manner, that -the Catholic Church, on this important subject of slavery, has always -showed, and shows still, the most lively spirit of charity, without in -the least offending against justice, or for a moment departing from the -path of prudence. - - - "_Gregorius P. P._ XVI. _ad futuram rei memoriam_. - -"Raised to the supreme degree of the apostolical dignity, and filling, -although without any merit on our part, the place of Jesus Christ, the -Son of God, who, by the excess of His charity, has deigned to become -man, and die for the redemption of the world; we consider that it -belongs to our pastoral solicitude to exert all our efforts to prevent -Christians from engaging in the trade in blacks or any other men, -whoever they may be. - -"As soon as the light of the Gospel began to spread, the unfortunate -men who fell into the hard fate of slavery during the numerous wars -of that period, felt their condition improved; for the apostles, -inspired by the Spirit of God, on the one hand, taught slaves to obey -their earthly masters, as Jesus Christ Himself, and to be resigned -from the bottom of their heart to the will of God; but, on the other, -they commanded masters to behave well to their slaves, to grant them -what was just and equitable, and not to treat them with anger, knowing -that the Lord of both is in heaven, and that with Him there is no -distinction of persons. - -"The law of the Gospel having very soon universally and fundamentally -ordained sincere charity towards all, and the Lord Jesus having -declared that He would regard as done or refused to Himself all the -acts of beneficence and mercy done or refused to the poor and little -ones--it naturally followed that Christians not only regarded their -slaves as brethren, above all when they were become Christians, but -that they were more inclined to give liberty to those who rendered -themselves worthy of it. This usually took place particularly on the -solemn feasts of Easter, as St. Gregory of Nyssa relates. There were -even found some who, inflamed with more ardent charity, _embraced -slavery for the redemption of their brethren_; and an apostolic man, -our predecessor, Pope Gregory I., of sacred memory, attests that he -had known a great many who performed this work of mercy. Wherefore -the darkness of Pagan superstition being entirely dissipated in the -progress of time, and the manners of the most barbarous nations being -softened,--thanks to the benefit of faith working by charity,--things -advanced so far, that for many centuries there have been no slaves -among the greater part of Christian nations. Yet (we say it with -profound sorrow) men have been since found, even among Christians, who, -shamefully blinded by the desire of sordid gain, have not hesitated -to reduce into slavery, in distant countries, Indians, Negroes, and -other unfortunate races; or to assist in this scandalous crime, by -instituting and organizing a traffic in these unfortunate beings, who -had been loaded with chains by others. A great number of the Roman -Pontiffs, our predecessors of glorious memory, have not forgotten to -stigmatize, throughout the extent of their jurisdiction, the conduct -of these men as injurious to their salvation, and disgraceful to the -Christian name; for they clearly saw that it was one of the causes -which tended most powerfully to make infidel nations continue in their -hatred to the true religion. - -"This was the object of the apostolical letters of Paul III., of the -29th of May, 1537, addressed to the Cardinal Archbishop of Toledo, -under the ring of the fisherman, and other letters, much more copious, -of Urban VIII., of the 22d April, 1639, addressed to the collector of -the rights of the Apostolic Chamber in Portugal,--letters, in which -the most severe censures are cast upon those who venture to reduce the -inhabitants of the East or West Indies into slavery, buy, sell, give, -or exchange them, separate them from their wives and children, strip -them of their property, take or send them into strange places, or -deprive them of their liberty in any way; to retain them in slavery; -or aid, counsel, succor, or favor those who do these things under any -color or pretence whatever; or preach or teach that this is lawful, -and, in fine, co-operate therewith in any way whatever. Benedict XIV. -has since confirmed and renewed these pontifical ordinances before -mentioned by new apostolical letters to the Bishops of Brazil and some -other countries, dated the 20th December, 1741, by means of which he -calls forth the solicitude of the Bishops for the same purpose. A -long time before, another of our more ancient predecessors, Pius II., -whose pontificate saw the empire of the Portuguese extended in Guinea -and in the country of the blacks, addressed letters, dated the 7th of -October, 1482, to the Bishop of Ruvo, who was ready to depart for those -countries: in these letters he did not confine himself to giving to -this prelate the means requisite for exercising the sacred ministry -in those countries with the greatest fruit, but he took occasion very -severely to blame the conduct of those who reduced the neophytes into -slavery. In fine, in our days, Pius VII., animated by the same spirit -of charity and religion as his predecessors, zealously interposed his -good offices with men of authority for the entire abolition of the -slave-trade among Christians. - -"These ordinances, and this solicitude of our predecessors, have -availed not a little, with the aid of God, in defending the Indians, -and other nations who have just been mentioned, against the barbarity -of conquest, and the cupidity of Christian merchants; but the Holy See -is far from being able to boast of the complete success of its efforts -and zeal, for, if the slave-trade has been partially abolished, it -is still carried on by a great many Christians. Wherefore, desiring -to remove such a disgrace from all Christian countries, after having -maturely considered the matter with many of our venerable brethren, the -Cardinals of the Holy Roman Church, assembled in Council, following -the example of our predecessors, by virtue of the apostolic office, -we warn and admonish in the Lord all Christians, of whatever condition -they may be, and enjoin upon them that, for the future, no one shall -venture unjustly to oppress the Indians, Negroes, or other men, whoever -they may be; to strip them of their property or reduce them into -servitude: or give aid or support to those who commit such excesses, or -carry on that infamous traffic, by which the blacks, as if they were -not men, but mere impure animals, reduced like them into servitude, -without any distinction, contrary to the laws of justice and humanity, -are bought, sold, and devoted to endure the hardest labors; and on -account of which dissensions are excited and almost continual wars are -fomented among nations by the allurements of gain offered to those who -first carry away the Negroes. - -"Wherefore, by virtue of the apostolical authority, we condemn all -these things aforesaid, as absolutely unworthy of the Christian name; -and, by the same authority, we absolutely prohibit and interdict all -ecclesiastics and laymen from venturing to maintain that this traffic -in blacks is permitted, under any pretext or color whatsoever; or -to preach or teach in public or in private, in any way whatever, -anything, contrary to these apostolic letters. And in order that these -letters may come to the knowledge of all, and that no one may pretend -ignorance, we ordain and decree that they be published and posted -up, according to custom, by one of our officers, on the doors of the -basilica of the Prince of the Apostles, of the Apostolic Chancery, of -the Palace of Justice, of Monte Citorio, and at the Campo di Fiori. -Given at Rome, at St. Mary Major's, under the seal of the fisherman, -the 3d of November, 1839, the ninth year of our Pontificate. - - LOUIS, CARDINAL LAMBRUSCHINI." - -I again particularly invite attention to the document which I have just -inserted--to these letters which magnificently crown the united efforts -of the Church for the abolition of slavery. As the abolition of the -slave-trade--the object of a treaty recently made between the great -powers--is at this moment one of the affairs which occupy the chief -attention of Europe, it is proper to pause a few moments, to reflect on -the contents of the apostolic letters of the Sovereign Pontiff Gregory -XVI. Let us observe, in the first place, that in the year 1482, Pope -Pius II. addressed apostolical letters to the Bishop of Ruvo, about to -depart for the newly discovered countries--letters, in which he did not -exclusively confine himself to giving the prelate the powers necessary -to exercise his holy ministry with the greatest fruit in those -countries, but in which he takes occasion to censure very severely -the conduct of Christians who reduced the neophytes into slavery. -Exactly at the end of the fifteenth century, at the time when it may be -said that the Church gathering the last fruit of her long labors, at -length saw Europe emerge from the chaos in which the irruption of the -barbarians had plunged her; at the time when the social and political -institutions were developed with daily increasing ardor, and began to -form a regular and coherent body; at this moment the Church resumes -her secular contest with another barbarism which reappeared in distant -countries; she opposes the abuse of the superiority of strength and -intelligence, which the conquerors possessed over the conquered nations. - -This fact alone proves that, for the true liberty and well-being of -nations, for the just pre-eminence of right over might, and for the -triumph of justice over force, the intelligence and refinement of -nations are not enough--religion also is required. In ancient times, -we see nations cultivated to the highest point commit unheard of -atrocities; and in modern times, Europeans, so proud of their knowledge -and advancement, introduce slavery among the unfortunate nations who -have fallen under their dominion. Now, who was the first to raise a -voice against such injustice--against such horrible barbarity? It was -not policy, which perhaps rejoiced to see its conquests consolidated -by slavery; it was not commerce which found in this infamous traffic -an easy means of making shameful but abundant profits; it was not -philosophy, which, fully explaining the doctrines of Plato and -Aristotle, would perhaps have seen without concern the resuscitation -of the degrading theory of _races born for slavery_; but it was the -Catholic religion, expressing herself by the mouth of the Vicar of -Jesus Christ. - -It is certainly a consolatory spectacle for Catholics to see a Roman -Pontiff, four centuries ago, condemn what Europe, with all her -civilization and refinement, condemns only at the present day. Still, -Europe only does so with difficulty; and all those who take part in -this tardy condemnation are not exempt from the suspicion of being -actuated by motives of interest. No doubt the Roman Pontiff did not -effect all the good he intended; but doctrines do not remain sterile -when they emanate from a high quarter, whence, diffusing themselves -to great distances, they descend on persons who receive them with -veneration, if it were only on account of him who teaches them. The -conquering nations were then Christians, and sincere ones; it is -therefore indubitable, that the admonitions of the Pope, transmitted by -the mouths of Bishops and other priests, must have had very salutary -effects. If, in cases like this, where we see a measure taken against -an evil, the evil nevertheless resists and continues, we imagine, by a -grievous mistake, that the measure has been vain, and that its author -has produced no effect. It is one thing to extirpate, and another -to diminish an evil; and it cannot be doubted that, if the Bulls of -the Popes had not all the effect intended, they must nevertheless -have served to diminish the evil, by improving the lot of nations -fallen under the yoke. The evil prevented and avoided is not seen; -the preservative has hindered its existence: but the existing evil is -palpable--it affects us, it excites our regret, and we often forget the -gratitude due to the hand which has preserved us from greater evils. -How often is it thus with respect to religion! She cures many things, -but she prevents still more. If she takes possession of the heart of -man, it is in order to destroy there even the very roots of a thousand -evils. - -Let us imagine the Europeans of the fifteenth century invading the East -and West Indies, without any check, guided only by the inspirations of -cupidity, and by the caprices of arbitrary power, full of the pride -of conquerors, and of the contempt with which the Indians must have -inspired them, on account of the inferiority of their knowledge, and -of their backwardness in civilization and refinement: what must have -happened? If, in spite of the incessant cries of religion, in spite of -the influence which she had on laws and manners, the conquered nations -have had so much to suffer, would not the evil have been carried to an -intolerable extent, without those powerful causes which incessantly -combated, prevented or diminished it? The conquered would have been -reduced into slavery _en masse_; they would have been condemned _en -masse_ to perpetual degradation; they would have been deprived even of -the hope of one day entering on the career of civilization. - -If the conduct of Europeans at that time with respect to men of -other races--if the conduct of some nations of our own days is to be -deplored, it cannot be said at least that the Catholic religion has not -opposed such excesses with all her strength; it cannot be said that the -Head of the Church has ever allowed these evils to pass without raising -his voice to recall to mind the rights of men, to stigmatize injustice, -to excite abhorrence of cruelty, and energetically to plead the cause -of humanity, without distinction of races, climates, or colors. - -Whence does Europe derive this lofty idea and this generous feeling, -which urge her to declare herself so strongly against the traffic in -men, and to demand the complete abolition of slavery in the colonies? -When posterity shall call to mind these glorious facts; when it shall -adopt them as marking a new era in the annals of civilization; when, -studying and analyzing the causes which have conducted European -legislation and manners to so high a pitch, and, passing over temporary -and unimportant motives, insignificant circumstances, and secondary -agents, it shall seek for the vital principle which impelled European -civilization towards so glorious an end, it will find that this -principle was Christianity; and if, desiring to fathom the question -more and more, it should inquire whether this was Christianity, under -a vague and general form--Christianity without authority--Christianity -without Catholicity--the answer of history will be this: Catholicity, -exclusively prevailing in Europe, abolished slavery among the European -races; she introduced the principle of the abolition of slavery into -European civilization, by showing practically, and in opposition to the -opinion of antiquity, that slavery was not necessary for society; and -she made it understood, that the sacred work of enfranchisement was the -foundation of all great and life-giving civilization. She has therefore -inoculated European civilization with the principle of the abolition -of slavery; it is owing to her that, wherever this civilization has -come into contact with slavery, it has been profoundly disturbed--an -evident proof that there were at the bottom two opposite elements, two -contending principles, which were compelled to struggle incessantly, -until the more powerful, noble, and fruitful prevailing, and reducing -the other under the yoke, in the end annihilated it. I will say -more: by searching whether facts really confirm this influence of -Catholicity, not only in all that concerns the civilization of Europe, -but also in the countries which Europeans have conquered two centuries -ago, in the East and West, we shall meet with Catholic Bishops and -priests working without intermission in improving the lot of colonial -slaves; we shall call to mind what is due to the Catholic missions; we -shall read and understand the apostolical letters of Pius II., issued -in 1482, and mentioned above; those of Paul III., in 1537; those of -Urban VIII., in 1639; those of Benedict XIV., in 1741; and those of -Gregory XVI., in 1839. - -In these letters there is taught and defined all that has been or -can be said on this point in favor of humanity. We shall there find -blamed, condemned, and punished, all that European civilization has -at length resolved to condemn and punish; and when calling to mind -also that it was Pius VII., who, at the beginning of this century, -_zealously interposed his good offices with men in power for the -complete abolition of slavery among Christians_, we shall not be -able to avoid acknowledging and confessing that Catholicity has had -the principal share in this great work. It is she indeed who has -laid down the principle on which the work rests, who has established -the precedents which guide it, who has constantly proclaimed the -principles which have suggested it and has constantly condemned those -who have opposed it; it is she, in fine, who at all times has declared -open war against cruelty and cupidity,--the support and perpetual -motives for injustice and inhumanity. Let us hear the testimony of a -celebrated Protestant author, Robertson, the historian of America: -"From the time that ecclesiastics were sent as instructors into -America, they perceived that the rigor with which their countrymen -treated the natives rendered their ministry altogether fruitless. The -missionaries, in conformity with the mild spirit of that religion -which they were employed to publish, soon remonstrated against the -maxims of the planters with respect to the Americans, and condemned -the _repartimientos_, or distributions, by which they were given -up as slaves to their conquerors, as no less contrary to natural -justice and the precepts of Christianity, than to sound policy. The -Dominicans, to whom the instruction of the Americans was originally -committed, were the most vehement in attacking the _repartimientos_. -In the year 1511, Motesino, one of their most eminent preachers, -inveighed against this practice in the great church at St. Domingo, -with all the impetuosity of his natural eloquence. Don Diego Columbus, -the principal officers of the colony, and all the laymen who had -been his hearers, complained of the monk to his superiors; but they, -instead of condemning, applauded his doctrine, as equally pious and -seasonable. The Franciscans, influenced by the spirit of opposition -and rivalship which subsists between the two orders, discovered some -inclination to take part with the laity, and to espouse the defence of -the _repartimientos_. But as they could not with decency give their -approbation to a system of oppression so repugnant to the spirit of -religion, they endeavored to palliate what they could not justify, -and alleged in excuse for the conduct of their countrymen, that it -was impossible to carry on any improvement in the colony, unless the -Spaniards possessed such dominion over the natives, that they could -compel them to labor. The Dominicans, regardless of such political and -interested considerations, would not relax in any degree the rigor -of their sentiments, and even refused to absolve, or admit to the -sacrament, such of their countrymen as continued to hold the natives -in servitude. Both parties applied to the king for his decision in a -matter of such importance. Ferdinand empowered a committee of his Privy -Council, assisted by some of the most eminent civilians and divines in -Spain, to hear the deputies sent from Hispaniola in support of their -respective opinions. After a long discussion, the speculative point -in controversy was determined in favor of the Dominicans; the Indians -were declared to be a free people, entitled to all the natural rights -of man; but notwithstanding this decision, the _repartimientos_ were -continued upon their ancient footing. As this determination admitted -the principle upon which the Dominicans founded their opinion, they -renewed their efforts to obtain relief for the Indians with additional -boldness and zeal. At length, in order to quiet the colony, which was -alarmed by their remonstrances and censures, Ferdinand issued a decree -of his Privy Council (1513), declaring that after mature consideration -of the apostolic Bull, and other titles by which the Crown of Castile -claimed a right to its possessions, in the new world, the servitude of -the Indians was warranted both by the laws of God and man; that unless -they were subjected to the dominion of the Spaniards, and compelled -to reside under their inspection, it would be impossible to reclaim -them from idolatry, or to instruct them in the Christian faith; that -no further scruple ought to be entertained concerning the lawfulness -of the _repartimientos_, as the King and Council were willing to take -the charge of that upon their own consciences; and that therefore the -Dominicans, and monks of other religious orders, should abstain for -the future from those invectives which, from an excess of charitable -but ill-informed zeal, they had uttered against the practice. That -his intention of adhering to this decree might be fully understood, -Ferdinand conferred new grants of Indians upon several of his -courtiers. But in order that he might not seem altogether inattentive -to the rights of humanity, he published an edict in which he endeavored -to provide for the mild treatment of the Indians under the yoke to -which he subjected them; he regulated the nature of the work which they -should be required to perform; he prescribed the mode in which they -should be clothed and fed, and gave directions with respect to their -instruction in the principles of Christianity. But the Dominicans, who, -from their experience of what had passed, judged concerning the future, -soon perceived the inefficacy of those provisions, and foretold that, -as long as it was the interest of individuals to treat the Indians -with rigor, no public regulations would render their servitude mild -or tolerable. They considered it as vain to waste their own time and -strength in attempting to communicate the sublime truths to men whose -spirits were broken, and their faculties impaired by oppression. Some -of them, in despair, requested the permission of their superiors to -remove to the continent, and pursue the object of their mission among -such of the natives as were not hitherto corrupted by the example of -the Spaniards, or alienated by their cruelty from the Christian faith. -Such as remained in Hispaniola continued to remonstrate, with decent -firmness, against the servitude of the Indians. - -"The violent operations of Albuquerque, the new distributor of -the Indians, revived the zeal of the Dominicans against the -_repartimientos_, and called forth an advocate for that oppressed -people who possessed all the courage, the talents, and the activity -requisite in supporting such a desperate cause. This was Bartholomew -de las Casas, a native of Seville, and one of the clergymen sent out -with Columbus in his second voyage to Hispaniola, in order to settle in -that Island. He early adopted the opinion prevalent among ecclesiastics -with respect to the unlawfulness of reducing the natives to servitude; -and that he might demonstrate the sincerity of his conviction, he -relinquished all the Indians who had fallen to his share in the -division of the inhabitants among their conquerors, declaring that he -should ever bewail his own misfortune and guilt, in having exercised -for a moment this impious dominion over his fellow-creatures. From -that time he became the avowed patron of the Indians; and by his bold -interpositions in their behalf, as well as by the respect due to his -abilities and character, he had often the merit of setting some bounds -to the excesses of his countrymen." (_History of America_, book 3.) - -It would be too long to relate here the energetic efforts of De las -Casas in favor of the colonies of the new world; all know them--all -must know that, filled with zeal for the liberty of the Indians, he -conceived and undertook an attempt at civilization analogous to that -which was realized later, to the immortal honor of the Catholic clergy, -in Paraguay. If the efforts of De las Casas had not all the success -that might naturally have been expected, we find the cause of this -in the thousand passions with which history makes us acquainted, and -perhaps also in the impetuosity of this man, whose sublime zeal was not -always accompanied by the consummate prudence which the Church displays. - -However this may be, Catholicity has completely accomplished her -mission of peace and love; without injustice or catastrophe, she -has broken the chains under which a large portion of the human -race groaned; and if it had been given her to prevail for some -time in Asia and Africa, she would have achieved their destruction -in the four quarters of the globe, by banishing the degradations -and the abominations introduced and established in those countries -by Mahometanism and idolatry. It is melancholy, no doubt, that -Christianity has not yet exercised over these latter countries all the -influence which would have been necessary to ameliorate the social -and political condition of those nations, by changing their ideas and -manners. But if we seek for the causes of this lamentable delay, we -certainly shall not find them in the conduct of Catholicity. This is -not the place to point out these causes; nevertheless, while reserving -the analysis and complete examination of this matter for another part -of the work, I will make the remark _en passant_, that Protestantism -may justly criminate itself for the obstacles which, during three -centuries, it has opposed to the universality and efficacy of the -Christian influence on infidel nations. These few words will suffice -here; we shall return to this important subject later. - - -NOTE 16, p. 131. - -We can scarcely believe how far the ideas of the ancients went astray -with regard to the respect which is due to man. Can it be believed -that they went so far, as to regard the lives of all who could not be -useful to society as of no value? and yet nothing is more certain. -We might lament that this or that city had adopted a barbarous law; -that a ferocious custom was introduced among a people by the effect of -particular circumstances; yet as long as philosophy protested against -such attempts, human reason would have been unstained, and could not -have been accused without injustice of taking part in infamous attempts -at abortion or infanticide. But when we find crime defended and taught -by the most important philosophers of antiquity; when we see it triumph -in the minds of the most illustrious men, who, with fearful calmness -and serenity, prescribe the atrocities which we have named, we are -confounded, and our blood runs cold; we would fain shut our eyes, not -to see so much infamy thrown upon philosophy and human reason. Let us -hear Plato in his _Republic_, in that book in which he undertook to -collect all the theories in his opinion the most distinguished and -the best adapted to lead human society towards its _beau ideal_. This -is his scandalous language: "Oportet profecto secundum ea quæ supra -concessimus, optimos viros mulieribus optimis ut plurimum congredi: -deterrimos autem contra, deterrimis. Et illorem quidem prolem nutrire, -horum minime, si armentum excellentissimum sit futurum. Et hæc omnia -dum agantur, ab omnibus præterquam a principibus ignorari, si modo -armentum custodum debeat seditione carere." "Prope admodum;" "Very -good," replies another speaker. (_Plat. Rep._ l. v.) - -Behold, then, the human race reduced to the condition of mere -brutes; in truth, the philosopher had reason to use the word flock -(_armentum_)! There is this difference, however, that magistrates -imbued with such feelings must have been more harsh towards their -subjects than a shepherd towards his flock. If the shepherd finds among -the lambs which have just been born a weak and lame one, he does not -kill it or allow it to die of hunger; he carries it to the sheep who -ought to nourish it, he caresses it to stop its cries. - -But perhaps the expressions which we have just quoted escaped the -philosopher in a moment of inadvertence; perhaps the idea which they -reveal was only one of those sinister inspirations which glide into the -mind of a man, and pass away without leaving any more impression than -is made by a reptile moving through the grass. We wish it were so, for -the fame of Plato; but unhappily he returns to it so often, and insists -on the point with so systematic a coldness, that no means of justifying -him are left. "With respect," he says lower down, "to the children of -citizens of inferior rank, and even those of other citizens, if they -are born deformed, the magistrates shall hide them, as is proper, -in some secure place, which it shall be forbidden to reveal." "Yes," -replies one of the interlocutors; "if we desire to preserve the race of -warriors in its purity." - -Plato also lays down various rules with respect to the relations -of the two sexes; he speaks of the case in which the man and woman -shall have reached an advanced age: "Quando igitur jam mulieres et -viri ætatem generationi aptam egressi fuerint, licere viris dicemus, -cuicumque voluerint, præterquam filiæ atque matri et filiarum natis -matrisve majoribus: licere et mulieribus cuilibet, præterquam filio -atque patri, ac superioribus et inferioribus eorumdem. Cum vero hæc -omnia mandaverimus, interdicemus fœtum talem (si contigeret) edi et -in lucem produci. Si quid autem matrem parere coegerit, ita exponere -præcipiemus, quasi ei nulla nutritio sit." - -Plato seems to have been very well pleased with his doctrine; for, in -the very book in which he writes what we have just seen, he lays down -the famous maxim, that the evils of states will never be remedied, that -societies will never be well governed, until philosophers shall become -kings, or kings become philosophers. God preserve us from seeing on the -throne a philosophy such as his! Moreover, his wish for the reign of -philosophy has been realized in modern times. What do I say? It has had -more than empire; it has been deified, and divine honors have been paid -to it in public temples. I do not believe, however, that the happy days -of the worship of reason are now much regretted. - -The horrible doctrine which we have just seen in Plato was transmitted -with fidelity to future schools. Aristotle, who on so many points took -the liberty of departing from the doctrines of his master, did not -think of correcting those which regard abortion and infanticide. In -his _Politics_ he teaches the same crimes with the same calmness as -Plato: "In order," he says, "to avoid nourishing weak or lame children, -the law should direct them to be exposed or made away with." "Propter -multitudinem autem liberorum, ne plures sint quam expediat, si gentium -instituta et leges vetent procreata exponi, definitum esse oportet -procreandorum liberorum numerum. Quod si quibus inter se copulatis et -congressis, plures liberi, quam definitum sit, nascantur, priusquam -sensus et vita inseratur, abortus est fœtui inferendus." (_Polit._ l. -vii. c. 16.) - -It will be seen how much reason I had to say that man, _as man_, was -esteemed as nothing among the ancients; that society entirely absorbed -him; that it claimed unjust rights over him, and regarded him as an -instrument to be used when of service, and which it had a right to -destroy. - -We observe in the writings of the ancient philosophers, that they make -of society a kind of _whole_, consisting of individuals, as the mass -of iron consists of the atoms that compose it; they make of it a sort -of unity, to which all must be sacrificed; they have no consideration -for the sphere of individual liberty; they do not appear to dream -that the object of society is the good, the happiness of individuals -and families. According to them, this unity is the principal good, -with which nothing else can be compared; the greatest evil that can -happen is, that this unity should be broken--an evil which must be -avoided by all imaginable means. "Is not the worst evil of a state," -says Plato, "that which divides it, and _makes many out of one_? and -is not the greatest excellence of a state, that which binds all its -parts together, and makes it _one_?" Relying on this principle, and -pursuing the development of his theory, he takes individuals and -families, and kneads them, as it were, in order to form them into ONE -compact whole. Thus, besides education and life in common, he wishes -also to have women and children in common; he considers it injurious -that there should be personal enjoyments or sufferings; he desires -that all should be common and social; he allows individuals to live, -think, feel, and act only as parts of a great whole. If you read his -_Republic_ with attention, and particularly the fifth book, you will -see that the prevailing idea of this philosopher is what we have just -explained. Let us hear Aristotle on the same point: "As the object of -society," he says, "is _one_, it is clear that the education of all -its members ought necessarily to be one and identical. Education ought -to be public, and not private; as things now are, each one takes care -of his children as he thinks proper, and teaches them as he pleases. -Each citizen is a particle of society, and the care to be given to -a particle ought naturally to extend to what the whole requires." -(_Polit._ l. viii. c. 1.) In order to explain to us what he means by -this common education, he concludes by quoting with honor the education -which was given at Sparta, which every one knows consisted in stifling -all feelings except a ferocious patriotism, the traits of which still -make us shudder. - -With our ideas and customs, we do not know how to confine ourselves -to considering society in this way. Individuals among us are attached -to the social body, forming a part of it, but without losing their -own sphere--that of the family; and they preserve around them a vast -career, where they are allowed to exert themselves, without coming -into collision with the colossus of society. Nevertheless, patriotism -exists; but it is no longer a blind instinctive passion, urging man -on to the sacrifice, like a victim, with bandaged eyes, but it is no -reasonable, noble, and exalted feeling, which forms heroes like those -of Lepanto and Baylen; which converts peaceful citizens, like those -of Gyronna and Saragossa, into lions; which, as by an electric spark, -makes a whole people rise on a sudden without arms, and brave death -from the artillery of a numerous and disciplined army: such was Madrid, -following the sublime _Mourons_ of Daoiz and of Velarda. - -I have already hinted, in the text, that society among the ancients -claimed the right of interfering in all that regards individuals. -I will add, that the thing went to a ridiculous extent. Who would -imagine that the law ought to interfere in the food of a woman who -was _enceinte_, or in the exercise which she should take every day? -This is what Aristotle gravely says: "It is necessary that women who -are _enceinte_ should take particular care of their bodies; that -they should avoid indulgence in luxury, and using food which is too -light and weak. The legislator easily attains his end by prescribing -and ordering them a daily walk, in order to go to honor and venerate -the gods, to whom it has been confided by fate to watch over the -formation of beings. Atque hoc facile assequitur scriptor legum, si -eis iter aliquod quotidianum ad cultum venerationemque deorum eorum, -quibus sorte obtigit, ut præsint gignendis animantibus, injunxerit ac -mandaverit." (_Polit._ l. vii. c. 16.) - -The action of laws extended to every thing; it seems that, in certain -cases, even the tears of children could not escape this severity. -"Those," says Aristotle, "who, by means of laws, forbid children to cry -and weep, are wrong; cries and tears serve as exercise for children, -and assist them in growing; they are an effort of nature, which -relieves and invigorates those who are in pain." (_Polit._ l. vii. c. -17.) - -These doctrines of the ancients--this manner of considering the -relations of individuals with society--very well explain how castes -and slavery could be regarded as natural among them. Who can be -astonished at seeing whole races deprived of liberty, or regarded as -incapable of partaking of the rights of other superior classes, when -we see generations of innocent beings condemned to death, and these -conscientious philosophers not having the slightest scruple with -respect to the legitimacy of so inhuman an act? It was not that these -philosophers had not happiness in view as the object of society; but -they had monstrous ideas with respect to the means of obtaining that -happiness. - - -NOTE 17, p. 146. - -The reader will easily dispense with my entering into details on the -abject and shameful condition of women among the ancients, and in which -they still are among the moderns where Christianity does not prevail; -moreover, my pen would be checked every moment by strict laws of -modesty, if I were to attempt to represent the characteristic features -of this wretched picture. The _inversion_ of ideas was such, that we -hear men the most renowned for their gravity and moderation rave in -the most incredible manner on this point. We will lay aside hundreds -of examples which it would be easy to adduce; but who is ignorant of -the scandalous advice of the _sage_ Solon, with respect to the lending -of women for the purpose of improving the race? Who has not blushed to -read what the _divine_ Plato, in his _Republic_, says of the propriety -and manner of making women share in the public games? Let us throw -a veil over recollections so dishonourable to human wisdom. When -the chief legislators and sages so far forgot the first elements of -morality, and the most ordinary inspirations of nature, what must have -been the case with the vulgar? How fearfully true those words of the -sacred text which represent to us the nations deprived of the light of -Christianity as sitting _in darkness and in the shadow of death!_ - -There is nothing more fatal to woman, nothing more apt to degrade -her, than that which is injurious to modesty; and yet we see that -the unlimited power granted to man over woman contributed to this -degradation, and reduced her, among certain nations, to be nothing but -a slave. Losing sight of the manners of other nations, let us consider -those of the Romans for a moment. Among them the formula, _ubi tu -Cayus ego Caya_, seemed to indicate a subjection so slight, that it -might almost be called an equality; but in order to appreciate this -equality, it is enough to recollect that, at Rome, a husband could -put his wife to death by his own authority, and that not only in the -case of adultery, but for offences infinitely less serious. In the -time of Romulus, Egnacius Menecius was acquitted of a similar crime, -although his wife had done nothing more than drink wine from a cask. -These traits describe a nation, whatever importance you may besides -think proper to attach to the solicitude of the Romans to prevent their -matrons from becoming addicted to wine. When Cato directed an embrace, -as a proof of affection, among relations, for the purpose, as Pliny -relates, of ascertaining whether the women smelt of wine, _an temetum -olerent_, it is true he showed his strictness; but it was an unworthy -outrage offered to the honor of the women themselves whose virtue it -pretended to preserve. There are some remedies worse than the disease. - - -NOTE 18, p. 157. - -The antichristian philosophy must have had considerable influence on -the desire to find among the barbarians the origin of the elevation -of the female character in Europe, and of some other principles of -our civilization. Indeed as soon as you discover the source of these -admirable qualities in the forests of Germany, Christianity is stripped -of a portion of its honors; and what was its own and peculiar glory -is divided among many. I will not deny that the Germans of Tacitus -are sufficiently poetical; but it is difficult to believe that the -real Germans were so to any extent. Some passages inserted in the text -add great force to our conjecture; but what appears to me eminently -calculated to dissipate all these illusions is, the history of the -invasion by the barbarians, above all that which has been written by -eye-witnesses. The picture, far from continuing poetical, then becomes -disgusting in the extreme. This interminable succession of nations -passes before the eyes of the reader, like an alarming vision in an -evil dream; and certainly the first idea which occurs to us at the -sight of this picture is, not to seek for any of the qualities of -modern civilization in these invading hordes; but the great difficulty -is, to know how this chaos has been reduced to order, and how it has -been possible to produce from such barbarism the noblest and most -brilliant civilization that has ever been seen on earth. Tacitus -appears to be an enthusiast; but Sidonius, who wrote at no great -distance from the barbarians, who saw them, and suffered from meeting -them, does not partake of this enthusiasm. "I find myself," he said, -"among long-haired nations, compelled to hear the German language, -and to applaud, at whatever cost, the song of the drunken Burgundian, -with hair plastered with rancid grease. _Happy your eyes who do not -see them; happy your ears who do not hear them?_" If space permitted, -it would be easy for me to accumulate a thousand passages which would -evidently show what the barbarians were, and what could be expected -from them in all respects. It is as clear as the light of day, that it -was the design of Providence to employ these nations to destroy the -Roman empire, and change the face of the world. The invaders seem to -have had a feeling of their terrible mission. They march, they advance, -they know not whither they go; but they know well that they go to -destroy. Attila called himself the scourge of God. The same barbarian -himself defined his formidable duty in these words: "_The star falls, -the sea is moved; I am the hammer of the earth._ Where my horse passes, -the grass never grows." Alaric, marching towards the capital of the -world, said: "_I cannot stop; there is some one urges me, who excites -me to sack Rome._" Genseric prepares a naval expedition; his troops -are on board, he himself embarks: no one knows the point towards which -he will direct his sails. The pilot approaches the barbarian, and asks -him; "_My lord, against what nations will you wage war?_" "_Against -those who have provoked the anger of God_," replies Genseric. - -If Christianity, in the midst of this catastrophe, had not existed in -Europe, civilization would have been lost and annihilated, perhaps -forever. But a religion of light and love was sure to triumph over -ignorance and violence. Even during the times of the calamities of -the invasion, that religion prevented many disasters, owing to the -ascendency which it began to exercise over the barbarians; the most -critical moment being past, the conquerors having become in some degree -settled, she immediately employed a system so vast, so efficacious, so -decisive, that the conquerors found themselves conquered, not by arms, -but by charity. It was not in the power of the Church to prevent the -invasion; God had decreed it, and His decree must be accomplished. Thus -the pious monk who went to meet Alaric approaching Rome, could not stop -him on his march, because the barbarian answered him, that he could not -stop,--that there was some one who urged him on, and that he advanced -against his own will. But the Church awaited the barbarians after the -conquest, knowing that Providence would not abandon His own work, that -the hope of the future lot of nations was left in the hands of the -spouse of Jesus Christ; on this account does Alaric advance on Rome, -sack, and destroy it; but on a sudden, finding himself in presence of -religion, he stops, becomes mollified, and appoints the Churches of -St. Peter and St. Paul as places of refuge. A remarkable fact, and an -admirable symbol of the Christian religion preserving the universe from -total ruin. - - -NOTE 19, p. 165. - -The great benefit conferred on modern society by the formation of -a pure and correct public conscience, would acquire extraordinary -value in our eyes, if we compared our moral ideas with those of all -other nations, ancient and modern; the result of such an examination -would be, to show in how lamentable a manner good principles become -corrupted, when they are confided to the reason of man. I will content -myself, however, with a few words on the ancients, in order to show how -correct I was in saying that our manners, however corrupt they may be, -would have appeared a model of morality and dignity to the heathens. - -The temples consecrated to Venus in Babylon and Corinth are connected -with abominations such as to be even incomprehensible. Deified passion -required sacrifices worthy of it; a divinity without modesty required -the sacrifice of modesty; and the sacred name of Temple was applied -to asylums of the most unbridled licentiousness. There was not a veil -even for the greatest crimes. It is known how the daughters of Chypre -gained a dowry for their marriage; all have heard of the mysteries of -Adonis, Priapus, and other impure divinities. There are vices which, -as it were, want a name among the moderns; or if they have one, it is -accompanied by the recollection of a terrible chastisement inflicted on -some criminal cities. In reading the histories of antiquity descriptive -of the manners of their times, the book falls from our hands. On this -subject we must be content with these few hints, calculated to awaken -in the minds of our readers the recollection of what has a thousand -times excited their indignation in reading the history and studying the -literature of pagan antiquity. The author is compelled to be satisfied -with a recollection: he abstains from a description. - - -NOTE 20, p. 171. - -It is now so common to exalt beyond measure the power of ideas, that -some persons will perhaps consider exaggerated what I have said with -respect to their want of power, not only to influence society, but even -to preserve themselves, while, remaining in the mere sphere of ideas, -they do not become realized in institutions, which are their organ, and -at the same time their rampart and defence. - -I am very far, as I have clearly stated in the text, from denying or -calling in question what is called the power of ideas: I only mean to -show that, alone and by themselves, ideas have little power; and that -science, properly so called, as far as the organization of society is -concerned, is a much less important thing than is generally supposed. -This doctrine has an intimate connection with the system followed by -the Catholic Church, which, while constantly endeavoring to develop -the human mind by means of the propagation of the sciences, has -nevertheless assigned to them a secondary part in the regulation of -society. While religion has never been opposed to true science, never, -on the other hand, has she ceased to show a certain degree of mistrust -with respect to all that was the exclusive production of human thought; -and observe that this is one of the chief differences between religion -and the philosophy of the last age; or, we should rather say, it was -the cause of their violent antipathy. Religion did not condemn science; -on the contrary, she loved, protected, and encouraged it; but at the -same time she marked out its limits, warned it that it was blind on -some points, announced to it that it would be powerless in some of its -labors, and that in others its action would be destructive and fatal. -Philosophy, on the contrary, loudly proclaimed the sovereignty of -science, declared it to be all-powerful, and deified it; it attributed -to it strength and courage to change the face of the world, and wisdom -and foresight enough to work this change for the good of humanity. This -pride of knowledge, this deification of thought, is, if you observe -closely, the foundation of Protestant doctrine. All authority being -taken away, reason is the only competent judge, the intellect receives -directly and immediately from God all the light which is necessary. -This is the fundamental doctrine of Protestantism, that is to say, the -pride of the mind. - -If we closely observe, even the triumph of revolutions has in no degree -nullified the wise anticipations of religion; and knowledge, properly -so called, instead of gaining any credit from this triumph, has -entirely lost what it had: there remains nothing of the revolutionary -knowledge; what remains is the effects of the revolution, the interests -created by it, the institutions which have arisen from those interests, -and which, since that time, have sought in the department of science -itself our principles to support them,--principles altogether different -from those which had been proclaimed in the beginning. - -I have said that every idea has need of being realized in an -institution; this is so true, that revolutions themselves, warned -by the instinct which leads them to preserve, with more or less -integrity, the principles whence they have arisen, tend from the first -to create those institutions in which the revolutionary doctrines may -be perpetuated, or to constitute successors to represent them when -they shall have disappeared from the schools. This may lead to many -reflections on the origin and present condition of several forms of -governments in different countries of Europe. - -When speaking of the rapidity with which scientific theories succeed -each other, when pointing out the immense development which the press -has given to the field of discussion, I have shown that this was not an -infallible sign of scientific progress, still less a guarantee for the -fertility of human thought in realizing great things in the material -and social order. I have said that grand conceptions proceed rather -from _intuition_ than from _discourses_; and on this subject I have -recalled to mind historical events and personages which place this -matter beyond a doubt. In support of this assertion, ideology might -have furnished us with abundant proofs, if it were necessary to have -recourse to science itself to prove its own sterility. But mere good -sense, taught by the lessons of experience daily, is enough to convince -us that the men who are the most able in theory are, often enough, not -only mediocre, but even weak in the exercise of authority. With regard -to the hints which I have thrown out with respect to "intuition" and -"discourses," I leave them to the judgment of any one who has applied -to the study of the human mind. I am confident that the opinion of -those who have reflected will not differ from my own. - - -NOTE 21, p. 175. - -I have attributed to Christianity the gentleness of manners which -Europe now enjoys. Yet, in spite of the decline of religious belief -in the last century, this gentleness of manners, instead of being -destroyed, has only been raised to a higher degree. This contrast, the -effect of which, at first sight, is to destroy what I have established, -requires some explanation. First of all, we must recollect the -distinction pointed out in the text between effeminacy and gentleness -of manners. The first is a fault, the second a valuable quality; the -first emanates from enervation of the mind and weakening of the body; -the second is owing to the preponderance of reason, the empire of the -mind over the body, the triumph of justice over force, of right over -might. There is a large portion of real gentleness in manners at the -present day, but luxury has also a considerable part therein. This -luxury of manners has certainly not arisen from religion, but from -infidelity; the latter, never extending its view beyond the present -life, causes the lofty destinies, and even the very existence of the -soul, to be forgotten, puts egotism upon the throne, constantly excites -and keeps alive the love of pleasure, and makes man the vile slave of -his passions. On the contrary, at the first sight, we perceive that -our manners owe all their gentleness to Christianity; all the ideas, -all the feelings, on which this gentleness is founded, bear the mark -of Christianity. The dignity of man, his rights, the obligation of -treating him with the respect which is due to him, and of appealing to -his mind by reason rather than to his body by violence, the necessity -imposed on every one of keeping within the line of his duty, of -respecting the property and the persons of others,--all this body of -principles, to which real gentleness of manners is owing, is due, in -Europe, to the influence of Christianity, which, after a struggle of -many centuries against the barbarism and ferocity of invading nations, -succeeded in destroying the system of violence which these same nations -had made general. - -As philosophy has taken care to change the ancient names consecrated -by religion, and authorized by the usage of a succession of ages, -it happens that some ideas, although the produce of Christianity, -are scarcely acknowledged as such, only because they are disguised -under a worldly dress. Who does not know that mutual love among men -and fraternal charity are ideas entirely due to Christianity? Who -does not know that pagan antiquity did not acknowledge them, that -it even despised them? And nevertheless, this affection, which was -formerly called _charity_, because charity was the virtue from which -it took its legitimate origin, has constantly taken care to assume -other names, as if it were ashamed to be seen in public with any -appearance of religion. The mania for attacking the Christian religion -being passed, it is openly confessed that the principle of universal -charity is owing to her; but language remains infected with Voltairian -philosophy even since the discredit into which that philosophy has -fallen. Whence it follows, that we very often do not appreciate as we -ought the influence of Christianity on the society which surrounds us, -and that we attribute to other ideas and other causes the phenomena -which are evidently owing to religion. Society at present, in spite of -all its indifference, is more indebted to religion than is commonly -supposed; it resembles those men, who, born of an illustrious family, -in which good principles and a careful education are transmitted as an -inheritance from generation to generation, preserve in their manners -and behavior, even in the midst of their disorders, their crimes, and I -will even venture to say, their degradation, some traits which denote -their noble origin. - - -NOTE 22, p. 183. - -A few regulations of Councils, quoted in the text, are sufficient to -give an idea of the system pursued by the Church for the purpose of -reforming and softening manners. It may be remarked that, on previous -occasions during this work, I have a strong inclination to call to mind -monuments of this kind; I will state here that I have two reasons for -doing this: 1. When having to compare Protestantism with Catholicity, -I believe that the best means of representing the real spirit of the -latter is, to show it at work; this is done when we bring to light the -measures which were adopted, according to different circumstances, -by Popes and Councils. 2. Considering the direction which historical -studies take in Europe, and the taste, which is daily becoming more -general, not for histories, but for historical documents, it is proper -always to bear in mind that the proceedings of Councils are of the -highest importance, not only in historical and ecclesiastical matters, -but also in political and social ones; so that to pay no attention to -the data which are found in the records of Councils, is monstrously to -mutilate, or rather wholly to destroy, the history of Europe. - -On this account it is very useful, and even necessary in many things, -to consult these records, although it may be painful to our indolence, -on account of their enormous extent and the ennui of finding many -things devoid of interest for our times. The sciences, above all those -which have society for their object, lead to satisfactory results only -by means of painful labors. What is useful is frequently mixed and -confounded with what is not. The most valuable things are sometimes -found by the side of repulsive objects; but in nature, do we find gold -without having removed rude masses of earth? - -Those who have attempted to find the germ of the precious qualities -of European civilization among the barbarians of the north, should -undoubtedly have attributed the gentleness of our manners to the same -barbarians; they would have had in support of this paradox a fact -certainly more specious than that which they have relied on to give -the honor of elevating European women to the Germans. I allude to the -well-known custom of avoiding the infliction of corporal punishments, -and of chastising the gravest offences by fines only. Nothing is more -likely to make us believe that these nations were happily inclined to -gentleness of manners, since, in the midst of their barbarism, they -used the right of punishment with a moderation which is not found even -among the most civilized and refined nations. If we regard the thing -in this point of view, it seems as if the influence of Christianity on -the barbarians had the effect of rendering their manners more harsh -instead of more gentle; indeed, after Christianity was introduced, the -infliction of corporal punishments became general, and even that of -death was not excluded. - -But when we attentively consider this peculiarity of the criminal code -of the barbarians, we shall see that, far from showing the advancement -of their civilization and the gentleness of their manners, it is, on -the contrary, the most evident proof that they were behindhand; it is -the strongest index of the harshness and barbarism which reigned among -them. In the first place, inasmuch as crimes among them were punished -by means of fines, or, as it was called, by _composition_, it is clear -that the law paid much more attention to _repairing an injury_ than to -_punishing a crime_; a circumstance which clearly shows us how little -they thought about the morality of the action, as they attended not -so much to the action itself, as to the wrong which it inflicted. -Therefore this was not an element of civilization but of barbarism; -this tended to nothing less than the banishment of morality from the -world. The Church combated this principle, as fatal in public as in -private affairs; she introduced into criminal legislation a new set of -ideas, which completely changed its spirit. On this point M. Guizot has -done full justice to the Catholic Church. I am delighted to acknowledge -and to insert this homage here by transcribing his own words. After -having pointed out the difference which existed between the laws of -the Visigoths, derived in great part from the Councils of Toledo, and -the other barbarian laws, M. Guizot signalizes the immense superiority -of the ideas of the Church in matters of legislation, of justice, and -in all that concerns the search after truth and the lot of men; he -adds: "In criminal matters, the relation of crimes to punishments is -fixed (in the laws of the Visigoths) according to sufficiently just, -philosophical, and moral notions. We there perceive the efforts of an -enlightened legislator, who contends against the violence and rashness -of barbarian manners. The chapter _De cæde et morte hominum_, compared -with the corresponding laws of other nations, is a very remarkable -example of this. Elsewhere, it is almost exclusively the injury -which seems to constitute the crime, and the punishment is sought in -that material reparation which is the result of composition. Here, -the crime is referred to its real and moral element, the intention. -The different shades of criminality, absolutely voluntary homicide, -homicide by inadvertence, provoked homicide, homicide with or without -premeditation, are distinguished and defined almost as well as in our -own codes, and the punishments vary in a proportion equally just. The -justice of the legislator has gone still further. He has attempted, -if not to abolish, at least to diminish the diversity of legal value -established among men by the other barbarian laws. The only distinction -which it preserves is that of freeman and slave. With respect to -freeman, the punishment varies neither with the origin nor the rank -of the deceased, but only according to the different degrees of the -culpability of the murderer. With regard to slaves, not venturing -completely to withdraw from the masters the right of life and death, it -has been attempted at least to restrain it by subjecting it to a public -and regular procedure. The text of the law deserves to be cited. - -"'If no one guilty of, or an accomplice in, a crime ought to remain -unpunished, with how much more reason ought he to be condemned who -has wickedly and rashly committed a homicide! Thus, as masters, in -their pride, often put their slaves to death without any fault of -the latter, it is proper altogether to extirpate this license, and -to ordain that the present law shall be forever observed by all. No -master or mistress shall put to death, without public trial, any of -their slaves, male or female, or any person dependent on them. If a -slave or any other servant shall commit a crime which may subject him -to capital punishment, his master or his accuser shall immediately -inform the judge or the count or duke of the place where the deed -has been committed. After the affair has been inquired into, if the -crime be proved, let the criminal undergo, either by the judge or his -own master, the sentence of death which he has deserved; so that, -nevertheless, if the judge be unwilling to put the accused to death, -he shall draw up in writing a capital sentence, and then it shall be -in the power of the master to put him to death or not. Indeed, if the -slave, with a fatal audacity, resisting his master, has struck, or -attempted to strike, him with a weapon, with a stone, or with any other -kind of blow, and if the master, in defending himself, has killed the -slave in his passion, the master shall be in no way subject to the -punishment of homicide. But it shall be necessary to prove that the -event took place thus, and that by the testimony or oath of the slaves, -male or female, who shall have been present, and by the oath of the -author of the deed himself. Whoever from mere malice, either by his own -hand or that of another, shall have killed his slave without public -trial, shall be marked with infamy, declared incapable of appearing as -a witness, shall be obliged to pass the rest of his life in exile and -penance, and his goods shall go to the nearest relations to whom they -are given by the law.'--For. Jud. liv. vi. tit. xv. l. 12." (_Hist. -Génér. de la Civilisation en Europe_, leçon 6.) - -I have copied this passage from M. Guizot with pleasure, because I -find there a confirmation of what I have just said on the subject of -the influence of the Church in softening manners, and of what I have -before stated with respect to the great amelioration which the Church -made in the condition of slaves, by limiting the excessive power of -their masters. This truth is proved in its place by so many documents, -that it seems useless to revert to it here; it is enough now for my -purpose, to point out that M. Guizot fully allows that the Church gave -morality to the legislation of the barbarians, by making them consider -the wickedness of the crime, whereas they had previously attended only -to the injury of which it was the cause; she has thus transferred the -action from the physical to the moral order, giving to punishments -their real character, and not allowing them to remain reduced to the -level of a mere material reparation. Hence we see that the criminal -system of the barbarians, which, at the first _view_, seemed to -indicate progress in civilization, was, in reality, owing to the little -ascendency which moral principles exercised over these nations, and to -the fact, that the views of the legislator were very slightly raised -above the purely material order. - -There is another observation to be made on this point, viz. that -the mildness with which crimes were punished is the best proof of -the frequency with which they were committed. When in a country -assassinations, mutilations, and other similar attempts are very -rare, they are regarded with horror; those who are guilty of them are -chastised with severity. But when crimes are very frequently committed, -they insensibly lose their enormity; not only those who commit them, -but all the world become accustomed to their hideous aspect, and the -legislator is then naturally induced to treat them with indulgence. -This is shown us by the experience of every day; and the reader will -have no difficulty in finding in society at the present time more than -one crime to which the remark which I have just made is applicable. -Among the barbarians, it was common to appeal to force, not only with -respect to property, but also to persons; wherefore it was natural -that crimes of this kind should not be regarded by them with the same -aversion, it may be said with the same horror, as among a people where -the triumph of the ideas of reason, justice, right, and law, render -it impossible to conceive even the existence of a society where each -individual should believe himself self-entitled to do justice to -himself. Thus the laws against these crimes naturally became milder, -the legislator contenting himself with repairing the injury, without -paying much attention to the culpability of the delinquent. And this -is intimately connected with what I have said above with respect to -public conscience; for the legislator is always more or less the organ -of this public conscience. Where an action, in any society whatever, -is regarded as a heinous offence, the legislator cannot decree a mild -punishment for it; on the other hand, it is not possible for him to -chastise with great severity what the society absolves or excuses. It -will sometimes happen that this proportion will be altered, that this -harmony will be destroyed; but things soon quitting the path into which -violence forced them, will not be long in returning to their ordinary -course. Manners being chaste and pure, offences against them will be -covered with abhorrence and infamy; but if morals be corrupted, the -same acts will be regarded with indifference; at the most they will be -denominated slight weaknesses. Among a people where religious ideas -exercise great influence, the violation of all that is consecrated -to God is regarded as a horrible outrage, worthy of the greatest -chastisements; among another people, where infidelity has made its -ravages, the same violation is not even placed on the list of ordinary -offences; instead of drawing on the guilty the justice of the law, -scarcely does it draw on them the slight correction of the police. -The reader will understand the appropriateness of this digression on -the criminal legislation of the barbarians, when he reflects that, -in order to examine the influence of Catholicity on the civilization -of Europe, it is indispensable to take into consideration the other -elements which have concurred in forming that civilization. Without -this, it would be impossible properly to appreciate the respective -action of each of these elements, either for good or evil; impossible -to bring to light the share which the Church can exclusively claim in -the great work of our civilization; impossible to resolve the high -question which has been raised by the partisans of Protestantism on the -subject of the assumed advantages which the religious revolution of -the sixteenth century has conferred on modern society. It is because -the barbarian nations are one of these elements, that it is so often -necessary to attend to them. - - -NOTE 23, p. 189. - -In the middle ages, almost all the monasteries and colleges of canons -had a hospital annexed to them, not only to receive pilgrims, but also -to aid in the support and consolation of the poor and the sick. If you -desire to see the noblest symbol of religion sheltering all kinds of -misfortune, consider the houses devoted to prayer and the most sublime -virtues converted into asylums for the miserable. This was exactly what -took place at that time, when the public authority not only wanted the -strength and knowledge necessary to establish a good administration for -the relief of the unfortunate, but did not even succeed in covering -with her ægis the most sacred interests of society; this shows us -that when all was powerless, religion was still strong and fruitful; -that when all perished, religion not only preserved herself, but even -founded immortal establishments. And pay attention to what we have -so many times pointed out, viz. that the religion which worked these -prodigies was not a vague and abstract religion--the Christianity of -the Protestants; but religion with all her dogmas, her discipline, her -hierarchy, her supreme Pontiff, in a word, the Catholic Church. - -They were far from thinking in ancient times that the support of the -unfortunate could be confided to the civil administration alone, -or to individual charity; it was then thought, as I have already -said, that it was a very proper thing that the hospitals should be -subjected to the Bishops; that is to say, that there should be a kind -of assimilation made between the system of public beneficence and the -hierarchy of the Church. Hence it was that, by virtue of an ancient -regulation, the hospitals were under the control of the Bishops as well -in temporals as in spirituals, whether the persons appointed to the -care of the establishments were clerical or lay, whether the hospital -had been erected by order of the Bishop or not. - -This is not the place to relate the vicissitudes which this discipline -underwent, nor the different causes which produced the successive -changes; it is enough to observe, that the fundamental principle, that -is, the interference of the ecclesiastical authority in establishments -of beneficence, always remained unimpaired, and that the Church never -allowed herself to be entirely deprived of so noble a privilege. Never -did she think that it was allowable for her to regard with indifference -the abuses which were introduced on this point to the prejudice of the -unfortunate; wherefore she has reserved at least the right to remedy -the evils which might result from the wickedness or the indolence -of the administrators. The Council of Vienne ordains, that if the -administrators of a hospital, lay or clerical, become relaxed in the -exercise of their charge, proceedings shall be taken against them by -the Bishops, who shall reform and restore the hospital of their own -authority, if it has no privilege of exemption, and by delegation, if -it has one. The Council of Trent also granted to Bishops the power -of visiting the hospitals, even with the power of delegates of the -Apostolic See in the cases fixed by law; it ordains, moreover, that the -administrators, lay or clerical, shall be obliged every year to render -their accounts to the ordinary of the place, unless the contrary has -been provided in the foundation; and that if, by virtue of a particular -privilege, custom, or statute, the accounts must be presented to any -other than the ordinary, at least he shall be added to those who are -appointed to receive them. - -Without paying attention to the different modifications which the laws -and customs of various countries may have introduced in this matter, -we will say that one thing remains manifest, viz. the vigilance of the -Church in all that regards beneficence; it is her constant tendency, by -virtue of her spirit and maxims, to take part in affairs of this kind, -sometimes to direct them exclusively, sometimes to remedy the evils -which may have crept in. The civil power acknowledged the motives of -this holy and charitable ambition; we see that the Emperor Justinian -does not hesitate to give public authority over the hospitals to the -Bishops, thereby conforming to the discipline of the Church and the -general good. - -On this point there is a remarkable fact, which it is necessary to -mention here, in order to signalize its beneficent influence; I mean, -the regulation by which the property of hospitals was looked upon as -Church property,--a regulation which was very far from being a matter -of indifference, although at first sight it might appear so. Their -property, thereby invested with the same privileges as that of the -Church, was protected by an inviolability so much the more necessary as -the times were the more difficult, and the more abounding in outrages -and usurpations. The Church which, notwithstanding all the public -troubles, preserved great authority and a powerful ascendency over -governments and nations, had thus a simple and powerful claim to extend -her protection over the property of hospitals, and to withdraw them as -much as possible from the cupidity and the rapacity of the powerful. -And it must not be supposed that this doctrine was introduced with any -indirect design, nor that this kind of community, this assimilation -between the Church and the poor, was an unheard-of novelty; on the -contrary, this assimilation was so well suited to the common order of -things, it was so entirely founded on the relations between the Church -and the poor, that if the property of the hospitals had the privilege -of being considered as the property of the Church, that of the Church, -on the other hand, was called the property of the poor. It is in these -terms that the holy Fathers express themselves on this point: these -doctrines had so much affected the ordinary language, that when, at -a later period, the canonical question with respect to the ownership -of the goods of the Church had to be solved, there were found by the -side of those who directly attributed this property to God, to the -Pope, to the clergy, some who pointed out the poor as being the real -proprietors. It is true that this opinion was not the most conformable -to the principles of law; but the mere fact of its appearing on the -field of controversy is a matter for grave consideration. - - -NOTE 24, p. 196. - -A few reflections, in the form of a note, on a certain maxim of -toleration professed by a philosopher of the last century, Rousseau, -would not be out of place here; but the analogy of the following -chapter with that which we have just finished induces us to reserve -them for note 25. The considerations to which the opinion of Rousseau -will lead, apply to the question of toleration in religious matters, as -well as to the right of coercion exercised by the civil and political -power; I therefore beg my reader to reserve for the following note the -attention which he might be willing to afford me now. - - -NOTE 25, p. 203. - -For the purpose of clearing up ideas on toleration as far as lay -in my power, I have presented this matter in a point of view but -little known; in order to throw still more light upon it, I will say -a few words on religious and civil intolerance,--things which are -entirely different, although Rousseau absolutely affirms the contrary. -Religious or theological intolerance consists in the conviction, -that the only true religion is the Catholic,--a conviction common to -all Catholics. Civil intolerance consists in not allowing in society -any other religions than the Catholic. These two definitions are -sufficient to make every man of common sense understand that the two -kinds of intolerance are not inseparable; indeed, we may very easily -conceive that men firmly convinced of the truth of Catholicity may -tolerate those who profess another religion, or none at all. Religious -intolerance is an act of the mind, an act inseparable from faith; -indeed, whoever has a firm belief that his own religion is true, -must necessarily be convinced that it is the only true one; for the -truth is one. Civil intolerance is an act whereby the will rejects -those who do not profess the same religion; this act has different -results, according as the intolerance is in the individuals or in -the government. On the other hand, religious tolerance consists in -believing that all religions are true; which, when rightly understood, -means that none are true, since it is impossible for contradictory -things to be true at the same time. Civil tolerance is, to allow men -who entertain a different religion to live in peace. This tolerance, -as well as the co-relative intolerance, produces different effects, -according as it exists in individuals or in the government. - -This distinction, which, from its clearness and simplicity, is within -the reach of the most ordinary minds, has nevertheless been mistaken -by Rousseau, who affirms that it is a vain fiction, a chimera, which -cannot be realized, and that the two kinds of intolerance cannot be -separated from each other. Rousseau might have been content with -observing, that religious intolerance, that is to say, as I have -explained above, the firm conviction that a religion is true, if it is -general in a country, must produce, in the ordinary intercourse of life -as well as in legislation, a certain tendency not to tolerate any one -who thinks differently, principally when those who dissent are very -limited in number; his observation would then have been well founded, -and would have agreed with the opinion which I have expressed on this -point, when I attempted to represent the natural course of ideas and -events in this matter. But Rousseau does not consider things under this -aspect: desiring to attack Catholicity, he affirms that the two kinds -of intolerance are inseparable; "for," says he, "it is impossible to -live in peace with those whom one believes to be damned; to love them -would be to hate God, who punishes them." It is impossible to carry -misrepresentation further: who told Rousseau that the Catholics believe -in the damnation of any man, whoever he may be, as long as he lives; -and that they think that to love a man who is in error would be to -hate God? On the contrary, could he be ignorant that it is a duty, an -indispensable precept, a dogma, for Catholics to love all men? Could -he be ignorant that even children, in the first rudiments of Christian -doctrine, learn that we are obliged to love our neighbor as ourselves, -and that by this word neighbor is meant whoever has gained heaven, -or may gain it; so that no man, so long as he lives, is excluded -from this number? But Rousseau will say, you are at least convinced -that those who die in that fatal state are condemned. Rousseau does -not observe that we think exactly the same with respect to sinners, -although their sin be not that of heresy; now, it has not come into -the head of any body that good Catholics cannot tolerate sinners, and -that they consider themselves under the obligation of hating them. -What religion shows more eagerness to convert the wicked? The Catholic -Church is so far from teaching that we ought to hate them, that she -causes to be repeated a thousand times, in pulpits, in books, and in -conversations, those words whereby God shows that it is His will that -sinners shall not perish, that He wills that they shall be converted -and live, that there is more joy in heaven when one of them has -done penance, than upon the ninety-nine just who need not penance. -And let it not be imagined that the man who thus expresses himself -against the intolerance of Catholics was the partizan of complete -toleration; on the contrary, in society, such as he imagined it, he -did not desire toleration for those who did not belong to the religion -which the civil power thought proper to establish. It is true that -he is not at all anxious that the citizens should belong to the true -religion. "Laying aside," he says, "political considerations, let us -return to the right, and let us lay down principles on this important -point. The right which the social pact gives to the sovereign over -his subject does not exceed, as I have said, the bounds of public -utility. Subjects, therefore, are accountable to their sovereign for -their opinions, inasmuch as those opinions are of importance to the -community. Now, it is of great importance to the state, that every -citizen should have a religion which shall make him love his duties; -but the dogmas of that religion interest the state and its members only -inasmuch as those dogmas affect morality and the duties which those who -profess it are bound to perform towards others. As for the rest, each -one may have what opinions he pleases, without being subject to the -cognizance of the sovereign, for he has no power in the other world; -it is not his affair what may be the lot of his subjects in the life -to come, provided they be good citizens in this. There is, therefore, -a profession of faith purely civil, the articles whereof it belongs to -the sovereign to fix, not exactly as dogmas of religion, but as social -sentiments, without which it is impossible to be a good citizen or -a faithful subject. Without being able to compel any one to believe -them, it can banish from the state him who does not believe them; it -can banish him, not as wicked, but as anti-social, as incapable of -sincerely loving the laws and justice, and of sacrificing his life to -his duty. If any one, after having publicly acknowledged these dogmas, -conducts himself as if he did not believe them, let him be punished -with death; he has committed the greatest of crimes, he has lied -against the laws." (_Du Contrat Social_, l. iv. c. 8.) - -Such, then, is the final result of the toleration of Rousseau, viz. -to give to the sovereign the power of fixing articles of faith, to -grant to him the right of punishing with banishment, or even death, -those who will not conform to the decisions of this new Pope, or -who shall violate after having embraced them. However strange the -doctrine of Rousseau may appear, it is not excluded from the general -system of those who do not acknowledge the supremacy of authority in -religious matters. When this supremacy is to be attributed to the -Catholic Church, or its head, it is rejected; and, by the most striking -contradiction, it is granted to the civil power. It is very singular -that Rousseau, when banishing or putting to death the man who quits the -religion fashioned by the sovereign, does not wish him to be punished -as impious, but as anti-social. Rousseau, following an impulse very -natural in him, did not wish that impiety should be at all taken into -account when punishments were to be inflicted; but of what consequence -is the name given to his crime to the man who is banished or put to -death? In the same chapter, he allows an expression to escape him, -which reveals at once the object which he had in view in all this show -of philosophy: "Whoever dares to affirm that _out of the Church there -is no salvation_, ought to be driven from the state." Which means, in -other words, that toleration ought to be given to all except Catholics. -It has been said, that the _Contrat Social_ was the code of the French -revolution; and, indeed, the latter did not forget what the tolerant -legislator has prescribed with respect to Catholics. Few persons -now venture to declare themselves the disciples of the philosopher -of Geneva, although some of his timid partisans still lavish on him -unmeasured eulogies. Let us have sufficient confidence in the good -sense of the human race, to hope that all posterity, with a unanimous -voice, will confirm the stamp of ignominy with which all men of sense -have already marked that turbulent sophist, the impudent author of the -_Confessions_. - -When comparing Protestantism with Catholicity, I was obliged to -treat of intolerance, as it is one of the reproaches which are most -frequently made against the Catholic religion; but my respect for truth -compels me to state, that all Protestants have not preached universal -toleration; and that many of them have acknowledged the right of -checking and punishing certain errors. Grotius, Puffendorf, and some -more of the wisest men that Protestantism can boast of, are agreed on -this point; therein they have followed the example of all antiquity, -which, in theory as well as in practice, has constantly conformed to -these principles. A cry has been raised against the intolerance of -Catholics, as if they had been the first to teach it to the world; -as if intolerance was a cursed monster, which was engendered only -where the Catholic Church prevailed. In default of any other reason, -good faith at least required that it should not be forgotten that the -principle of universal toleration was never acknowledged in any part -of the world; the books of philosophers, and the codes of legislators, -contain the principle of intolerance with more or less rigor. Whether -it were desired to condemn this principle as false, or to limit it, or -to leave it without application, it is clear that an accusation ought -not to have been made against the Catholic Church in particular, on -account of a doctrine and conduct, wherein she only conformed to the -example of the whole human race. Refined as well as barbarous nations -would be culpable therein, if there were any crime; and the stigma, -far from deserving to fall upon governments directed by Catholicity, -or on Catholic writers, ought to be inflicted on all the governments -of antiquity, including those of Greece and Rome; on all the ancient -sages, including Plato, Cicero, and Seneca; on modern governments and -sages, including Protestants. If men had had this present to their -minds, the doctrine would not have appeared so erroneous, nor the facts -so black; they would have seen that intolerance, as old as the world, -was not the invention of Catholics, and that the whole world, ought to -bear the responsibility of it. - -Assuredly the toleration which, in our days, has become so general, -from causes previously pointed out, will not be affected by the -doctrines, more or less severe, more or less indulgent, which shall be -proclaimed in this matter; but for the very reason, that intolerance, -such as it was practised in other times, has at last become a mere -historical fact, whereof no one can fear the reappearance, it is proper -to enter into an attentive examination of questions of this kind, in -order to remove the reproach which her enemies have attempted to cast -upon the Catholic Church. - -The recollection of the encyclical letter of the Pope against the -doctrines of M. de Lamennais, and the profound wisdom contained -therein appropriately presents itself here. That writer maintained -that universal toleration, the absolute liberty of worship, is the -normal and legitimate state of society,--a state which cannot be -changed without injury to the rights of the man and the citizen. M. de -Lamennais, combating the encyclical letter, attempted to show that it -established new doctrines, and attacked the liberty of nations. No; the -Pope, in his encyclical letter, does not maintain any other doctrines -than those which have been professed up to this time by the Church--we -may say by all governments--with respect to toleration. No government -can sustain itself if it is refused the right of repressing doctrines -dangerous to social order, whether those doctrines are covered with -the mantle of philosophy, or disguised under the veil of religion. The -liberty of man is not thereby assailed; for the only liberty which is -worthy of the name, is liberty in conformity with reason. The Pope did -not say that governments cannot, in certain cases, tolerate different -religions; but he did not allow it to be established as a principle, -that absolute toleration is an obligation on all governments. This -proposition is contrary to sound religious doctrines, to reason, to -the practice of all governments, in all times and countries, and the -good sense of mankind. The talent and eloquence of the unfortunate -author have not availed against this, and the Pope has obtained the -most solemn assent of all sensible men of all creeds; while the man -of genius, covering his brow with the shades of obstinacy, has not -feared to seize upon the ignoble arms of sophistry. Unhappy genius! who -scarcely preserves a shadow of himself, who has folded up the splendid -wings on which he sailed through the azure sky, and now, like a bird of -evil omen, broods over the impure waters of a solitary lake. - - -NOTE 26, p. 219. - -When speaking of the Spanish Inquisition, I do not undertake to -defend all its acts either in point of justice, or of the public -advantage. Without denying the peculiar circumstances in which this -institution was placed, I think that it would have done much better, -after the example of the Inquisition of Rome, to avoid as much as -possible the effusion of blood. It might have perfectly watched over -the preservation of the faith, prevented the evils wherewith religion -was threatened by the Moors and the Jews, and preserved Spain from -Protestantism, without employing that excessive rigor, which drew upon -it the severe and deserved reprimands and admonitions of the Sovereign -Pontiffs, provoked the complaints of the people, made so many accused -and condemned persons appeal to Rome, and furnished the adversaries -of Catholicity with a pretext for charging _that_ religion with being -sanguinary which has a horror of the effusion of blood. I repeat, that -the Catholic religion is not responsible for any of the excesses which -have been committed in her name; and when men speak of the Inquisition, -they ought not to fix their eyes principally on that of Spain, but on -that of Rome. There, where the Sovereign Pontiff resides, and where -they best understand how the principle of intolerance should be -understood, and what use ought to be made of it, the Inquisition has -been mild and indulgent in the extreme. Rome is the part of the world -where humanity has suffered the least for the sake of religion; and -that, without the exception of any countries, either of those where -the Inquisition has existed, or of those where it has been unknown; of -those where Catholicity has been predominant, or where Protestantism -has triumphed. This fact, which cannot be denied, should suffice to -convince every sincere man what is the spirit of Catholicity in this -matter. - -I make these remarks in order to show my impartiality, to prove that -I am not ignorant of evils, and that I do not hesitate to admit them -wherever I find them. Notwithstanding this, I am desirous that the -facts and the observations contained in the text, as well with respect -to the Inquisition itself, and to the different epochs of its duration, -as to the policy of the kings who founded and established it, shall not -be forgotten. The same desire makes me transcribe here a few documents -likely to throw a stronger light upon this important subject. In the -first place, I will quote the preamble of the Pragmatic Sanction of -the Catholic princes Ferdinand and Isabella, for the expulsion of the -Jews; we there find stated in a few words, the outrages which the Jews -inflicted on religion, and the dangers with which they threatened the -state. - -"Book viii. chap. 2, second law of the new _Recopilacion_. Don -Ferdinand and Donna Isabella, at Granada, 30th March, 1492. Pragmatic -Sanction. - -"Having been informed that there existed in these kingdoms bad -Christians, who judaized and apostatized from our holy Catholic faith, -whereof the communication between the Jews and Christians was in great -part the cause, we ordained, in the Cortes held by us in Toledo, in -1480, that the Jews in all the cities, towns, and other places of -our kingdoms and lordships, should be confined in the Juiferies and -places appointed for them to live and dwell in, hoping that this -separation would serve as a remedy; we also provided and gave orders -that an Inquisition should be appointed in our said kingdoms; which -Inquisition, as you know, is and has been practised for more than -twelve years, and has discovered a great number of delinquents, as -is notorious. As we have been informed by the Inquisitors, and many -other religious persons, lay and ecclesiastical, it is certain that -great injury to the Christians had been and is the result of the -participation, intercourse, and communication which they have had, -and still have, with the Jews; it has been proved that the latter, by -all the means in their power, constantly labor to subvert the faith -of Christians, to withdraw them from our holy Catholic faith, to lead -them away from it, to attract them, and to pervert them to their own -noxious creed and opinions; instructing them in the ceremonies and -observances of their own law; holding meetings to teach them what -they ought to believe and observe according to that law; taking care -to circumcise them and their children, giving them books in order to -recite their prayers, teaching them the fasts which they ought to -observe, assembling to read with them, teaching them the histories of -their laws; notifying to them the Paschal times before they arrive, -admonishing them as to what they ought to do and observe during those -times; giving them, bringing for them, from their own homes, the bread -of azimes, meats killed according to their ceremonies; instructing -them as to the things from which they ought to abstain, in order to -obey the law, as well in eating as in other things; persuading them, -as far as they can, to adopt and keep the Law of Moses, and making -them understand that no other law than that is true. All these things -are certain from numerous testimonies, from the acknowledgments of the -Jews themselves, and of those who have been perverted and deceived by -them, which has inflicted great injury, detriment, and dishonor on our -holy Catholic faith. Although we were already informed of these things -from many quarters, and although we were aware that the real remedy -for all these evils and inconveniences was to place an insurmountable -barrier to the communication of the Jews with the Christians, and to -banish the Jews from our kingdoms, we wished to be satisfied with -enjoining them to quit all the cities, towns, and places of Andalusia, -where it seemed that they had done the most mischief, believing that -that would be enough to hinder those of the other cities, towns, and -places of our kingdoms and lordships from doing and committing what has -been mentioned. But being informed that this measure, as well as the -acts of justice exercised on some of the Jews who were found guilty -of these offences and crimes against our holy Catholic faith, do not -suffice to remedy the evil thoroughly; for the purpose of obviating -and abolishing so great an opprobrium, such an offence against the -faith and the Christian religion, since it appears that the same Jews, -with a fatal ardor, redouble their perverse attempts wherever they -live and associate; wishing to suppress the occasion of offending more -against our holy Catholic faith, as well on account of those persons -whom it has pleased God up to this time to preserve, as of those who, -after having fallen, have repented and returned to our holy mother -the Church; wishing to prevent the offences which, on account of the -weakness of our human nature, and the suggestions of the devil, which -continually make war on us, might easily occur, if the principal cause -of the evil were not removed by the expulsion of the Jews from our -kingdoms; considering, besides, that when a great and detestable crime -has been committed by some members of a college or university, it is -reasonable that that college or that university should be dissolved -and destroyed, that some may be punished on account of the others, and -the lesser number on account of the greater; that those who pervert -the good and virtuous mode of life of cities and towns, by a contagion -which may injure others, may be banished from those towns; and that -if it be allowed to act thus for other slight causes prejudicial to -the state, there is still more reason to allow it for the greatest, -the most dangerous, the most contagious of crimes, that which is in -question: for all these reasons we, having consulted our Council, and -taken the advice of some prelates," &c. - -We are not now examining whether or not there is any exaggeration -in these imputations against the Jews, although, according to all -appearances, there must have been a great deal of foundation for -them, in consequence of the situation in which the two rival nations -were placed. Observe, besides, that if the preamble of the Pragmatic -Sanction is silent with respect to a hundred accusations brought -against the Jews by the generality of the people, the report of these -crimes had not the less weight with the public; consequently, the -situation of the Jews was aggravated in an extraordinary degree, and -the princes were so much the more inclined to treat them with severity. - -With respect to the mistrust with which the Moors and their descendants -must have been regarded, besides the facts pointed out above, others -might be related which show the disposition of men's minds to see -in the presence of these men a permanent conspiracy against the -Christians. Almost a century had elapsed since the conquest of Granada, -and it was still feared that this kingdom might be the centre of plots -contrived by the Moors against the Christians, the source of perfidious -projects, and the place whence came the means of maltreating in all -ways the defenceless persons upon our coasts. - -Thus spoke Philip II. in 1567: - -"Book viii. chap. 2, of the new _Recopilacion_. - -"Law xx., which decrees severe punishments against the inhabitants of -the kingdom of Granada who shall have hidden, received, or favored the -Turks, Moors, or Jews, or given them intelligence, or corresponded with -them. - -"D. Philip II., Madrid, 10 December, 1567. - -"Having been informed that, notwithstanding what has been ordained -by us, as well by sea as by land, particularly for the kingdom of -Granada, for the purpose of insuring the defence and security of our -kingdoms, the Turks, Moors, and corsairs have already committed, and -still commit, in the ports of this kingdom, on the coasts, in maritime -places, and those bordering on the sea, robberies, misdeeds, injuries, -and seizures of Christians; evils which are notorious, and which, it -is said, have been, and are, committed with ease and security, by -favor of the intercourse and understanding which the ravishers have -had, and still have, with some of the inhabitants of the country, who -give them intelligence, guide them, receive them, hide them, and lend -them favor and assistance; some of them even going away with the Moors -and Turks, leading away and carrying with them their wives, their -children, their goods, Christian captives, and the things which they -were able to ravish from the Christians; while other inhabitants of the -same kingdom, who have participated in these projects, or have been -acquainted with them, remain in the country, without having been or -being punished; for it appears that measures are not executed with due -severity, nor as completely, or with as much care as they ought to be: -as, moreover, it seems very difficult to get accurate information, as -it appears that even the justices and the judges, to whom it belongs to -make inquiries and to punish, have displayed remissness and negligence -in their employment;--this having been agitated and discussed in our -Council, with the view of providing, as is proper in a thing of such -great importance, for the service of God our Master, for our own and -the public good; the thing having been consulted upon by us, it has -been agreed that we ought to publish this present letter," &c. - -Years passed away; the hatred between the two nations still endured; in -spite of the numerous checks which the Mahometan race had received, the -Christians were not satisfied. It was very probable that a nation who -had suffered, and might still suffer, such great humiliations, would -attempt to avenge them. It is also by no means difficult to believe in -the reality of the conspiracies which were charged against the Moors. -However this may be, the report of these conspiracies was general, and -the government was seriously alarmed by them. Those who desire a proof -of this, may read what Philip III. said, in 1609, in the law which -expelled the Moriscoes. - -"Book viii. chap. 2, of the new _Recopilacion_. - -"Law XXV. By virtue of which the Moriscoes were banished from the -kingdom: causes of this expulsion--means which were adopted for the -execution of the measure. - -"D. Philip III., Madrid, 9 December, 1609. - -"For a long time it has been endeavored to save the Moriscoes in these -kingdoms: the holy office of the Inquisition has inflicted divers -punishments; numerous edicts of mercy have been granted; neither means -nor diligence have been spared to instruct them in our holy faith, -without being able to obtain the desired result, for none of them have -been converted. On the contrary, their obstinacy has increased; the -peril which threatens our kingdoms, if we keep the Moriscoes, has been -represented to us by persons very well informed and full of the fear of -God, who, thinking it proper that a prompt remedy should be applied to -this evil, have represented to us that the delay might be charged upon -our royal conscience, considering the grave offences which our Lord -receives from that people. We have been assured that we might, without -scruple, punish them in their lives and properties, since they were -convicted by their continued offences of being heretics, apostates, -and traitors of _lèse-majesté_ divine and human. Although it would -have been allowable to proceed against them with the rigor which their -offences deserve, nevertheless, desiring to bring them back by means of -mildness and mercy, I ordained, in the city and kingdom of Valencia, -an assembly of the patriarchs, and other prelates and wise men, in -order to ascertain what could be resolved upon and settled; but having -learned that, at the very time they were engaged in remedying the -evil, the Moriscoes of the said kingdom of Valencia, and of our other -domains, continued to urge forward their pernicious projects; knowing, -moreover, from correct and certain intelligence, that they had sent to -treat at Constantinople with the Turks, and at Morocco with the king, -Muley Fidon, in order that there might be sent into the kingdom of -Spain the greatest number of forces possible to aid and assist them; -being sure that there would be found in our kingdom more than 150,000 -men, as good Moors as those from the coasts of Barbary, all ready to -assist them with their lives and fortunes, whereby they were persuaded -of the facility of the enterprise; knowing that the same treaties have -been attempted with heretics and other princes our enemies: considering -all that we have just said, and to fulfill the obligation which we are -under of preserving and maintaining the holy Roman Catholic faith in -our kingdoms, as well as the security, peace, and repose of the said -kingdoms, with the counsel and advice of learned men, and others, very -zealous for the service of God and for our own, we ordain that all the -Moriscoes, inhabitants of these kingdoms, men, women, and children, of -all conditions," &c. - -I have said that the Popes labored, from the commencement, to soften -the rigors of the Spanish Inquisition, sometimes by admonishing the -kings and inquisitors, sometimes by giving the accused and condemned a -right of appeal. The kings feared that the religious innovations would -produce a public disturbance; I add, that their policy embarrassed -the Popes, and prevented them from carrying as far as they would have -wished their measures of mildness and indulgence. Among the other -documents which support this assertion, I will cite one which proves -the irritation of the Spanish kings at the assistance which the accused -found at Rome. - -"Book viii. chap. 3, law 2, of the new _Recopilacion_, enjoining -persons condemned by the Inquisition, and absent from these kingdoms, -not to return there under pain of death and losing their goods. - -"D. Ferdinand and D. Isabella, at Saragossa, 2d August, 1498. Pragmatic -Sanction. - -"Some persons condemned as heretics by the Inquisition have absented -themselves from our kingdoms, and have gone to other countries, -where, by means of false reports and undue formalities, they have -surreptitiously obtained exemptions, absolutions, mandates, securities, -and other privileges, in order to be exempt from the condemnations and -punishments which they had incurred, and to remain in their errors, -which, nevertheless, does not prevent their attempting to return to -these kingdoms, wherefore, wishing to extirpate so great an evil, we -command these condemned persons not to be so bold as to return. Let -them not return into our kingdoms and lordships, by any way, in any -manner, for any cause or reason whatsoever, under pain of death and -the loss of their goods; which punishment we will and ordain to be -incurred by the act itself. One-third of the property shall be for the -persons who shall have denounced, another for the courts, and the third -for our exchequer. Whenever the said justices, in their own places -and jurisdiction, shall know that any of the said persons are in any -part of their jurisdiction, we order all and each of them, without -exception, to go to the place where such persons are, without being -otherwise called upon, to apprehend them forcibly and immediately, -and without delay to execute, and cause to be executed, on them and -their properties the punishments which we have appointed; and this -notwithstanding all exemption, reconciliation, securities, and other -privileges which they may have, these privileges, in the present case, -and with respect to the said penalties, not availing them. We order -them to do and accomplish this under pain of the loss and confiscation -of all their property. The same penalty shall be incurred by all other -persons who shall have hidden or received the said condemned persons, -and who knowing that they were so, shall not have given information -to our courts. We order all great men and councillors, and other -persons of our kingdoms, to give favor and assistance to our courts, -whenever it shall be demanded and required from them, to accomplish and -execute what has been said above, under the penalties which the courts -themselves shall appoint on this subject." - -We see from this document, that, after the year 1498, things had -reached such a point, that the kings attempted to maintain against -every one all the rigor of the Inquisition, and that they were offended -that the Popes interfered to soften it. It will be understood thereby -whence proceeded the harshness with which the guilty were treated; and -this shows us one of the causes which made the Inquisition sometimes -use its power with excessive severity. Although it was not a mere -instrument of the policy of kings, as some have said, the Inquisition -felt more or less the influence of that policy; and we know that -policy, when about to defeat an adversary, does not commonly display an -excess of compassion. If the Spanish Inquisition had been at that time -under the exclusive authority and direction of the Popes, it would have -been infinitely milder and more moderate in its method of acting. - -At that time the object ardently desired by the kings of Spain was, to -obtain that the judgments of the Inquisition should be definitive in -Spain, without appeal to Rome; Queen Isabella had expressly demanded -this of the Pope. The Sovereign Pontiffs would not accede to these -solicitations, no doubt fearing the abuse which might be made of so -fearful an arm when the restraint of the moderating power should become -wanting. - -It will be understood from the facts which I have just quoted, how much -reason I had to say that, if you excuse the conduct of Ferdinand and -Isabella with respect to the Inquisition, you must not condemn that -of Philip II., since the Catholic sovereigns showed themselves still -more harsh and severe than the latter monarch. I have already pointed -out the reason why the conduct of Philip II. has been so rigorously -condemned; but it is also necessary to show why there has been a sort -of obstinacy in excusing that of Ferdinand and Isabella. - -When it is wished to falsify an historical fact by calumniating a -person or an institution, it is necessary to begin with an affectation -of impartiality and good faith; great success is obtained in this -by manifesting indulgence for the same thing which it is desired -to condemn, but taking care that this indulgence has strongly the -appearance of being a concession gratuitously made to our adversaries, -or of a sacrifice of our opinions, of our feelings, on the altars -of reason and justice, which are our guide and our idol. We thus -predispose our hearers or readers to regard the condemnation which -we are about to pronounce as a judgment dictated by the strictest -justice; a judgment in which neither passion, nor partiality, nor -perverse views, have any part. How can we doubt the good faith, the -love of truth, the impartiality of the man who begins by excusing what, -according to all appearances, and considering his opinions, ought to -be the object of his anathemas? Such is the situation of the men of -whom we speak. They intended to attack the Inquisition; now it happened -that the protectress, and, in some sort, the foundress of that tribunal -was Queen Isabella,--that distinguished name which Spaniards have -always pronounced with respect, that immortal queen, one of the noblest -ornaments of our history. What was to be done in this difficulty? The -means were simple. Although the Jews and heretics had been treated -with the greatest severity in the time of the Catholic sovereigns, and -although they had carried severity further than all those who have -succeeded them, it was necessary to close the eye to these facts, to -excuse the conduct of these sovereigns, and to point out the important -matters which urged them to employ the rigors of justice. They thus -avoided the difficulty,--for it was one to cast a stigma on the memory -of a great queen cherished and respected by all Spaniards,--and they -thus prepared the way for merciless accusations against Philip II. That -monarch had the unanimous cry of all Protestants against him, for the -simple reason that he had been their most powerful adversary; it would -therefore cost nothing to make all the weight of execration fall upon -him. The enigma is thus explained. Such is the cause of a partiality so -unjust,--such is the hypocrisy of that opinion which, while excusing -the Catholic sovereigns, condemns Philip II. without appeal. - -I have not attempted to justify the policy of this monarch in all -respects; but I have presented a few considerations which may serve to -mitigate the violent attacks made upon him by his adversaries: it only -remains for me to transcribe here the documents to which I alluded when -I said that the Inquisition was not a mere instrument of the policy of -Philip II., and that this prince did not intend to establish a system -of _obscurantisme_ in Spain. - -Don Antonio Perez, in his _Relations_, gives a letter of the confessor -of the king, Fray Diego de Chaves, in which letter the latter affirms -that the secular prince has power over the lives of his subjects and -vassals, and adds in a note: "I shall not undertake to relate all that -I have heard said on the subject of the condemnation of some of these -propositions; this is not within my province. Those who are concerned -in this will at once understand the import of my words. I shall -content myself with saying that, at the time when I was at Madrid, the -Inquisition condemned the following proposition: a preacher--it matters -not that I should mention his name--maintained in a sermon, at St. -Jerome's, in Madrid, in presence of the Catholic king, _that kings have -an absolute power over the persons of their subjects, as well as over -their properties_. Besides some other separate matters, the preacher -was condemned to retract this publicly, in the same place, with all -the ceremonies of a juridical act, which he did in the same pulpit, -saying that he had advanced such a proposition on such a day, and that -he retracted it as erroneous. 'For, messieurs,' said he, reading -literally from a paper, '_kings have no other power over their subjects -than what is given them by the divine and human law; they have none -proceeding from their own free and absolute will_.' I even know who -condemned the proposition, and appointed the words which the accused, -to the great gratification of the former, was obliged to pronounce; -indeed, he rejoiced to see torn up so poisonous a weed, which he felt -was increasing, as the event proved. Master Fray Hernando del Castillo -(I will mention his name) was the one who prescribed what the accused -was to say; he was consultee of the holy office, and preacher to the -king; he was a man of singular learning and eloquence, very well known -and esteemed by his own nation, and especially by the Italians. Dr. -Velasco, an important personage of that time, said of him, that the -guitar in the hands of Fabricio Dentici was not so sweet as the tongue -of Master Fray Hernandez del Castillo to the ears of those who heard -him." And at page 47 in the text: "I know," says Don Antonio Perez, -"that they were denominated very scandalous by persons very important -by their rank, their learning, and their Christian purity of heart; -there was one among them who had held supreme rank in the spiritual -order in Spain, and had previously filled an office in the tribunal -of the Inquisition." Perez afterwards says, that this person was the -nuncio of his Holiness. (_Relaciones de Anton. Perez._ Paris, 1624.) - -The letter of Philip II. to Doctor D. Benito Arias Montano contains the -following, in addition to the remarkable passage which we have quoted. - -"Concerning what you, Dr. &c., my chaplain, will have to do at Antwerp, -whither we send you. Dated at Madrid, 25th March, 1568. - -"Besides that you will render this good office and service to the said -Plantinus, know that, from this time, in proportion as the six thousand -crowns are recovered from his hands, I apply them to buy books for the -monastery of St. Laurent-le-Royal, of the order of St. Jerome, which -I am building near the Escurial, as you know. Thus you are admonished -that such is my intention; you will comply with this, and will be -diligent in collecting all the choice books, printed and MS., that your -excellent discernment shall think proper, in order to bring them and -place them in the library of the said monastery. Indeed, it is one of -the chief possessions which I would wish to leave to the religious who -are intended to dwell there, for it is the most useful and necessary. -Wherefore I have also commanded my ambassador in France, D. Francis -de Alaba, to collect the best books which he shall be able in that -kingdom: you will communicate with him on that subject. I will direct -him to communicate in writing also with you, to send you a list of the -books which are to be had, as well as their price, before buying them; -you will advise him as to which he had better take or leave, and what -he may give for such. He will send to you at Antwerp those which he has -thus bought; you will acknowledge them, and forward them here, all at -once, at the proper time." - -During the reign of Philip II.,--of that prince who is represented -to us as one of the principal authors of _obscurantisme_,--choice -works, both printed and MS., were sought in foreign countries, in order -to enrich the Spanish libraries; in our age, which we call that of -enlightenment, the libraries of Spain have been plundered, and their -treasures have gone to add to those of foreigners. Who is ignorant -of the collections which have been made of our books and MS., in -England? Consult the catalogues of the British Museum and other private -libraries. The author of these lines states only what he has seen with -his own eyes--what he has heard lamented by persons worthy of respect. -While we show so much negligence in preserving our treasures, let us -not be so unjust and so puerile as to lose our time in vain declamation -against those who have bequeathed them to us. - - -APPENDIX. - - _A few words on Puigblanch, Villeneuve, and Llorente._ - -Here, in the Spanish edition, the notes relating to the Inquisition -terminate; but I think it may not be useless in the French edition -to add a few words, to explain the matter to my foreign readers: -little versed as they are in the knowledge of our affairs, they might -often happen to drink at corrupted sources, which they imagine to be -pure and salutary. Le Compte de Maistre, with respect to the Spanish -Inquisition, cites _L'Inquisition dévoilée de Natanaël Jomtob_: I will -say a few words, lest the authority of the author who quotes should -give too much importance to him who is quoted. This Natanaël Jomtob -is no other than Dr. D. Antonio Puigblanch, a Spaniard, who died not -long ago in London. This author, in the prologue to his works published -in London, himself explains the reason which made him adopt a strange -name. "These Hebrew words," he says, "are two proper significative -names, which, together, form the inscription, _Dedit Deus diem bonum_. -I wished thus to express the happiness of being able to speak and write -freely against the tribunal of the Inquisition, and the happiness of -seeing it abolished." (_Prolog._ p. cxv.) - -In order that the reader may judge of the value that belongs to this -work, I will observe, that the first qualification in an historian, -especially on a matter so delicate, is complete impartiality united -to a great fund of moderation: these two qualifications were wanting -in M. Puigblanch, who was lamentably infected with the contrary -faults. It is impossible to be more violent than he is against all -that he meets with; his ill-humor and anger blind him; he attacks -institutions and men with perfect fury; he respects nothing: add -to this a pitiable vanity. It would be easy for me to produce here -various proofs of the impiety of Puigblanch; but I should fear to soil -my paper by transcribing the impious satires of this man. This is -enough to give an idea of the point of view in which he could regard -things relating to religious affairs and to the clergy. He misses no -opportunity of ridiculing the ministers of religion, of indulging in -invectives against them, and of giving vent to the incomprehensible -rage which he has against them. The unbecoming manner in which he -treats his adversaries, real or imaginary, even when they have more -or less sympathy with his opinions, is a good apology for the things -which he combats on the other hand. I cannot repeat his words here, so -coarse are they; besides, they attack persons who are still living; -suffice it to say, that not content with insulting them in the most -disgusting way, Puigblanch descends so low as to reproach them with -their physical defects, after the manner of a market-woman. What was -to be hoped from such a mind in a matter so important and delicate? -Were such dispositions suitable for an historian of the Inquisition, -who published his work precisely in the year 1811, that is to say, -at a time of reaction and effervescence? With respect to talent and -knowledge, I will not refuse to M. Puigblanch either reading or -erudition, or a certain aptitude for criticism, yet it must not be -forgotten that his mind was far from being so cultivated as it ought -to have been, in order to keep pace with our age. A work like his -required that he should have followed the march of the times, that he -should not have been altogether devoid of the philosophy of history, -that he should not have relied exclusively upon certain books, while -accumulating crude erudition, and incessantly perusing etymologies and -grammatical questions: this is what was wanting in M. Puigblanch. To -sum up all in one sentence, I have found the following description, -which I heard in London, from the mouth of a distinguished man who had -intercourse with Puigblanch for a long time, to be perfectly correct: -"Puigblanch," he told me, "knew what a learned man of the seventeenth -century in Spain might have known." The Christian reader may imagine -what was the result of the amalgamation of this kind of instruction -with all the bile of Voltairian passion. - -D. Joaquin Lorenzo Villanueva is another of those Spaniards who have -distinguished themselves by declaiming against the Inquisition; in -his Literary Life (_Vida Literaria_) he had asserted that the public -information on this question, and the abolition of that famous -tribunal, were in great part owing to him. Puigblanch strongly -recriminates against Villanueva, who attempted to usurp his glory -by availing himself of his work without acknowledging it, and other -similar things, which do as little honor to the one as to the other. -Villanueva has been already judged in Spain by all sensible men; -foreigners who desire to understand this question will be under the -unpleasant obligation of reading the two large volumes in 8vo, in -which he has written his literary life. The bile of Villanueva against -all the clergy who are not of his coterie, and, above all, his hatred -against Rome, show themselves at every page of his book, and from time -to time produce explosions which are much too violent to accord with -the extreme mildness which he is pleased to affect. Moreover, let the -reader prepare and arm himself with patience, if he undertake to get -through these two large volumes, which contain, written by the man -himself, who so well deserved it, the most complete panegyric of his -profound knowledge, his vast erudition, his great humility, and his -virtues of all kinds. It certainly would have been very well, if the -author, with a slight recollection of modesty, had not candidly told -us, that they went so far as to call him the _father of the poor_, -that his poetic fire was not cooled by age, that his activity in labor -did not allow him to remain idle, even in the midst of the greatest -persecutions; in fine, if he had not undertaken to make us believe -that all his life was a continual sacrifice on the altars of knowledge -and virtue. To those who desire to derive their information from -Villanueva, we have a right to say: Do not forget that you must beware -of believing all--that the tree is known by its fruits--that the wolf -often assumes sheep's clothing. - -Among those who have made the most noise with respect to the -Inquisition, is Llorente, the author of a history of that famous -institution. The impartiality which may be expected from this writer -shows itself every moment in his book, which has evidently been written -for the purpose of blackening, as much as possible, the Catholic clergy -and the Holy See. Happily the author has made himself too well known -by his other works, for any Catholic to allow himself to be deceived -by his insidious writings. No one, especially in Spain, is ignorant -of the project of the religious constitution with which Llorente -attempted to disturb consciences, and introduce schism and heresy into -our country. Does he who attempts to destroy the universal discipline -established from the earliest ages, who expresses doubts on the most -sacred mysteries of our holy religion, who contests the infallible -authority of the Church, and does not hold the first four Œcumenical -Councils to be legitimate, deserve the least credit when writing -the history of the Inquisition,--that history which affords so many -opportunities of declaiming against the clergy and against Rome? Here -is a proof of his impartiality. In his history of the Inquisition, he -could not avoid relating the conduct of the Apostolic See in the early -times of the Inquisition in Spain, and the efforts made by the Holy See -for the purpose of softening the rigors of that tribunal, the appeals -which were made, and the merciful judgments which were almost always -obtained at Rome; all these facts clearly showed that Rome, far from -being, as he pretended, a monster of cruelty, was rather a model of -mildness and prudence. How do you think he gets out of this difficulty? -By saying, that what the Court of Rome wanted was, to extort money from -us. An explanation as unworthy as it is impudent--an odious means of -depriving the most beneficent and generous actions of their lustre, and -which shows a fixed design to find evil every where, even to the extent -of assigning evil motives for benefits which are the most worthy of -gratitude. - -With respect to Llorente, I am unwilling to pass over in silence a -remarkable fact which he has had the kindness to communicate to the -public in the same work. King Joseph, the intruder, intrusted Llorente, -by express orders, with the archives of the Supreme Council and the -Tribunal of the Inquisition of the capital. This excellent man was so -perfect an archivist, that he burnt all the reports of proceedings, -with the approbation of his master (as he himself tells us), with the -exception of those which could appertain to history, by the celebrity -or the renown of the persons who figured in them, such as those of -Caranza, of Macanaz, and a few others; although he preserved entire, -he adds, the registers of the decisions of the Council, the royal -ordinances, and the bulls and briefs from Rome. (Edition Française, -1818, t. 4, p. 145.) After having heard this remarkable confession, we -will ask every impartial man, whether there is not room for greatly -mistrusting an historian who claims to be sole and _unique_, because he -has had the opportunity of consulting the original documents whereon -he founds his history, and who, nevertheless, burns and destroys these -same documents? Was there no place to be found in Madrid to place them, -where they could be examined by those who, after Llorente, might wish -to write the history of the Inquisition from the original documents? -Llorente has preserved, he tells us, those which belonged to history; -but the history of the Inquisition had equally need of others, even the -most obscure--even the most apparently insignificant; for it not seldom -happens that a fact, a circumstance, a word, shows us an institution, -and paints for us an age. And observe, that this destruction took -place at a critical moment of public disturbance, when the whole -nation, devoted to an immortal struggle in defence of her independence, -could not fix her attention on such matters. The most remarkable -men, scattered on all sides, then led their fellow-citizens in arms, -or were engaged in the most important interests of the country; -consequently they could not watch over the conduct of an archivist, -who, after having left his brethren, whose blood was flowing upon the -battle-field, accepted employment under a foreign intruder, and burned -the documents of an institution whereof he undertook to write the -history. - - -NOTE 27, p. 281. - -The plan of my work required that questions relating to the religious -communities should be examined at some length but it did not allow me -to give to this matter all the development of which it is susceptible. -Indeed, it would be possible, in my opinion, in writing the history of -religious communities, to give side by side that of the nations among -whom these communities arose, so as to show in detail a truth we have -now proved, viz. that the establishment of religious institutions, -besides the superior and divine object which they have had in view, -has been at all times the fulfilment of a social and religious -necessity. Although my strength does not enable me to aspire to such -an enterprise, by which the courage may well be daunted, even by -contemplating the immense extent of such a work, I wish to suggest the -idea of it here; perhaps a man may be found with sufficient capacity, -learning, and leisure, to undertake it, and enrich our age with this -new monument of history and philosophy. By conceiving the plan in this -point of view, and making it subordinate to this unity of object, -whereof the foundation, which shows itself in well-known facts, is -discovered in obscure and conjectured in hidden ones, there would be no -difficulty in giving all desirable variety to this work. The subject -itself leads to variety; for it invites the writer to descend to -extremely interesting particulars, which will be like the episodes of -a grand and unique poem. The disposition of men's minds, now become -favorable to religious institutions, thanks to the deceptions which are -the consequence of vain theories, and to the lessons of experience, -which destroy the calumnies invented by philosophy, render the road -every day more easy. The path is already sufficiently beaten; it is -only required to enlarge and extend it, in order to conduct a greater -number of men towards the region of truth. - -Having pointed out this, it only remains for me to state here, in -conclusion, divers facts which could not be given in the text, and -which I have preferred to collect in a note. As these facts belonged to -the same subject, it appeared to me proper to collect them apart, while -leaving the reader to pay full attention to the observations which form -the body of my work. - -There were known among the pagans, under the name of ascetics, persons -who devoted themselves to abstinence and the practice of the austere -virtues; so that, even before Christianity, there already existed the -idea of those virtues which have been since exercised in Christianity. -The lives of the philosophers are full of examples which prove the -truth of my assertion. Yet it will be understood that, deprived of the -light of faith and the aid of grace, the pagan philosophers afforded -but a very faint shadow of what was afterwards realized in the lives -of the Christian ascetics. We have stated that the monastic life is -founded on the Gospel, inasmuch as the Gospel contains asceticism. From -the foundation of the Church we see the monastic life established under -one form or another. Origen tells us of certain men, who, in order to -reduce their bodies into subjection, abstained from eating meat and -from all that had life. (Origen, _Contr. Celsum_, lib. v.) Tertullian -makes mention of some Christians who abstained from marriage, not -because they condemned it, but in order to gain the kingdom of heaven. -(Tertul. _De Cult. Femin._ lib. ii.) - -It is remarkable, that the weaker sex participated in a singular manner -in that strength of mind which Christianity communicated for the -exercise of the heroic virtues. In the early ages of the Church there -were already reckoned, in great numbers, virgins and widows consecrated -to the Lord, bound by a vow of perpetual chastity; and we see that -special care was taken in the ancient Councils of the Church of that -chosen portion of her flock. It is one of the objects of the solicitude -of the Fathers to regulate discipline on this point in a proper manner. -The virgins made their public profession in the church; they received -the veil from the hands of the bishop, and, for greater solemnity, they -were distinguished by a kind of consecration. This ceremony required a -certain age in the person who was consecrated to God; we also observe -that discipline has been very different on this point. In the East -they received persons seventeen years old, and even sixteen, as we -learn from St. Basil (_Epist._ can. 18); in Africa at twenty-five, -as we see from the fourth canon of the third Council of Carthage; in -France at forty, as appears from the nineteenth canon of the Council -of Agde. Even when the virgins and widows dwelt in the houses of -their fathers, they did not cease to be reckoned among ecclesiastical -persons; they received the support of the Church by this title, in -cases of necessity. If they violated their vow of chastity, they were -excommunicated, and could not return to the communion of the faithful, -except by submitting to public penance. (For these details, see the -thirty-third canon of the third Council of Carthage, the nineteenth -canon of the Council of Ancyra, and the sixteenth canon of that of -Chalcedon.) - -In the first three centuries, the state of the Church, subject to an -almost continual persecution, must naturally have hindered persons who -loved the ascetic life, men or women, from assembling in the towns to -observe it in common. Some think that the propagation of the ascetic -life in the desert is in great part due to the persecution of Decius, -which was very cruel in Egypt, and made a great number of Christians -retire into the deserts of the Thebais, or other solitudes in the -neighbourhood. Thus commenced the establishment of that method of life -which, in the end, was to gain so prodigious an extension. St. Paul, if -we are to believe St. Jerome, was the founder of the solitary life. - -It appears that some abuses were introduced into the monastic life from -the earliest ages, as we see certain monks detested at Rome in the time -of Jerome. _Quousque genus detestabile monacorum urbe non pellitur_, -says the saint by the mouth of the Romans in a letter to Paula; but -the reputation of the monks, which had perhaps been compromised by the -Sarabaïtes and the Gyrovagues, a kind of vagabonds whose last care -was the practice of the virtues of their state, and who indulged in -gluttony and other pleasures with shameful licentiousness, was soon -restored. St. Athanasius, St. Jerome himself, St. Martin, and other -celebrated men, among whom St. Bennet distinguished himself in a -particular manner, renewed the splendor of the monastic life by the -most eloquent apology, that which consisted in giving, as they did, the -most sublime example of the most austere virtues. - -It is remarkable that, in spite of the multiplication of monks in -the east and west, they were not divided into different orders, so -that, during the first six centuries, all, as Mabillon observes, -were considered as forming one institute. There was something noble -in this unity, which, as it were, formed all the monasteries into -one family; but it must be acknowledged that the diversity of orders -afterwards introduced was essentially calculated to attain the various -and numerous objects which successively attracted the attention of -religious institutions. - -The discipline, by virtue whereof no new order could be instituted -without the previous approbation of the sovereign Pontiff, it may be -said, was very necessary, considering the ardor which afterwards urged -many persons to establish new institutions; so that, without this -prudent check, disorder would have been introduced in consequence of -the exaggerated transports which urged some imaginations to exceed all -bounds. - -Some people take delight in relating the excesses into which some -individuals of the mendicant orders fell; and they borrow the -narratives of Matthew Paris, without forgetting the lamentations of -St. Bonaventura himself. I wish not to excuse evil, wherever it is -found; but I will observe, that the circumstances of the times when -the mendicant orders were established, and the kind of life they were -obliged to embrace, in order to fulfill the purpose for which they were -intended, as I have pointed out in the text, rendered almost inevitable -those evils which pious men sincerely deplored, and which the enemies -of the Church lament with no less affectation than exaggeration. - - -NOTE 28, p. 305. - -I have already shown, by numerous testimonies of scholastic -theologians, how the divine origin of the civil power is to be -understood; and it is evident that it contains nothing but what is -perfectly conformable to sound reason, and adapted, at the same -time, to the high aims of society. It would have been easy for me to -accumulate testimonies; but I think I have adduced a sufficient number -to throw light on the subject, and to satisfy every reader who, free -from unjust prejudices, is sincerely desirous of listening to truth. In -order, however, to view this subject under every aspect, I will add a -few explanations on that celebrated passage of St. Paul to the Romans, -chap. xiii., in which the Apostle speaks of the origin of powers, and -of the submission and obedience due to them. Let it not be thought, -however, that I purpose attaining this end by any reasoning more or -less specious. Whenever a passage of Scripture is to be expounded in -its true sense, we should not rely principally upon what our wavering -reason suggests to us, but rather upon the interpretation of the -Catholic Church; for this reason we should consult those writers whose -high authority, founded on their wisdom and their virtue, leads us to -hope that they have not deviated from the maxim, _Quod semper, quod -ubique, quod ab omnibus traditum est_. - -We have already seen a remarkable passage of St. John Chrysostom, -explaining this point with as much clearness as solidity; we have -also learned, from the testimony of the Fathers, what motives induced -the Apostles to inculcate so pressingly the obligation of obedience -to the lawful authorities. It only remains for us to insert here the -commentaries of some illustrious writers on the text of the Apostle. In -them we shall find, as it were, a code of doctrine; and when we come to -appreciate the reasons on which the precepts inculcated in the sacred -text are founded, we shall more easily discover their true meaning. - -Observe, in the first place, with what wisdom, prudence, and piety this -important subject is expounded by a writer who was not of the golden -era, but, on the contrary, who lived in what is generally termed the -barbarous age--St. Anselm. In his commentaries on the 13th chapter of -the Epistle to the Romans, this doctor thus expresses himself: - -"_Omnis anima potestatibus sublimioribus subdita sit. Non est enim -potestas nisi a Deo. Quæ autem sunt, a Deo ordinatæ sunt. Itaque qui -resistit potestati, Dei ordinationi resistit. Qui autem resistunt, ipsi -sibi damnationem acquirunt._ - -"Sicut superius reprehendit illos, qui gloriabantur de meritis, ita -nunc ingreditur illos redarguere, qui postquam erant ad fidem conversi -nolebant subjici alicui potestati. Videbatur enim quod infideles, Dei -fidelibus non deberent dominari, etsi fideles deberent esse pares. Quam -superbiam removet, dicens: _Omnis anima_, id est, _omnis_ homo, _sit_ -humiliter _subdita potestatibus_ vel secularibus, vel ecclesiasticis, -sublimioribus se: hoc est, omnis homo sit subjectus superpositis sibi -potestatibus. A parte enim majore significat totum hominem, sicut -rursum a parte inferiore totus homo significatur ubi Propheta dicit: -_Quia videbit omnis caro salutare Dei_. Et recte admonet, ne quis ex -eo quod in libertatem vocatus est, factusque Christianus, extollatur -in superbiam, et non arbitretur in hujus vitæ itinere servandum esse -ordinem suum, et _potestatibus_, quibus pro tempore rerum temporalium -gubernatio tradita est, non se putet esse subdendum. Cum enim constemus -ex anima et corpore, et quamdiu in hac vita temporali sumus, etiam -rebus temporalibus ad subsidium ejusdem vitæ utamur, oportet nos ex -ea parte, quæ ad hanc vitam pertinet, subditos esse _potestatibus_, -id est, res humanas cum aliquo honore administrantibus: ex illa vero -parte, qua Deo credimus, et in regnum ejus vocamur, non debemus -subditi esse cuiquam homini, id ipsum in nobis evertere cupienti, -quod Deus ad vitam æternam donare dignatus est. Si quis ergo putat -quoniam Christianus est, non sibi esse vectigal reddendum, sive -tributum, aut non esse honorem exhibendum debitum eis quæ hæc curant -_potestatibus_, in magno errore versatur. Item si quis sic se putat -esse subdendum, ut etiam in suam fidem habere potestatem arbitretur -eum, qui temporalibus administrandis aliqua sublimitate præcellit, in -majorem errorem labitur. Sed modus iste servandus est, quem Dominus -ipse præcipit, ut reddamus _Cæsari quæ sunt Cesaris, et Deo quæ sunt -Dei_. Quamvis enim ad illud regnum vocati simus, ubi nulla erit -potestas hujusmodi, in hoc tamen itinere conditionem nostram pro ipso -rerum humanarum ordine debemus tolerare, nihil simulate facientes, -et in hoc non tam hominibus, quam Deo, qui hoc jubet, obtemperantes. -Itaque _omnis anima sit subdita sublimioribus potestatibus_, id est, -omnis homo sit subditus primum divinæ potestati, deinde mundanæ. Nam si -mundana potestas jusserit quod non debes facere, contemne potestatem, -timendo sublimiorem potestatem. Ipsos humanarum rerum gradus adverte. -Si aliquid jusserit procurator, nonne faciendum est? Tamen si contra -proconsulem jubeat, non utique contemnis potestatem, sed eligis majore -servire. Non hinc debet minor irasci, si major prælata est. Rursus si -aliquid proconsul jubeat, et aliud imperator, numquid dubitatur, illo -contempto huic esse serviendum. Ergo si aliud imperator, et aliud Deus -jubeat, quid faciemus? Numquid non Deus imperatori est præferendus? -Ita ergo _sublimioribus potestatibus anima_ subjiciatur, id est, homo. -Sive idcirco ponitur _anima_ pro homine, qui secundum hanc discernit, -cui subdi debeat, et cui non. Vel homo, qui promotione virtutem -sublimatus est, _anima_ vocatur a digniore parte. Vel, non solum -corpus sit subditum, sed _anima_, id est, voluntas: hoc est, non solum -corpore, sed et voluntate serviatis. Ideo debetis subjici, quia _non -est potestas nisi a Deo_. Numquam enim posset fieri nisi operatione -solius Dei, ut tot homines uni servirent, quem considerant unius -secum esse fragilitatis et naturæ. Sed quia Deus subditis inspirat -timorem et obediendi voluntatem, contigit ita. Nec valet quisquam -aliquid posse, _nisi_ divinitus ei _datum_ fuerit. _Potestas_ omnis -_est a Deo_. Sed ea _quæ sunt, a Deo ordinatæ sunt_. Ergo potestas est -ordinata, id est, rationabiliter a Deo disposita. _Itaque qui resistit -potestati_, nolens tributa dare, honorem deferre, et his similia, _Dei -ordinationi resistit_, qui hoc ordinavit, ut talibus subjiciamur. _Hoc -enim contra illos dicitur, qui se putabant ita debere uti libertate -Christiana, ut nulli vel honorem deferrent, vel tributa redderent._ -Unde magnum poterat adversus _Christianam religionem scandalum nasci -a principibus seculi_. De bona potestate patet, quod eam perfecit -Deus rationabiliter. De mala quoque videri potest, dum et boni per -eam purgantur, et mali damnantur, et ipsa deterius præcipitatur. -_Qui potestati resistit_, cum Deus eam ordinaverit, _Dei ordinationi -resistit_. Sed hoc tam grave peccatum est, _quod qui resistunt, ipsi_ -pro contumacia et perversitate _sibi damnationem_ æternæ mortis -acquirunt. Et ideo non debet quis resistere, sed subjici." - -This remarkable passage contains all--the origin of power, its object, -its duties, and its limits. We must observe, that St. Anselm expressly -confirms what I have hinted in the text on the subject of the wrong -meaning sometimes given in the first centuries to Christian liberty; -many imagining that this liberty carried with it the abolition of the -civil powers, and particularly of those which were infidel. He also -shows the scandal which this doctrine might cause; thus explaining how -the Apostles, without attempting to attribute to the civil power any -extraordinary and supernatural origin, like that of the ecclesiastical -power, had nevertheless powerful reasons for inculcating that this -power emanates from God, and that whoever resists it, resists the -ordinance of God. - -Passing on to centuries nearer our own time, we find the same doctrines -in the most eminent commentators. Cornelius a Lapide interprets the -passage of St. Paul in the same way as St. Anselm, and explains, by -the same reasons, the solicitude with which the Apostles recommended -obedience to the civil powers. These are his words: - -"_Omnis anima_ (omnis homo) _potestatibus sublimioribus_, id est -principibus et magistratibus, qui potestate regendi et imperandi -sunt præditi; ponitur enim abstractum pro concreto; _potestatibus_, -hoc est potestate præditis, _subdita sit_, scilicet iis in rebus, -in quibus potestas illa sublimior et superior est, habetque jus et -jurisdictionem, puta in temporalibus, subdita sit regi et potestati -civili, quod propie hic intendit Apostolus: per potestatem enim, -civilem intelligit; in spiritualibus vero subdita sit Prælatis, -Episcopis et Pontifici. - -"Nota.--Pro _potestatibus sublimioribus_, _potestatibus_ -supereminentibus vel _præcellentibus_, ut, Noster vertit, 1 Pet. ii., -_sive regi quasi præcellenti_, Syrus vertit, _potestatibus dignitate -præditis_: id est magistratibus secularibus, qui potestate regendi -præditi sunt, sive duces, sive gubernatores, sive consules, prætores, -&c. - -"Seculares enim magistratus hic intelligere Apostolum patet, quia his -solvuntur tributa et vectigalia quæ hisce potestatibus solvi jubet ipse -v. 7, ita Sanctus Basilius de _Constit. Monast._ c. 23. - -"Nota.--Ex Clemente Alexand. lib. iv. _Stromatum_, et S. Aug. in Psal. -cxviii. cont. 31, _Initio Ecclesiæ, puta tempore Christi et Pauli, -rumor erat, per Evangelium politias humanas, regna et respublicas -seculares everti_; uti jam fit ab hæreticis prætendentibus libertatem -Evangelii: unde contrarium docent, et studiose inculcant Christus, -cum solvit didrachma, et cum jussit Cæsari reddi ea quæ Cæsaris sunt; -et Apostoli: idque ne in odium traheretur Christiana religio, et ne -Christiani abuterentur libertate fidei ad omnem malitiam. - -"Ortus est his rumor ex secta Judæ et Galilæorum de qua Actor. 5, in -fine, qui pro libertate sua tuenda omne dominium Cæsaris et vectigal, -etiam morte proposita abnuebant, de quo Josephus, libr. xviii. -_Antiqu._ 1. Quæ secta diu inter Judæos viguit; adeoque Christus et -Apostoli in ejus suspicionem vocati sunt, quia origine erant Galilæi, -et rerum novarum præcones. Hos Galilæos secuti sunt Judæi omnes, et -de facto Romanis rebellarunt: quod dicerent populum Dei liberum non -debere subjici et servire infidelibus Romanis; ideoque a Tito excisi -sunt. Hinc etiam eadem calumnia in Christianos, qui origine erant et -habebantur Judæi, derivata est: unde Apostoli, ut eam amoliantur, sæpe -docent principibus dandum esse honorem et tributum. - -"Quare octo argumentis probat his Apostolus principibus et -magistratibus deberi obedientiam.... - -"His rationibus probat Apostolus Evangelium, et Christianismum, regna -et magistratus non evertere, sed firmare et stabilire: quia nil -regna et principes ita confirmat, ac subditorum bona, Christiana et -sancta vita. Adeo, ut etiam nunc principes Japones et Indi Gentiles -ament Christianos, et suis copiam faciant baptismi et Christianismi -suscipiendi, quia subditos Christianos, magis quam Ethnicos, faciles -et obsequentes, regnaque sua per eos magis firmari, pacari et florere -experiuntur." - -With regard to the mode in which civil power proceeds from God, the -celebrated commentator agrees with the other theologians. Like them, he -distinguishes between direct and indirect communication, and takes care -to define the particular meaning of the term, _divine origin_ of power, -when applied to ecclesiastical authority. - -In his explanation of these words, _all power is from God_, he thus -expresses himself: - -"_Non est enim potestas, nisi a Deo_; quasi diceret principatus et -magistratus non a diabolo, nec a solo homine, sed a Deo ejusque divina -ordinatione et dispositione conditi et instituti sunt: eis ergo -obediendum est. - -"Nota primo.--_Potestas sæcularis est a Deo mediate; quia natura et -recta ratio, quæ a Deo est, dicat, et hominibus persuasit præficere -reipublicæ magistratus, a quibus regantur. Potestas vero ecclesiastica -immediate est a Deo instituta; quia Christus ipse Petrum et Apostolos -Ecclesiæ præfecit._" - -The celebrated Dom Calmet explains the same passage with no less -learning; he quotes numerous passages from the holy Fathers, showing -what ideas the first Christians held on the subject of civil power, -and how calumniously they have been accused of being the disturbers of -public order. - -"_Omnis anima potestatibus_, &c. Pergit hic Apostolus docere Fideles -vitæ ac morum officia. Quæ superiori capite vidimus, eo desinunt, ut -bonus ordo et pax in Ecclesia interque Fideles servetur. Hæc potissimum -spectant ad obedientiam, quam unusquisque superioribus potestatibus -debet. Christianorum libertatem atque a Mosaicis legibus immunitatem -commendaverat Apostolus; at ne quis monitis abutatur, docet hic, quæ -debeat esse subditorum subjectio erga Reges et Magistratus. - -"Hoc ipsum gravissime monuerant primos Ecclesiæ discipulos Petrus et -Jacobus; repetitque Paulus ad Titum scribens, sive ut Christianos, -insectantium injuriis undique obnoxios, in patientia contineret, _sive -ut vulgi opinionem deleret, qua discipuli Jesu Christi, omnes ferme -Galilæi, sententiam Judæ Gaulonitæ sequi, et principum authoritati -repugnare censebantur_. - -"_Omnis anima_, quilibet, quavis conditione aut dignitate, -_potestatibus sublimioribus subdita sit_; Regibus, Principibus, -Magistratibus, iis denique quibus legitima est authoritas, sive -absoluta, sive alteri obnoxia. Neminem excipit Apostolus, non -Presbyteros, non Præsules, non Monachos, ait Theodoretus; illæsa tamen -Ecclesiasticorum immunitate. Tunc solum modo parere non debes, cum -aliquid Divinæ Legi contrarium imperatur: tunc enim præferenda est -debita Deo obedientia; quin tamen vel arma capere adversus Principes, -vel in seditionem abire liceat. Repugnandum est in iis tantum, quæ -justitiam, ac Dei legem violant; in cæteris parendum. Si imperaverint -aut idolorum cultum aut justitiæ violationem cum necis vel bonorum -jacturæ interminatione, vitam et fortunas discrimini objicito, ac -repugnato; in reliquis autem obtempera. - -"_Non est enim potestas nisi a Deo._ Absolutissima in libertate -conditus est homo, nulli creatæ rei, at uni Deo subditus. Nisi mundum -invasisset una cum Adami transgressione peccatum, mutuam æqualitatem -libertatemque homines servassent. At libertate abusos damnavit Deus, -ut parerent iis, quos ipse principes illis daret, ob pœnam arrogantiæ, -qua pares Conditori effici voluerunt. At, inquies, quis nesciat, -quorumdam veterum Imperiorum initia et incrementa ex injuria atque -ambitione profecta. Nemrod, exempli causa, Ninus, Nabuchodonosor, -aliique quamplures, an Principes erant a Deo constituti? Nonne -similius vero est, violenta Imperia primum exorta esse ab imperandi -libidine? liberorum vero Imperiorum originem fuisse hominum metum, qui -sese impares propulsandæ externorum injuriæ sentientes, aliquem sibi -Principem creavere, datamque sibi a Deo naturalem ulciscendi injurias -potestatem, volentes libentesque alteri tradiderunt? Quam vere igitur -docet Apostolus, quamlibet potestatem a Deo esse, eumque esse positæ -inter homines authoritatis institutorem?" - -He points out four ways in which power may be said to emanate from -God, and it is remarkable that none of them are extraordinary or -supernatural; all of them serve to confirm more and more what reason -and the very nature of things teach us. - -"Omnino Deus potestatis autor et causa est. I. Quod, hominibus tacite -inspiraverit consilium subjiciendi se uni, a quo defenderentur. -II. Quod imperia inter homines utilissima sint servandæ concordiæ, -disciplinæ, ac religioni. Porro quicquid boni est, a Deo ceu fonte -proficisciter. III. Cum potestas tuendi ab aggressore vitam vel opes, -hominibus a Deo tradita, atque ab ipsis in Principem conversa, a Deo -primum proveniat, Principes ea potestate ab hominibus donati, hanc ab -ipso Deo accepisse jure dicuntur; quamobrem Petrus humanam creaturam -nuncupat, quam Paulus potestatem a Deo institutam: humana igitur et -divina est, varia ratione spectata, uti diximus. IV. Denique suprema -authoritas a Deo est, utpote quam Deus, a sapientibus institutam, -probavit. - -"Nulla unquam gens sæcularibus potestatibus magis paruit, quam primæ -ætatis Christiani, qui a Christo Jesu et ab Apostolis edocti, nunquam -ausi sunt Principibus a Providentia sibi datis repugnare. Discipulos -fugere tantum jubet Christus. Ait Petrus, Christum nobis exemplum -reliquisse, cum sese Judicum iniquitate pessime agi passus est. Monet -hic Paulus, resistere te Dei voluntati, atque æternæ damnationis reum -effici, si potestati repugnas. 'Quamvis nimius et copiosus noster -populus, non tamen adversus violentiam se ulciscitur: patitur,' ait -sanctus Cyprianus. 'Satis virium est ad pugnam; at omnia perpeti -ex Christo didicimus. Cui bello non idonei, non prompti fuissemus, -etiam copiis impares, qui tam libenter trucidamur? si non apud istam -disciplinam magis occidi liceret, quam occidere,' inquit Tertullianus. -'Cum nefanda patimur, ne verbo quidem reluctamur, sed Deo remittimus -ultionem,' scribebat Lactantius. Sanctus Ambrosius: 'coactus, repugnare -non novi. Dolere potero, potero flere, potero gemere: abversus arma, -milites, Gothos quoque; lacrymæ meæ arma sunt. Talia enim sunt -munimenta Sacerdotis. Aliter ne debeo nec possum resistere.'" - -I have said in the text, that there was to be remarked a singular -coincidence of opinions on the origin of society between the -philosophers of antiquity, deprived of the light of faith, and those of -our days who have abandoned this light; both wanting the only guide, -which is the Mosaic history, have found in their researches after the -origin of things, nothing more than chaos, in the physical as well as -in the moral order. In support of my assertion, I will insert passages -from two celebrated men, in which the reader will find, with very -little difference, the same language as in Hobbes, Rousseau, and other -writers of the same school. - -"There was a time," says Cicero, "when men wandered in the fields like -the brutes, feeding on prey like wild beasts, deciding nothing by -reason, but every thing by force. No religion was then professed, no -morality observed; there were no laws of marriage; the father could not -distinguish his own children, and the possession of property by virtue -of principles of equity was unknown. Hence the blind, unrestrained -passions ruled tyrannically in the midst of error and ignorance, and -used the powers of the body for their gratification as their most -injurious satellites." - -"Nam fuit quoddam tempus cum in agris homines passim bestiarum more -vagabantur, et sibi victu ferino vitam propagabant; nec ratione -animi quidquam, sed pleraque viribus corporis administrabant. Nondum -divinæ religionis, non humani officii ratio colebatur; nemo nuptias -viderat legitimas, non certos quisquam inspexerat liberos; non jus -æquabile quid utilitatis haberet, acceperat. Ita propter errorem atque -inscitiam, cæca ac temeraria dominatrix animi cupiditas ad se explendam -viribus corporis abutebatur, perniciosissimis satellitibus." (_De Inv. -1._) - -The same doctrine is to be found in Horace: - - "Cum prorepserunt primis animalia terris, - Mutum et turpe pecus, glandem atque cubilia propter - Unguibus et pugnis, dein fustibus, atque ita porro - Pugnabant armis, quæ post fabricaverat usus: - Donec verba, quibus voces sensusque notarent, - Nominaque invenere: dehinc absistere bello, - Oppida cœperunt munire et ponere leges, - Neu quis fur esset, neu latro, neu quis adulter. - Nam fuit ante Helenam mulier teterrima belli - Causa: sed ignotis perierunt mortibus illi, - Quos Venerem incertam rapientes, more ferarum, - Viribus editior cædebat, ut in grege taurus. - Jura inventa metu injusti fateare necesse est, - Tempora si fastosque velis evolvere mundi, - Nec natura potest justo secernere iniquum, - Dividit ut bona diversis, fugienda petendis." - - _Satir._ lib. i. sat. 3. - -"When men first began to crawl upon the earth, they were only like a -herd of brute and speechless animals, contending with their nails or -their fists for a few acorns or for a den. They afterwards contended -with sticks and such arms as experience taught them to invent. At -length they discovered the use of words to express their thoughts; -gradually they became weary of fighting, and built cities, and made -laws to prevent theft, robbery, and adultery; for, before Helen, women -had been the cause of terrible wars. He who was the strongest, abusing -his power, after the manner of brutes, attacked the weak, like a bull -among a subject herd; they thus contended for the favors of inconstant -Venus; but their end was inglorious. If you consult the origin of -things, you will acknowledge that laws have been made in apprehension -of injustice. Nature enables us to discern good from evil, what is to -be sought after from what is to be avoided, but she is incapable of -distinguishing justice from injustice." - - -NOTE 29, p. 311. - -Concerning this question, as to the direct or indirect origin of civil -power, it is remarkable, that, in the time of Louis of Bavaria, the -imperial princes solemnly sanctioned the opinion that power emanates -directly from God. In an imperial Constitution, published against the -Roman Pontiff, they established the following proposition: "In order -to avoid so great an evil, we declare that imperial dignity and power -proceed directly from God.--Ad tantum malum evitandum, declaramus, -quod imperialis dignitas et potestas est immediate a Deo solo." That -we may form an idea of the spirit and tendency of this doctrine, let -us see what kind of man this Louis of Bavaria was. Excommunicated by -John XXII., and at a later period by Clement VI., he went so far as -to depose this latter Pontiff, in order to exalt to the Pontifical -Chair the antipope Peter, for which reason the Pope, after repeated -admonitions, divested him of his imperial dignity, substituting Charles -IV. in his stead. - -Ziegler the Lutheran, a zealous supporter of direct communication, in -order to explain his doctrine, compares the election of a prince to -that of a minister of the Church. The latter, says he, does not receive -his spiritual authority from the people, but immediately from God. From -this explanation it is evident with how much reason I have said, that -such a doctrine tended to place the temporal and spiritual powers on a -level, by making it appear that the latter could not claim, by reason -of its origin, any superiority over the former. I do not mean, however, -to assert, that this declaration, made in the time of Louis of Bavaria, -had directly this aim, since it may rather be regarded as a sort of -weapon employed against the pontifical authority, the ascendency of -which was dreaded. But it is well known that doctrines, besides the -influence resulting immediately from them, possess a peculiar force, -which continues to develop itself as opportunities occur. Some time -after, we see the kings of England defenders of the religious supremacy -which they had just usurped, supporting the proposition advanced in the -imperial Constitution. - -I know not with what foundation it can be said that Ziegler's opinion -was general before the time of Puffendorf; in consulting ecclesiastical -and secular writers, we do not find the least support for such an -assertion. Let us be just even to our adversaries. Ziegler's opinion, -defended by Boecler and others, was attacked by certain Lutherans, -amongst others by Boehmer, who observes, that this opinion is not -favorable, as its partisans pretend, to the security of states and -princes. To repeat what I have already explained in the text, I do -not consider that the opinion of _direct communication_, rightly -understood, is so inadmissible and dangerous as some have imagined; but -as it lay open to an evil interpretation, Catholic theologians have -done well to combat its tendency to encroach upon the divine origin of -ecclesiastical power. - - -NOTE 30, p. 317. - -I might quote a thousand remarkable passages showing the reader how -unjust it is in the enemies of the clergy to accuse them of being -favorable to despotism. But, to be brief, and to spare him the fatigue -of perusing so many texts and quotations, I shall merely present to -him a specimen of the current opinions on this point in Spain at the -beginning of the 17th century, a few years after the death of Philip -II., the monarch who is represented to us as the personification of -religious fanaticism and political tyranny. Among the numerous books -published at that time on these delicate points, there is a very -singular one, which does not appear to be very well known; its title is -as follows: - -_A Treatise on the State and Christian Politics, for the use of Kings -and Princes, and those holding government appointments, by Brother John -de Ste.-Marie, a religious in the province of St. Joseph, of the order -of our glorious Father St. Francis._ - -This book, printed at Madrid in 1615, furnished with all the -privileges, approbations, and other formalities in use, must have -been well received at that epoch, since it was reprinted at Barcelona -in 1616, by Sebastian de Cormellas. Who shall say whether this work -did not inspire Bossuet with the idea of that intituled _Politics -derived from the very words of Scripture_? The title is certainly -analogous, and the idea is in fact the same, although differently -carried out. "I think," says Brother John de Ste.-Marie, "I shall -escape all difficulty, by laying before kings in this work, not my -own reasonings, nor those afforded by eminent philosophers and the -records of profane history, but the words of God and His saints, and -the divine and canonical histories, whose teaching commands respect, -and whose authority cannot be prejudicial to any one, however powerful -a sovereign he may be; in fact, to these a Christian cannot but submit, -since every thing in them is dictated by the Holy Ghost, the author of -these divine maxims. If I cite examples of Gentile kings, if I appeal -to antiquity, and adduce passages from philosophers unconnected with -the people of God, I shall do so incidentally only, and as we resume -possession of what of right belongs to us, and has been unjustly -usurped by others." (Chap. 2.) - -The work is dedicated to the king. Addressing him, and praying him to -read it, and not to allow himself to be imposed upon by those who would -dissuade him from its perusal, the good religious says, with a pleasing -candor, "Let no one tell you that these things are metaphysical, -impracticable, and all but impossible." - -The following inscription is placed at the head of the 1st chapter: -"Ad vos (O Reges) sunt hi sermones mei, ut discatis sapientiam et non -excidatis: qui enim custodierint justa juste, justificabuntur: et qui -didiscerint ista, invenient quid respondeant." (_Sap._ 6, v. 10.) - -In the first chapter, the title of which is, "A treatise in which the -import and definition of this word commonwealth are briefly discussed," -we read these remarkable words: "So that monarchy must degenerate if -it be absolute and without restraint (for power and authority thus -become unreasonable); in all things falling under the cognizance of -law, it should be bound by the law; and in special and incidental -matters it should be subject to advice, from the connection which it -ought to have with the aristocracy, which is its assistant, and forms -a council of learned and powerful men. Without this wise modification, -monarchy will create great errors of government, will give but little -satisfaction, but, on the contrary, will cause great discontent among -the governed. The wisest and most enlightened men of every age have -invariably considered this form of government the best; and without -such a modification no city or kingdom has ever been considered well -governed. Good kings and the wisest statesmen have always been in favor -of this system; bad kings, on the contrary, elated by their power, -have pursued the opposite course. Hence, if a monarch, whoever he be, -decides by himself, without taking advice, or against the advice of his -councillors, he passes the legitimate bounds of monarchy, and even -when his decisions are fortunate, he is a tyrant. History is full of -these examples and of their disastrous consequences; it will be enough -to adduce one only, that of Tarquin the Proud, as related in the 1st -book of Livy, a king whose pride was unbounded, and who, to render -himself absolute, and to put every thing under his feet, strove to -weaken the authority of the Roman Senate by diminishing the number of -Senators, thus arrogating to himself an absolute right of decision in -all the affairs of the empire." - -In chapter 2, in which the author treats of "the meaning of the word -king," we read as follows: "We meet here very opportunely with the -third meaning of the word king, which is the same as that of father; -as we find in Genesis, when the Sichemites gave to their king the -name of Abimelech, which means 'Father and Lord.' Kings were formerly -styled the fathers of their states. Whence King Theodoric, defining -royal majesty (as Cassiodorus relates), makes use of these words: -'_Princeps et Pastor publicus et communis._--The king is the public and -common father of the state.' From the extreme resemblance between the -office of a king and that of a father, Plato was induced to call the -king the father of a family; and the philosopher Xenophon says: _Bonus -Princeps nihil differt a bono Patre_. The difference solely consists -in one having few and the other a great number of persons under his -dominion. And it is certainly very reasonable to give kings this title -of father; for they ought to be the fathers of their subjects and of -their kingdoms, watching over their welfare and preservation with the -love and solicitude of a Father. Royalty, says Homer, is nothing else -than a paternal government, like that of a father over his children: -'_Ipsum namque regnum imperium est suapte natura paternum._' _The best -manner of governing well is, for the king to be possessed with the -love of a father, and to regard his subjects at his own children. The -love of a father for his children, his solicitude that they should -want for nothing, his devotedness to each of them, all this bears the -greatest resemblance to the love of a king for his subjects. He is -called father, and this name lays him under the obligation of acting in -accordance with the meaning it conveys._ This name, so well adapted to -kings, and which, when well considered, is the greatest of all titles -and epithets of majesty and power, since it embraces all, the genus and -the species, the father being alone the lord, the master, or the chief; -this name, I say, is above all human names for expressing authority -and solicitude. Antiquity, with a view to confer upon an emperor an -extraordinary degree of honor, called him the Father of the State, -which was greater than Cæsar, Augustus, or any other glorious name; -it decreed him this title, either to flatter him, or to lay him under -the weighty obligations required by the name of father. In fine, to -give kings this name is to remind them of their duty, viz. to direct, -govern, and maintain their states and kingdoms in justice; like good -pastors, to feed their rational sheep; like physicians, to care for -them and heal them; to take care of their subjects, as a father does of -his children, with prudence, love, and solicitude; for the king is for -_them_, rather than for himself. 'Kings are under greater obligations -to their kingdoms and states than to themselves;' in fact, if we -consider the institution of kings and monarchs, we shall find that the -king was appointed for the good of the kingdom, and not the kingdom for -the good of the king." - -In his 3d chapter, of which the following is the title, "Whether -the name of king necessarily implies an office," he thus expresses -himself:--"Besides what we have advanced, it may be proved that the -name of a king is the name of an office, by the common maxim, 'the -benefice is the reward of the office.' Since, therefore, kings receive -such great benefices, not only from the considerable tributes they -receive from the State, but also from the advantage they derive from -benefices and ecclesiastical rents, they certainly do hold an office, -and that the greatest of all, for which reason the entire kingdom so -bountifully assists them. This is what St. Paul says in his Epistle to -the Romans: _Ideo et tributa præstatis_, &c. Kingdoms do not contribute -for nothing; all those states, taxes, and great revenues, that name, -that high authority and eminent dignity, are not given gratuitously. -They would have their title of king for nothing if they had no subjects -to rule and govern, and if they were freed from this obligation: _In -multitudine populi dignitas regis_. This great dignity, wealth, rank, -majesty, and honor, are possessed by them with the perpetual obligation -of ruling and governing their states, so as to preserve them in peace -and justice. _Let kings bear in mind, therefore, that they are only -invested with this title to serve their kingdoms; and the latter, -that kings ought to be paid._ They hold an office requiring them to -labor: _Qui præest in sollicitudine_, says St. Paul. Such is the title -and the name of king, and of him who rules: one who is the first not -only as regards honors and enjoyments, but also as regards cares and -solicitude. _Let them not imagine that they are kings merely in name -and representation, and appointed only to make themselves honored_; -merely to exhibit their royal person and sovereign dignity in a pompous -manner, like some of the kings of the Persians and Medes, who were -mere shadows of kings, forgetful of their office, as though they had -never received it. Nothing is more destitute of life and substance than -the shadowy image which stirs its arm or its head only when some one -acts upon it. God forbade the Israelites to have statues or painted -images, representing a hand where there was none, and a face that -did not exist, exhibiting to the eye an imaginary body, and feigning -by apparently living actions to see and to speak; for God loves not -feigned images, painted men, or sculptured kings, like those spoken of -by David: _Os habent et non loquentur, oculos habent et non videbunt_. -What does it avail to have a tongue that speaks not, eyes that see -not, ears that hear not, or hands which do not work? Is it any thing -more than an idol of stone, bearing only the external representation -of a king? To bear the supreme name and all authority, and not to be -capable of any thing, sounds badly. The names which God has given to -things are like the title of a book, which, in a few words, contains -every thing that is included in the book. This name of king was -given to kings by God himself, and contains every thing to which they -are obliged by virtue of their office. If their actions are not in -accordance with the name, it is as if the mouth should affirm what -the head denies, like a buffoon, whom no one believes in earnest. -Every one would regard as a mockery and a delusion a signboard bearing -the inscription, 'Pure gold sold here,' if, in reality, nothing but -tinsel was sold. The name of king should not be an empty thing, a mere -superfluity in the royal person--it should be what it implies and gives -itself out for. Your name indicates that you rule and govern; rule and -govern, therefore, in reality. Do not be mere pasteboard kings, to use -a common expression, that is, kings in name only. In France, there was -a time when kings had nothing but the name, and the government was -entirely in the hands of their generals, whilst they, like animals, -were occupied only with gluttony and luxurious living. That it might be -known they were living, for they never went out, they used to appear in -public once a year, on the 1st of May, in the squares of Paris, seated -on a throne, as kings in a dramatic representation, and there they -were saluted, gifts were presented to them, and they, on their part, -granted certain favors to whomsoever they thought proper. In order to -show to what a degree of degradation they had fallen, Eginard tells -us, in the beginning of his Life of Charlemagne, that they were devoid -of courage and incapable of great actions; they merely held the empty -name of king; for, in reality they were not kings, neither had they -any participation in the government or riches of the kingdom; every -thing was entrusted to the mayors of the palace, styled majors-domo -of the royal household; and the latter usurped every thing to such a -degree, that they left the wretched king nothing but his title. Seated -on his throne, with his long hair and beard, the monarch played his -part, pretending to give audiences to ambassadors arriving from all -parts, and to furnish them with answers to convey to their masters; -whilst in reality they merely answered according to the instructions -they had received, either by word or writing, although they appeared -to answer on their own responsibility. So that royal power for such a -king was reduced to the mere name, to this throne and this ridiculous -majesty; the real kings and masters were those favorites by whom the -monarch was oppressed. God said of one of the kings of Samaria, that -he was merely to be compared to a little vapor, which, seen from afar, -appeared something, but when touched was no longer any thing. Simia -in tecto rex fatuus in solio suo. (St. Bernard, _de Consider ad Eug._ -cap. 7.) _A monkey on a housetop, which, presenting the appearance of -a man, is taken for such by those who know not what it is; such is a -useless king upon a throne. Monkeys also serve to amuse children, and -the king is a laughing-stock to him who looks upon him apart from any -royal act, invested with authority, and making no use of it. A king -dressed in purple, seated on a throne with great majesty, suited to his -grandeur, grave, severe, and terrible in appearance, but in reality -an absolute nonentity. Like a painting_ de la main du Greco, _which, -placed in an elevated position, and seen from a distance, looks very -beautiful, and produces a great effect, but when nearly approached is -but a rough sketch_. All pomp and majesty, properly considered, are -a mere sketch and shadow of a king. _Simulacra gentium_, says David, -speaking of kings who have nothing but the name; and according to the -Hebrew text: _Imago fictilis et contrita_. A figure of pounded earth, -crumbling on all sides; an empty phantom, great in appearance, but -a mere piece of deception. The name which Elifaz unjustly applied -to Job is perfectly applicable here, when he designated this good -and just king, a man void of foundation and substance, bearing only -external appearances; he styled him _Myrmicoleon_, that is, the name -of the animal which, in Latin, is called Formica-leo, because it is a -monstrous conformation, one half of its body, in fact, representing a -fearful lion, an animal always used as an emblem of a king, and the -other half an ant, that is, a most feeble and insignificant thing. Such -are the authority, the name, throne, and majesty of a fierce lion and -of a powerful monarch; but as regards the essence, you will find only -that of an ant. There have been kings whose very name filled the world -with terror; but these kings were void of substance in themselves, in -their kingdoms they were as mere ants; their names and offices were -very great, but without effect. Let the king, therefore, bear in mind -that he has an office to fulfill, and not only an office, but that -he is obliged to speak and labor on all offices, of which he is the -general superintendent. St. Augustine and St. Thomas, explaining that -passage of St. Paul which treats of episcopal dignity, say, that the -word _bishop_, in Greek, is composed of two roots signifying the same -thing as _superintendent_. The name of bishop, king, and every other -superior, are names signifying superintendence over, and co-operation -with, every office. This is what is expressed by the sceptre used by -kings in public acts, a ceremony used by the Egyptians, who borrowed -it from the Israelites. The latter, in order to point out the duty of -a good king, painted an open eye placed in an elevated position on -the point of a rod in the form of a sceptre, representing, on the one -hand, the great power of the king, the solicitude and vigilance which -he ought to exercise; on the other, that he ought not to be satisfied -with holding the supreme power, with occupying the most exalted and -most eminent position, and, in possession of these, passing his life in -sleep and repose; on the contrary, he should be the first in commanding -and counselling, he should appear in every office, incessantly watching -and inspecting, like a man doing the business in which he is engaged. -Jeremiah also understands it in this sense, for when God asked him what -he saw, he answered: _Virgam vigilantem ego video_. Thou hast seen -well; and verily I tell thee, that I who am supreme, will watch over my -flock; I who am a shepherd, will watch over my sheep; I who am a king -and a monarch, will watch without ceasing over all my inferiors. _Regem -festinantem_, says the Chaldean, a king who is in haste; for, although -he has eyes and sees, if he remains in repose, in his pleasures and -amusements, if he does not go about from place to place, if he does -not act so as to become acquainted with all the good and evil that is -going on in his kingdom, he is as though he did not exist. Let him -consider that he is the head, and even the head of the lion, which even -in its sleep keeps its eyes open; that he is the rod with eyes, that he -is the torch; let him open his eyes, therefore, and sleep no longer, -trusting to those who are blinded, and see no better than moles; who, -if they have eyes, only employ them to see their own interest, and to -distinguish at a greater distance what may conduce to their own profit -and aggrandizement. Such persons have eyes for themselves, and it would -be better if they had them not, for their eyes are those of birds of -prey--of vultures." - -In his fourth chapter, the title of which is, "On the office of -kings," the author thus explains the origin of royal power and its -obligations:--"From this it follows," says he, "that the institution of -the state of royalty, or king, represented by the head, was not merely -for the use and profit of the king himself, but for that of his whole -kingdom. Hence he ought to see, hear, feel, and understand, not only by -himself and for himself, but by all and for all. He ought not merely -to fix his regards upon his own greatness, but on the good of his -subjects, since it is for them, and not for himself, that he was born -a king. _Adverte_, said Seneca to the Emperor Nero, _rempublicam non -esse tuam, sed te reipublicæ_.--When men first issued from solitude, -and united to live in common, they knew that every one would naturally -labor for himself or his own family, and that no one would take an -interest in all; they agreed to select a man of great merit, that all -might have recourse to him; a man who, distinguished above all the rest -by his virtue, his prudence, and courage, should be the chief over all, -should govern all, watch over all, and should exert himself for the -advantage of all--for the common weal--like a father for his children, -or a shepherd for his sheep. Now, considering that this man, abandoning -his own affairs to look after those of others, could not maintain -himself and his family (every one was then maintained by the labor of -his hands), it was agreed that all should contribute to his support, -in order that he might not be distracted by any other occupations -than those of the common weal and the public government. Such was the -end for which kings were instituted--such was their beginning. The -good king ought to be more solicitous for the public than for his own -private interest. He possesses his grandeur at the expense of great -solicitude; the anxiety, the disquietude of mind and body, which is -fatigue for him, is repose, support, and protection for others. Thus -smiling flowers and fruits, whilst they adorn the tree, exist not so -much for the tree, nor on account of the tree, as for the sake of -others. Do not imagine that all happiness is in the beauty and grace -of the flower, and in those who are the flowers of the world: powerful -kings and princes may be termed the flowers of the world, but flowers -who consume their lives, who are full of solicitude, and whose fruit -will rather contribute to the enjoyment of others than to their own. -'For,' says the Jew Philo, 'the king is to the kingdom what the wise -is to the ignorant man, what the shepherd is to his sheep, the father -to his children, light to darkness, and what God is upon earth to all -his creatures.' The investiture he gave to Moses, when he appointed him -the chief and king over his people, was to tell him that he ought to be -as God, the common father of all; for the office and dignity of a king -require all this. _Omnium domos illius vigila defendit, omnium otium -illius industria, omnium vacationem illius occupatio._ (Seneca, _Lib. -de Consol._) This is what the prophet Samuel says to Saul, recently -elected king, when he expounds to him the obligations of his office: -'Consider, Saul, that God has this day constituted thee king over all -this kingdom; thou art bound by the office to govern the whole of it. -Thou hast not been made a king to enjoy repose, to become proud, and to -glory in the dignity of a king; but to govern thy kingdom, to maintain -it in peace and justice, to defend and protect it against its enemies.' -_Rex eligitur, non, ut sui ipsius curam habeat_, says Socrates, _et -sese molliter curet, sed ut per ipsum ii, qui elegerunt, bene beateque -vivant_. They were not created and introduced into the world for their -own convenience and pleasure or to be fed upon every dainty morsel of -food (if such were the case, no one would willingly submit to them); -but they were appointed for the advantage and common good of all their -subjects, to govern them, protect them, enrich them, preserve and serve -them. All this is perfectly admissible; for although the sceptre and -crown appear to be the emblems of domination, the office of a king -is, strictly speaking, that of a slave. _Servus communis, sive servus -honoratus_, are words which have sometimes been applied to a king, -_quia a tota republica stipendia accipit ut serviat omnibus_. And -the Supreme Pontiff glories in this title, _Servus servorum Dei_. In -ancient times this name of slave was one of infamy; but since Christ -bore it it has become a name full of honor. Now, since it is neither -repugnant nor derogatory to the essence nor nature of the Son of God, -neither can it be derogatory to the nature and grandeur of the king. - -"Antigonus, king of Macedon, was perfectly aware of this, and said -candidly to his son, when he rebuked him for the severity with which -he governed his subjects: _An ignoras, fili mi, regnum nostrum nobilem -esse servitutem?_ Before his time Agamemnon expressed himself in -the same manner: 'We live apparently in the midst of grandeur and -exaltation; but in reality we are the servants and slaves of our -subjects.' Such is the office of good kings--an honorable servitude. -From the moment of their being created kings, their actions no longer -depend upon their own will, but on the laws and rules which have been -given them, and on the conditions upon which they have undertaken their -office. And although they may fail to comply with these conditions -(which are the effects of a human convention), they may not fail to -comply with that dictated by natural and divine law, the mistress of -kings as well as of subjects. Now, these rules are almost all included -in the words of Jeremiah, which God, according to St. Jerome, addresses -to kings on giving them the command:--_Facite judicium et justitiam, -liberate vi oppressum de manu calumniatoris, et advenam, et pupillum, -et viduam nolite contristare, neque opprimatis inique, et sanguinem -innocentum non effundatis_. Such is the summary of the obligations -of a king; such the laws of his institution, which lay him under the -obligation of maintaining in peace and justice the orphan, the widow, -the poor, the rich and the powerful man, and him who can do nothing for -himself. Upon him rest the wrongs of his ministers towards some, the -injustice suffered by others, the sorrows of the afflicted, the tears -of those who weep, not to mention many other burdens--a flood of cares -and obligations--imposed upon every prince or chief of a state. For -if he is the head to command and govern, and to bear the burdens of -others, he should also be the feet upon which the whole weight of the -state is sustained. Kings and monarchs, says the holy man Job, as we -have seen, bear and carry the world upon their shoulders, on account -of their office. Hence the figure we meet with in the Book of Wisdom: -_In veste poderis, quam habebat summus sacerdos, totus erat orbis -terrarum_. From the moment a man is created king, let him consider -himself loaded with a burden so heavy that a strong carriage would -not support it. Moses felt this strongly; for God having made him His -viceroy, His captain-general, His lieutenant in the government, instead -of returning thanks for so distinguished a favor, he complains that -so heavy a burden should be placed upon him. _Cur afflixisti servum -tuum? Cur imposuisti pondus universi populi hujus super me?_ Again, -continuing his complaint, he says, _Numquid ego concepi omnem hanc -multitudinem? Aut genui eam, ut dicas mihi: Porta eos?_--'Lord, have -I conceived all this multitude, or begotten them, and thou shouldst -say to me, Carry them on thy shoulders?' Now, it is remarkable that -God said nothing of that to Moses; he merely tells him to rule and -govern them, to fulfill towards them the office of captain and chief. -Nevertheless, what says Moses? That God commanded him to bear them on -his shoulders--_Porta eos_. It appears, then, that he has no reason -to complain, since he is merely told to be the captain, to direct, -rule, and govern. It is a common expression, 'A word to the wise is -sufficient.' He who knows and understands what it is to govern and -to be the chief, knows also that government and obligation are the -same thing. The very words _regere_ and _portare_ are synonymous, and -have the same meaning: there is no government nor employment without -obligation and labor. In the distribution of the offices which Jacob -made among his children, he appointed Reuben to be the first in his -inheritance and the highest in command--_prior in donis, major in -imperio_. And St. Jerome translates _major ad portandum_, for command -and obligation are the same thing; and the obligation and the labor are -so much more considerable as the command is more exalted. St. Gregory, -in his _Morales_, says, that the power, domination, and rule of kings -over the whole world should not be looked upon as an honor but as a -labor. _Potestas accepta non honor, sed onus æstimatur._ And this truth -was ever received by the blindest among the Gentiles. One of them, -taking the same view of the subject, says, speaking of another Pagan, -that his god Apollo had made him all glorious and happy by the gift of -a certain office: _Lætus erat, mixtoque oneri gaudebat honore_. So that -power and command composed of a little honor and weighty obligations. -The Latin word for honor only differs from that for burden by one -letter--_onos_ and _onus_. Besides, there always were and always will -be persons willing to undertake the responsibility for the sake of -the honor, although every one avoids as much as possible any thing -that lays him under an obligation, and seeks after what is glorious; a -dangerous choice, for the latter is not always the most secure." - -If such language is taxed with flattery, it would be difficult to -comprehend what is meant by _telling the truth_. And observe, that -the above truths are not told without reflection; the good religious -takes such pains to inculcate them, that were it not for the childlike -candor of his language, which discloses the purest of intentions, we -might accuse him of irreverence. This passage is long, but exceedingly -interesting, for it faithfully reflects the spirit of the age. -Innumerable other texts might be adduced to prove how unjustly the -Catholic clergy are accused of being favorable to despotism. I cannot -conclude without inserting here two excellent passages from the learned -Father Fr. Ferdinand de Zeballos, a religious of the order of St. -Jerome in the Monastery of St. Isidore del Campo, and known by a work -intituled, "False Philosophy, or Atheism, Deism, Materialism, and -other new sects convicted of State Crimes against their Sovereigns and -Rulers, against the Magistrates and Lawful Authorities." Madrid, 1776. -Observe with what tact the learned writer appreciates the influence of -religion upon society. (Book ii. dissertation 12, art. 2.) - - - "_A mild and moderate government is most agreeable to the spirit of - the gospel._ - -§ I. - -"One excellent and estimable point in our holy religion is, that -she offers to human policy, in her important truths, assistance in -preserving good order among men with less trouble. 'The Christian -religion,' says Montesquieu, with much truth, 'is far removed from -pure despotism. Mildness being so strongly recommended in the gospel, -it is opposed to the despotic fury with which princes might administer -justice and practise cruelties.' This opposition on the part of -Christianity to the cruelty of the monarch should not be active, -but passive and full of mildness, which Christianity can never lose -sight of without losing its character. This is the difference between -Catholic Christians and the Calvinists and other Protestants. Basnages -and Jurieu, in the name of all their reformation, wrote that it is -allowable for the people to wage war against their princes whenever -they are oppressed by them, or their conduct appears tyrannical. - -"The Catholic Church has never changed the doctrines she received from -Jesus Christ and His Apostles. She loves moderation, she rejoices in -good: but she does not resist evil, she overcomes it by patience. -Governments established under the direction of false religions cannot -be satisfied with a moderate policy. With them the despotism or tyranny -of princes, the ferocity of penalties, the rigor of an inflexible -and cruel legislation, are so many necessary evils. But why has it -been given to the Catholic religion only to purge human governments -from such inhumanity? First, on account of the forcible impression -produced by her dogmas; secondly, through the effect of the grace of -Jesus Christ, which renders men docile in doing good, and energetic -in combating evil. Wherever false religion predominates, and where, -in consequence, these two means of aid are wanting, the government is -under the necessity of supplying them as far as possible by efforts of -a severe, harsh, and terror-inspiring policy, in default of that virtue -which ought to exist in religion to restrain citizens. - -"Hence the Catholic religion, by the influence of her dogmas over human -affairs, relieves governments from the necessity of being harsh. In -Japan, where the prevailing religion has no dogmas, and gives no idea -of heaven or hell, laws are made to supply this defect--laws rendered -useful by the cruelty with which they are conceived and the punctuality -with which they are executed. In every society in which deists, -fatalists, and philosophers have promulgated this error, that our -actions are unavoidable, it is impossible to prevent laws from becoming -more terrible and sanguinary than any we have known among barbarian -nations; for in such a society, men, after the manner of brutes, being -urged by palpable motives to do what they are commanded and omit what -they are forbidden, these motives, with chastisements, must be daily -more formidable, in order to avoid losing from habit the power of -making themselves felt. The Christian religion, which admirably teaches -and explains the dogmas of rational liberty, has no need of an iron -rod to govern mankind. The fear of the pains of hell, whether eternal, -to punish crimes unrepented of, or temporal, to wash away the stains -of sins confessed, relieves judges from the necessity of augmenting -punishments. On the other hand, the hope of gaining heaven, as a reward -for laudable actions, words, and thoughts, induces men to be just, -not only in public but also in the secrecy of the heart. What laws or -penalties would avail governments not possessed of this dogma of hell -and of glory, to make their citizens men of real merit? Materialists, -denying the dogma of a future state, and deists, holding out to the -wicked the flattering security of paradise, place governments under -the painful necessity of arming themselves with all the instruments -of terror, and of always inflicting the most cruel punishments, to -restrain the people from destroying one another. - -"Protestants have already come to this point by rejecting the dogma -of the eternity of hell, or, at least, by preserving merely the fear -of a temporary pain. The first reformers, as d'Alembert observes to -the clergy of Geneva, denied the doctrine of purgatory, and retained -that of hell; but the Calvinists, and modern reformers, by their -limitation of the duration of hell, leave only what may be properly -termed purgatory. Is not the dogma of the last judgment, when each -one's secret offences, however small, shall be exposed to the whole -world, of singular efficacy in restraining the thoughts and desires, -and all the perversity of the heart and of the passions? It is evident -that this dogma so far relieves political governments from the painful -and continual vigilance which it would have to exercise over a town -in which the idea of this judgment has perished, together with the -thoughts which it inspires." - - -§ II. - -"There are certain aberrations observable among philosophers, -which lead us to think that these men were possessed of some true -discernment in their lucid moments, or whilst they were in the Catholic -religion. Hence they have said, 'that religion was invented for a -political purpose, to spare sovereigns the necessity of being just, -of making good laws, and of governing well.' This folly, which stands -self-condemned when we come to speak of religion previously formed, -supposes, nevertheless, the truth we are speaking of. It is evident -to every one, even to the philosophers whose extravagant assertion -we have just adduced, that the Christian religion, by her dogmas, is -serviceable to human governments, and aids in making good citizens, -even in this world. Yet they avail themselves of this very point to put -forth their insane malice: but, in reality, and in spite of themselves, -they mean to say, that the dogmas of religion are of such service to -governments, and so efficacious in facilitating a great part of their -work, that they appear to be formed on purpose, and according to the -designs of a magistrate or a political government. We cannot say, -on this account, that religion alone is sufficient to govern men, -without any judicial aid, without the intervention of the laws and -of penalties. In speaking of this efficacy of the dogmas inculcated -by religion, we are not rash and presumptuous; we do not reject as -superfluous the office of law and police. We are told by the Apostle, -that for the just there would have been no need of laws; but there are -so many wicked, who, through their forgetfulness of their destiny and -the terrible judgments of God, live under the exclusive rule of their -passions, that it has been found necessary to make laws and institute -punishments, in order to restrain them. Hence, the Catholic religion -does not reject the wise vigilance of police, nor abrogate its office; -she seconds it, on the contrary, and receives assistance from it, to -the very great advantage of good governments; the people, through its -influence, are ruled better, and with less austerity and severity." - - -§ III. - -"The second reason which renders the most mild and moderate governments -sufficient in Catholic States is, the assistance which the grace of -the gospel affords for doing good and avoiding evil,--an assistance -imparted by the use of the sacraments, or other means employed by the -Spirit from above. Without this, every law is harsh; this unction -softens every yoke, renders every burden light." - -In his third article, Father Zeballos repels the accusation of -despotism with which the enemies of monarchy reproach it. On this -occasion he points out the just limits of royal authority, and -overthrows an argument which some persons have pretended to found on -the Scriptures, for the exaggeration of the prerogatives of the throne. -He expresses himself as follows: - -"When the objection, that the sovereign had the power of seizing the -property of every citizen, was made against monarchy, it was rather -an argument against the nature of despotism than against the form -of monarchical government. 'What does it avail,' says Theseus in -Euripides, 'to amass riches for our heirs, to bring up our daughters -with care, if we are to be deprived of the greater portion of these -riches by a tyrant, if our daughters are to serve the most unruly -passions?' You perceive, then clearly, that in pretending to argue -against the office of a monarch, it is a tyrant only that is spoken -of. True, the frequent abuse of power resorted to by kings has caused -these names and forms to be confounded. Others have already observed -that the ancients were scarcely acquainted with the nature of true -monarchy; this was very natural, since they never witnessed any thing -but the abuse of it. This gives me the opportunity of making a remark -upon the circumstance of the Hebrews asking to be governed by kings. -'Make us a king to judge us, as all nations have,' said they to the -prophet. Samuel saw with grief this levity, which was about to cause -a total revolution in the government appointed by God. Nevertheless, -God commands the prophet to take no notice of this affront, which was -principally offered to the Lord; for they were abandoning Him, being -unwilling that He should rule over them any longer. 'As they have -forsaken Me, and served strange gods, so do they also unto thee,' and -ask for kings like unto those of the nations. Observe what an intimate -connection always exists between a change of government and a change in -religion, especially when the change is from a true to a false one. - -"But what is particularly deserving of notice is, the acquiescence -granted to the people's demand. They wish to be ruled by kings, exactly -as all other nations were. The Lord chastises their spirit of revolt by -leaving them to their desires. He commands Samuel to comply with their -request, but to point out to them, at the same time, _the rights of the -king_ who was to rule over them like unto the nations, and said: 'This -will be the right of the king that shall reign over you: he will take -your sons, and will put them in his chariots, and will make them his -horsemen, and his running footmen, to run before his chariots; and he -will appoint them to be his tribunes, and his centurions, and to plough -his fields, and to reap his corn, and to make him arms and chariots. -Your daughters also will he take to make him ointments, and to be his -cooks and bakers; and he will take your fields, and your vineyards, and -your best olive-yards, and give them to his servants. Moreover, he will -take the tenth of your corn, and of the revenues of your vineyards, to -give to his eunuchs and servants. Your servants also, and hand-maids, -and your goodliest young men, and your asses, he will take away, and -put them to his work. Your flocks also he will tithe, and you shall be -his servants; and you shall cry out in that day from the face of the -king whom you have chosen to yourselves; and the Lord will not hear you -in that day, because you desired unto yourselves a king. And the people -would not hear the voice of Samuel, and they said, Nay, but there shall -be a king over us, and we also will be like all nations.' (1st Kings, -chap. viii., from verse 11 to middle of verse 20 inclusively.) - -"Some persons, being determined to extend the power of kings beyond -its limits, draw from these words the formula of royal right. A blind -pretension, and reflecting little honor on legitimate monarchs such as -the Catholic sovereigns. Unless a person wishes knowingly to deceive -himself on this portion of the Scripture, or is blind, he may see by -the context, and by comparing this passage with others, that it is not -legitimate right that is here meant, but _de facto_ right. I mean to -say, that the Holy Spirit does not explain what just monarchs ought to -do; but what had been done, and was still done, by the kings of Pagan -nations, mere tyrants, and commonly so called. Observe, that the people -demanded nothing but to be placed on an equality with the Pagan nations -in a political point of view. They had not the prudence to demand a -king such as he ought to be, but such as was common in those days; and -this was what God granted them. If God, as the prophet observes, has -sometimes given the people kings in His wrath, what people were more -deserving of this than those who had abandoned God himself, and refused -to be ruled by Him? Indeed, God did chastise His people severely by -granting them their foolish demand. He did give them a king, but a -king who was to exercise what, according to the perverse custom of the -times, formed the royal right described in the sacred text just quoted. - -"What man in our days, conversant with what has been written upon -the different natures of governments, upon their abuse, and without -even understanding what is said in the Scriptures, could imagine that -the text of Samuel contains the legitimate form of royalty or of -monarchy? Does this power impart the right of seizing the property of -the subjects, their lands, their riches, their sons and daughters, -and even their natural liberty? Is this the model of a monarchy, or -of the most tyrannical despotism? To dispel every illusion on this -point, we need only compare with what we have just read the 21st -chap. of the third Book of Kings, in which the history of Naboth, an -inhabitant of Jezrael, is narrated. Achab, the king of Israel, wished -to enlarge the palace, or pleasure-house which he possessed in that -town. A vineyard of Naboth's, near the palace, came within the plan of -the gardens that were to be added. The king did not seize it at once, -of his own authority, but asked the proprietor to let him have it on -the honest condition of paying him the price at which he should value -it, or giving him a better in another place. Naboth would not consent -to this, because it was the inheritance of his ancestors. The king, -not being accustomed to meet with a refusal, threw himself upon his -couch oppressed with grief; the queen, Jezabel, came, and told him to -calm his agitation: 'Thy authority is great indeed,' said she to him; -_Grandis authoritatis es_: she promises to put him in possession of -the vineyard. This abominable woman wrote to the judges of Jezrael to -commence an action against Naboth for a calumny, to be proved against -him by two suborned witnesses; and she demanded that he should be -condemned to death. The queen was obeyed; Naboth was stoned to death. -All this was necessary that the vineyard might enter into the royal -treasury, and that, watered by the blood of the proprietor, it might -produce flowers for the palace of these princes. But, in reality, it -produced none, neither for the king nor for the queen; it furnished -them with nothing but briars and mortal poisons. Elias presents himself -before Achab when he was going to take possession of Naboth's vineyard; -he announces to him that he, and all his house, even to the dog that -approacheth the wall, shall be erased from the face of the earth. - -"You look upon royal right as explained to the people by Samuel as -legitimate; tell me, then why Achab and Jezabel are so severely -punished for taking the vineyard and the life of Naboth, _since -the king had a right to take from his subjects their most valuable -vineyards and olive trees_, according to the declaration of the -prophet. If Achab possesses this right after he is established the king -of the people of God, whence comes it that he, so violent a prince, -should entreat Naboth with so much civility? And why is it necessary -to accuse Naboth of some calumny? His resistance to the king's right, -by refusing to accept the just value of what was suitable to the -enlargement of the palace and gardens, would have been a sufficient -motive for instituting an action against him. We find, however, that -Naboth committed no injustice against the king by refusing to sell his -patrimony, not even in the estimation of the queen, who boasted of -her husband's _great authority_. This great authority, which Jezabel -admitted in the king, was neither more nor less than the royal right -spoken of by Samuel to the people; it was, as I have said, a _de facto_ -right to take and seize upon every thing by mere force, as Montesquieu -says of the tyrant. - -"_Do not therefore, mention this passage, nor any other of the -Scriptures, to justify the idea of a government so ill-conceived. The -doctrine of the Catholic religion is attached to legitimate monarchy, -with its suitable characteristics, and in accordance with the qualities -which modern publicists recognise, viz. as a paternal and sovereign -power, but conformable to the fundamental laws of the state. Within -limits so suitable, nothing can be more regular than this power, the -most extensive of all temporal powers, and that which is most favored -and supported by the Catholic Church._" - -Such is the horrible despotism taught by these men so basely -calumniated! Happy the people who are ruled by a prince whose -government is regulated by these doctrines! - - -NOTE 31, p. 330. - -The importance of the matter treated of in this part of my work obliges -me to insert here, at some length, passages proving the truth of what -I have advanced. I did not think it advisable to give a translation -of the Latin passages, that I might avoid augmenting excessively the -number of pages; besides, among the persons who may wish to make -themselves thoroughly acquainted with the subject, and who will -consequently take an interest in consulting the original texts, there -are few ignorant of the Latin language. - -Observe how St. Thomas expresses himself on royal power, and with what -solid and generous doctrine he points out its duties in the third book, -chap. 11, of his treatise _De Regimine Principum_. - - -DIVUS THOMAS. - -"_De Regimine Principum_, liber iii. caput XI. - -"Hic Sanctus Doctor declarat de dominio regali, in quo consistit, et in -quo differt a politico, et quo modo distinguitur diversimodo secundum -diversas rationes. - -"Nunc autem ad regale dominium est procedendum, ubi est distinguendum -de ipso secundum diversas regiones, et prout a diversis varie invenitur -traditum. Et primo quidem, in Sacra Scriptura aliter leges regalis -dominii traduntur in Deuteronomio per Moysen, aliter in 1 Regum -per Samuelem prophetam, uterque tamen in persona Dei differenter -ordinat regem ad utilitatem subditorum, quod est proprium regum, -ut Philosophus tradit in 8 ethic. Cum, inquit, constitutus fuerit -rex, non multiplicabit sibi equos, nec reducet populum in Ægyptum, -equitatus numero sublevatus, non habebit uxores plurimas, quæ alliciant -animam ejus, neque argenti, aut auri immensa pondera: quod quidem -qualiter habet intelligi, supra traditur in hoc lib. describetque sibi -Deuteronomium legis hujus, et habebit secum, legetque illud omnibus -diebus vitæ suæ, ut discat timere dominum Deum suum, et custodire verba -ejus et cæremonias, et ut videlicet possit populum dirigere secundum -legem divinam, unde et rex Salomon in principio sui regiminis hanc -sapientiam a Deo petivit, ad directionem sui regiminis pro utilitate -subditorum, sicut scribitur in 3 lib. Regum. Subdit vero dictus Moyses -in eodem lib. Nec elevetur cor ejus in superfluum super fratres suos, -neque declinet in partem dexteram, vel sinistram, ut longo tempore -regat ipse et filius ejus super Israel. Sed in primo Regum, traduntur -leges regni, magis ad utilitatem Regis, ut supra patuit in lib. 2 -hujus operis, ubi ponuntur verba omnino pertinentia ad conditionem -servilem, et tamen Samuel leges quas tradit cum sint penitus despoticæ -dicit esse regales. Philosophus autem in 8 ethic. magis concordat cum -primis legibus. Tria enim ponit de rege in eo. 4, videlicet, quod -ille legitimus est rex qui principaliter bonum subditorum intendit. -Item, ille rex est, qui curam subditorum habet, ut bene operentur -quemadmodum pastor ovium. Ex quibus omnibus manifestum est, quod juxta -istum, modum despoticum multum differat a regali, ut idem Philosophus -videtur dicere in 1 politic. Item, _quod regnum non est propter regem, -sed rex propter regnum_, quia ad hoc Deus _providit de eis, ut regnum -regant et gubernent, et unumquemque in suo jure conservent_: et hic -est _finis regiminis, quod si ad aliud faciunt in seipsos commodum -retorquendo, non sunt reges sed tyranni_. Contra _quos dicit Dominus -in Ezech_. Væ pastoribus Israel, qui pascunt semetipsos. Nonne greges -pascuntur a pastoribus? Lac comedebatis, et lanis operiebamini, et -quod crassum erat occidebatis: gregem autem meum non pascebatis: quod -infirmum fuit, non consolidastis, et quod ægrotum non sanastis, quod -confractum non alligastis, quod abjectum non reduxistis, et quod -perierat non quæsistis; sed cum austeritate imperabatis eis et cum -potentia. In quibus verbis nobis sufficienter forma regiminis traditur -redarguendo contrarium. Amplius autem regnum ex hominibus constituitur, -sicut domus ex parietibus, et corpus humanum ex membris, ut Philos. -dicit in 3 politic. Finis _ergo regis est, ut regimen prosperetur, -quod homines conserventur per regem_. Et hinc habet commune bonum -cujuslibet principatus participationem divinæ bonitatis: unde bonum -commune dicitur a Philosopho in 1 ethic. esse quod omnia appetunt, -et esse bonum divinum, _ut sicut Deus qui est rex regum, et dominus -dominantium, cujus virtute principes imperant, ut probatum est supra, -nos regit et gubernat non propter seipsum, sed propter nostram salutem: -ita et reges faciant et alii dominatores in orbe_." - - -NOTE 32, p. 336. - -I have noticed the opinion of D. Felix Amat, Archbishop of Palmyra, -with respect to the obedience due to _de facto_ governments. I have -remarked, that this writer's principles, besides being false, are -opposed to the rights of the people. The Archbishop of Palmyra appears -to have been at a loss to discover a maxim to which it is possible to -conform under all circumstances that may occur, and which do occur but -too often. He dreaded the obscurity and confusion of ideas when the -legitimacy of a given case was to be defined; he wished to remedy an -evil, but he appears to have aggravated it to an extraordinary degree. -Observe how he sets forth his opinion in his work entitled _Idea of the -Church Militant_, chap. iii. art. 2: - -"The more I reflect," says he, "on the difficulties I have just pointed -out, the more I am convinced that it is impossible to resolve them, -even those which are ancient, with any degree of certainty; and it is -equally impossible to derive any light from them to aid us in resolving -those which are formed at the present day by the struggle between the -prevailing spirit of insubordination in opposition to the judgment and -will of the governor, and the contrary effort made to limit more and -more the liberty of those who obey. Starting from the divers points -and notions that I have laid down relative to the supreme power in all -really civil societies, it appears to me, that, instead of losing time -in mere speculative discussions, it will be more useful to propose a -practical, just, and opportune maxim for the preservation of public -tranquillity, especially in Christian kingdoms and states, and for -affording the means of re-establishing it when it has been troubled or -destroyed. - -"The _Maxim_.--No one can doubt the legitimacy of the obligation of -every member of any civil society whatever to obey the government which -is de facto and unquestionably established. I say '_unquestionably -established_,' because there is here no question of a mere invasion -or temporary occupation in time of war. From this maxim follow two -consequences: 1st, to take part in insurrections, or assemblages of -people, addressing themselves to the constituted authorities with a -view to compel them to grant what they consider unjust, is always an -act contrary to right reason; always unlawful, condemned by the natural -law and by the Gospel. 2dly, individual members of society, who combine -together and take up arms, in small or large numbers, for the purpose -of attacking the established government by physical force, are always -guilty of rebellion, a crime strongly opposed to the spirit of our -divine religion." - -I will not here repeat what I have already said on the unsoundness, -the inconveniences, and the dangers of such a doctrine, but merely -add, that with respect to governments only established _de facto_, to -grant them the right of commanding and exacting obedience involves a -contradiction. To say that a _de facto_ government is bound, whilst -it does exist, to protect justice, to avoid crimes, to prevent the -dissolution of society, is merely to maintain truths universally -admitted, and denied by no one; but to add, that it is unlawful, and -contrary to our holy religion, to combine together and raise forces for -the overthrow of a _de facto_ government, is a doctrine which Catholic -theologians have never professed, which true philosophy has never -admitted, and which no nation has ever observed. - - -NOTE 33, p. 343. - -I insert here certain remarkable passages from St. Thomas and Suarez, -in which these authors explain the opinions to which I have alluded in -the text, respecting the differences which may arise between governors -and the governed. I refer to what I have already pointed out in another -place; we are not about to examine so much whether such or such -doctrines are true, as to discover what were the doctrines at the time -we are speaking of, and what opinion the most distinguished doctors -formed on the delicate questions of which we are treating. - - -D. THOMAS. - -(2. 2. Q. 42. art. 2^o ad tertium.--Utrum seditio sit semper peccatum -mortale?) - -3. Arg. Laudantur qui multitudinem a potestate tyrannica liberant, sed -hoc non de facili potest fieri sine aliqua dissensione multitudinis, -dum una pars multitudinis nititur retinere tyrannum, alia vero nititur -eum abjicere, ergo seditio potest fieri sine peccato. - -Ad tertium dicendum; quod regimen tyrannicum non est justum quia -non ordinatur ad bonum commune, sed ad bonum privatum regentis ut -patet per Philosophum; et ideo perturbatio hujus regiminis non habet -rationem seditionis, nisi forte quando sic inordinate perturbatur -tyranni regimen, quod multitudo subjecta majus detrimentum patitur -ex perturbatione consequenti quam ex tyranni regimine; magis autem -tyrannus seditiosus est, qui in populo sibi subjecto discordias et -seditiones nutrit, ut tutius dominari possit; hoc enim tyrannicum est, -cum sit ordinatum ad bonum proprium præsidentis cum multitudinis -nocumento. - -Cardinalis Cayetanus in hunc textum. "Quis sit autem modus ordinatus -perturbandi tyrannum et qualem tyrannum, puta secundum regimen tantum, -vel secundum regimen et titulum, non est præsentis intentionis: sat est -nunc, quod utrumque tyrannum licet ordinate perturbare absque seditione -quandoque; illum ut bono reipublicæ vacet, istum ut expellatur." - - -LIB. I. - -_De Regimine Principum._ (Cap. x.) - - Quod rex et princeps studere debet ad bonum regimen propter bonum sui - ipsius, et utile quod inde sequitur, cujus contrarium sequitur regimen - tyrannicum. - -Tyrannorum vero dominium diuturnum esse non potest, cum sit multitudini -odiosum. Non potest enim diu conservari, quod votis multorum repugnat. -Vix enim a quoquam præsens vita transigitur quin aliquas adversitates -patiatur. Adversitatis autem tempore occasio deesse non potest -contra tyrannum insurgendi; et ubi adsit occasio, non deerit ex -multis vel unus qui occasione non utatur. Insurgentem autem populus -votive prosequitur: nec de facili carebit effectu, quod cum favore -multitudinis attentatur. Vix ergo potest contingere, quod tyranni -dominium protendatur in longum. Hoc etiam manifeste patet, si quis -consideret unde tyranni dominium conservatur. Non n. conservatur amore, -cum parva, vel nulla sit amicitia subjectæ multitudinis ad tyrannum -ut ex præhabitis patet: de subditorum autem fide tyrannis confidendum -non est. Non n. invenitur tanta virtus in multis, ut fidelitatis -virtute reprimantur, ne indebitæ servitutis jugum, si possint, -excutiant. Fortassis autem nec fidelitati contrarium reputabitur -secundum opinionem multorum, si tyrannicæ nequitiæ qualitercumque -obvietur. Restat ergo ut solo timore tyranni regimen sustentetur; unde -et timeri se a subditis tota intentione procurant. Timor autem est -debile fundamentum. Nam qui timore subduntur, si occurrat occasio qua -possint impunitatem sperare, contra præsidentes insurgunt eo ardentius, -quo magis contra voluntatem ex solo timore cohibebantur. Sicut si -aqua per violentiam includatur, cum aditum invenerit, impetuosius -fluit. Sed nec ipse timor caret periculo, cum ex nimio timore plerique -in desperationem inciderint. Salutis autem desperatio audacter ad -quælibet attentanda præcipitat. Non potest igitur tyranni dominium esse -diuturnum. Hoc etiam non minus exemplis, quam rationibus apparet. - - -LIB. I. CAP. VI. - - Conclusio; quod regimen unius simpliciter sit optimum; ostendit - qualiter multitudo se debet habere circa ipsum, quia auferenda est ei - occasio ne tyrannizet, ei quod etiam in hoc est tolerandus propter - majus malum vitandum. - -Quia ergo unius regimen præ eligendum est, quod est optimum, et -contingit ipsum in tyrannidem converti, quod est pessimum, ut ex dictis -patet, laborandum est diligenti studio, ut sic multitudini provideatur -de rege, ut non incidat in tyrannum. Primum autem est necessarium, -ut talis conditionis homo ab illis ad quos hoc spectat officium, -promoveatur in regem, quod non sit probabile in tyrannidem declinare. -Unde Samuel Dei providentiam erga institutionem regis commendans, ait, -1 Regum xiii.: Quæsivit sibi Dominus, virum secundum cor suum: deinde -sic disponenda est regni gubernatio, ut regi jam instituto tyrannidis -subtrahatur occasio. Simul etiam sic ejus temperetur potestas, ut -in tyrannidem de facili declinare non possit. Quæ quidem ut fiant, -insequentibus considerandum erit. Demum vero curandum est, si rex -in tyrannidem diverteret, qualiter posset occuri. Et quidem si non -fuerit excessus tyrannidis, utilius est remissam tyrannidem tolerare -ad tempus, quam tyrannum agendo multis implicari periculis, quæ sunt -graviora ipsa tyrannide. Potest, n. contingere ut qui contra tyrannum -agunt prævalere non possint, et sic provocatus tyrannus magis desæviat. -Quod si prævalere quis possit adversus tyrannum, ex hoc ipso proveniunt -multoties gravissimæ dissensiones in populo, sive dum in tyrannum -insurgitur, sive post dejectionem tyranni erga ordinationem regiminis -multitudo separatur in partes. Contingit etiam ut interdum dum -alicujus auxilio multitudo expellit tyrannum, ille potestate accepta -tyrannidem arripiat, et timens pati ab alio quod ipse in alium fecit, -graviori servitute subditos opprimat. Sic enim in tyrannide solet -contingere, ut posterior gravior fiat quam præcedens, dum præcedentia -gravamina non deserit, et ipse ex sui cordis malitia nova excogitat: -unde Syracusis quondam Dyonisii mortem omnibus desiderantibus, anus -quædem ut incolumnis et sibi superstes esset, continue orabat: quod -ut tyrannus cognovit, cur hoc faceret interrogavit. Tum illa, puella, -inquit, existens cum gravem tyrannum haberemus, mortem ejus cupiebam, -quo interfecto, aliquantulum durior successit; ejus quoque dominationem -finiri magnum existimabam, tertium te importuniorem habere cœpimus -rectorem; itaque si tu fueris absumptus, deterior in locum tuum -succedet. Et si sit intolerabilis excessus tyrannidis, quibusdam visum -fuit, ut ad fortium virorum virtutem pertineat tyrannum interimere, -seque pro liberatione multitudinis exponere periculis mortis: cujus -rei exemplum etiam in veteri Testamento habetur. Nam Ajoth quidam -Eglon regem Moab, qui gravi servitute populum Dei premebat, sica -infixa in ejus femore interemit, et factus est populi judex. Sed hoc -Apostolicæ doctrinæ non congruit. Docet n. nos Petrus, non bonis -tantum et modestis, verum etiam discolis Dominis reverenter subditos -esse. 2 Petr. ii. Hæc est enim gratia, si propter conscientiam Dei -sustineat quis tristitias patiens injuste: unde cum multi Romani -Imperatores fidem Christi persequerentur tyrannice, magnaque multitudo -tam nobilium, quam populi esset ad fidem conversa, non resistendo, sed -mortem patienter et armati sustinentes pro Christo laudantur, ut in -sacra Thebæorum legione manifeste apparet; magisque Ajoth judicandus -est hostem interemisse, quam populi rectorem, licet tyrannum; unde -et in veteri Testamento leguntur occisi fuisse hi qui occiderunt -Joas regem Juda, quamvis a cultu Dei recedentem, eorumque filiis -reservatis secundum legis præceptum. Esset autem hoc multitudini -periculosum et ejus rectoribus, si privata præsumptione aliqui -attentarent præsidentium necem etiam tyrannorum. Plerumque enim -hujusmodi periculis magis exponunt se mali quam boni. Malis autem solet -esse grave dominium non minus regum quam tyrannorum, quia secundum -sententiam Salomonis: Dissipat impios rex sapiens. Magis igitur ex -hujus præsumptione immineret periculum multitudini de amissione regis, -quam remedium de subtractione tyranni. Videtur autem magis contra -tyrannorum sævitiam non privata præsumptione aliquorum, sed auctoritate -publica procedendum. Primo quidem, si ad jus multitudinis alicujus -pertineat sibi providere de rege, non injuste ab eadem rex institutus -potest destitui, vel refrænari ejus potestas, si potestate regia -tyrannice abutatur. Nec putanda est talis multitudo infideliter agere -tyrannum destituens, etiamsi eidem in perpetuo se ante subjecerat: -quia hoc ipse meruit in multitudinis regimine se non fideliter gerens, -ut exigit regis officium, quod ei pactum a subditis non reservetur. -Sic Romani Tarquinium superbum quem in regem susceperant, propter -ejus et filiorum tyrannidem a regno ejecerunt substituta minori, -scilicet consularia potestate. Sic etiam Domitianus, qui modestissimis -Imperatoribus Vespasiano patri, et Tito fratri ejus successerat, dum -tyrannidem exercet, a senatu Romano interemptus est, omnibus quæ -perverse Romanis fecerat per Senatusconsultum juste et salubriter -in irritum revocatis. Quo factum est, ut beatus Joannes Evangelista -dilectus Dei discipulus, qui per ipsum Domitianum in Pathmos insulam -fuerat exilio relegatus, ad Ephesum per Senatusconsultum remitteretur. -Si vero ad jus alicujus superioris pertineat multitudini providere -de rege, spectandum est ab eo remedium contra tyranni nequitiam. Sic -Archelai, qui in Judæa pro Herode patre suo regnare jam cœperat, -paternam malitiam imitantis, Judæis contra eum querimoniam ad Cesarem -Augustum deferentibus, primo quidem potestas diminuitur, ablato sibi -regio nomine, et medietate regni sui inter duos fratres suos divisa: -deinde cum nec sic a tyrannide compesceretur a Tiberio Cesare relegatus -est in exilium apud Lugdunum Galliæ civitatem. Quod si omnino contra -tyrannum auxilium humanum haberi non potest, recurrendum est ad regem -omnium Deum, quid est adjutor in opportunitatibus in tribulatione. -Ejus enim potentiæ subest, ut cor tyranni crudele convertat in -mansuetudinem, secundum Salomonis sententiam. Proverb. xii. Cor regis -in manu Dei quocumque voluerit inclinavit illud. Ipse enim regis -Assueri crudelitatem, qui Judæis mortem parabat, in mansuetudinem -vertit. Ipse est qui ita Nabuchodonosor, crudelem regem convertit, -quod factus est divinæ potentiæ prædicator. Nunc igitur, inquit, ego -Nabuchodonosor laudo, et magnifico, et glorifico regem cœli, quia -opera ejus vera et viæ ejus judicia, et gradientes in superbia potest -humiliare. Dan. iv. Tyrannos vero quos reputat conversione indignos, -potest auferre de medio vel ad infimum statum reducere, secundum -illud Sapientes Eccles. x. Sedem ducum superborum destruxit Deus, et -sedere fecit mites pro eis. Ipse enim qui videns afflictionem populi -sui in Ægypto, et audiens eorum clamorem Pharaonem tyrannum dejecit -cum exercitu suo in mare; ipse est qui memoratum Nabuchodonosor prius -superbientem non solum ejectum de regni solio, sed etiam de hominum -consortio, in similitudinem bestiæ commutavit. Nec enim abreviata manus -ejus est, ut populum suum a tyrannis liberare non possit. Promittit -enim populo suo per Isaiam, requiem se daturum a labore et confusione, -ac servitute dura, qua ante servierat, et per Ezech. xxxiv. dicit: -Liberabo meum gregem de ore eorum pastorum, qui pascunt seipsos. Sed -ut, hoc beneficium populus a Deo consequi mereatur, debet a peccatis -cessare, quia in ultionem peccati divina permissione impii accipiunt -principatum, dicente Domino per Osee xiii.: Dabo tibi regem in furore -meo, et in Job. xxxiv. dicitur, quod regnare facit hominem hypocritam -propter peccata populi. Tollenda est igitur culpa, ut cesset a -tyrannorum plaga. - - -SUAREZ. - -(Disp. 13. De Bello. sect. 8.--Utrum seditio sit intrinsece mala?) - -Seditio dicitur bellum commune intra eamdem Rempublicam, quod geri -potest, vel inter duas partes ejus, vel inter Principem et Rempublicam. -Dico primo: Seditio inter duas partes Reipublicæ semper est mala ex -parte aggressoris: ex parte vero defendentis se justa est. Hoc secundum -per se est notum. Primum ostenditur: quia nulla cernitur ibi legitima -auctoritas ad indicendum bellum; hæc enim residet in supremo Principe, -ut vidimus sect. 2. Dices, interdum poterit Princeps eam auctoritatem -concedere, si magna necessitas publica urgeat. At tunc jam non censetur -aggredi pars Reipublicæ, sed Princeps ipse; sicque nulla erit seditio -de qua loquimur. Sed, quid si illa Reipublicæ pars sit vere offensa ab -alia neque possit per Principem jus suum obtinere? Respondeo, non posse -plus efficere, quam possit persona privata, ut ex superioribus constare -facile potest. - -Dico secundo: Bellum Reipublicæ contra Principem, etiamsi aggressivum, -non est intrinsece malum; habere tamen debet conditiones justi alias -belli, ut honestetur. Conclusio solum habet locum, quando Princeps -est tyrannus; quod duobus modis contingit, ut Cajet. not. 2. 2. q. 64 -articulo primo ad tertium: primo si tyrannus sit quoad dominium, et -potestatem: secundo solum quoad regimen. Quando priori modo accidit -tyrannus, tota Respublica, et quodlibet ejus membrum jus habet -contra illum; unde quilibet potest se ac Rempublicam a tyrannide -vindicare. Ratio est; quia tyrannus ille aggressor est, et inique -bellum movet contra Rempublicam, et singula membra; unde omnibus -competit jus defensionis. Ita Cajetanus eo loco, sumique potest ex -D. Thom. in secundo, distinctione 44, quæstione secunda, articulo -secundo. De posteriori tyranno idem docuit Joann. Hus, imo de omni -iniquo superiore; quod damnatum est in Concilio Constant. Sessione -8 et 15. Unde certa veritas est, contra hujusmodi tyrannum nullam -privatam personam, aut potestatem imperfectam posse juste movere bellum -aggressivum, atque illud esset propie seditio. Probatur, quoniam ille, -ut supponitur, verus est Dominus: inferiores autem jus non habent -indicendi bellum, sed defendendi se tantum; quod non habet locum in -hoc tyranno: namque ille non semper singulis facit injuriam, atque -si invaderent, id solum possent efficere, quod ad suam defensionem -sufficeret. At vero tota Respublica posset bello insurgere contra -ejusmodi tyrannum, neque tunc excitaretur propia seditio (hoc siquidem -nomen in malam partem sumi consuevit). Ratio est: quia tunc tota -Respublica superior est Rege: nam, cum ipsa dederit illi potestatem, -ea conditione dedisse censetur, ut politice, non tyrannice regeret, -alias ab ipsa posset deponi. Est tamen observandum, ut ille vere, et -manifeste tyrannice agat; concurrantque aliæ conditiones ad honestatem -belli positas. Lege Divum Thomum 1 de regimine Principum, cap. 6. - -Dico tertio: Bellum Reipublicæ contra Regem neutro modo tyrannum, est -propiissime seditio, et intrinsece malum. Est certa, et inde constat: -quia deest tunc et causa justa, et potestas. Ex quo etiam e contrario -constat, bellum Principis contra Rempublicam sibi subditam, ex parte -potestatis posse esse justum, si adsint aliæ conditiones; si vero -desint, injustum omnino esse.[E] - - [E] An extract from Bellarmine de Romano Pont. is here omitted. - - * * * * * - -Listen to the language of P. Marquez in Spain, in the so-called -despotic times: it is well known that his work intituled _El Gobernador -Cristiano_ was not one of those obscure books which are never widely -circulated; it met with such success that it went through several -editions, as well in Spain as in foreign countries. I will give the -title at length, and I will add, at the same time, a note of the -editions published at different epochs, in different countries, in -different languages,--a note which is to be found in the edition of -Madrid in 1773. - -"The Christian Magistrate (_El Gobernador Cristiano_), according to -the Life of Moses, the Ruler of the People of God, by the R. P. M. J. -R. John Marquez, O. S. A., preacher to his Majesty King Philip III., -Examiner of the Holy Office of the Inquisition, and Evening Professor -of Theology at the University of Salamanca. New and sixth edition, with -permission. Madrid, 1773." - -"The Christian Magistrate, composed at the request and in honor of His -Excellency the Duke of Feria, first published at Salamanca, in the year -1612; a second edition in the same town in 1619; a third edition at -Alcala in 1634, and a fourth at Madrid in 1640; the fifth edition was -published out of Spain, at Brussels, in 1664. This is the masterpiece -among works of this nature which have been written among us. - -"Father Martin of St. Bernard, of the Order of Cîteaux, translated -this work into Italian, and had it printed at Naples, in 1646. It was -also translated into French by M. de Virion, counsellor to the Duke of -Lorraine, and it was printed at Nancy in 1621." - - -BOOK I. CHAP. 8. - -"We have now to answer the contrary objections. We maintain that -neither the divine nor the natural law has given to states the power -of arresting the progress of tyranny by means so violent as that of -shedding the blood of princes, they being the vicars of God, divinely -invested with the right of life and death over other men. But so far -as resisting their cruelty is concerned, it is incontestable that -it may and ought to be done. They are not to be obeyed in any thing -opposed to the law of God; we must, therefore, escape from their wicked -commands, and prevent their blows, as Jonathan did with regard to Saul, -his father, when he saw him take his spear to smite David, and when, -rising from the table, he went in search of the latter, and warned -him of his danger. It is also sometimes allowable to resist princes -by force of arms, in order to prevent them from executing notoriously -rash and cruel determinations; for, according to the words of St. -Thomas, this is not to excite sedition, but to stop and prevent it. -Tertullian affirms the same thing when he says: 'Illis nomen factionis -accommodandum est, qui in odium bonorum et proborum conspirant, cum -boni, cum pii congregantur, non est factio dicenda, sed curia.' - -"This is the reason why the blessed St. Hermenegildus, a glorious -Spanish martyr, took up arms and entered the field against King -Leovigildus, an Arian, to resist the great persecution directed -by this prince against the Catholics. This fact is related by the -contemporary historians. True, St. Gregory of Tours condemns this act -of our king-martyr, not for having resisted his sovereign, but because -the former was both his king and his father: and he maintains that -although he was a heretic, his son ought not to have resisted him. This -reply, however, is not well founded, as Baronius observes. Moreover, -the authority of this Gregory was combated by another Gregory, greater -than he, St. Gregory the Great, who, in the preface to his book of -_Morales_, approves of the embassy of Leander, sent to Constantinople -by St. Hermenegildus, to solicit the aid of Tiberius against -Leovigildus, his father. It is indubitable that however strong may be -the obligation of filial piety, that of religion is still stronger. The -latter obliges us to sacrifice every thing if it be necessary; and it -is on account of cases of this nature, that it is written of the tribe -of Levi: 'Qui dixerunt patri suo et matri suæ, nescio vos, et fratribus -suis ignoro vos, nescierunt filios suos.' Such was the conduct of the -Levites when they took up arms, by the command of Moses, to punish -their relations for the sin of idolatry. - -"If the prince should go so far as personally to make an attempt upon -the life of the subject who has no other means of defending himself -than killing him,--as when Nero, parading the streets of Rome, followed -by a troop of armed men, attacked the quiet and unsuspecting citizens; -I say, that in such a case it would be allowable to kill him; for -if it is true, as Fr. Dominic de Soto observes, that the subject in -this extremity is to suffer himself to be killed, and so prefer the -monarch's life to his own, it is solely in the case when the death of -the monarch would give rise to great troubles and civil wars in the -state; in any other case it would be monstrously inhuman to force men -to a thing so insupportable. But when the subject's property is merely -to be defended against the cupidity of the monarch, it should not be -allowable to lay hands on him; for it is a privilege granted to princes -by divine and human laws, that their blood shall not be spilt for any -outrage which, committed by any other violator of private property, -would be a sufficient motive for taking away his life. The reason of -this is, that the life of the king is the soul and bond of the state; -that it is of more importance than the property of individuals; that it -is better to tolerate grievances of this nature, than to destroy the -head of the state." - - -NOTE 34, p. 348. - -In order to give an idea of the means employed at this epoch to limit -the power of the monarch, by forming associations, whether among the -people themselves, or between the people, the grandees, and the clergy, -I insert here the letter, or _Charter of Fraternity_ (_Hermandad_), -which the kingdoms of Leon and Galicia made with Castile. I have -extracted this piece literally from the collection intituled _Bullarium -ordinis militiæ sancti Jacobi Gloriosissimi Hispaniarum patroni_, p. -223. It will prove to us the existence already, at a remote epoch of -our history, of a lively instinct for liberty, although ideas were -still limited to a secondary order. - -"1. In the name of God and of the blessed Virgin. Amen. - -"Be it known to all those who shall read this letter, that on account -of the innumerable acts of injustice, injuries, deeds of violence, -murders, imprisonments, insolent refusals of audience, opprobriums, -and other outrages without measure, committed against us by the king -D. Alphonso, to the contempt of God, of justice, of right, and to the -great detriment of all these kingdoms; we, the infantes, the prelates, -the rich men, the councils, the orders, the knights of the kingdoms -of Leon and Galicia, seeing ourselves overwhelmed with injustice and -ill-treatment, as we have stated above, and finding it insupportable; -our lord the infante Don Sancho has thought good and appointed that we -should be of one mind and of one heart, he with us and we with him, to -maintain our laws, our privileges, and our charters, in our usages, -our manners, our liberties, and franchises, which we enjoyed under -king Don Alphonso, his great-grandfather, the conqueror at the battle -of Merida, and under king Don Ferdinand, his grandfather; under the -emperor and all the other kings of Spain, their predecessors; and under -the king Don Alphonso, his father,--all princes who have best merited -our gratitude; and our said lord the infante Don Sancho has bound us to -this effect by oath and promise, as it is certain by letters between -him and us. Considering that it is agreeable to the service of God, of -the blessed Virgin, of the court of Heaven, to the defence and honor -of the holy Church, of the infante Don Sancho, and of the kings who -shall succeed him, in fine, to the advantage of the whole country, we -ordain and establish fraternity (_hermandad_), now and for ever, we the -whole of the kingdoms above named, with the councils of the kingdom of -Castile, with the infantes, the rich men, the hidalgos, the prelates, -the orders, the knights, and all others who are in this kingdom, and -who are willing to be with us, as it has just been said. - -"2. Be it known to them, that we will insure to our lord the infante -Don Sancho, and to all other kings who shall succeed him, all their -rights, all their suzerainty, wholly and entirely, as we have -promised, and as they are contained in the privilege which he has -given us to this effect. Justice shall continue to be decreed by the -suzerainty. The Martiniega[F] shall be paid in the place and in the -manner in which it was customary to pay it, according to right, to Don -Alphonso, the conqueror at the battle of Merida. The money[G] shall be -paid at the end of seven years in the usual place and manner, the kings -not enjoining the coining of money. The repast (_yantar_)[H] shall be -taken in the place in which it was usual for the kings to take it, -according to the _fuero_, once a year, while visiting the very place, -as it was given to the king Don Alphonso, his great-grandfather, and to -the king Don Ferdinand, his grandfather. The _fonsadera_,[I] when the -king is with the army, in the customary place, according to the _fuero_ -and right in the days of the above-named kings, guaranteeing to each -the privileges, charters, liberties, and franchises appertaining to us. - - [F] Tribute that was paid on St. Martin's day. - - [G] Another tribute. - - [H] A tribute for the king's repast during his journeys. - - [I] Tribute for maintaining the ditches of the castles in Castile, and - the armies. - -"3. Be it known to them moreover, that we will maintain all our -rights, usages, customs, privileges, charters, all our liberties and -franchises, always and in such a manner, that should the king, the -infante Don Sancho, or the kings who shall succeed them, or any of the -lords, alcades, merinos, or any other persons, attempt to infringe upon -them, in whole or in part, in any way or at any time, we will unite -into one entire whole, and inform the king, the infante Don Sancho, or -those who shall succeed them, of the nature of our complaint, and ask -them if they are willing to reform; and if not, we will unite into one -entire body to defend and protect ourselves, as it is ordained in the -charter granted us by the infante Don Sancho. - -"4. Moreover, be it known to them that no member of this _hermandad_ -shall be chastised, and nothing shall be taken from him contrary -to right and the custom of the place, in the councils of the said -_hermandad_; and it shall not be allowable to take from him more than -is demanded by the _fuero_, in the place in which he shall be. - -"5. We protest, that if an alcade, a merino, or any other person, on -the authority of a letter of the king, of the infante Don Sancho, by -his command, or that of the kings who shall succeed him, shall kill a -man of our _hermandad_ without hearing him and judging him according -to law, that we, the _hermandad_, will take away his life for such an -act. And if we cannot arrest him, he shall be declared an enemy to the -_hermandad_; every member of the _hermandad_ who shall have concealed -him shall fall under the penalty of perjury and felony, and shall be -treated in his turn as an enemy to this _hermandad_. - -"6. We declare, moreover, that the port-duties shall be paid by us only -in conformity to the rights and usages of the times of Don Alphonso, or -the king Don Ferdinand, and the councils of the _hermandad_ will not -permit any person to receive them beyond this measure. - -"7. Moreover, no infante or rich man shall be a merino or grand bailiff -in the kingdoms of Leon and Galicia. Neither can these functions be -exercised by an infançon, or a knight having notoriously a great number -of knights or other men of the country in vassalage; neither can they -be exercised by a stranger to the country. And we so will it, because -such was the custom in the days of the king Don Alphonso and of the -king Don Ferdinand. - -"8. All those who may wish to appeal from the judgment of the king, or -of Don Sancho, or of other kings who shall succeed him, may do so; they -shall have recourse to the book of the _Fuero Juzgo_, in the kingdom of -Leon, as was usual in the days of the kings who preceded this. That if -the right of appeal be refused to any who may wish to invoke it, we, -on our part, will act according to the injunctions contained in the -charters granted us by Don Sancho. - -"9. That we may guarantee and execute all the acts of this _hermandad_, -we make a seal of two plates, bearing the following impressions: upon -one of the plates, the figure of a lion; and upon the other, the figure -of St. James on horseback, with a sword in his right hand; in his left, -a standard with a cross at the top, and shells. The inscription shall -be thus expressed: '_The Seal of the Hermandad of the Kingdoms of Leon -and Galicia._' This seal shall be affixed to the documents which shall -be required by this _hermandad_. - -"10. We the whole _hermandad_ of Castile, make a promise and render -homage to all the _hermandad_ of the kingdoms of Leon and Galicia, -that we will assist each other well and loyally to keep and maintain -every one of the above-named things. That if we fail to do so, we are -traitors for this alone, like him who slays his lord or surrenders a -castle; and may we never in that case have either hands, or tongues, or -arms to protect ourselves. - -"11. But lest there should be any doubt about the pact we are now -making, in order that this pact may be for ever inviolate, we seal this -letter with the two seals of the _hermandad_ of Castile, Leon, and -Galicia, and place it in the hands of D. Pedro Nunez, and the Order of -the Knights of St. John, who are united with us in this _hermandad_. -Given at Valladolid, the 8th day of July, in the year one thousand -three hundred and twenty." - -Spain had passed through many centuries without knowing of any other -religion than the Catholic. She still preserved in all its force and -vigor, the idea that the king should be the first to observe the -laws; that he could not rule the people according to his caprice; -that he ought to govern by principles of justice and views of public -expediency. Saavedra, in his _Devises_, thus expressed himself:-- - -"1st. Laws are vain when the prince who promulgates them does not -confirm and uphold them by his own life and example. A law will appear -lenient to the people when observed by its author. - - "In commune jubes si quid, censesve tenendum, - Primus jussa sibi, tunc observantior æqui - Fit populus, nec ferre vetat, cum videri ipsum - Auctorem parere sibi. - -"The laws promulgated by Servius Tullius were not only intended for -the people, but also for kings. The disputes between the monarch -and his subjects were to be settled in conformity with these laws, -as Tacitus relates of Tiberius: 'Although we are not subject to the -laws,' said the emperors Severus and Antonius, 'let us conform our -lives to these laws.' The monarch is bound by the law not merely from -the fact of its being a law, but from the very reason upon which it is -founded, when it is natural and common to all, and not particular and -exclusively destined to the right government of subjects; for in this -case the observance of the law merely concerns the subject, although -the monarch, if it should so happen, is bound to obey it, in order to -render it tolerable to others. Such appears to have been the meaning of -the mysterious command given by God to Ezechiel, _to eat the volume_, -that others seeing him the first to taste the laws and declare them -good, might be induced to imitate him. The kings of Spain are so far -subject to the laws, that the Treasury, in causes relating to the royal -patrimony, is absolutely subject to the same laws as the least of his -subjects; and in doubtful cases, the Treasury is condemned. Philip -II. thus ordained it; and on an occasion in which his grandson Philip -IV., the glorious father of V. A., was personally brought to judgment -in an important trial of the Chamber, before the royal council, the -judges had the noble determination to condemn him, and his majesty had -the rectitude to hear the sentence without expressing any indignation. -Happy empire, in which the cause of the monarch is always the least -favored!" - - -NOTE 35, p. 356. - -Sufficient attention has not perhaps been paid to the merit of the -industrial organization introduced into Europe from the earliest -ages, and which became more and more diffused after the twelfth -century. I allude to the trades-unions, and other associations, which, -established under the influence of the Catholic religion, commonly -placed themselves under the patronage of some Saint, and had pious -foundations for the celebration of their feasts, and for assisting each -other in their necessities. Our celebrated Capmany, in his _Historical -memoirs on the Marine, Commerce, and the Arts of the ancient City of -Barcelona_, has published a collection of documents, very valuable for -the history of the working classes and of the development of their -influence on politics. Few works have appeared in foreign countries, -in the latter part of the last century, of such great merit as that of -our fellow-countryman, published in 1779. One very interesting chapter -of this work is devoted to the institution of trades-corporations. I -give here a copy of the chapter, which I particularly recommend to the -perusal of those persons who imagine that nothing had been thought of -in Europe for the benefit of the laboring classes, of those who are so -foolish as to look upon that as a means of slavery and exclusivism, -which was in reality a means of encouragement and of mutual support. -It also appears to me that, by reading the philosophical remarks of -Capmany, every sensible man will be convinced that Europe, from the -earliest ages, has possessed systems adapted to the encouragement of -industry, to the preservation of it from the fatal agitations of those -times, to secure esteem for it, and to the legitimate and salutary -development of the popular element. It will be no less useful to -present this sketch to certain foreign writers, continually occupied -with social and political economy, and who, nevertheless, in compiling -the history of that science, have not even been acquainted with a work -so important for every thing connected with the middle ages of Europe, -from the eleventh to the eighteenth century. - - - _"Of the institution of the Trades-Corporations and other Associations - of Artisans at Barcelona._ - -"No memoir has hitherto been discovered which might serve to -enlighten and guide us in fixing the exact epoch of the institution -of the trades-associations at Barcelona.[J] But according to all -the conjectures furnished by ancient monuments, it is very probable -that the political erection or formation of the bodies of laborers -took place in the time of Don Jaime I., under whose glorious reign -the arts were developed under a favorable influence; whilst commerce -and navigation took a higher flight, owing to the expeditions of the -Aragonese arms beyond the seas. Increased facilities in the means -of transport have given an impetus to industry; and an increasing -population, the natural result of labor, by its reaction upon labor, -augmented the demand for it. At Barcelona, as every where else, -trades-corporations naturally arose when the wants and the tastes of -society had, of necessity, grown so multifarious, that artisans were -forced, with a view to secure protection to their industry, to form -themselves into communities. Luxury, and the tastes of society, like -every other object of commerce, are subject to continual change; hence, -new branches of trade are continually springing up and displacing -others; so that at one period each separate art runs into various -branches, whilst at another, several arts are combined into one. At -Barcelona, corporate industry has passed through all these vicissitudes -in the course of five centuries. The hardware trade has comprised at -different periods eleven or twelve branches, and consequently afforded -subsistence to as many classes of families, whilst at the present time -these same branches are reduced to eight, in consequence of certain -changes in fashions and customs. - - [J] "It is extremely difficult to ascertain the origin of the - trades-corporations, even in those towns which have been the longest - and the best disciplined.--Sandi, in his _Civil History of Venice_ - (t. ii. part 1, lib. iv. p. 767), after having reckoned sixty-one - trades-corporations existing in that capital at the beginning of - his century, declares that it is impossible to assign to each of - these corporations the date of its origin, or that of its first - statutes. This historian nevertheless consulted all the archives of - the republic; he contents himself with observing, that none of the - corporations are anterior to the fourteenth century." (_The notes - which accompany this chapter are those of Capmany himself._) - -"In accordance with the social system which generally prevailed at -that time in most European countries, it was found necessary to bestow -liberty and privileges upon an industrious and mercantile people, who -thus became a great source of strength and support to kings; and this -could not be effected without classifying the citizens. But these -lines of demarcation could not be maintained distinct and inviolate -without a political division of the various corporations in which both -men and their occupations were classified. This division was the more -necessary in a city like Barcelona, which, ever since the middle of the -thirteenth century, had assumed a sort of democratic independence in -its mode of government. Thus, in Italy, the first country in the West -that re-established the name and the influence of the people, after -these had been effaced in the iron ages by Gothic rule, the industrial -classes had already been formed into corporations, which gave stability -to the arts and trades, and conferred great honors upon them in -those free cities, where, amidst the flux and reflux of invasions, -the artisan became a senator, and the senator an artisan. Wars and -factions, endemic evils in that delightful country at the time of which -we are speaking, could not, in spite of all their ravages, effect the -destruction of the associated trades, whose political existence, when -once their members were admitted to a share in the government, formed -the very basis of the constitution of both nations, inasmuch as both -were industrial and mercantile. At Barcelona the trades were well -regulated, prosperous, and flourishing, under that municipal system, -and that consular jurisprudence, of which commerce, and its invariable -concomitant, industry, have always stood in need. It was thus that this -capital became one of the most celebrated centres of the manufacturing -industry of the middle ages--a reputation which it has maintained and -increased up to the present time. In like manner, it was under the name -and rule of corporations and brotherhoods that trades were established -in Flanders, in France, and in England, countries in which the arts -have been carried to their highest degree of perfection and renown. -The trades-corporations of Barcelona, even when viewed merely as a -necessary institution for the due regulation of the primitive form of -municipal government, should be regarded as most important, whether for -the preservation of the arts, or as forming the basis of the influence -of the artisans themselves. It is at once evident, from the experience -of five centuries, that trades-unions have effected unspeakable good -in Barcelona, were it only by preserving, as an imperishable deposit, -the love, the tradition, and the memory of the arts. They have formed -so many rallying points, so many banners, as it were, under which more -than once the shattered forces of industry have found refuge; and -have thus been enabled to recover their energy and activity, and to -perpetuate their existence to our own days, in spite of pestilence, -wars, factions, and a multitude of other calamities, which exhaust -men's energies, overthrow their habitations, and change their manners. -If Barcelona, so often visited by these physical and political plagues, -had possessed no community, no bond, no common interest among its -artisans, it would certainly have witnessed the destruction of their -skill, their economy, and their activity, as is the case with beavers, -when their communities have been broken up and dispersed by the -hunters.[K] - - [K] We here recognise many ideas taken from a work which saw the - light in 1774, from the press of Sancha, under the title of _Discours - économique-politique pour la defense du travail mécanique des - ouvriers, par D. Ramon Miguel Palacio_. The author of these memoirs, - fearing to be accused of a gross plagiarism, observes that, being - obliged here to treat of this same matter, he was forced to adopt many - of the ideas contained in this work, which at that time he thought it - proper to publish without affixing his real name. - -"By a happy effect of the security enjoyed by families in their -different trades, and thanks to the aid, or _mont-de-piété_, -established in the very bosom of the corporation for its necessitous -members, who, without this assistance, might have been plunged into -misery, these economical establishments at Barcelona have directly -contributed to maintain the prosperity of the arts, by shutting out -misery from the workshop, and preserving the operatives from indigence. -Without this corporate police, by which each trade is surrounded, the -property and the fortune of the artisan would have been exposed to -the greatest risks; moreover, the credit and stability of the trades -themselves would have been perilled; for then the quack, the unskilled -operative, and the obscure adventurer, might have imposed upon the -public with impunity, and a pernicious latitude might have taken the -place of liberty. On the other hand, the trades-corporations being -powerful associations, each one by itself being governed by a unanimity -of intelligence and a community of interests, could purchase their -stocks of raw materials seasonably and advantageously. They supplied -the wants of the masters; they made advances, or stood security, for -those of their members who lacked either time or funds for making -great preliminary disbursements of capital at their own cost. Besides, -these corporations, comprehending and representing the industry of -the nation, and consequently feeling an interest in its maintenance, -addressed from time to time memorials to the Municipal Council, or -to the Cortes, relative to the injuries they were sustaining, or -the approach of which they, as it often happened, foresaw from the -introduction of counterfeit goods, or of foreign productions, which -is a cause of ruin to our industry. In fine, without the institution -of trades-corporations, instruction would have been void of order -and fixed rules; for where there are no masters duly authorized and -permanently established, neither will there be any disciples; and all -regulations, in default of an executive power to see them observed, -will be disregarded and trodden under foot. Trades-corporations -are so necessary to the preservation of the arts, that the various -trades known at the present day in this capital have derived their -appellations and their origin from the economical divisions, and from -the arts established by these corporations. When the blacksmith in his -shop made ploughshares, nails, keys, knives, swords, &c., the names of -the trades of the blacksmith, the nailer, the cutler, the armorer, &c. -were unknown; and as there was no special and particular instruction -in each of these branches of labor, the separation of which afterwards -formed so many new arts maintained by their respective communities, -these trades were unknown. - -"The second political advantage resulting from the institution of -trades-corporations at Barcelona was, the esteem and consideration -in which at all times these establishments caused both the artisans -and the arts to be held. This wise institution won respect for the -operative classes, by constituting them a visible and permanent order -in the state. Hence it is that the conduct and the mode of life of the -Barcelonians have ever been such as are to be found only amongst an -honorable people. Never having been confounded with any exempted and -privileged body (for the trades-corporations draw a circle around their -members, and let them know what they are, and what they are worth), -these people learned that there was honor and virtue within their own -sphere, and labored to preserve these qualities; so certain is it that -social distinctions in a nation have more influence than is sometimes -believed in upholding the spirit of each social class. - -"Another view of this question shows us that trades-corporations form -communities, governed by an economic code, which assigns to each -corporation certain employments and certain honors, to which every -individual member may aspire. Even men's prejudices, when wisely -directed, sometimes produce admirable effects. Thus the government, the -administration of these bodies, in which the artisan always enjoyed -the prerogative of managing the resources and the interests of his -trade and of his fellow-members, with the title of Counsellor, or Elder -(_Prohombre_), won for the mechanical arts of Barcelona public and -general esteem; whilst the pre-eminence in a festival or an assembly -serves with these men to soften the rigors of manual labor, and the -disadvantages of their inferior condition. At the same time that the -trades of Barcelona, formed into well-organized bodies, fixed and -preserved the arts in that capital, they had the further credit, by -acting as political bodies of the most numerous class of the people, of -gaining a high esteem for their members. The obscure artisan, without -matriculation, or a common bond, continues isolated and wandering; -he dies, and with him perishes his art; or at the first reverse of -fortune, he emigrates and abandons his craft. What consideration can -wretched wandering followers of any trade obtain in a country? Just -such as knife-grinders and tinkers possess in the provinces of Spain. -At Barcelona, all the trades have constantly enjoyed the same general -esteem, because all have been established and governed upon a system -which has rendered them fixed, respectable, and prosperous. - -"The esteem in which the trades of Barcelona were held from the -time when the municipal government had formed them into national -corporations, the agents of public economy, gave rise to the laudable -and useful custom of perpetuating trades in the same families. In fact -the people having learned that, without quitting the class to which -they belonged, they could preserve the respect and consideration due -to useful and honorable citizens, no longer desired to quit it, and -were no longer ashamed of their condition. When trades are held in -honor, which is the consequence of the stability and civil properties -of corporations, they naturally become hereditary. Now, the advantages -both to the artisan and the arts, resulting from this transmission -of trades, are so real and so well known, that it is needless to -specify them here, or to dwell upon their salutary effects. This -demarcation and classification of trades caused many of the arts to -become sure possessions for those who adopted them. Hence fathers aimed -at transmitting their trade to their sons; and thus was formed an -indestructible mass of national industry, which made labor honorable, -by implanting steady and homogeneous manners, if we may so speak, in -the bosom of the class of artisans. - -"Another circumstance contributed still more to render the exercise -of the mechanical arts honorable at Barcelona, not only more than in -most other parts of Spain, but more than in any other state, ancient -or modern. This was the admission of the trades-corporations upon the -register of municipal offices in this city, which enjoyed so many -royal grants and extraordinary privileges of independence. Thus the -nobility--that Gothic nobility--with their great domains, sought to be -incorporated with the operatives in the _Ayuntamiento_, there to fill -the offices and supreme stations in the political government, which, -during more than five hundred years, continued in Barcelona under a -form and in a spirit truly democratic.[L] All mechanical offices, -without any odious distinction or exclusion, were held worthy to be -declared qualified for the consistorial council of magistrates; all had -a voice and a vote among the conscript fathers who represented this -city, the most highly privileged perhaps that ever existed; one of the -most renowned for its laws, its power, and its influence; one of the -most respected in the middle ages amongst all the states and monarchies -of Europe, Asia, and Africa.[M] - - [L] "Consult the Appendix of Notes, Nos. 28 and 30. You will there - see what respect and power the town of Barcelona enjoyed at another - period, by means of the municipal magistrates, who represented it - under the ordinary name of councillors." - - [M] "In the diplomatic collection of these memoirs, we find a - multitude of letters and other documents proving the direct and mutual - relations which existed between the city of Barcelona and the emperors - of the East, of Germany, the sultans of Egypt, the kings of Tunis, of - Morocco, and various monarchs and states, or other great powers of - Europe." - -"This political system, and this municipal form of government, -resembled that which prevailed in the middle ages amongst all the -principal towns of Italy, whence Catalonia borrowed many of its -customs and usages. Genoa, Pisa, Milan, Pavia, Florence, Sienna, and -other towns, had a municipal government composed of the leading men -in commerce, and the arts, under the name of consuls, counsellors, -&c. _Priores Artium_--such was the name of a popular form of elective -government, distributed among the different classes of citizens, -without excluding the artisans, who, in the thirteenth and fourteenth -centuries, were in their most flourishing condition, forming the most -respectable part of the population, and consequently the richest, the -most powerful, and the most independent. This democratic liberty, -besides giving stability and permanency to industry in the towns -of Italy, conferred a singular degree of honor on the mechanical -professions. The grand council of these towns was summoned by the -tolling of the bell, when the artisans arranged themselves under the -banners or gonfalons of their respective trades. Such was also the -political constitution of Barcelona from the middle of the thirteenth -to the commencement of the present century. With these facts before -us, need we feel surprise that, in our own days, arts and artisans in -Barcelona still retain undiminished esteem and consideration; that a -love for mechanical professions has become hereditary; that the dignity -and self-respect of the artisan class have become traditional, even to -the last generations, in which the customs of their ancestors have been -transmitted by the succession of example, even after the extinction of -the political reasons in which these customs had their origin? Several -trades-corporations still preserve in the halls of their _juntas_ the -portraits of those of their members who formerly obtained the first -employments in the state. Must not this laudable practice have engraven -on the memory of the members of the corporation all the ideas of honor -and dignity consistent with the condition of an artisan? Assuredly -the popular form of the ancient government of Barcelona could not -fail to imprint itself generally and forcibly on the manners of the -people; indeed, where all the citizens were equal in the participation -of honors, it is easy to see that no one would willingly remain -inferior to another in virtue or in merit, although inferior, in -other respects, by his condition and fortune. This noble emulation, -which must naturally have been awakened to activity in the concourse -of all orders in the state, gave birth to the dignity, the lofty and -inviolate probity of the artisans of Barcelona; and this character they -have maintained to our own times, to the admiration of Spain and of -foreign nations. Such has been the negligence of our national authors, -that this narrative will have the appearance of a discovery: up to -the present time Barcelona and the Principality had not attracted the -scrutinizing notice of the political historian, so that a dark shadow -still concealed the real principles (always unknown to the crowd) from -which in all times, have sprung the virtues and the vices of nations. - -"To these causes may be attributed, in great part, the esteem which -the artisans have acquired. Nothing could be more salutary than this -obligation they were always under of comporting themselves with dignity -and distinction in public employments, whether in the corporation or -the municipal government. Moreover the constant example of the master -of the house, who, up to the present time, has always lived in common -with his apprentices in a praiseworthy manner, has confirmed the -children in ideas of order and dignity; for the manners and habits -of a people, which are as powerful as law, must be inculcated from -the tenderest age. Thus, in Barcelona, the operative has never been -confounded by the slovenliness of his dress with the mendicant, whose -idle and dissipated habits, says an illustrious writer, are easily -contracted when the dress of the man of respectability is in no way -distinguished from that of the rabble. Nor are the laboring population -ever seen wearing those cumbersome garments which, serving as a cover -for rags and a cloak for idleness, cramp the movements and activity -of the body, and invite to a life of indolent ease. The people have -not contracted a habit of frequenting taverns, where example leads to -drunkenness and moral disorders. Their amusements, so necessary for -working people to render their daily toils supportable, have always -been innocent recreations, which either afforded them repose from their -fatigues or varied them. The games formerly permitted were either the -ring (_la bague_), nine pins, bowls, ball, shooting at a mark, fencing, -and public dancing, authorized and watched over by the authorities; -an amusement which from time immemorial has been general amongst the -Catalans, in certain seasons and on certain festivals of the year. - -"The respect for the artisan of Barcelona has never been diminished -on account of the material on which his art was exercised, whether -it was silver, steel, iron, copper, wood, or wool. We have seen that -all the trades were equally eligible to the municipal offices of the -state; none were excluded--not even butchers. Ancient Barcelona did not -commit the political error of establishing preferences that might have -produced some odious distinctions of trades. The inhabitants considered -that all the citizens were in themselves worthy of esteem, since all -contributed to the growth and maintenance of the property of a capital -whose opulence and power were founded upon the industry of the artisan -and the merchant. In fact, Barcelona has ever been free from that -idea, so generally entertained, that every mechanical profession is -low and vulgar--a mischievous and very common prejudice, which, in the -provinces of Spain, has made an irreparable breach in the progress of -the arts. At Barcelona, admission into certain trades-corporations -has never been refused to the members of other trades: in this city -all the trades are held in the same estimation. In a word, neither -Barcelona nor any other town in Catalonia has ever entertained those -vulgar prejudices that are enough to prevent honorable men from -devoting themselves to the arts, or to cause the son to forsake the art -practised by the father."[N] - - [N] See the remarks of his Excellency M. Campomanes on these abuses - and false principles of policy, in his _Discourse on the Popular - Education of Artisans_, from page 119 to 160. - - -NOTE 36, p. 361. - -I have spoken of the numerous Councils held by the Church at different -epochs; why, it will be asked, does she not hold them more frequently -now? I will answer this question by quoting a judicious passage from -Count de Maistre, in his work _On the Pope_, book i. chap. 2:-- - -"In the first ages of Christianity," says he, "it was more easy to -assemble Councils, because the Church was not so numerous as now, and -because the emperors possessed powers that enabled a sufficient number -of Bishops to assemble, so that their decisions needed only the assent -of other Bishops. Yet these Councils were not assembled without much -difficulty and embarrassment. But in modern times, since the civilized -world has been divided into so many sovereignties, and immeasurably -increased by our intrepid navigators, an Œcumenical Council has become -a chimera.[O] Simply to convoke all the Bishops, and to bring legally -together such a convocation, five or six years would not suffice." - - [O] We ordinarily call a chimera, or an impossibility, that which - offers great difficulties. On this occasion we cannot help observing - to sincere persons, that, from these great difficulties, they may - judge of the lawfulness and sincerity of the desires manifested by the - _soi-disant_ reformers and appellants to Councils. They do not wish - for Councils; but, under the shadow of this word, they wish to escape - the authority of their legitimate superiors. (Note by the authors of - the _Bibliothèque de Religion_, published in Spain.) - -NOTE 37, p. 369. - -That my readers may be convinced of the truth and accuracy of what I -here affirm, I invite them to read the history of the heresies that -have afflicted the Church since the first ages, but particularly from -the tenth century down to our own days. - - -NOTE 38, p. 373. - -It was not, I have said, without prejudice to the liberty of the people -that the influence of the clergy was withdrawn from the working of the -political machine. In order to ascertain how far this is true, it may -be well to remark, that a great number of theologians were favorable to -tolerably liberal doctrines in political matters, and that it was the -clergy who exercised the greatest freedom in speaking to kings, even -after the people had almost entirely lost the right of intervention in -political affairs. Observe what opinions St. Thomas held on forms of -government. - - -(Quest. cv. 1^a 2^æ.) - -_De ratione judicialium præceptorum art._ 1. Respondeo dicendum, quod -circa bonam ordinationem principum in aliqua civitate, vel gente, duo -sunt attendenda, quorum unum est, ut omnes aliquam partem habeant -in principatu; per hoc enim conservatur pax populi et omnes talem -ordinationem amant et custodiunt ut dicitur (II. _Polit._, cap. i.); -aliud est quod attenditur secundum speciem regiminis vel ordinationis -principatum, cujus cum sint diversæ species, ut philosophus tradit -in III. _Polit._ cap. v., præcipue tamen unum regimen est, in quo -unus principatur secundum virtutem: et aristocratia, id est potestas -optimorum, in qua aliqui pauci principantur secundum virtutem. Unde -optima ordinatio principum est in aliqua civitate vel regno, in quo -unus præficitur secundum virtutem qui omnibus præsit et sub ipso sunt -aliqui principantes secundum virtutem, et tamen talis principatus ad -omnes pertinet, tum quia ex omnibus eligi possunt, tum quia etiam ab -omnibus eliguntur. Talis vero est omnis politia bene commixta ex regno -in quantam unus præest, et aristocratia in quantum multi principantur -secundum virtutem, et ex democratia, id est potestate populi in quantum -ex popularibus possunt eligi principes, et ad populum pertinet electio -principum, et hoc fuit institutum secundum legem divinam. - - -Divus Thomas. (1^a 2^æ Q. 90, art. 4^o.) - -Et sic ex quatuor prædictis potest colligi definitio legis quæ nihil -est aliud quam quædam rationis ordinatio ad bonum commune ab eo qui -curam communitatis habet promulgata. Q. 95, art. 4. - -Tertio est de ratione legis humanæ ut instituatur a gubernante -communitatem civitatis: sicut supra dictum est. (Quest. 90, art. 3.) -Et secundum hoc distinguuntur leges humanæ secundum diversa regimina -civitatum, quorum unum, secundum philosophum in III. _Polit._, cap. -xi., est regnum, quando scilicet civitas gubernatur ab uno, et secundum -hoc accipiuntur constitutiones principum; aliud vero regimen est -aristocratia, id est principatus optimorum vel optimatum, et secundum -hoc sumuntur responsa prudentum et etiam senatusconsulta. Aliud regimen -est oligarchia, id est principatus paucorum divitum et potentum; et -secundum hoc sumitur jus prætorium, quod etiam honorarium dicitur. -Aliud autem regimen est populi, quod nominatur democratia; et secundum -hoc sumuntur plebiscita. Aliud autem est tyrannicum, quod est omnino -corruptum unde ex hoc non sumitur aliqua lex. Est etiam et aliquod -regimen ex istis commixtum, quod est optimum, et secundum hoc sumitur -lex quam majores natu simul cum plebibus sanxerunt, ut Isidorus dicit -lib. 5, _Etym. O._ cap. x. - -If certain declaimers are to be believed, it would seem that the -principle, that it is the law which governs, and not the will of -man, is quite a recent discovery. But observe with what solidity and -perspicuity the angelic doctor expounds this doctrine. - - -(1^a 2^æ Q. 93, art. 1.) - -Utrum fuerit utile aliquas leges poni ab hominibus. - -Ad 2^m dicendum, quod sicut Philosophus dicit. 1. Rhetor. Melius est -omnia ordinari lege, quam dimittere judicum arbitrio, et hoc propter -tria. Primo quidem, quia facilius est invenire paucos sapientes, qui -sufficiant ad rectas leges ponendas, quam multos; qui requirerentur -ad recte judicandum de singulis. Secundo, quia illi qui leges ponunt, -ex multo tempore considerant quid lege ferendum sit: sed judicia de -singularibus factis fiunt ex casibus subito exortis. Facilius autem ex -multis consideratis potest homo videre quid rectum sit, quam solum ex -aliquo uno facto. Tertio, quia legislatores judicant in universali, et -de futuris: sed homines judiciis præsidentes judicant de præsentibus; -ad quæ afficientur amore vel odio, aut aliqua cupiditate; et sic -eorum depravatur judicium. Quia ergo justitia animata judicis non -invenitur in multis, et quia flexibilis est: ideo necessarium fuit in -quibuscumque est possibile, legem determinare quid judicandum sit, et -paucissima arbitrio hominum committere. - -In Spain, the _Procuradores_ of the Cortes dared not raise their voices -against the excesses of power; and their timidity drew down the keen -reproaches of P. Mariana. In the examination to which he was subjected -in the celebrated suit commenced against him on the subject of the -_seven treatises_, he confesses having applied to the _Procuradores_ -the epithets of _vile, superficial, and utterly venal_, only striving -to obtain the favor of the prince, and their own particular interests, -without solicitude for the public good. He added, that such was the -public cry, the general complaint, at least at Toledo, where he was -residing. - -I will leave unnoticed his work intituled _De Rege et Regis -institutione_, of which I have spoken elsewhere. Confining myself -to his _History of Spain_, I will observe with what liberty he -expresses himself on the most delicate points, without meeting with any -opposition, either from the civil or from the ecclesiastical authority. -In his 1st book, chap. 4, speaking of the Aragonese, in his usual grave -and severe tone, he says: "The Aragonese possess and enjoy laws and -_fueros_ very different from those of the other people of Spain; they -possess every thing most adapted for preserving liberty against the -excessive power of kings, for preventing this power from degenerating -and changing, by its natural tendency, into tyranny; for they are not -ignorant of this truth, that the right of liberty is generally lost by -degrees." - -It was precisely at this epoch that the clergy expressed themselves -with the greatest freedom on the most delicate of all subjects, that -of contributions. The venerable Palafox, in his memorial or petition -to the king for ecclesiastical immunity, said: "According to St. -Augustine, to the great Tostat, and other weighty authors, the Son -of God appointed that the children of God--that is the ministers of -the Church, his priests--should not pay tribute to the pagan princes. -In fact, he addressed to St. Peter the following question, already -resolved by the eternal wisdom of the Father: _Reges gentium a quibus -accipiunt tributum, a filiis, an ab alienis?_ St. Peter answered, _Ab -alienis_; and our Lord concluded with these words: _Ergo liberi sunt -filii_. I may be allowed, sire, to make this delicate observation, -that the Divine Majesty does not say, _Reges gentium a quibus capiunt -tributum_, but _a quibus accipiunt_. By this word accipiunt, we -understand the mildness and mansuetude with which the payment of a -tribute should always be exacted, in order to diminish the bitterness -and repugnance accompanying a tribute. - -"46. It is doubtless useful for the preservation of the state, that, -in the first place, subjects should give, in order that princes may -then receive. It is proper that kings should receive, and employ the -tribute paid them, for on this depends the safety of crowns; but it is -well that subjects should first give it voluntarily. It is doubtless -from this passage of Scripture, from this expression of the Eternal -Word, that the Catholic Crown, always so pious, has received the holy -doctrine, by virtue of which neither your majesty nor your illustrious -predecessors have ever permitted a tribute to be levied without its -having first received the consent of the kingdoms themselves, and been -offered by them; and your majesty is incomparably more exalted by -limiting and moderating your power, than by exercising it to its utmost -extent. - -"47. Sire, if laymen, who have no exemption in matters of tribute, -enjoy that which the kindness of your majesty and of the most Catholic -kings grant them; if they do not pay till they choose to make a -voluntary offering; if nothing is received from them except on this -condition, will religion, your majesty's renowned piety, and the -devoted zeal of the Council, allow the clergy--the sons, the ministers -of God, the privileged, those who are exempt by divine and human law in -all the nations of the world, and among the very pagans--to enjoy less -favor than strangers, who are not, like them, either ministers of the -Church or priests of God? Is the word _capiunt_, sire, to be applied -exclusively to the ministers of God, and the word _accipiunt_ to men of -the world?" - -In his work intituled _Historia Real Sagrada_, the same writer raises -his voice against tyranny with extreme severity: - -"12. _Such_," says he, "_is the law which the king whom you wish -for will maintain in your regard_. The word law is here employed -ironically, as if God should say: 'You imagine, without doubt, that -this king of yours would govern according to law; on this supposition -you asked for him, since you complained that my tribunal did not govern -you. Now, the law which this king will exercise towards you will be, to -disregard all law; and his law will eventually be tyranny respected.' -The politician who, relying upon this passage, should attribute as a -right to the monarch a power which is merely pointed out by God to the -people as a chastisement, would be an uncivilized being, unworthy of -being treated as a rational creature. The Lord, in this instance, does -not define what is the best; he does not say what he is giving them; -these words are no appreciation of power; he merely declares what would -be the case, and what he condemns. Who shall dare to found the origin -of tyranny on justice itself? God says, that he whom they desire for a -king will be a tyrant--not a tyrant approved of by him, but a tyrant -that he reprobates and chastises. And subsequent events clearly shewed -it, since there were in Israel wicked kings, by whom the prophecy was -fulfilled, and Saints who obtained on the throne the mercy of God. -The wicked kings literally accomplished the divine threat, by doing -what they were forbidden; the good ones established their dignity upon -propriety and justice within prescribed limits." - -Father Marquez, in his _Christian Prince or Magistrate_ (_Gobernador -Cristiano_), also enlarges on the same question; he expounds his -opinion both theoretically and practically. - - -(Chapter xvi. 53.) - -"Thus far we have heard the words of Philo, writing on this event. As -these words afforded me an opportunity of reasoning on the obligations -of Christian kings, I have taken care to quote them at length. I -will not expect these kings to act like Moses; for they have not the -miraculous aid which the Hebrew legislator received for the relief of -the people, nor the rod which God gave him to make water flow from the -rock at need. But I will recommend them to reflect maturely on the -additional services they shall attempt to exact from their subjects, -and the burdens they shall impose on them. Let them reflect that they -are bound to justify the motive of their request in all truth, and -without any false coloring; always and constantly aware that they are -in the presence of God, that the eyes of God are fixed on their hands, -that He will require from them a strict account of their actions. For, -as the holy doctor of Nazianzen says, the Son of God came designedly -into the world at the taking of a census and a resettlement of the -imposts, in order to confound kings who would have appointed them -through caprice; so that kings may now know that the Son of God takes -account of every item, and weighs in the balance of his strict justice -things which we should account of little moment. - -"The above reflection will serve to dispel the false ideas of certain -flatterers, who, to obtain the favor of princes, persuade them that -they are perfectly independent and the masters of the lives and -property of their subjects, free to dispose of them as they may think -proper. In support of this pretended maxim, they allege, as we have -seen, the history of Samuel, who answered the people on the part of -God, when they were demanding a king, 'You shall have one, but on -terrible conditions.' This king was to take from them their fields, -their vineyards, their olive-yards, to give them to his servants; he -was to take their daughters for slaves, 'to make him ointments, and -to be his cooks and bakers.' And they have not observed that, as John -Bodin says, this is the interpretation of Philip Melancthon, which -alone is sufficient to render it suspicious. Moreover, as St. Gregory, -and after him other doctors, have observed, this passage of Scripture -does not establish the just right of kings, but rather announces -beforehand the tyranny of a great number of princes; in fine, these -words do not explain what good princes might do, but merely what bad -ones would usually do. Hence, when Achab seized upon the vineyard of -Naboth, God was angry with him, and we know how He treated him. When -David, the elect of God, demanded a spot whereon to set up the altar of -Jebusee, he only asked it on condition of paying the value of the land. - -"For this reason princes should examine with scrupulous attention -whether contributions are just; for if they are not, doctors decide -that they cannot, without manifest injustice, thus more or less -infringe on the rights of their subjects. This doctrine is so Catholic -and certain, that men holding sound doctrine affirm that, in this case, -princes cannot impose fresh tributes, even though necessary, without -the consent of the nation. For, say they, the prince not being (which -he certainly is not) the master of his subjects' property, cannot make -use of it without the consent of those from whom he is to receive it. -This custom has been long in practice in the kingdom of Castile, where -the laws of royalty prohibit the levying of any new impost without -the intervention of the Cortes: after having received the sanction -of the Cortes, the impost is submitted to the vote of the towns; and -the prince does not consider his demand granted till it has received -the sanction of the majority of the towns. Edward I. of England made -a similar law, according to many authors of weight; and Philip of -Commines says, that it was the same in France till the time of Charles -VII., who, urged by an extreme necessity, suppressed these formalities, -and levied a tax without waiting for the consent of the States, and -this inflicted on the kingdom so deep a wound, that it will long -continue unhealed. If we may credit certain affirmations, this author -reports, that it was then asserted that the king had escaped from the -guardianship exercised by the kingdom; but that his own opinion is, -that kings cannot, without the consent of their people, exact a single -farthing; princes acting otherwise, says he, fall under the Pope's -excommunication; no doubt that of the bull _In Cœna Domini_. For my -own part, I ought to confess that I do not find this in Philip de -Commines.... With respect to this second point, it is evident, that -the prince cannot, on his own authority, impose new tributes without -the consent of the nation, whenever this nation shall have acquired by -any of the reasons mentioned a contrary right, which I consider to be -the case in Castile. No one, in fact, will deny that kingdoms at their -commencement have a right to choose their kings on this condition, or -render them such services as to obtain in return that no new imposts -shall be laid on them without their consent. Now, in either case, there -will be a compact made, from which kings cannot depart; and it is of -no consequence, as some imagine it to be, whether they have obtained -their kingdoms through the election of their subjects, or by mere -force of arms. Although it is probable, indeed, that a State yielding -itself of its own accord, will obtain greater privileges and better -conditions than those acquired by a just war, it would not, however, -be impossible for a State, in choosing a king, to confer upon him all -its power in an absolute manner, and without this restriction, with -a view to lay him under greater obligations, and to testify to him a -greater degree of devotedness; and, on the other hand, a king, who had -subjected a kingdom by force of arms, might nevertheless voluntarily -grant it this privilege, with a view to obtain its gratitude, and more -affectionate obedience on its part. The positive rule, therefore, for -this particular right, will be the contract made, whether virtually or -expressly, between the State and the prince; a contract which should be -inviolable, especially if it is sealed by an oath." - - -_The Prince, or Christian Magistrate._ - -(Liv. ii. ch. xxxix. § 2.) - -"Princes, it is said, may compel their subjects to sell at half-price, -or to give gratuitously, a part of their property. This opinion is -generally founded on the law which ordains that, when a ship in a -tempest has been saved by throwing overboard a part of the cargo, the -proprietors of the remaining part are obliged to make a proportionate -contribution to indemnify the sufferers for the loss they have -sustained. Bartholus and other authors have inferred from this, that -in a time of necessity and famine the monarch may require his subjects -to give gratuitously, and _a fortiori_ to sell at a lower price, a -portion of their property to those in need. The monarch, say they, -might, without any doubt, render property common, as it was before the -establishment of social rights; he may consequently take it from one of -his subjects and give it to another. - -"It is certainly said in the laws of the kings of Israel, that he who -should be chosen by God might seize upon the vineyards and property of -his subjects, to confer them on his own servants; but the doctors do -not support their arguments on this text. In fact, as we have said in -chapter 16th, book i., the question does not concern the rights of a -good prince, but the tyrannical acts of a bad one. Now, a careful study -of the Scriptures will shew, that this passage must be favourable to -one or other of the two opinions; for, if it were intended to establish -that kings would possess in conscience the authority set forth in this -passage, they would certainly have the right of seizing the property of -one of their subjects to give it to another. If this passage is merely -meant as a declaration of the injustices, of the extortions, and the -tyrannies of wicked monarchs, it is no less certain that in Scripture -the deed is considered unjust; for this deed is alleged as an example -of what tyrants would do; now if it had been permitted to a good -king, it would not have been quoted as an example of tyranny, as the -Scriptures suppose it. - -"Thus, this text alone, even were there no other in support of this -doctrine, would satisfy me, that kings cannot lawfully compel their -subjects to relinquish their property for less than its value, not even -under pretext of the public good. In fact, were this pretext valid, it -would not have been difficult for the kings of Israel to find an excuse -for their tyranny; they might have alleged, that it was important to -the public good to reward servants whose fidelity was so advantageous -to the interests of the kingdom. Further, King Achab might have urged, -that the amusements of the prince formed a part of the public good, -since the people are so much interested in the health of the prince; -and under this pretext might have deprived Naboth of his vineyard in -order to enlarge his gardens. We find, however, that this pretext did -not justify him in compelling Naboth even to sell his vineyard; the -king, although grieved, was not offended by this man's refusal, neither -was it his intention to seize the vineyard, had not the impious Jezabel -furnished him with the means of doing so. - -"Reason is evidently in favour of this opinion. Kings are the ministers -of justice, and have been appointed to administer and uphold justice -among the people. As St. Thomas teaches, the contract in buying and -selling is only just in proportion as the price is equivalent to the -thing purchased. Public, it is true, should be preferred to individual -interest; in case, therefore, that a State is in danger of dissolution, -the monarch might demand property at a less price, or even for nothing, -just as he might compel the citizen to expose his life, which is of -still greater value, in defending the common cause in a just war. This -case, however, as P. Molina observes, is impossible, since the monarch -would always be able to indemnify the individual for the loss he -sustained, by levying for this purpose a general tax, a just tribute, -and one that the State would be bound to pay. To prove this still more -clearly, let us imagine the most urgent case possible; let us suppose -that the king is besieged in his capital by a tyrant; the tyrant is -about to enter sword and torch in hand; he offers to raise the siege on -condition of receiving a statue of gold of great value, formerly the -property of his ancestors, which a subject of the besieged king, the -commander-in-chief of his armies, had taken in the plunder of a town, -and made the inalienable property of the eldest son of his family. To -render the case still more pressing, let us suppose that the tyrant has -a dearly-cherished relation in the service of the besieged king, and -that he will be satisfied if a rich lord of the kingdom, possessing -a great number of estates, be despoiled, and his property conferred -on his relation. It cannot be doubted that, in order to purchase the -lives of all, this arrangement might be entered into; and that the king -would be justified in acceding to the demand, in taking the statue, or -even the whole of this property, to confer it on the tyrant's relation. -But no one will assert that the lord should suffer the whole loss. The -State would be under the obligation of indemnifying him for the loss, -by taking upon itself the indemnification, the lord merely contributing -his quota; for this reason, that it would be opposed to natural justice -for the burdens of the whole body to fall upon a single member, which -would be the case according to the law proposed by the opponents. If, -in a case of shipwreck, all the cargo were thrown overboard to save the -ship and the lives and fortunes of all, the obligation being common -to all, it would not be just that it should fall exclusively upon the -owners; because the cargo could best be thrown overboard and most -endangered the ship's safety: the loss should be borne by all, even -by those who had with them things only of little weight, as jewels or -diamonds, for instance; since neither these latter proprietors nor -the vessel herself could be saved without lightening her by throwing -overboard the heavier portion of the cargo. - -"The law decrees also that the owner of the vessel shall pay his quota. -Not that he is obliged to indemnify the owners of the merchandise -lost, because he sees them in need; it may be supposed, indeed, that -these parties are rich, and, although their present loss is extreme, -they will nevertheless be under the obligation of returning what would -then have been lent to them; for, as the doctors decide, there is no -obligation of giving to the rich man when he suffers a heavy loss, when -a loan will answer the same end. But it is said that the obligation of -the master of a ship is founded on the fact, that all the passengers -and the proprietors being interested in saving their lives and their -property, the risk and the loss of what was thrown overboard ought to -fall on all, and not exclusively on the owners of what was lost. As a -proof that this is the correct interpretation, it will be sufficient to -notice the summary of the title, and the very words of the law, which -are: _Eo quod id tributum servatæ mercedes deberent_. - -"But, except in this case, or in others equally pressing, if the ruin -of the State would not result from the mere fact of an individual -refusing to yield up his house to the prince, the latter could not -compel the proprietor to give it up for a less price than its just -value, and still less for nothing; for so long as the persons and -the property of the State are safe, it is of no importance to the -body corporate whether such or such persons are rich or poor; no -one, in fact, in the general community possesses a fixed degree from -which he can neither descend nor rise. This instability observable -among the members of the same State, some losing what others gain, -and _vice versâ_, is inseparable from the state of society, such is -the instability of temporal affairs; and the public good, generally -speaking, neither loses nor gains by it." - - -NOTE 39, p. 382. - -Some persons imagine, that in speaking of the loss of liberty in Spain, -the question may be readily reduced to one point of view, as if the -kingdom had always possessed the unity which it only acquired in the -eighteenth century, and only then in an incomplete manner. A perusal -of history, and especially of the codes of the different provinces of -which the monarchy was composed, will convince us that the central -power has been created and fortified among us very slowly; and that -at the time when this difficult task was nearly accomplished in -Castile, much still remained to be done in Aragon and Catalonia. Our -constitutions, our customs, our manners, in the seventeenth century, -evidently prove that the monarchy of Philip II., such as we conceive -it, strong and irresistible, was not yet established in the crown of -Aragon. I will abstain from adducing here documents and quoting facts -with which every one is acquainted; the dimensions of this volume -require me to be brief. - - -NOTE 40, p. 388. - -The immortal work of Count de Maistre, in which he so ably refutes -the calumnies of the enemies of the Apostolic See, is well known. -Among so many and such profound observations, there is one deserving -of particular attention: that on the moderation of the Popes in -every thing relating to the extension of their dominions, when he -points out the difference between the Roman and the other European -Courts. "It is," says he, "a very remarkable circumstance, but either -disregarded or not sufficiently attended to, that the Popes have -never taken advantage of the great power in their possession for the -aggrandisement of their States. What could have been more natural, for -instance, or more tempting to human nature, than to reserve a portion -of the provinces conquered from the Saracens, and which they gave up -to the first occupant, to repel the Turkish ascendency, always on the -increase? But this, however, they never did, not even with regard to -the adjacent countries, as in the instance of the Two Sicilies, to -which they had incontestable rights, at least according to the ideas -then prevailing, and over which they were nevertheless contented with -an empty sovereignty, which soon ended in the _haquenée_, a slight -tribute, and merely nominal, which the bad taste of the age still -disputes with them. - -"The Popes may have made too much, at the time, of this universal -sovereignty, which an opinion equally universal allowed them. They may -have exacted homage; may indeed, if you will, have too arbitrarily -imposed taxes. I do not wish to enter into these points here, but it -still remains certain that they have never sought to increase their -dominions at the expense of justice, whilst all other governments -fell under this anathema; and, at the present time even, with all -our philosophy, our civilization, and our fine books, there is not -perhaps one of the European powers in a condition to justify all its -possessions before God and reason." (_Du Pape_, book ii. chap. 6.) - - -NOTE 41, p. 350. - -I will here insert some passages in which St. Anselm explains the -motives that induced him to write, and the method which he intended to -follow in his writings. - - - _Præfatio beati Anselmi Episcopi Cantuariensis in Monologuium._ - -Quidam fratres sæpe me studioseque precati sunt, ut quædam de illis, -quæ de meditanda divinitatis essentia, et quibusdam aliis hujus -meditationi cohærentibus, usitato sermone colloquendo protuleram, -sub quodam eis meditationis exemplo describerem. Cujus scilicet -scribendæ meditationis magis secundum suam voluntatem quam secundum rei -facilitatem aut meam possibilitatem hanc mihi formam præstituerunt: -quatenus auctoritate scripturæ penitus nihil in ea persuaderetur. -Sed quidquid per singulas investigationes finis assereret, id ita -esse plano stylo et vulgaribus argumentis simplicique disputatione, -et rationis necessitas breviter cogeret, et veritatis claritas -patenter ostenderet. Voluerunt etiam ut nec simplicibus peneque fatuis -objectionibus mihi occurrentibus obviare contemnerem, quod quidem diu -tentare recusavi, atque me cum re ipsa comparans, multis me rationibus -excusare tentavi. Quanto enim id quod petebant, usu sibi optabant -facilius: tanto mihi illud actu injungebant difficilius. Tandem -tamen victus, tum precum modesta importunitate, tum studii eorum non -contemnenda honestate, invitus quidem propter rei difficultatem, et -ingenii mei imbecillitatem, quod precabantur incæpi, sed libenter -propter eorum caritatem, quantum potui secundum ipsorum definitionem -effeci. Ad quod cum ea spe sim adductus, ut quidquid facerem illis -solis a quibus exigebatur, esset notum, et paulo post idipsum ut vilem -rem fastidientibus, contemptu esset obruendum, scio enim me in eo non -tam precantibus satisfacere potuisse, quam precibus me prosequentibus -finem posuisse. Nescio tamen quomodo sic præter spem evenit, ut non -solum prædicti fratres sed et plures alii scripturam ipsam, quisque -eam sibi transcribendo in longum memoriæ commendare satagerent, quam -ego sæpe tractans nihil potui invenire me in ea dixisse, quod non -catholicorum patrum, et maxime beati Augustini scriptis cohæreat. - - - Idem. _Quod hoc licet inexplicabile sit, tamen credendum sit._ (Cap. - lxii.) - -Videtur mihi hujus tam sublimis rei secretum transcendere omnem -intellectus aciem humani: et idcirco conatum explicandi qualiter -hoc sit, continendum puto. Sufficere namque debere existimo rem -incomprehensibilem indaganti si ad hoc rationando pervenerit, ut eam -certissime esse cognoscat, etiamsi penetrare nequeat intellectu quomodo -ita sit, nec idcirco minus his adhibendam fidei certitudinem, quæ -probationibus necessariis nulla alia repugnante ratione asseruntur, -si suæ naturalis altitudinis incomprehensibilitate explicari non -patiantur. Quid autem tam incomprehensibile, quam id quod supra -omnia est? Quapropter si ea quæ de sua essentia hactenus disputata -sunt necessariis rationibus sunt asserta, quamvis sic intellectu -penetrari non possint ut quæ verbis valeant explicari: nullatenus -tamen certitudinis eorum nutat soliditas. Nam si superior consideratio -rationabiliter comprehendit incomprehensibile esse, quomodo eadem summa -sapientia sciat ea quæ fecit de quibus tam multa non scire necesse est; -quis explicet quomodo sciat aut dicat se ipsam, de qua aut nihil, aut -vix aliquid homini sciri possibile est? - -Incipit proœmium in Prosologuion librum Anselmi, Abbatis Beccensis, et -Archiepiscopi Cantuariensis. - -Postquam opusculum quoddam velut exemplum meditandi de ratione fidei, -cogentibus me precibus quorumdam fratrum in persona alicujus tacite -secum ratiocinando quæ nesciat investigantis edidi, considerans illud -esse multorum concathenatione contextum argumentorum, cœpi mecum -quærere: si forte posset invenire unum argumentum, quod nullo alio -ad se probandum, quam se solo indigeret, et solum ad astruendum quia -Deus vere est; et quia est summum bonum nullo alio indigens, et quo -omnia indigent ut sint et bene sint, et quæcumque credimus de divina -substantia sufficeret. Ad quod cum sæpe studioseque cogitationes -converterem, atque aliquando mihi videretur jam capi posse quod -quærebam, aliquando mentis aciem omnino fugeret: tandem desperans volui -cessare, velut ab inquisitione rei quam inveniri esset impossibile. -Sed cum illam cogitationem, ne mentem meam frustra occupando ab aliis -in quibus proficere possem impediret, penitus a me vellem excludere, -tunc magis ac magis nolenti et defendenti, se cœpit cum importunitate -quadam ingerere. Quadam igitur die cum vehementer ejus importunitati -resistendo fatigarer, in ipso cogitationum conflictu sic se obtulit -quod desperabam, ut studiose cogitationem amplecterer, quam sollicitus -repellebam. Æstimans igitur quod me gaudebam invenisse, si scriptum -esset alicui, legenti placiturum. De hoc ipso et quibusdam aliis -sub persona conantis erigere mentem suam ad contemplandum Deum, -et quærentis intelligere quod credit, subditum scripsi opusculum. -Et quoniam nec istud nec illud cujus supra memini, dignum libri -nomine, aut cui auctoris præponeretur nomen judicabam: nec tamen sine -aliquo titulo, quo aliquem in cujus manus venirent, quodammodo ad -se legendum invitarent, dimittenda putabam, unicuique dedi titulum: -ut prius exemplum meditandi de ratione fidei, et sequens fides -quærens intellectum diceretur. Sed cum jam a pluribus et his titulis -utrumque transumptum esset, coegerunt me plures et maxime reverendus -Archiepiscopus Lugdunensis Hugo nomine, fungens in Gallia legatione -apostolica, prœcepit auctoritate, ut nomen meum illis præscriberem. -Quod ut aptius fieret illud quidem Monologuium, id est Soliloquium, -istud vero Prosologuion, id est Alloquium nominavi. - - * * * * * - -I have said that St. Anselm excelled Descartes in his manner of proving -the existence of God: let the reader, indeed, peruse the following -passages. I do not, however, intend to pronounce an opinion on the -merits of this demonstration; my business is, to notice the progress of -the human mind, and not to resolve philosophical questions. - - -PROSOLOGUIUM D. ANSELMI. - - _Quod Deus non possit cogitari non esse._ - -Quod utique sic vere est, ut nec cogitari possit non esse. Nam potest -cogitari esse aliquid, quod non possit cogitari non esse, quod majus -est quam quod non esse cogitari potest. Quare si id, quo majus nequit -cogitari, potest cogitari non esse: id ipsum, quo majus cogitari -nequit, non est id quo majus cogitari nequit; quod convenire non -potest. Sic ergo vere est aliquid, quo majus cogitari non potest, -ut nec cogitari possit non esse. Et hoc es tu, Domine Deus noster. -Sic ergo vere es, Domine Deus meus, ut nec cogitari possis non esse. -Et merito. Si enim aliqua mens posset cogitare aliquid melius te, -ascenderet creatura super Creatorem; et judicaret de Creatore, quod -valde est absurdum. Et quidem quidquid est aliud præter solum te, -potest cogitari non esse. Solus igitur verissime omnium, et ideo maxime -omnium habes esse, quia quidquid aliud est non sic vere est, et idcirco -minus habet esse. Cur itaque, _dixit insipiens in corde suo non est -Deus?_ Cum causa in promptu sit rationali menti, te maxime omnium esse? -Cur, nisi stultus et insipiens? - - - _Quomodo insipiens dixit in corde suo quod cogitari non potest._ (Cap. - iv.) - -Verum quomodo dixit insipiens in corde suo quod cogitare non potuit, -aut quomodo cogitare non potuit quod dixit in corde, cum idem sit -dicere in corde, et cogitare. Quod si vere, imo quia vere, et -cogitavit: quia dixit in corde et non dixit in corde, quia cogitare non -potuit; non uno tantum modo dicitur aliquid in corde vel cogitatur. -Aliter enim cogitatur res, cum vox eam significans cogitatur: aliter -cum idipsum, quod res est, intelligitur. Illo itaque modo, potest -cogitari Deus non esse: isto vero, minime. Nullus quippe intelligens id -quod Deus est, potest cogitare quia Deus non est; licet hæc verba dicat -in corde, aut sine ulla, aut cum aliqua extranea significatione. Deus -enim, est id quo majus cogitari non potest. Quod qui bene intelligit, -utique intelligit id ipsum sic esse, ut nec cogitatione queat non -esse. Qui ergo intelligit sic esse Deum, nequit eum non esse cogitare. -Gratias tibi, bone Domine, gratias tibi, quia quod prius credidi te -donante, jam sic intelligo te illuminante; ut si te esse nolim credere, -non possim non intelligere. - - - _Ejusdem beati Anselmi liber pro insipiente incipit._ - -Dubitanti, utrum sit; vel neganti quod sit aliqua talis natura, qua -nihil majus cogitari possit; tamen esse illam, huic dicitur primo -probari; quod ipse negans vel ambigens de illa, jam habeat eam in -intellectu, cum audiens illam dici, id quod dicitur intelligit: deinde, -quia quod intelligit necesse est, ut non in solo intellectu, sed etiam -in re sit. Et hoc ita probatur; quia majus est esse in intellectu et in -re, quam in solo intellectu. Et si illud in solo est intellectu, majus -illo erit quidquid etiam fuerit in re, at si majus omnibus, minus erit -aliquo, et non erit majus omnibus quod utique repugnat. Et ideo necesse -est ut, majus omnibus, quod est jam probatum esse in intellectu, et -in re sit; quoniam aliter majus omnibus esse non poterit. Responderi -potest, quod hoc jam esse dicitur in intellectu meo, non ob aliud, nisi -quia id quod dicitur intelligo. - - * * * * * - -The passages I have just quoted will have shewn to my readers that -thought was not oppressed in the Catholic Church. The most eminent -doctors were accustomed to reason on the most important subjects -with a just and reasonable independence; and although with profound -respect for the teaching of the Catholic Church, they nevertheless -surveyed, as well as Abelard and better, the field of true philosophy. -We cannot expect from human intelligence at this epoch more than is -to be found in St. Anselm. How is it, therefore, that such eulogiums -have been passed upon Roscelin and Abelard, without ever mentioning -this holy doctor? Why present a picture of the intellectual movement so -incomplete, and not insert in it so noble and beautiful a figure? - -If you would know how incorrect it is that Abelard, as M. Guizot -affirms, abstained from attacking the doctrines of the Church--how -incorrect M. Guizot is in his statement of the causes which excited the -zeal of the pastors of the Church against Abelard, read the letter of -the Bishops of Gaul to Pope Innocent, in which you will find a complete -recital of the origin and cause of this important affair. Here is the -letter: - - -EPISTOLA CCCLXX. - - _Reverendissimo Patri et Domino, INNOCENTIO, Dei gratia summo - Pontifici, Henricus Senonensium Archiepiscopus, Carnotensis Episcopus, - Sanctæ Sedis Apostolicæ famulus, Aurelianensis, Antissiodorensis, - Trecensis, Meldensis Episcopi, devotas orationes et debitam - obedientiam._ - -Nulli dubium est quod ea quæ Apostolica firmantur auctoritate, rata -semper existunt; nec alicujus possunt deinceps mutilari cavillatione, -vel invidia depravari. Ea propter ad vestram Apostolicam Sedem, -Beatissime Pater, referre dignum censuimus quædam quæ nuper in -nostra contigit tractari præsentia. Quæ quoniam et nobis, et multis -religiosis ac sapientibus viris rationabiliter acta visa sunt, vestræ -serenitatis expectant comprobari judicio, simul et auctoritate perpetuo -roborari. Itaque cum per totam fere Galliam in civitatibus, vicis, et -castellis, a Scholaribus non solum intra Scholas, sed etiam triviatim: -nec a litteratis, aut provectis tantum, sed a pueris et simplicibus, -aut certe stultis, de Sancta Trinitate, quæ Deus est, disputaretur: -insuper alia multa ab eisdem, absona prorsus et absurda, et plane fidei -catholicæ, sanctorumque Patrum auctoritatibus obviantia proferrentur; -cumque ab his qui sane sentiebant, et eas ineptias rejiciendas esse -censebant, sæpius admoniti corriperentur, vehementius convalescebant, -et auctoritate magistri sui Petri Abailardi, et cujusdam ipsius libri, -cui _Theologiæ_ indiderat nomen; nec non et aliorum ejusdem opusculorum -freti ad astruendas profanas adinventiones illas, non sine multarum -animarum dispendio, sese magis ac magis armabant. Quæ enim et nos, et -alios plures non parum moverant ac læserant; inde tamen quæstionem -facere verebantur. - -Verum Dominus Abbas Claræ-vallis, his a diversis et sæpius auditis, -immo certe in prætaxato magistri Petri _Theologiæ_ libro, nec non et -aliis ejusdem libris, in quorum forte lectionem inciderat, diligenter -inspectis; secreto prius; ac deinde secum duobus aut tribus adhibitis -testibus, juxta Evangelicum præceptum, hominem convenit: Et ut -auditores suos a talibus compesceret, librosque suos corrigeret, -amicabiliter satis ac familiariter illum admonuit. Plures etiam -Scholarium adhortatus est, ut et libros venenis plenos repudiarent -et rejicerent: et a doctrina, quæ fidem lædebat Catholicam, caverent -et abstinerent. Quod magister Petrus minus patienter et nimium ægre -ferens, crebro nos pulsare cœpit, nec ante voluit desistere, quoad -Dominum Clara-vellensem Abbatem super hoc scribentes, assignato die, -scilicet octavo Pentecostes, Senonis ante nostram submonuimus venire -præsentiam: quo se vocabat et offerebat paratum magister Petrus ad -probandas et defendendas de quibus illum Dominus Abbas Clara-vallensis, -quomodo prætaxatum est, reprehenderat sententias. Cæterum Dominus -Abbas, nec ad assignatum diem se venturum, nec contra Petrum sese -disceptaturum nobis remandavit. Sed quia magister Petrus interim suos -nihilominus cœpit undequaque convocare discipulos; et obsecrare, ut ad -futuram inter se, Dominumque Abbatem Clara-vallensem disputationem, -una cum illo suam sententiam simul et scientiam defensuri venirent; Et -hoc Dominum Clara-vallensem minime lateret; veritus ipse, ne propter -occasionem absentiæ suæ tot profanæ, non sententiæ sed insaniæ, tam -apud minus intelligentes, quam earumdem defensores majore dignæ -viderentur auctoritate, prædicto quem sibi designaveramus die, licet -eum minime suscepisset, tactus zelo pii fervoris, imo certe Sancti -Spiritus igne succensus, sese nobis ultro Senonis præsentavit. Illa -vero die, scilicet octava Pentecostes, convenerant ad nos Senonis -Fratres et Suffraganei nostri Episcopi, ob honorem et reverentiam -sanctarum, quas in Ecclesia nostra populo revelaturos nos indixeramus, -Reliquiarum. - -Itaque præsente glorioso Rege Francorum Ludovico cum Wilhelmo religioso -Nivernis Comite, Domino quoque Rhemensi Archiepiscopo, cum quibusdam -suis suffraganeis Episcopis nobis etiam, et suffraganeis nostris, -exceptis Parisiis et Nivernis, Episcopis præsentibus, cum multis -religiosis Abbatibus et sapientibus, valdeque litteratis clericis -adfuit Dominus Abbas Clara-vallensis; adfuit magister Petrus cum -fautoribus suis. Quid multa? Dominus Abbas cum librum Theologiæ -magistri Petri proferret in medium, et quæ annotaverat absurda, imo -hæretica plane capitula de libro eodem proponeret, ut ea magister -Petrus vel a se scripta negaret, vel si sua fateretur, aut probaret, -aut corrigeret: visus est diffidere magister Petrus Abailardus, et -subterfugere, respondere noluit, sed quamvis libera sibi daretur -audientia, tutumque locum, et æquos haberet judices, ad vestram tamen, -sanctissime Pater, appellans præsentiam, cum suis a conventu discessit. - -Nos autem licet appellatio ista, minus Canonica videretur, Sedi tamen -Apostolicæ deferentes, in personam hominis nullam voluimus proferre -sententiam: Cæterum sententias pravi dogmatis ipsius, quia multo -infecerant, et sui contagione adusque cordium intima penetraverant, -sæpe in audientia publica lectas et relectas, et tam verissimis -rationibus, quam Beati Augustini, aliorumque Sanctorum Patrum inductis -a Domino Clara-vallensi auctoritatibus, non solum falsas, sed et -hæreticas esse evidentissime comprobatas, pridie ante factam ad vos -appellationem damnavimus. Et quia multos in errorem perniciosissimum -et plane damnabilem pertrahunt, eas auctoritate vestra, dilectissime -Domine, perpetua damnatione notari; et omnes qui pervicaciter et -contentiose illas defenderint, a vobis, æquissime Pater, juxta pœna -mulctari unanimiter et multa precum instantia postulamus. - -Sæpe dicto vero Petro, si Reverentia vestra silentium imponeret, et tam -legendi, quam scribendi prorsus interrumperet facultatem, et libros -ejus perverso sine dubio dogmate respersos condemnaret, avulsis spinis -et tribulis ab Ecclesia Dei, prevaleret adhuc læta Christi seges -succrescere, florere, fructificare. Quædam autem de condemnatis a nobis -capitulis vobis, Reverende Pater, conscripta transmisimus, ut per hæc -audita reliqui corpus operis facilius æstimetis. - -Observe how St Bernard explains the system and errors of the celebrated -Abelard. In chapter 1 of the treatise which he wrote, _De erroribus -Petri Abailardi_, he says: - -"Habemus in Francia novum de veteri magistro Theologum, qui ab ineunte -ætate sua in arte dialectica lusit; et nunc in scripturis sanctis -insanit. Olim damnata et sopita dogmata, tam sua videlicet quam aliena -suscitare conatur, insuper et nova addit. Qui dum omnium quæ sunt cœlo -sursum, et quæ in terra deorsum, nihil præter solum Nescio nescire -dignatur; ponit in cœlum os suum, et scrutatur alta Dei, rediensque -ad nos refert verba ineffabilia, quæ non licet homini loqui. Et -dum paratus est de omnibus reddere rationem, etiam quæ sunt supra -rationem, et contra rationem præsumit, et contra fidem. Quid enim magis -contra rationem, quam ratione rationem conari transcendere? Et quid -magis contra fidem; quam credere nolle, quidquid non possit ratione -attingere?" - -In chapter 4, he sums up, in a few words, the aberrations of the -dialectician: - -"Sed advertite cætera. Omitto quod dicit spiritum timoris Domini -non fuisse in Domino: timorem Domini castum in future seculo non -futurum: post consecrationem panis et calicis priora accidentia quæ -remanent pendere in aere: dæmonum in nobis suggestiones contactu -fieri lapidum et herbarum, prout illorum sagax malitia novit; harum -rerum vires diversas, diversis incitandis et incendendis vitiis, -convenire: Spiritum Sanctum esse animam mundi: mundum juxta Platonem -tanto excellentius animal esse, quanto meliorem animam habet Spiritum -Sanctum. Ubi dum multum sudat quomodo Platonem faciat Christianum, se -probat ethnicum. Hæc inquam omnia, aliasque istiusmodi nænias ejus -non paucas prætereo, venio ad graviora. Non quod vel ad ipsa cuncta -respondeam, magnis enim opus voluminibus esset. Illa loquor quæ tacere -non possum. - -"Cum de Trinitate loquitur," says he in his letter 192, "sapit Arium, -cum de Gratia sapit Pelagium, cum de persona Christi sapit Nestorium." - -Pope Innocent, condemning the doctrines of Abelard, says: "In Petri -Abailardi perniciosa doctrina, et prædictorum hæreses, et alia perversa -dogmata catholicæ fidei obviantia pullulare cœperunt." - - - - -APPENDIX. - - -NOTE (a), p. 289. - -Quod necesse est homines simul viventes ab aliquo diligenter regi. - -Et siquidem homini conveniret singulariter vivere, sicut multis -animalium, nullo alio dirigente indigeret ad finem, sed ipse sibi -unusquisque esset rex sub Deo summo rege, in quantum per lumen rationis -divinitus datum sibi, in suis actibus seipsum dirigeret. Naturale -autem est homini ut sit animal sociale, et politicum, in multitudine -vivens, magis etiam quam omnia alia animalia; quod quidem naturalis -necessitas declarat. Aliis enim animalibus natura præparavit cibum, -tegumenta pilorum, defensionem, ut dentes, cornua, ungues, vel saltem -velocitatem ad fugam. Homo autem institutus est nullo horum sibi a -natura præparato, sed loco omnium data est ei ratio, per quam sibi hæc -omnia officio manuum posset præparare, ad quæ omnia præparanda unus -homo non sufficit. Nam unus homo per se sufficienter vitam transigere -non posset. Est igitur homini naturale, quod in societate multorum -vivat. Amplius, aliis animalibus insita est naturalis industria ad -omnia ea quæ sunt eis utilia vel nociva, sicut ovis naturaliter extimet -lupum inimicum. Quædam etiam animalia ex naturali industria cognoscunt -aliquas herbas medicinales, et alia eorum vitæ necessaria. Homo autem -horum, quæ sunt suæ vitæ necessaria, naturalem cognitionem habet solum -in communi, quasi eo per rationem valente ex universalibus principiis -ad cognitionem singulorum, quæ necessaria sunt humanæ vitæ, pervenire. -Non est autem possibile, quod unus homo ad omnia hujusmodi per suam -rationem pertingat. Est igitur necessarium homini, quod in multitudine -vivat, et unus ab alio adjuvetur, et diversi diversis inveniendis -per rationem occuparentur, puta, unus in medicina, alius in hoc, -alius in alio. Hoc etiam evidentissime declaratur per hoc, quod est -proprium hominis locutione uti, per quam unus homo aliis suum conceptum -totaliter potest exprimere. Alia quidem animalia exprimunt mutuo -passiones suas, in communi, ut canis in latratu iram, et alia animalia -passiones suas diversis modis. Magis igitur homo est communicativus -alteri, quam quodcumque aliud animal, quod gregale videtur, ut grus, -formica, et apis. Hoc ergo considerans Salomon in Ecclesiaste ait: -"Melius est esse duos, quam unum. Habent enim emolumentum mutuæ -societatis." Si ergo naturale est homini quod in societate multorum -vivat, necesse est in hominibus esse, per quod multitudo regatur. -Multis enim existentibus hominibus et uno quoque id quod est sibi -congruum providente, multitudo in diversa dispergeretur, nisi etiam -esset aliquis de eo quod ad bonum multitudinis pertinet, curam habens, -sicut et corpus hominis, et cujuslibet animalis deflueret, nisi esset -aliqua vis regitiva communis in corpore, quæ ad bonum commune omnium -membrorum intenderet. Quod considerans Salomon dicit: "Ubi non est -gubernator, dissipabitur populus." Hoc autem rationabiliter accidit: -non enim idem est quod proprium, et quod commune. Secundum propria -quidem differunt, secundum autem commune uniuntur: diversorum autem -diversæ sunt causæ. Oportet igitur præter id quod movet ad proprium -bonum uniuscujusque, esse aliquid, quod movet ad bonum commune -multorum. Propter quod et in omnibus quæ in unum ordinantur, aliquid -invenitur alterius regitivum. In universitate enim corporum, per primum -corpus, scilicet celeste, alia corpora ordine quodam divinæ providentiæ -reguntur, omniaque corpora, per creaturam rationalem. In uno etiam -homine anima regit corpus, atque inter animæ partes irascibilis et -concupiscibilis ratione reguntur. Itemque inter membra corporis unum -est principale, quod omnia movet, ut cor, aut caput. Oportet igitur -esse in omni multitudine aliquod regitivum. (D. Th., Opusc. de Regimine -Principum, l. i. cap. 1.) - - -NOTE (b), p. 290. - -Ubi considerandum est, quod dominium, vel prælatio introducta sunt -ex jure humano: distinctio autem fidelium et infidelium est ex jure -divino. Jus autem divinum quod est ex gratia, non tollit jus humanum -quod est ex naturali ratione; ideo distinctio fidelium et infidelium -secundum se considerata, non tollit dominium, et prælationem infidelium -supra fideles. (2. 2. quest. 10, art. 10.) - - -NOTE (c), p. 290. - -Respondeo dicendum quod sicut supra dictum est (quest. 10, art. 10), -infidelitas secundum se ipsam non repugnat dominio, eo quod dominium -introductum est de jure gentium, quod est jus humanum. Distinctio autem -fidelium et infidelium est secundum jus divinum, per quod non tollitur -jus humanum. (2. 2. quest. 12, art. 2.) - - -NOTE (d), p. 290. - -Respondeo dicendum quod sicut actiones rerum naturalium procedunt ex -potentiis naturalibus: ita etiam operationes humanæ procedunt ex humana -voluntate. Oportuit autem in rebus naturalibus, ut superiora moverent -inferiora ad suas actiones per excellentiam naturalis virtutis collatæ -divinitus. Unde et oportet in rebus humanis, quod superiores moveant -inferiores per suam voluntatem ex vi auctoritatis divinitus ordinatæ. -Movere autem per rationem et voluntatem est præcipere; et ideo sicut ex -ipso ordine naturali divinitus instituto inferiora in rebus naturalibus -necesse habent subjici motioni superiorum, ita etiam in rebus humanis -ex ordine juris naturalis et divini, tenentur inferiores suis -superioribus obedire. (2. 2. quest. 105, art. 1.) - - -NOTE (e), p. 291. - -Obedire autem superiori debitum est secundum divinum ordinem rebus -inditum ut ostensum est. (2. 2. quest. 104, art. 2.) - - -NOTE (f), p. 291. - -Respondeo dicendum quod fides Christi est justitiæ principium, et -causa, secundum illud Rom. iii. "Justitia Dei per fidem Jesu Christi;" -et ideo per fidem Christi non tollitur ordo justitiæ sed magis -firmatur. Ordo autem justitiæ requirit, ut inferiores suis superioribus -obediant: aliter enim non posset humanarum rerum status conservari. -Et ideo per fidem Christi non excusantur fideles, quin principibus -secularibus obedire teneantur. (2. 2. quest. 105, art. 6.) - - -NOTE (g), p. 291. - -Certum est politicam potestatem a Deo esse a quo non nisi res bonæ et -licitæ procedunt, et quod probat Aug. in toto fere 4 et 5 libr. de -Civit. Dei. Nam sapientia Dei clamat, Proverb. viii.: Per me reges -regnant; et infra: Per me principes imperant. Et Daniel ii.: Deus cœli -regnum et imperium dedit tibi, &c.; et Daniel iv.: Cum bestiis ferisque -erit habitatio tua, et fenum, ut bos comedes, et rore cœli infunderis: -septem quoque tempora mutabuntur super te, donec scias quod dominetur -Excelsus super regnum hominum, et cuicumque voluerit, det illud. (Bell. -de Laicis, l. iii. c. 6.) - - -NOTE (h), p. 291. - -Sed hic observanda sunt aliqua. Primo politicam potestatem in -universum consideratam, non descendendo in particulari ad monarchiam, -aristocratiam, vel democratiam immediate esse a solo Deo; nam -consequitur necessario naturam hominis, proinde esse ab illo, qui fecit -naturam hominis; præterea hæc potestas est de jure naturæ, non enim -pendet ex consensu hominum, nam velint, nolint, debent regi ab aliquo, -nisi velint perire humanum genus, quod est contra naturæ inclinationem. -At jus naturæ est jus divinum, jure igitur divino introducta est -gubernatio, et hoc videtur proprie velle Apostolus, cum dicit Rom. -xiii: Qui potestati resistit, Dei ordinationi resistit. (Ib.) - - -NOTE (i), p. 292. - -Secundo nota, hanc potestatem immediate esse tanquam in subjecto, in -tota multitudine, nam hæc potestas est de jure divino. At jus divinum -nulli homini particulari dedit hanc potestatem, ergo dedit multitudini; -præterea sublato jure positivo, non est major ratio cur ex multis -æqualibus unus potius, quam alius dominetur: igitur potestas totius est -multitudinis. Denique humana societas debet esse perfecta respublica, -ergo debet habere potestatem se ipsam conservandi, et proinde puniendi -perturbatores pacis, &c. (Ib.) - -NOTE (k), p. 293. - -Tertio nota, hanc potestatem transferri a multitudine in unum vel -plures eodem jure naturæ: nam Respub. non potest per seipsam exercere -hanc potestatem, ergo tenetur eam transferre in aliquem unum vel -aliquos paucos; et hoc modo potestas principum in genere considerata, -est etiam de jure naturæ, et divino; nec posset genus humanum, etiamsi -totum simul conveniret, contrarium statuere, nimirum, ut nulli essent -principes vel rectores. (Ib.) - - -NOTE (l), p. 293. - -Quarto nota, in particulari singulas species regiminis esse de jure -gentium, non de jure naturæ; nam pendet a consensu multitudinis, -constituere super se regem vel consules, vel alios magistratus, ut -patet: et si causa legitima adsit, potest multitudo mutare regnum in -aristocratiam, aut democratiam, et e contrario ut Romæ factum legimus. - -Quinto nota, ex dictis sequi, hanc potestatem in particulari esse -quidem a Deo, sed mediante consilio, et electione humana, ut -alia omnia, quæ ad jus gentium pertinent, jus enim gentium est -quasi conclusio deducta ex jure naturæ per humanum discursum. Ex -quo colliguntur duæ differentiæ inter potestatem politicam, et -ecclesiasticam: una ex parte subjecti, nam politica est in multitudine, -ecclesiastica in uno homine tanquam in subjecto immediate; altera ex -parte efficientis, quod politica universe considerata est de jure -divino, in particulari considerata est de jure gentium; ecclesiastica -omnibus modis est de jure divino, et immediate a Deo. (Ib.) - - -NOTE (m), p. 294. - -In hac re communis sententia videtur esse, hanc potestatem dari -immediate a Deo ut auctore naturæ, ita ut homines quasi disponant -materiam et efficiant subjectum capax hujus potestatis; Deus autem -quasi tribuat formam dando hanc potestatem. Cita a Cajet. Covar. -Victor. y Soto. (De Leg. l. iii. c. 3.) - - -NOTE (n), p. 294. - -Secundo sequitur ex edictis, potestatem civilem, quoties in uno homine, -vel principe reperitur, legitimo, ac ordinario jure, a populo, et -communitate manasse, vel proxime vel remote, nec posse aliter haberi, -ut justa sit. (Ibid. cap. 4.) - - -NOTE (o), p. 294. - -Defensio Fidei Catholicæ et Apostolicæ adversus Anglicanæ sectæ -errores, cum responsione ad apologiam pro juramento fidelitatis et -præfationem monitoriam serenissimi Jacobi Angliæ Regis, Authore P. -D. Francisco Suario Gratanensi, e Societate Jesu, Sacræ Theologiæ in -celebri Conimbricensi Academia Primario Professore, ad serenissimos -totius Christiani orbis Catholicos Reges ac Principes. - -Lib. 3. De Primatu Summi Pontificis, cap. 2. Utrum Principatus -politicus sit immediate a Deo, seu ex divina institutione. - -..... In qua rex serenissimus non solum novo, et singulari modo opinatur, -sed etiam acriter invehitur in Cardinalem Bellarminum, eo quod -asseruerit, non regibus authoritatem a Deo _immediate_, perinde ac -pontificibus esse concessam. Asserit ergo ipse, regem non a populo, -sed _immediate_ a Deo suam potestatem habere; suam vero sententiam -quibusdam argumentis, et exemplis suadere conatur, quorum efficaciam in -sequenti capite expendemus. - -_Sed quamquam controversia hæc ad fidei dogmata directe non pertineat_ -(_nihil enim ex divina Scriptura, aut Patrum traditione in illa -definitum ostendi potest_), nihilominus diligenter tractanda, et -explicanda est. Tum quia potest esse occasio errandi in aliis -dogmatibus; tum etiam quia prædicta regis sententia, prout ab ipso -asseritur et intenditur, nova et singularis est, et ad exaggerandam -temporalem potestatem, et spiritualem extenuandam videtur inventa. Tum -denique quia sententiam illustrissimi Bellarmini _antiquam, receptam, -veram, ac necessariam esse censemus_. - - -NOTE (p), p. 295. - -R. P. Hermanni Busembaum Societatis Jesu Theologia Moralis, nunc -pluribus partibus aucta a R. P. D. Alphonso de Ligorio Rectore majore -congregationis SS. Redemptoris; adjuncta in calce operis, præter -indicem rerum, et verborum locupletissimum, perutili instructione ad -praxim confessariorium Latine reddita. - -Lib. 1, Tract. 2. De legibus, cap. 1. De natura, et obligatione legis. -Dub. 2. - -104. Certum est dari in hominibus potestatem ferendi leges; sed -potestas hæc quoad leges civiles a natura nemini competit, nisi -communitati hominum, et ab hac transfertur in unum, vel in plures, a -quibus communitas regatur. - - -NOTE (q), p. 295. - -Theologia Christiana Dogmatico-Moralis Auctore P. F. Daniele Concina -ordinis Prædicatorum. Editio novissima, tomus sextus, de Jure nat. et -gent., &c. Romæ, 1768. - -Lib. 1. De Jure natur. et gent., &c. Dissertatio 4, De leg. hum. C. 2. - -Summæ potestatis originem a Deo communiter arcessunt scriptores omnes. -Idque declaravit Salomon, Prov. viii. "Per me reges regnant, et legum -conditores justa decernunt." Et profecto quemadmodum inferiores -principes a summa majestate, ita summa majestas terrena a supremo Rege, -Dominoque dominantium pendeat necesse est. Illud in disputationem -vocant tum theologi, tum jurisconsulti, sit ne a Deo proxime, an tantum -remote hæc potestas summa? Immediate a Deo haberi contendunt plures, -quod ab hominibus neque conjunctim, neque sigillatim acceptis haberi -possit. Omnes enim patres familias æquales sunt, solaque œconomica -in propias familias potestate fruuntur. Ergo civilem politicamque -potestatem, qua ipsi carent, conferre aliis nequeunt. Tum si potestas -summa a communitate, tanquam a superiore, uni, aut pluribus collata -esset, revocari ad nutum ejusdem communitatis posset; cum superior pro -arbitrio retractare communicatam potestatem valeat; quod in magnum -societatis detrimentum recideret. - -Contra disputant alii, et _quidem probabilius ac verius_, advertentes -omnem quidem potestatem a Deo esse; sed addunt, non transferri in -particulares homines immediate, sed mediante societatis civilis -consensu. Quod hæc potestas sit immediate, non in aliquo singulari, -sed in tota hominum collectione, docet conceptis verbis S. Thomas -1. 2. qu. 90. art. 3 ad 2. et qu. 97. art. 3 ad 3 quem sequuntur -Dominicus Soto, lib. 1. qu. 1. art. 3. Ledesma 2. Part. qu. 18. art. -3. Covarruvias in pract. cap. 1. Ratio evidens est: quia omnes homines -nascuntur liberi, respectu civilis imperii; ergo nemo in alterum civili -potestate potitur. Neque ergo in singulis, neque in aliquo determinato -potestas hæc reperitur. Consequitur ergo in tota hominum collectione -eamdem extare. Quæ potestas non confertur a Deo per aliquam actionem -peculiarem a creatione distinctam; sed est veluti proprietas ipsam -rectam rationem consequens, quatenus recta ratio præscribit ut homines -in unum moraliter congregati, expresso aut tacito concensu modum -dirigendæ, conservandæ, propugnandæque societatis præscribant. - - -NOTE (r), p. 296. - -Hinc infertur, potestatem residentem in principe, rege, vel in -pluribus, aut optimatibus, aut plebeiis, ab ipsa communitate aut -proxime, aut remote proficisci. Nam potestas hæc a Deo immediate non -est. Id enim nobis constare peculiari revelatione deberet; quemadmodum -scimus, Saulem et Davidem electos a Deo fuisse. Ab ipsa ergo -communitate dimanet oportet. - -Falsam itaque reputamus opinionem illam quæ asserit, potestatem hanc -immediate et proxime a Deo conferri regi, principi, et cuique supremæ -potestati, excluso Reipublicæ tacito, aut expresso consensu. Quamquam -lis hæc verborum potius quam rei est. Nam potestas hæc a Deo auctore -naturæ est, quatenus disposuit, et ordinavit ut ipsa Respublica pro -societatis conservatione, et defensione, uni, aut pluribus supremam -regiminis potestatem conferret. Immo facta designatione imperantis, aut -imperantium, potestas hæc a Deo manare dicitur, quatenus jure naturali, -et divino tenetur, societas ipsa parere imperanti. Quoniam reipsa Deus -ordinavit ut per unum, aut per plures hominum societas regatur. Et -hac via omnia conciliantur placita: et oracula Scripturarum vero in -sensu exponuntur. Qui resistit potestati, Dei ordinationi resistit. Et -iterum: Non est potestas nisi a Deo: ad Rom. viii. Et Petrus Epist. 1, -cap. ii. Subjecti igitur estote omni humanæ creaturæ propter Deum: sive -Regi, &c. Item Joan. xix. Non haberes potestatem adversum me ullam, -nisi tibi datum esset desuper. Quæ, alia testimonia evincunt, omnia -a Deo, supremo rerum omnium moderatore, disponi, et ordinari. At non -propterea humana consilia, et operationes excluduntur; ut sapienter -interpretantur S. Augustinus tract. 6, in Joan. et lib. 22. cont. -Faustum, cap. 47, et S. Joannes Chrysostomus Hom. 23, in Epist. ad Rom. - - -NOTE (s), p. 296. - -Quinam possint ferre leges? Dico 1. Potestas legislativa competit -communitati vel illi, qui curam communitatis gerit. (Ibid. art. 3. 0.) - -Prob. 1. Ex Isidoro L. 5. Etymol. C. 10 et refertur C. Lex, Dist. 4. -ubi dicit: Lex est constitutio populi, secundum quam majores natu simul -cum plebibus aliquid sanxerunt. (Ibid. in art. 1. 0.) - -Prob. 1. Ratione. (Ibid. 0.) Illius est condere legem, cujus est -prospicere bono communi; quia, ut dictum est, leges feruntur propter -bonum commune: atqui est communis, vel illius, cui curam communitatis -habet, prospicere bono communi: sicut enim bonum particulare est -finis proportionatus agenti particulari, ita bonum commune est finis -proportionatus communitati, vel ejus vices gerenti; ergo. Confirmatur: -(Ibid. ad 2.) lex habet vim imperandi et coercendi; atqui nemo privatus -habet vim imperandi multitudini et eam coercendi, sed sola ipsa -multitudo, vel ejus Rector: Ergo. (Tract. de Legi. Art. 4.) - - -NOTE (t), p. 296. - -Dices: Superioris est imperare et coercere; atqui communitas non -est sibi superior: Ergo R. D. Min. Communitas, sub eodem respectu -considerata, non est sibi superior, C. Sub diverso respectu, N. Potest -itaque communitas considerari collective, per modum unius corporis -moralis, et sic considerata est superior sibi consideratæ distributive -in singulis membris. Item potest considerari vel ut gerit vices Dei, -a quo omnis potestas legislativa descendit, juxta illud Proverb. Per -me reges regnant, et legum conditores justa decernunt; vel ut est -gubernabilis in ordine ad bonum commune: primo modo considerata est -superior et legislativa; secundo modo considerata est inferior et legis -susceptiva. - - -NOTE (u), p. 297. - -Quod ut clarius percipiatur, observandum est hominem inter animalia -nasci maxime destitutum pluribus tum corporis cum animæ necessariis, -pro quibus indiget aliorum consortio et adjutorio, consequenter eum -ipsapte natura nasci animal sociale: societas autem quam natura, -naturalisve ratio dictat ipsi necessariam, diu subsistere non potest, -nisi aliqua publica potestate gubernetur; juxta illud Proverb. Ubi -non est gubernator, populus corruet. Ex quo sequitur, quod Deus, -qui dedit talem naturam, simul ei dederit potestatem gubernativam -et legislativam, qui enim dat formam, dat etiam ea, quæ hæc forma -necessario exigit. Verum, quia hæc potestas gubernativa et legislativa -non potest exerceri a tota multitudine; difficile namque foret, -omnes et singulos simul convenire toties quoties providendum est de -necessariis bono communi, et de legibus ferendis; ideo solet multitudo -transferre suum jus seu potestatem gubernativam, vel in aliquos de -populo ex omni conditione, et dicitur Democratia; vel in paucos -optimates, et dicitur Aristocratia; vel in unum tantum, sive pro se -solo, sive pro successoribus jure hæreditario, et dicitur Monarchia. Ex -quo sequitur, omnem potestatem esse a Deo, ut dicit Apost. Rom. xiii. -immediate quidem et jure naturæ in communitate, mediate autem tantum et -jure humano in Regibus et aliis Rectoribus: nisi Deus ipse immediate -aliquibus hanc potestatem conferat, ut contulit Moysi in populum -Israel, et Christus SS. Pontifici in totam Ecclesiam. - -_Hanc potestatem legislativam_ in Christianos, _maxime justos, non -agnoscunt, Lutherani et Calvinistæ, secuti in hoc Valdenses, Wicleffum, -et Joan. Hus damnatos in Conc. Constant. sess. 6. can. 15. Et quamvis -Joannes Hus eam agnosceret in principibus bonis, eam tamen denegabat -malis, pariter ideo damnatus in eodem Concil. sess. 8._ - - -NOTE (x), p. 297. - -Compendium Salmatic. authore R. P. F. R. Antonio a S. Joseph olim -Lectore, priore ac examinatore Synodali in suo collegio Burgensi, nunc -procuratore generali in Romana Curia pro Carmelitarum Discalceatorum -Hispanica Congregatione. Romæ, 1779. Superiorum permissu. Tractatus 3, -De Legibus, cap. 2. De potestate ferendi leges. - -Punctum 1. De potestate legislativa civili. - -Inq. 1. An detur in hominibus potestas condendi leges civiles? R. -Affirm. constat ex illo Prov. viii. Per me reges regnant, et legum -conditores justa decernunt. Idem patet ex Apost. ad Rom. xiii. et -tanquam de fide est definitum in Conc. Const. sess. 8, et ultima. -Prob. ration. quia ad conservationem boni communis requiritur publica -potestas, qua communitas gubernetur: nam ubi non est gubernator, -corruet populus, sed nequid gubernator communitatem nisi mediis legibus -gubernare: ergo certum est dari in hominibus potestatem condendi leges, -quibus populus possit gubernari. Ita D. Th. lib. i. de regim. princip. -c. 1 et 2. - -Inq. 2. An potestas legislativa civilis conveniat principi immediate a -Deo? R. omnes asserunt dictam potestatem habere principes a Deo. Verius -tamen dicitur, non _immediate_ sed _mediante_ populi consensu illam -eos a Deo recipere. Nam omnes homines sunt in natura æquales, nec unus -est superior, nec alius inferior ex natura, nulli enim dedit natura -supra alterum potestatem, sed hæc a Deo data est hominum communitati, -quæ judicans rectius fore gubernandum per unam vel per plures personas -determinatas, suam transtulit potestatem in unam, vel plures, a quibus -regeretur, ut ait D. Th. 1. 2. q. 90. a. 3. ad. 2. - -Ex hoc naturali principio oritur discrimen regiminis civilis. Nam si -Respublica transtulit omnem suam potestatem in unum solum, appellatur -Regimen Monarchicum; si illam contulit Optimatibus populi, nuncupatur -Regimen Aristocraticum; si vero populus, aut Respublica sibi retineat -talem potestatem, dicitur Regimen Democraticum. Habent igitur Principes -regendi potestatem a Deo, quia supposita electione a Republica facta, -Deus illam potestatem, quæ in communitate erat, Principi confert. -Unde ipse nomine Dei regit, et gubernat, et qui illi resistit, Dei -ordinationi resistit, ut dicit Apost. loco supra laudato. - - - - -INDEX. - - - Abbon, a monk--his poem on the siege of Paris, 241. - - Abelard, account of, 401; - error of M. Guizot with regard to him, 402; - document proving this, 486. - - Abuses, checked by the Church, 422. - - Adhemar, his chronicle, 241. - - Adon, Archbishop of Vienne--his work on universal history, 241. - - Adrian (Pope) protects the marriages of slaves, 113; - his doctrine on the right of slaves to marry, 113. - - Agde, Councils of, 103; - ibid. decree against those who refused to be reconciled, 176. - - Aix-la-Chapelle, Council of, enjoins bishops to found hospitals to - contain all the poor that their revenues can support, 188. - - Albigenses described, 252. - - Alphonsus (of Ligouri), on power of making laws, 295. - - Amat (Don Felix), his false political theory, 333; - ibid. on resistance to government, 471. - - Ambrose (St.), conduct of towards the Emperor Theodosius, 178; - sells the sacred vessels to redeem slaves, 432. - - Anabaptists, excesses committed by, in Germany in the 16th century, 197. - - Angers, Council of, its decree against acts of violence, 176. - - Anselm (St.), writings of, 403; - ibid. on St. Paul to the Romans, 459; - extracts from, showing his way of viewing religious matters, 485; - intellectual movement in the Church within the limits of faith, 486; - he anticipates Descartes' demonstration of the existence of a God, 485. - - Arabians, their civilization described, 237; - probability that they were indebted to the eastern monasteries for - much of their knowledge, 237; - the connexion between their science and that of antiquity may yet be - found, 237. - - Arbogen, Council of, forbids church burial to be given to pirates, - ravishers, &c., 182. - - Aristocracy in the 16th century, consisted of the nobles and clergy, 348; - differences between them, 349; - intermediate class between the throne and the people, 349. - - Aristotle, immoral doctrine of, 443; - his views on public education, 443; - his absurd interference of the State in domestic matters, 443; - his doctrines reformed by Christianity, 351. - - Arles, Council of, its decree against feuds, 177. - - Armagh, Council of, 109; - ibid. frees all the English slaves, 437. - - Association, a favorite principle of Catholicity, 189. - - Atheism, tendency towards, in the 17th century, 61. - - Augustin (St.), his description of paganism, 89; - his noble sentiments on slavery, 111; - remarkable passages from, on political forms, 390; - on the name Catholic being given to the true Church only, 422. - - Author, declaration of, 419. - - Authority in religion, tendency towards, in the 17th century, 61. - - Avignon, Council of, its decree in favor of the truce of God, 181. - - Aymon (of Aquitaine), writes the history of the French, 241. - - - Barbarians, those who invaded the Roman Empire described, 122; - their real condition, 444; - their laws and manners, 447. - - Barcelona, councillors of, their bold language to the king of Spain, 340; - its trades-associations described by Capmany, 477. - - Bayle, dictionary of, described, 63; its effects, 63. - - Bellarmine, doctrine of, on the divine law, 291; - on the civil power, 292; - on the distinction between political and ecclesiastical power, 293; - vindication of, 294. - - Benedict (St.), described, 238; - his monastic institute, 238. - - Beneficence, public, unknown to the ancients, 184; - was the work of Christianity, 184; - it required permanent institutions, 184; - they were conceived and founded by the Church, 185; - institutions of, founded by Catholicity, 185; - they require the support of Christian charity, 189. - - Bernard (St.), observations on, 409. - - Beza, evidence of, against Protestantism, 423. - - Bible, why forbidden in the vulgar tongue in Spain, 215. - - Bible Societies, effects of, 64. - - Billuart, F., on the right of making laws, 296; - on the origin of society and the civil power, 296. - - Bishops, slaves of, set free at their death by decree of Council, 108. - - Bonald, on the Esprit des Lois, 186; - his doctrines, 283. - - Boneuil, Council of, described, 106. - - Bossuet, his negotiations with Leibnitz to re-unite the Churches, 61; - school of, 283; - his Universal History the first great work on the philosophy of - history, 418. - - Brentzen, testimony of, to the incredulity prevailing among the early - reformers, 429. - - Brescia, Arnauld of, troubles excited by, 251. - - Bruis (Pierre de), his iconoclastic fanaticism, 251. - - Buchanan, his remark on the degradation of women wherever Christianity - does not prevail, 136. - - Bull-fights, those of Spain discussed, 174. - - Busenbaum, on the power of making laws, 295. - - Bull (Cœna Domini) containing an excommunication against those who - levy excessive taxes, 360. - - - Cæsar (J.), on the manners of the Germans and Britons, 153. - - Calmet, on St. Paul to the Romans, 461. - - Calvin, intolerance of, 421; - his vulgar abuse, 421; - evidence of, in favor of the Pope, 423. - - Calvinism, as connected with democracy, 355. - - Capmany on the trades-corporations of Barcelona, 477. - - Carranza, trial of, 212; - its duration, 212; - carried to Rome, 212; - his dying declaration, 212; - conduct of Philip II. towards him, 213; - causes of his trial, 213; - nature of his writings, 214; - his reason why the Scriptures in the vulgar tongue were forbidden in - Spain, 215. - - Cassian, his account of the origin of religious institutions, 223. - - Cathari, the, described, 251. - - Catholicity, its doctrines always the same, 65; - its past services to society, and what may be expected from it for - the future, 73; - its progress in several countries of Europe, 74; - not opposed to the true spirit of liberty, 80; - its effects on European civilization, 80; - was strong in the west and weak in the east, 81; - importance of the unity produced by it for the safety of Europe amid - perils, 81; - degraded condition of society when it appeared, 90; - not opposed to the feeling of individuality, but promotes it, 131; - the elevation of woman due to it alo ne, 135, 155; - places women on an equality with men, 135; - mistake of its opponents, 149; - its institutions falsely assailed by Protestants and philosophers, 147; - its exertion in favor of beneficence impeded by Protestantism, which - compelled it to stand on its defence, 188; - unfairly treated with regard to tolerance, 190; - its doctrine with respect to errors of the mind, 200; - was the work of God, 256; - its fertility in resources, 257; - its charity, 257; - its true doctrines with regard to the civil power, 323; - its relations with the people, 353; - its relations with liberty, 357; - its effects on the development of the intellect, 392; - effects of its principle of submission to authority, 393; - effects of the same on the sciences, 393; - ancient and modern philosophy compared with it, 395; - its morality, 397; - its revealed dogmas, 397; - is not opposed to true philosophy, 397; - compared with Protestantism with respect to learning, universities, - &c., 412; - its unity and concert, 423; - its services against slavery.--(See _Slavery_.) - - Celchite, Council of, 109. - - Celibacy, influence of that of the clergy in preventing an hereditary - succession, according to Guizot, 351; - what would have happened without it, 352. - - Censors, among the ancients, they took the place of religious - authority, 161. - - Chalons, Council of, 108. - - Chalons-sur-Saone, Council of, excommunicates those who fight within - the precincts of churches, 176. - - Chanoinesses, enjoined by the Council of Aix to keep an hospital for - poor women, 188. - - Charity, its effects on toleration, 192. - - Charles V., why released from his oath by the Pope, 210. - - Chateaubriand, writings of, described, 71; - describes Zachary as selling himself as a slave to buy the liberty - of a husband for his wife and children, 104; - extract from, on the effects of Catholicity and Protestantism, 415. - - Chivalry, its relations with women, 150; - did not elevate them, but found them elevated by Christianity, 151. - - Christ, all his miracles beneficent, 184; - his whole life spent in doing good, 184. - - Christians, the early, their constancy in martyrdom, 224; - they seek asylums for retirement and prayer in the deserts, 224. - - Christianity, effects of, on society, 67; - effects produced by its appearance, 88; - opposes slavery, 102; - could not endure the savage heroism of the Romans, 104; - development of the moral life by means of, 134; - was unknown to the ancients, 134; - the effects which would have followed from the loss of its influence - on Europe, 134; - ideas of some modern philosophers with regard to it, 156; - how it is embodied in Catholicity, 156; - its progress in the early ages described, 230; - its effects on the invading barbarians, 235. - - Church, the Catholic, services of, to society, in combating the - fatalist doctrines of the Reformation, 68; - her opposition to slavery, 102; - she protects the freedom of newly emancipated slaves, 103; - consecrates manumission by having it performed in the churches, 103; - protects slaves recommended to her by will, 103; - allows her sacred vessels to be sold to redeem slaves, 104; - gives letters of recommendation to emancipated slaves, 105; - causes tending to promote slavery with which she had to contend, 105; - she makes a law enabling those who had been compelled to sell - themselves as slaves to recover their liberty by paying back the - price, 106; - she allows her ministers to give their liberty to slaves belonging - to her, while she forbids other property to be alienated, 108; - summary of her measures for the abolition of slavery, - 114--(see _Councils_); - its abolition due to her alone, 114; - reforms marriage, 136; - preserves its sanctity, 137; - great evils thereby prevented, 137; - her unity in doctrines and fixity in conduct not inconsistent with - progress, 145; - her struggles with the corrupted Romans and savage barbarians, 176; - decrees of her Councils against animosities, 176; - her persevering efforts, 177; - treats kings and great men as severely as the lowly, 177; - her boldness in checking the crimes of kings, 178; - her interference in civil affairs of old justified by the - circumstances of the times, 182; - her Councils protect the weak--viz. clergy, monks, women, merchants - and pilgrims--against the strong, 182; - her exertions in favor of the vanquished in war, 183; - she preserves unity of faith, and founds institutions for doing - good, 185; - what she would have done for the cure of pauperism if the - Reformation had not plunged Europe into revolutions and - reactions, 188; - encourages the aristocracy of talent, 361; - service which she did to the human mind by opposing the spirit of - subtlety of the innovators, 407; - her interference in the management of hospitals, 449. - - Churches, the Protestant, only the instruments of the civil power, 186. - - Cicero, on the necessity of religion to the State, 316. - - Civilization, that of Europe during the 16th century not owing to - Protestantism, 82; - characteristics of that of modern Europe described, 115; - compared with ancient and modern non-Christian civilization, 116; - its superiority owing to Catholicity, 117; - may be reduced to three elements--the individual, the family, and - society, 117; - its universal progress impeded, and unity broken, by - Protestantism, 260. - - Clement, St. (Pope), passage from, on Christians selling themselves as - slaves to redeem their brethren, 104. - - Clergy, the effects on society of their power and influence, 175; - fatal effects of the diminution of their political influence in the - 16th century, 370; - advantages which might have resulted from it to popular - institutions, 373; - their relations with all the powers and classes of society, 373. - - Clermont, Council of, its decree in favor of the truce of God, 181. - - Coblentz, Council of, 106. - - Concina (P.), on the origin of power, 295; - how it exists in governments, 296. - - Conduct, firmness of, its powerful effects in the world, 145. - - Conscience, the public, described, 157; - that of Europe contrasted with that of ancient times, 159; - how influenced by the Church, 160; - both illustrated by the story of Scipio, 165; - the former was formed by Catholicity alone, 166. - - Conscience, the individual, described, 158. - - Constance, Council of, its doctrine on the murder of kings, 336. - - Cornelius a Lapide, on St. Paul to the Romans, 460. - - Cortes, severe measures of that of Toledo against the Jews, 205; - decline of, in Spain, 331. - - Cottereaux, excesses of, 252. - - Councils of the Church, their influence on political laws and - customs, 360; - canons of, which improve the condition of slaves, 430; - check all attempts against the liberty of the enfranchised slaves - of the Church, or who had been recommended to her by will, 431; - undertake that the Church will defend the liberty and property of - the freed who have been recommended to her, 431; - make the redemption of captives the first care of the Church, and - give their interests precedence over her own, 432; - excommunicate those who attempt to reduce men into slavery, 433; - declare those who make Christians slaves to be guilty of homicide, 434; - ordain that those who have sold themselves as slaves shall recover - their liberty by repaying the price, 434; - protect the slaves belonging to Jews, 434; - provide means for their becoming free, 434; - forbid Jews to acquire new Christian slaves, 435; - ordain that if a master gives meat to a slave on a fasting day, the - latter becomes free, 435; - forbid Jews to hold Christian slaves at all, 435; - forbid Christian slaves to be sold to Jews or pagans, 435; - or to be sold out of the kingdom of Clovis, 436; - severely condemn clerics who sell their slaves to Jews, 436; - command bishops to respect the liberty of those freed by their - predecessors, 436; - they mention the power given to bishops to free deserving slaves, - and fix the sum which they may give them to live on, 436; - exempt them from the general - rule, that alienations made by bishops who leave nothing of their - own must be restored, 436; - ordain that when a bishop dies, all his slaves shall be set at - liberty, and that at the funeral each bishop or abbot may set three - slaves free, giving them three solidi each, 436; - free all the English slaves in Ireland, 437; - forbid slaves of the Church to be exchanged for others, 437; - grant liberty to slaves who wish to embrace the monastic life, with - proper precautions to prevent abuses, 437; - check the abuse of ordaining slaves without the consent of their - masters, 437; - allow parish priests to select some clerics from the slaves of the - Church, 438; - allow slaves to be ordained, having been first freed, 438. - - Crusades vindicated, 242. - - Cyprian (St.), on the redemption of captives, 432. - - - De Maistre on the word "catholic," 422; - on general Councils, 480; - compares the conduct of the Popes with that of other rulers, 484. - - Democrats, difference between ancient and modern, 130. - - Democracy, its alliance with kings against the aristocracy, 303; - notion formed of, in the 16th century, 350; - two kinds of, 364; - their progress in the history of Europe, 365; - their characters, 366; - their causes and effects, 366; - historical facts with regard to, in France, England, Sweden, - Denmark, and Germany, 367. - - Descartes, his demonstration of the existence of God anticipated by - St. Anselm, 486. - - Divorce, consequences of the facility of, in Germany, according to - M. de Staël, 139. - - Divines, spirit of the writings of the old Catholic, compared with - that of modern writers, 288. - - Doctrines, their effects on society, 311; - those prevalent in the 16th century with regard to democracy, 350; - those prevalent in political matters in Europe before the appearance - of Protestantism compared with those of the school of the 18th - century and those of modern publicists, 374. - - Dominicans, their exertions in favor of the native Americans, as - stated by Robertson, 441. - - - East, the, injury caused there by breaking unity in religion, 235. - - Elvira, Council of, its decree in favor of slaves, 100. - - England, policy of, towards Spain, 76. - - Eon, his fanatical delusion, 251. - - Epaone, Council of, 100. - - Erigena, account of, 400. - - Errors, those of the mind not always innocent, 200. - - Error described, 70. - - Europe, characteristics of her civilization, 116; - condition of, in the 13th century, 245 et seq.; - singular contrasts therein, 246; - struggle between barbarism and Christianity there, 247; - instances of great and good principles sometimes abused in - practice, 247; - barbarism therein improved by religion, and religion disfigured by - barbarism, 248; - effects of the crusades, 249; - increasing power of the commonalty, 249; - decline of the feudal system, 249; - power of great ideas, 250; - critical epochs, 250; - great agitation prevailing, and horrible doctrines spread, among the - people at that time, 250--(see _Tanchème_, _Eon_, _Cathari_, - _Vaudois_, _Albigenses_); - what she would have done for civilization if she had not been - impeded by Protestantism, 261; - her condition when it appeared, 261; - great increase of power and development of mind, 262; - divisions occasioned by it, 262; - the nations thereof require religious institutions for organizing - beneficence and education on a large scale, 277; - state of, at the end of the 15th century, 344; - social movement at that time, 344; - its causes, 344; - its effects and object, 345; - development of the industrial classes there, 354; - this took place under the influence of Catholicity alone, 385; - picture of, from the 11th century to the 14th, 382; - religion and the human mind there, 404; - intellectual condition of the nations of modern, distinguished from - that of those of antiquity, 405; - causes which have accelerated it among the former, 406. - - Eximeno, letter of, on the sciences, 425. - - - Facts, consummated, how they are to be treated, 333. - - Faith, unity of, not adverse to political liberty, 388. - - Forms, political, their value, 357. - - Francis I. (of France), his opinion on the necessity of expelling the - Moors from Spain, 210. - - Francis, St. (de Sales), his list of titles given to the Popes, 423. - - Franks, their custom of going armed to church forbidden by Councils, 176. - - Free-will, its denial discarded by Protestants themselves, 68; - its effects, 68; - its noble results, 134; - supported by Catholicity against the Reformation, 135. - - - Gambling, passion of, described, 142. - - Games, public, those of the Romans prohibited by the Christian - Church, 175. - - Gerbet (l'Abbé), his excellent refutation of Lammenais' doctrines, 338. - - Germans, manners of the ancient, described by Tacitus, 152; why - embellished by him, 153; - are but little known to us, 154; - their struggles with the Romans, 154. - - Gibbon, testimony of, to the merits of Bossuet's History of the - Variations, 421. - - Gilles (St.), Council of, its decree in favor of the truce of God, 179. - - Gironne, Council of, in favor of the truce of God, 180. - - Glaber (Monk), of Cluny, his history of France, 241. - - Gotti (Cardinal), doctrines of, on the origin of power, 295. - - Gouget (l'Abbé), on Catholic Hebrew studies, 413. - - Government, three principles of--monarchy, aristocracy, and - democracy, 344. - - Governments, revolutionary ones are cruel in self-defence, not being - based on right, 128; - right of resistance to _de facto_ ones, 330; - falsehood of the theory which imposes the obligation of obeying them - merely as such 331; - difficulties on this point explained, 332. - - Grace, effects of the Catholic doctrine of, 234. - - Gratian, merit of his literary labors, 241. - - Gregory (Pope), passage from, 108; - frees two slaves of the Roman Church, 436; - his reason why Christians liberated their slaves, 436. - - Gregory III. (Pope), on selling slaves to the pagans for sacrifice, 435. - - Gregory IX. (Pope), his decretals on slavery, 109; - against the hereditary succession of the clergy, 352. - - Gregory XVI. (Pope), his apostolic letters against the slave trade, 438. - - Grotius, his servile doctrine on the civil power, 323; - his evidence in favor of Catholicity, 424. - - Gruet, his incredulity and execution, 429. - - Guibert, historical labors of, 241. - - Guizot, on the effects of the Church upon slavery, 113; - his doctrine of the personal independence of individuals among the - barbarians stated and discussed, 119; - true theory thereon, 121; - incoherence of his own doctrines, 124; - cause of his error, 125; - his acknowledgment with regard to the reformation and liberty, 343; - extract from, shewing that the clergy were not a caste, 351; - an opinion of, refuted, 399; - extract from, shewing the immense superiority of the Church to the - barbarians in legislation, 447; - documents shewing his error with respect to Abelard, 486. - - - Hacket, fanaticism of, 427. - - Harlem, Mathias, mad fanaticism of, 426. - - Heresy, held a sin by the Catholic Church, 200. - - Heretics, characteristics of those of the early ages, 425. - - Herman, preaches the murder of all priests and magistrates, 426. - - Hermandad, charter of, between the kingdoms of Leon and Castile, for - the preservation of their liberties, 475. - - History, difficulties in its study, 248; - necessity of taking into account times and circumstances of events - therein, 248. - - Hobbes, his false theory of society, 304; - his servile doctrine, 323. - - Honor, principle of, in monarchies, according to Montesquieu, 161. - - Horace, on the origin of society, 462. - - Hospitals, destroyed by Henry VIII. in England, 185; - Catholic bishops the protectors and inspectors of, 187; - laws made respecting them by the Church, 187; - attached to monasteries and colleges in the middle ages, 449; - superintended by the bishops, 449; - their property protected by being considered as belonging to the - Church, 449. - - Hugh of St. Victor, historical labors of, 241. - - Humility, its effects with regard to toleration, 193. - - - Ideas, irreligious ones cannot be confined to theory, but enter on the - field of practice, 70; - destroy themselves, 71; - power of, 169; - they are divided into those that flatter the passions, and those - that check them, 170; - they require an institution to preserve and enforce them, 170; - how they became corrupted among mankind before Christianity, 170; - how effected by the press, 171; - their natural progress, 171; - their rapid succession in modern times, 171. - - Impiety allies itself with liberty or despotism to suit its - purpose, 388. - - Incredulity in Europe the fruit of Protestantism, 60; - spirit of, has lost much of its strength, 70. - - Independence, personal, feeling of, existed among the Greeks and - Romans, 124. - - Indifference, religious, in Europe, the fruit of Protestantism, 60. - - Individual, the, how absorbed by the state among the ancients, 127; - fatal effects of the complete annihilation of the feelings of - respect for, in society, 129; - witnessed among nations not Christians, 129. - - Individuals, how the freedom of, was fettered among the ancient - republics, 130; - every thing ruled by the state, 130. - - Inquisition, the, misrepresentations with regard to that of Spain, 203; - its duration may be divided into three periods, 205; - appeals from it to Rome, 207; - indulgence of the latter, 203; - interference of the Popes to soften the rigours of, 203; - mildness of that of Rome, 203; - no case of capital sentence pronounced by it, 203; - rigours of that of Spain in the time of Philip II. caused by the - Protestants themselves, 214; - compels a preacher to retract who, in the presence of Philip II., - had maintained that kings have absolute power over their - subjects, 218; - became milder with the spirit of the age, 218; - remarks thereon, 452; - appellants to Rome from, forbidden to return to Spain under pain of - death by pragmatic sanction of Ferdinand and Isabella, 454; - how affected by the policy of the Spanish kings, 455; - the latter earnestly endeavoured to have the judgment in Spain made - final, without appeal, which the Popes refused, 455; - affected impartiality of writers with regard to it, 455. - See _Perez_, _Puigblanch_, _Villanueva_, _Llorente_, and _Jomtob_. - - Institutions, religious, opposed by Protestantism and philosophers, 219; - their importance and connexion with religion herself, 221; - have survived the attempts made to destroy them, 221; - their nature described, 222; - their object, 222; - are perfectly conformable to the spirit of the Christian religion, 223; - their commencement, according to Cassian, 223; - have always existed in the Church from the time of Constantine, 223; - conduct of the Popes towards them, 224; - their accordance with the Gospel precepts, 225; - their effects on the human mind, 226; - their services and necessity, 227; - their necessity for the salvation of society, 275; - not inconsistent with the improvements of modern times, 280; - historical view of them, 458; - _coup d'œil_ at their origin and development, 458-9. - - Institutions, free, injured by Protestantism, 363. - - Institutions, their study, 248; - necessity of understanding the times when they existed, 248. - - Intellect, the, its development, how affected by Catholicity, 392; - influence thereof upon, historically examined, 393; - its relations with religion, 404; - its development among the nations of Europe different from that of - those of antiquity, 405; - causes that have hastened its development in Europe, 405; - origin of the spirit of subtlety, 406; - service rendered to it by the Church in opposing the subtleties of - the innovators, 403; - its progress from the eleventh century to our times, 412; - different phases, 412. - - Intolerance, that of some irreligious men, 194; - of the Romans, 196; - of the pagan emperors, 196; - has continued from the establishment of Christianity by the state, - in various forms, down to the present time, 196; - recent instances of it, 196; - case of France examined, 197; - doctrine which condemns all intolerance with regard to doctrines - and actions discussed and refuted, 198; - consequences which would flow from it, 198; - would produce impunity for crimes, 198; - civil and religious, distinguished, 450; - mistaken by Rousseau, 450; - its existence in ancient and modern times held by some - Protestants, 451. - - Irreligion, spirit of, has lost much of its strength, 70. - - Isabella, part taken by, in the establishment of the Inquisition in - Spain, 205. - - - Jansenists, the, described, 62. - - Jerome, (St.), on the name Catholic not being given to heretics, 422. - - Jesuits, importance of, in the history of civilization, 268; - their eminent services, 269; - error and contradiction of M. Guizot in their regard, 270; - false charges against, 271. - - Jews, the slaves of, protected by decrees of Councils, 107; - struggle between truth and error among, 170; - how the truth was preserved, 170; - their avarice, 206; - popular hatred against, 206; - atrocities charged against them by the people, 207; - pragmatic sanction of Ferdinand and Isabella with regard to, 454; - law of Philip II. against, 455. - - John de Ste. Marie, extracts from, on Christian politics, 463. - - Jomtob, Nathaniel, his work called _The Inquisition Unveiled_, 456; - his prejudice and vulgar abuse, 456. - - Judaizers pursued by the Inquisition, 209. - - Justin, on martyrdom, 132; - his _Apology_, 286. - - Justinian gives bishops the control of hospitals, 450. - - - Kings, inviolability of, 337; - greatest increase of the power of, in Europe, dates from the - appearance of Protestantism, 363. - - Knowledge, state of, when Christianity appeared, 85; - sterility of, in creating social institutions, 85. - - - Laborers, protected by the Council of Rheims, 182. - - Lacordaire (l'Abbé) on the Spanish Inquisition, 210. - - Lamennais (l'Abbé), his attempt to ally Catholicity with extreme - democracy, 131; - his doctrines on government compared with those of St. Thomas, 338. - - Las Casas, exertions of, in favor of the native Americans related by - Robertson, 442. - - Lateran, general Council of, confirms the truce of God, 181; - eleventh general Council of, forbids the maltreatment of monks, - clergy, pilgrims, merchants, peasants, and the shipwrecked, 182. - - Law, the divine, false interpretation of, 284; - St. John Chrysostom on, 285; - according to Bellarmine, 291.--See _St. Thomas_, _Suarez_, _Gotti_, - _Busenbaum_, _Liguori_, _Billuart_, _and the Compendium - Salmaticense_. - - Law.--See _St. Thomas_. - - League, the Hanseatic, described, 354. - - Legislation, that of Rome described, 86; - was probably influenced by Christianity, 86. - - Leibnitz, his negotiations with Bossuet to re-unite the Churches, 61; - his theological system contains the chief dogmas of Catholicity, 424. - - Lepers, ordered to be maintained at the expense of the Church, 187. - - Lerida, Council of, excludes those at variance from the body and blood - of Christ, 176; - decrees seven years' penance against infanticide, 184. - - Leyden, John of, his excesses at Munster, 426. - - Liberty, a word ill understood, 79; - examples of, 79; - how limited, 79; - Catholicity favorable to its true spirit, 80; - true nature of, 228; - according to Catholic doctors, 311; - political freedom owes nothing to Protestantism, 352; - Catholicity favorable to it, 352; - why it has fallen into bad repute with some, 362; - considered in relation to religious intolerance, 382; - cannot subsist without morality, 389; - remarkable passage from Augustin on the subject, 390. - - Lillebonne, Council of, enforces the truce of God, 180. - - Llandaff, Council of, 177. - - Llorente, his History of the Inquisition, 457; - his attempt to introduce schism and heresy into Spain, 457; - his misrepresentation, 457; - burns a portion of the documents belonging to the Inquisition of - Madrid, 457. - - London, Council of, 106. - - Louis of Bavaria, the doctrine that the imperial power comes - immediately from God maintained by the princes of the empire in his - time, 462. - - Love, passion of, its effects, 143; - how treated by Catholicity and Protestantism, 144; - advantages of the course pursued by the former, 145. - - Luther, his opinion on polygamy, 138; - effects which his doctrines would have had, had they been proclaimed - sooner, 138; - his intolerance towards the Jews, 209; - specimens of his violence, grossness, and intolerance, 421; - his evidence against Catholicity, 423; - his interview with the Devil, 425; - infidel passages from his writings, 428. - - Lyons, Council of, 105; - Council of, see _Lepers_; - poor men of, described, 251. - - - Mâcon, Councils of, 104. - - Manichees, unusual severities exercised towards, 204; - description of, 252. - - Manners, gentleness of, one of the characteristics of European - civilization, 172; - wherein it consists, 172; - exists in advanced societies, 172; - not found in young nations, 172; - did not exist among the Greeks and Romans, 173; - causes of this, 173; - their excessive corruption among the ancients, 445. - - Mariana, his popular doctrines, 312; - on the liberties of Spain, 481. - - Marquez, P., on the disputes between rulers and their subjects, 482; - on the levying of taxes, and the right of rulers over the property - of their subjects, 483. - - Marriage, doctrines of Catholicity and Protestantism with regard to, - compared, 136; - importance of guarding the sanctity of, 139; - not admitted as a sacrament by Protestantism, 139; - different conduct of Catholicity and Protestantism with regard to, 140. - - Martyrs, heroism of the Christian, 132. - - Matha, John of, one of the founders of the Order of the most holy - Trinity for the Redemption of Captives, 259. - - Mathematics, obscurity of their first principles, 425. - - Melancthon, his complaints against the other Reformers, 421; - superstitions of, 426. - - Merchants protected by Councils, 182. - - Merida, Council of, 100. - - Missions, their unity broken by Protestantism, 260; - injury thereby done to them, 263; - what they might have effected had it not appeared, 263; - what united efforts effected in earlier times, 264; - need of, on a large scale, for the conversion of the heathen, 265; - zeal displayed by the Church in the promotion of, in latter times, 266; - powerful means for promoting at the command of Rome before unity was - broken, 266. - - Monarchy, why hereditary is preferable, 143; - idea formed of, in the sixteenth century, 346; - application thereof, 347; - in what it differed from despotism, 347; - what it was in the sixteenth century, 347; - its relations with the Church, 348; - when necessary in Europe, 356; - different character of, in Europe and Asia, 357; - passage from De Maistre on, 358; - institutions for limiting it, 358; - it acquired strength in the sixteenth century, 361; - prevailed over free institutions, 362; - causes of this, 370. - - Monasteries, those in the east established in imitation of the - solitaries, 235; - causes of their decline, 235; - services they might have rendered to literature, 236; - what they did for knowledge, 236; - those of the west established, 238; - their effects, 238; - property rendered sacred, 239; - their property, 239; - their claims thereto, 239; - their improvements, 240; - encouragement given to the country life, 240; - their services to Germany, France, Spain, and England, 240; - great men they produced, 240; - their services to science and letters, 240; - their civilizing effects, 242; - new forms assumed by them in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, 242; - their objects, 243; - benefits they conferred on mankind, 243. - - Monks, protected by Councils, 180. - - Monogamy not owing to climate, 138. - - Montaigne on the Reformation, 61; - his infidel sentiments changed at his death, 429. - - Montanus, Arias, employed by Philip II. to collect books and MSS., 218. - - Montesquieu on the principle of honor in monarchies, 162; - that of virtue in republics, 161; - he is bound by his theory, 165; - on the destruction of monasteries and hospitals in England by - Henry VIII., 185; - his doctrine with regard to the latter, 186. - - Montpellier, Council of, its decrees to secure peace, 181. - - Moors, the, dread of their power in Spain, 205; - papal bull in favor of, 209; - law of Philip III., expelling them, 454. - - - Napoleon and the Spanish nation, 331. - - Narbonne, Council of, its decree in favor of - the truce of God, 179. - - Nationality, importance of, 76. - - Nicholas, a fanatic who taught that it was good to continue in sin - that grace might the more abound, 427. - - Nuns, protected by the Council of Rouen, 181. - - - Obedience, motives of, founded on the will of God, 97. - - Olive trees, why protected by the Council of Narbonne, 180. - - Opinions, the rapid succession of, in modern times, 171. - - Opinion, public, influence of, on morals, 163. - - Orange, Council of, its decree in favor of slaves, 103. - - Orders, the religious-military described, 242; - the mendicant ditto, 252; - the necessity for the latter, 253; - their popular nature, 254; - their influence, 254; - were the work of God, 254; - their relations with the Pontiffs, 256; - those for the redemption of captives, 257; - visions inspiring them, 259; - their founders, 259. - - Orleans, Council of, its decree in favor of slaves, 100, 103, 107; - forbids any one to be armed at church, 176; - protects hospitals, 187; - the poor and prisoners, 187. - - Oxford, Council of, its decree against robbers, 182. - - - Pacts, 298. - - Paganism described by St. Augustin, 89. - - Palafox, on the duties of kings, princes, and magistrates, 321; - on taxes and tyranny, 483. - - Palentia, Council of, protects the defenceless, 182. - - Papin, evidence of, in favor of Catholicity, 424. - - Paris, trades-union of, 354. - - Passions, the, differently treated by Catholicity and by - Protestantism, 140; - why so active in times of public disturbance, 143. - - Patrick, (St.), Council of, 105. - - Paul, (St.), his Epistle to the Romans, 459. - - Peasants.--See _Lateran_. - - Penance, efficacy of the sacrament of, 167. - - Perez, on the condemnation of a preacher for absolutist doctrines by - the Inquisition of Spain, 455. - - Peter, (St.), of Arbues, his murder by the Jews not a proof of the - unpopularity of the Inquisition, 207; - tumult occasioned thereby, 207. - - Peter, (St.), Nolasco, founds the Order of Mercy for the Redemption of - Captives, 259. - - Philanthropy, inadequate for works of beneficence without Christian - Charity, 189. - - Philosophers, the irreligions of the last century preferred pagan to - Christian institutions, 161. - - Philosophy, schools of, can destroy but not create, 171. - - Philip II. of Spain did not institute the Inquisition, but continued - it, 210; - why so much attacked by Protestants, 210; - probability that the attempts made to introduce Protestantism into - Spain in his time would succeed, owing to the circumstances of the - times, 211; - his conduct to Carranza, 213; - his services to Catholicity, 215; - general feeling in his reign with regard to cruel punishments very - different from the present, 217; - his patronage of literature, 218; - his letter to Arias Montanus, 456. - --See _Inquisition_. - - Pilgrims protected by Councils, 181. - - Pitt, anecdote of, 76. - - Pius II. (Pope), his apostolic letters against slavery, 439. - - Pius VII. (Pope), interposes to abolish the slave trade, 441. - - Plato, immoral doctrines of, 422. - - Polygamy, not the effect of climate, 138. - - Poor, the, regulations of Councils in favor of, 187. - - Popes, the, services they rendered to society by preserving the - sanctity of marriage, 137; - support the truce of God, 181; - their attempts to mitigate the rigour of the Spanish Inquisition, 208; - appoint judges of appeal, 208; - their intolerance compared with the tolerance of Protestantism, 208; - their temporal powers, 340; - doctrines of theologians with regard to them in case they should - fall into heresy, 342; - nature, origin, and effects of their temporal power, 386; - list of titles given to, in ancient times, 423. - - Power, origin of, 284; - the paternal, considered with regard to the civil, 286; - the latter, according to Bellarmine, resides _immediately_ in the - people, 292; - divine origin of, 298; - violence of, when illegitimate, 303; - _mediate_ and _immediate_ transmission of, 305; - this distinction important in some respects and unimportant in - others, 306; - why Catholic divines have so zealously supported the _mediate_, 308; - faculties of the civil, 317; - calumnies of the opponents of the Church on this point, 317; - resistance to the civil, 324; - comparison between Catholicity and Protestantism on this point, 327; - vain timidity of some minds on this point, 324; - obedience to the civil, taught by Catholicity when legitimate, 325; - civil distinguished from spiritual, 326; - conduct of Catholicity and Protestantism with respect to the - separation of the two, 326; - the independence of the spiritual, a guarantee for the liberty of - the people, 326; - doctrines of St. Thomas on obedience to the civil, 328; - doctrines of St. Thomas, Bellarmine, Suarez, &c. on resistance to - the civil, in extreme cases, 338. - - Preaching, that of Protestantism without authority, 167. - --See _Protestantism_. - - Prebendaries, bound to give a tenth of their fruits to an hospital, 188. - - Press, the effects of, on opinions, 171. - - Prisoners, exertions of the Church in favor of, 187. - - Protestantism, present condition of, 64; - attempts to preserve itself by violating its fundamental principle, 64; - causes of its continuance, 64; - has almost entirely disappeared as a fixed creed, but remains as a - body of sects, 65; - its positive doctrines repugnant to the instinct of civilization, 68; - its essential principle one of destruction, 69; - can boast only of its ruins, 69; - was the work of human passions, and not of God, 69; - effects which even its partial introduction into Spain would - produce, 74, 76, 78; - advantages of the practice of preaching preserved by, 90, 166; - its preaching is without authority, 167; - its doctrine with respect to errors of the mind, 199; - effects which its introduction into Spain would have produced, 216; - would have broken the unity of the Spanish monarchy, 216; - is opposed to vows and celibacy, 219; - its appearance, 262; - its effects in breaking the unity of European civilization, 262; - divided the missionaries among themselves, 263; - disastrous effects of, 267; - exalts the temporal power at the expense of the spiritual, 308; - its relations with liberty, 343; - real state of the case on this point, 344; - its origin aristocratic, 355; - not favorable to the poor, 355; - has contributed to destroy free institutions, 363; - fearful state of Europe after it appeared, 369; - political doctrines prevailing in Europe before its appearance - compared with those of modern publicists and the school of the - eighteenth century, 374; - has prevented the homogeneity of European civilization, 375; - historical proofs, 376; - compared with Catholicity with regard to learning, criticism, the - learned languages, the foundation of universities, the progress of - literature and the arts, mysticism, high philosophy, metaphysics, - morals, religious philosophy, and the philosophy of history, 412; - evidences against, from Luther, Melancthon, Calvin, Beza, Grotius, - Papin, Puffendorf, and Leibnitz, 423; - its superstition and fanaticism, 425; - bad faith of its founders, 428; - passages proving this, 428; - progress of infidelity soon after its appearance proved from Luther, - Brentzen, Gruet, and Montaigne, 428. - - Puffendorf, his false theory of society, 304; - evidence of, against Protestantism, 423. - - Puigblanch.--See _Jomtob_. - - Punishments, right of inflicting capital, derived from God, 300; - cannot come from pacts, 300; - mildness of, among barbarian nations not a proof of civilization but - of indifference to crime, 447; - immense superiority of the legislation of the Church with respect - to, according to M. Guizot, 447. - - - Regulus, virtue bordering on ferocity, 104. - - Religion, always existed in some shape among the greater part of - mankind, 66; - power of, in Spain, 76; - condition of, when Christianity appeared, 84; - atrocities committed in the name of, by Catholics and Protestants, 204; - importance of, to the civil power, 311; - corruption of, among the ancients, 445. - - Revolutions, those of modern times, 389; - difference between that of the United States of America and that of - France, 389. - - Rheims, Councils of, 104; - commands that the clergy, monks, women, travellers, laborers, and - vine-dressers shall be respected during war, 182; - protects the poor, 187. - - Robertson.--See _Dominicans_ and _Las Casas_. - - Romans, the, their savage heroism not tolerated by the mild spirit of - Christianity, 104; - futile attempts made to imitate them, 128; - their manners effeminate without being gentle, 173. - - Rome, legislation of, 86; - how affected by Christianity, 86; - vice of her political organization, 87; - Council of, its decrees in favor of slaves, 109; - the court of, endeavors to mitigate the severity of the Spanish - Inquisition, 208; - mildness of the Inquisition at Rome compared with that in other - places, 208; - no instance of a capital sentence having been pronounced thereby, 208; - the decline and fall of the empire of, 229. - - Roscelin described, 400; - compared with St. Anselm, 407. - - Rouen, Council of, its decree in favor of the truce of God, 181. - - Rousseau, doctrines of, 282; - his appeal to the passions, 288; - his _Contrat Social_, 299; - his misrepresentation of Catholicity, 450; - doctrines of his _Contrat Social_, 451; - his intolerance, 451. - - - Saavedra, his popular doctrines, 313. - - Salamanca, Compendium of, on the transmission of power by the people's - consent, 295. - - Sciences, the natural and social compared, 85. - - Scipio, story of, 165. - - Self-defence, right of, alleged as a plea for the intolerance of - governments, 202. - - Seneca, on the worship of the gods, 316. - - Sigebert, historical labors of, 241. - - Slaves, their large numbers among the ancients, 91; - their numbers at Athens, Sparta, Rome, and in the eastern - countries, 91; - opinions of Plato and Aristotle regarding them, 91; - their treatment, 91; - dangers from their numbers, 91; - their rebellions, 92; - their immediate emancipation impracticable, 93; - the Church did all that could be done in their favor, 94; - difficulties she had to contend with in their emancipation, 94; - conduct, designs, and tendencies of the Church favorable to them, 94; - their natural inferiority to freemen proclaimed by the heathen - philosophers, 95; - their natural equality with them inculcated by the Scriptures and - the Church, 97; - motives for their obedience, 97; their ill-treatment, 98; - spirit of hatred and revolts thereby caused, 98; - St. Paul's instructions to them, 98; - power of life and death possessed over them by their masters, and - cruelties exercised, 99; - scene from Tacitus, 99; - St. Paul intercedes for one of them, 100; - ill-treatment of them forbidden by Councils of the Church, 100; - she substitutes public trial for private vengeance in their - regard, 101; - the clergy forbidden to mutilate them, 101; - she condemns to penance those who put them to death of their own - authority, 101; - she protects those newly emancipated, 103; - those of the Church not allowed to be sold or exchanged, 109; - those who embrace the monastic state are freed by decree of the - Council of Rome, 109; - abuse thereof, 109; - were raised to the priesthood, but not until they had been freed, 110; - prevalence of the abuse of ordaining slaves without the consent of - their masters, 110; - the Church protects their marriages, and forbids them to be - dissolved by their masters, 113.--See _Councils_. - - Slavery, the offspring of sin, 112. - - Society, will always be either religious or superstitious, 67; - modern, described, 72; - its progress, 82; - condition of, when Christianity appeared, 84; - present state of, 274; - administration alone not adequate to its wants 276; - principle of charity required, 276; - physical means of restraining the masses of, 278; - moral means required, 280; - origin of, according to St. Thomas, 289; - not the work of man, 291; - not to be saved by strict political doctrines, without religion and - morality, 314; - why modern conservative schools are powerless in preserving it, 315; - struggle therein between the three elements, monarchy, aristocracy, - and democracy, 369. - - Solitaries, the early, described, 231; - numbers of, 231; - influence of, in spiritualising ideas and improving morals, 232; - overcome the difficulties of the luxurious and enervating climate, 234; - great men who received their inspirations from them, 234. - - Spain, effects which the partial introduction of Protestantism would - have produced there, 74, 76, 77; - power of religious ideas there, 76; - peculiar manner in which revolutionary ideas have come into - operation there, 77; - has not yet obtained the government which she requires, 78; - effects of the loss of her national unity, 78; - her intolerance in religious matters not so great as it has been - represented, 218; - bold language used there with regard to politics, 312; - industrial progress therein, 354; - Catholicity and politics there, 377; - real state of the question, 377; - causes of the ruin of her free institutions, 378; - ancient and modern freedom, 378; - _Communeros_ of Castile, 379; - policy of her rulers, 380; - Ferdinand, Ximenes, Charles V., and Philip II., 381. - - Stephen, (Abbot), his account of the excesses committed by the - Manichees in France, 252. - - Suarez, on the origin of power, 294; - his reply to King James I. of England, 294; - on the disputes between subjects and their rulers, 473. - - Subtlety, spirit of, in the middle ages, its causes, 406. - - - Tacitus, scene from, of cruelty to slaves, 99; - on the ancient Germans with regard to women, 152; - his description of their manners, why embellished, 152. - - Tact, value of, 171. - - Tanchème, excesses of, 250. - - Telugis, Council of, ordains the truce of God, 180. - - Tertullian, apology of, 286. - - Theodosius, the emperor, excluded from the Church by St. Ambrose, for - the slaughter at Thessalonica, 178. - - Theories, rapid succession of, in modern times, 171. - - Theresa, St., extracts from the visions of, 427. - - Thierry, M., his history of the Conquest of England by the Normans, 120. - - Thomas, St., of Aquin, extract from, on the origin of society, 289; - on the Divine law, 290; - his definition of law, 319; - his doctrines with regard to laws and royal power, 319; - on obedience to laws, 328; - utility of his dictatorship in the schools in the middle ages to the - human mind, 411; - passages from, on the duties of rulers and subjects, 470; - his doctrines on the forms of government, 480. - - Times, superiority of the primitive, has been exaggerated, 422. - - Toledo, Councils of, 103, 107, 108, 111. - - Toleration, how misunderstood and misrepresented, 190; - prejudices against Catholicity with regard to, 190; - principle of, considered, 191; - in religious men is the produce of two principles, charity and - humility, 191; - illustrations, shewing how they are affected by intercourse with the - world on this point, 192; - that of some irreligious men, 194; - considered in society and governments, 194; - its existence in society not owing to the philosophers, 195; - its causes, 195; principle of universal, discussed, 196. - - Tours, Council of, ordains that the poor shall be supported in their - own town or parish, 187. - - Trades-corporations, origin and salutary effects of, 477. - - Trades-union.--See _Paris_. - - Trajan, the emperor, 6000 gladiators slain at his games, 174. - - Transubstantiation, discussion with regard to, in consequence of the - philosophy of Descartes, 397. - - Trent, Council of, gives bishops the power of visiting hospitals, 449. - - Troja, Councils of, promote the truce of God, 180. - - Truce of God described, 179; - established by Church Councils, 179; - supported by Popes, 180. - - Truth, described, 69. - - Tubuza, Council of, establishes the truce of God, 179. - - - Unbelievers, doctrines of, with regard to errors of the mind, 200. - - Universities, those founded by Catholicity, 414. - - - Vaison, Council of, decree of, in favor of foundlings and against - infanticide, 184. - - Valois, Felix of, one of the founders of the Order of the Most Holy - Trinity for the Redemption of Captives, 259. - - Vaudois, described, 252. - - Verneul, Council of, 105. - - Villanueva, prejudice and egotism of, 457. - - Vine-dressers, protected by the Council of Rheims, 182. - - Virginity, respected by the ancients, &c., but not by Protestantism, 146; - how important that it should be respected, 146; - not injurious to the state, 147; - its effects on the female character, 149. - - Visions, (see _Orders_); - effects of, 259; - those of Catholics, 427. - - Vives, Louis, on human knowledge, 424. - - Voltaire described, 63; - extract from, on the importance of the morals of courts to - society, 137. - - Vows, vindication of religious, 228; - those of chastity in the early ages of the Church, 458. - - - Widows, their vows of chastity in the early ages of the Church, 458. - - Witmar, a German monk, his chronicles much esteemed 241; - used by Leibnitz, 241. - - Women, degraded condition of, among the ancients, 136, 441; - their elevation due entirely to Catholicity, 136, 156; - how affected by chivalry, 150; - their elevation falsely ascribed to the ancient Germans, 151; - protected by Councils, 182. - - Worms, Council of, excommunicates those who refuse to be reconciled, 177. - - - Zeballos, P., on Christian politics and Naboth's vineyard, 467. - - Ziegler, a Lutheran, an ardent defender of the immediate communication - of temporal power, 463. - - Zonarus, on charitable establishments, 187. - - Zuinglius, his phantom, 426. - -THE END. - - - * * * * * - - -Transcriber's Notes - -Obvious typographical errors have been silently corrected. - -Hyphenation and accents have been standardised. - -Apart from the items mentioned below all other spellings and -punctuation are as in the original. - -Develop and develope, idealog(y/ist) and ideolog(y/ist) are used -interchangeably in the book. They have been standardised to the -standard modern spelling of develop and ideology. - -Variations in the use/spelling of derivatives of the Latin propius -(pages 473a, 474a and 490a), while possibly incorrect, have been left -as published as they seem unlikely to be typographical errors. - -Zuinglius/Zwinglius. The former spelling is used in the body of the -book and the latter in the notes. This has not been changed. - -A note on notes: upper case references [A] refer to conventional -footnotes, lower case references [a] refer to the endnotes in the -appendix, numeric references [1] refer to the main endnotes. - -The reference to note 1 in the original reads "(See note at the end of -the vol.)" the [1] has been added to improve clarity and uniformity. - -The quotation on page 313: 'What absolute monarch in Europe would -approve of one of his high functionaries expressing the origin of power -after the manner of our immortal Saavedra? "It is from the centre -of justice," says he, "that the circumference of the crown has been -drawn. The latter would not be necessary, if we could dispense with the -former.' is missing a closing quote. as it may be absent from 'drawn.' -or 'former.' it has not been corrected. - -Entries for NOTES, APPENDIX and INDEX have been added to the table of -contents. - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Protestantism and Catholicity, by -Jaime Luciano Balmes - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PROTESTANTISM AND CATHOLICITY *** - -***** This file should be named 50436-0.txt or 50436-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/0/4/3/50436/ - -Produced by Josep Cols Canals, Les Galloway and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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