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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of State of the Union Addresses
+by Richard Nixon
+(#34 in our series of US Presidential State of the Union Addresses)
+
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+Title: State of the Union Addresses of Richard Nixon
+
+Author: Richard Nixon
+
+Release Date: February, 2004  [EBook #5043]
+[Yes, we are more than one year ahead of schedule]
+[This file was first posted on April 11, 2002]
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+Edition: 10
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+Language: English
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+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OF ADDRESSES BY RICHARD NIXON ***
+
+
+
+
+This eBook was produced by James Linden.
+
+The addresses are separated by three asterisks: ***
+
+Dates of addresses by Richard Nixon in this eBook:
+  January 22, 1970
+  January 22, 1971
+  January 20, 1972
+  February 2, 1973
+  January 30, 1974
+
+
+
+***
+
+State of the Union Address
+Richard Nixon
+January 22, 1970
+
+Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, my colleagues in the Congress, our
+distinguished guests and my fellow Americans:
+
+To address a joint session of the Congress in this great Chamber in which I
+was once privileged to serve is an honor for which I am deeply grateful.
+
+The State of the Union Address is traditionally an occasion for a lengthy
+and detailed account by the President of what he has accomplished in the
+past, what he wants the Congress to do in the future, and, in an election
+year, to lay the basis for the political issues which might be decisive in
+the fall.
+
+Occasionally there comes a time when profound and far-reaching events
+command a break with tradition. This is such a time.
+
+I say this not only because 1970 marks the beginning of a new decade in
+which America will celebrate its 200th birthday. I say it because new
+knowledge and hard experience argue persuasively that both our programs and
+our institutions in America need to be reformed.
+
+The moment has arrived to harness the vast energies and abundance of this
+land to the creation of a new American experience, an experience richer and
+deeper and more truly a reflection of the goodness and grace of the human
+spirit.
+
+The seventies will be a time of new beginnings, a time of exploring both on
+the earth and in the heavens, a time of discovery. But the time has also
+come for emphasis on developing better ways of managing what we have and of
+completing what man's genius has begun but left unfinished.
+
+Our land, this land that is ours together, is a great and a good land. It
+is also an unfinished land, and the challenge of perfecting it is the
+summons of the seventies.
+
+It is in that spirit that I address myself to those great issues facing our
+Nation which are above partisanship.
+
+When we speak of America's priorities the first priority must always be
+peace for America and the world.
+
+The major immediate goal of our foreign policy is to bring an end to the
+war in Vietnam in a way that our generation will be remembered not so much
+as the generation that suffered in war, but more for the fact that we had
+the courage and character to win the kind of a just peace that the next
+generation was able to keep.
+
+We are making progress toward that goal.
+
+The prospects for peace are far greater today than they were a year ago.
+
+A major part of the credit for this development goes to the Members of this
+Congress who, despite their differences on the conduct of the war, have
+overwhelmingly indicated their support of a just peace. By this action, you
+have completely demolished the enemy's hopes that they can gain in
+Washington the victory our fighting men have denied them in Vietnam.
+
+No goal could be greater than to make the next generation the first in this
+century in which America was at peace with every nation in the world.
+
+I shall discuss in detail the new concepts and programs designed to achieve
+this goal in a separate report on foreign policy, which I shall submit to
+the Congress at a later date.
+
+Today, let me describe the directions of our new policies.
+
+We have based our policies on an evaluation of the world as it is, not as
+it was 25 years ago at the conclusion of World War II. Many of the policies
+which were necessary and fight then are obsolete today.
+
+Then, because of America's overwhelming military and economic strength,
+because of the weakness of other major free world powers and the inability
+of scores of newly independent nations to defend, or even govern,
+themselves, America had to assume the major burden for the defense of
+freedom in the world.
+
+In two wars, first in Korea and now in Vietnam, we furnished most of the
+money, most of the arms, most of the men to help other nations defend their
+freedom.
+
+Today the great industrial nations of Europe, as well as Japan, have
+regained their economic strength; and the nations of Latin America--and
+many of the nations who acquired their freedom from colonialism after World
+War II in Asia and Africa--have a new sense of pride and dignity and a
+determination to assume the responsibility for their own defense.
+
+That is the basis of the doctrine I announced at Guam.1
+
+Neither the defense nor the development of other nations can be exclusively
+or primarily an American undertaking.
+
+1 See 1969 volume, Item 279.
+
+The nations of each part of the world should assume the primary
+responsibility for their own well-being; and they themselves should
+determine the terms of that well-being.
+
+We shall be faithful to our treaty commitments, but we shall reduce our
+involvement and our presence in other nations' affairs.
+
+To insist that other nations play a role is not a retreat from
+responsibility; it is a sharing of responsibility.
+
+The result of this new policy has been not to weaken our alliances, but to
+give them new life, new strength, a new sense of common purpose.
+
+Relations with our European allies are once again strong and healthy, based
+on mutual consultation and mutual responsibility.
+
+We have initiated a new approach to Latin America in which we deal with
+those nations as partners rather than patrons.
+
+The new partnership concept has been welcomed in Asia. We have developed an
+historic new basis for Japanese-American friendship and cooperation, which
+is the linchpin for peace in the Pacific.
+
+If we are to have peace in the last third of the century, a major factor
+will be the development of a new relationship between the United States and
+the Soviet Union.
+
+I would not underestimate our differences, but we are moving with precision
+and purpose from an era of confrontation to an era of negotiation.
+
+Our negotiations on strategic arms limitations and in other areas will have
+far greater chance for success if both sides enter them motivated by mutual
+self-interest rather than naive sentimentality.
+
+It is with this same spirit that we have resumed discussions with Communist
+China in our talks at Warsaw.
+
+Our concern in our relations with both these nations is to avoid a
+catastrophic collision and to build a solid basis for peaceful settlement
+of our differences.
+
+I would be the last to suggest that the road to peace is not difficult and
+dangerous, but I believe our new policies have contributed to the prospect
+that America may have the best chance since World War II to enjoy a
+generation of uninterrupted peace. And that chance will be enormously
+increased if we continue to have a relationship between Congress and the
+Executive in which, despite differences in detail, where the security of
+America and the peace of mankind are concerned, we act not as Republicans,
+not as Democrats, but as Americans.
+
+As we move into the decade of the seventies, we have the greatest
+opportunity for progress at home of any people in world history.
+
+Our gross national product will increase by $500 billion in the next 10
+years. This increase alone is greater than the entire growth of the
+American economy from 1790 to 1950.
+
+The critical question is not whether we will grow, but how we will use that
+growth.
+
+The decade of the sixties was also a period of great growth economically.
+But in that same 10-year period we witnessed the greatest growth of crime,
+the greatest increase in inflation, the greatest social unrest in America
+in 100 years. Never has a nation seemed to have had more and enjoyed it
+less.
+
+At heart, the issue is the effectiveness of government.
+
+Ours has become--as it continues to be, and should remain--a society of
+large expectations. Government helped to generate these expectations. It
+undertook to meet them. Yet, increasingly, it proved unable to do so.
+
+As a people, we had too many visions-and too little vision.
+
+Now, as we enter the seventies, we should enter also a great age of reform
+of the institutions of American government.
+
+Our purpose in this period should not be simply better management of the
+programs of the past. The time has come for a new quest--a quest not for a
+greater quantity of what we have, but for a new quality of life in
+America.
+
+A major part of the substance for an unprecedented advance in this Nation's
+approach to its problems and opportunities is contained in more than two
+score legislative proposals which I sent to the Congress last year and
+which still await enactment.
+
+I will offer at least a dozen more major programs in the course of this
+session.
+
+At this point I do not intend to through a detailed listing of what I have
+proposed or will propose, but I would like to mention three areas in which
+urgent priorities demand that we move and move now:
+
+First, we cannot delay longer in accomplishing a total reform of our
+welfare system. When a system penalizes work, breaks up homes, robs
+recipients of dignity, there is no alternative to abolishing that system
+and adopting in its place the program of income support, job training, and
+work incentives which I recommended to the Congress last year.
+
+Second, the time has come to assess and reform all of our institutions of
+government at the Federal, State, and local level. It is time for a New
+Federalism, in which, after 190 years of power flowing from the people and
+local and State governments to Washington, D.C., it will begin to flow from
+Washington back to the States and to the people of the United States.
+
+Third, we must adopt reforms which will expand the range of opportunities
+for all Americans. We can fulfill the American dream only when each person
+has a fair chance to fulfill his own dreams. This means equal voting
+rights, equal employment opportunity, and new opportunities for expanded
+ownership. Because in order to be secure in their human rights, people need
+access to property rights.
+
+I could give similar examples of the need for reform in our programs for
+health, education, housing, transportation, as well as other critical areas
+which directly affect the well-being of millions of Americans.
+
+The people of the United States should wait no longer for these reforms
+that would so deeply enhance the quality of their life.
+
+When I speak of actions which would be beneficial to the American people, I
+can think of none more important than for the Congress to join this
+administration in the battle to stop the rise in the cost of living.
+
+Now, I realize it is tempting to blame someone else for inflation. Some
+blame business for raising prices. Some blame unions for asking for more
+wages.
+
+But a review of the stark fiscal facts of the 1960's clearly demonstrates
+where the primary blame for rising prices must be placed.
+
+In the decade of the sixties the Federal Government spent $57 billion more
+than it took in in taxes.
+
+In that same decade the American people paid the bill for that deficit in
+price increases which raised the cost of living for the average family of
+four by $200 per month in America.
+
+Now millions of Americans are forced to go into debt today because the
+Federal Government decided to go into debt yesterday. We must balance our
+Federal budget so that American families will have a better chance to
+balance their family budgets.
+
+Only with the cooperation of the Congress can we meet this highest priority
+objective of responsible government. We are on the right track.
+
+We had a balanced budget in 1969. This administration cut more than $7
+billion out of spending plans in order to produce a surplus in 1970, and in
+spite of the fact that Congress reduced revenues by $3 billion, I shall
+recommend a balanced budget for 1971.
+
+But I can assure you that not only to present, but to stay within, a
+balanced budget requires some very hard decisions. It means rejecting
+spending programs which would benefit some of the people when their net
+effect would result in price increases for all the people.
+
+It is time to quit putting good money into bad programs. Otherwise, we will
+end up with bad money and bad programs.
+
+I recognize the political popularity of spending programs, and particularly
+in an election year. But unless we stop the rise in prices, the cost of
+living for millions of American families will become unbearable and
+government's ability to plan programs for progress for the future will
+become impossible.
+
+In referring to budget cuts, there is one area where I have ordered an
+increase rather than a cut--and that is the requests of those agencies with
+the responsibilities for law enforcement.
+
+We have heard a great deal of overblown rhetoric during the sixties in
+which the word "war" has perhaps too often been used--the war on poverty,
+the war on misery, the war on disease, the war on hunger. But if there is
+one area where the word "war" is appropriate it is in the fight against
+crime. We must declare and win the war against the criminal elements which
+increasingly threaten our cities, our homes, and our lives.
+
+We have a tragic example of this problem in the Nation's Capital, for whose
+safety the Congress and the Executive have the primary responsibility. I
+doubt if many Members of this Congress who live more than a few blocks from
+here would dare leave their cars in the Capitol garage and walk home alone
+tonight.
+
+Last year this administration sent to the Congress 13 separate pieces of
+legislation dealing with organized crime, pornography, street crime,
+narcotics, crime in the District of Columbia.
+
+None of these bills has reached my desk for signature.
+
+I am confident that the Congress will act now to adopt the legislation I
+placed before you last year. We in the Executive have done everything we
+can under existing law, but new and stronger weapons are needed in that
+fight.
+
+While it is true that State and local law enforcement agencies are the
+cutting edge in the effort to eliminate street crime, burglaries, murder,
+my proposals to you have embodied my belief that the Federal Government
+should play a greater role in working in partnership with these agencies.
+
+That is why 1971 Federal spending for local law enforcement will double
+that budgeted for 1970.
+
+The primary responsibility for crimes that affect individuals is with local
+and State rather than with Federal Government. But in the field of
+organized crime, narcotics, pornography, the Federal Government has a
+special responsibility it should fulfill. And we should make Washington,
+D.C., where we have the primary responsibility, an example to the Nation
+and the world of respect for law rather than lawlessness.
+
+I now turn to a subject which, next to our desire for peace, may well
+become the major concern of the American people in the decade of the
+seventies.
+
+In the next 10 years we shall increase our wealth by 50 percent. The
+profound question is: Does this mean we will be 50 percent richer in a real
+sense, 50 percent better off, 50 percent happier?
+
+Or does it mean that in the year 1980 the President standing in this place
+will look back on a decade in which 70 percent of our people lived in
+metropolitan areas choked by traffic, suffocated by smog, poisoned by
+water, deafened by noise, and terrorized by crime?
+
+These are not the great questions that concern world leaders at summit
+conferences. But people do not live at the summit. They live in the
+foothills of everyday experience, and it is time for all of us to concern
+ourselves with the way real people live in real life.
+
+The great question of the seventies is, shall we surrender to our
+surroundings, or shall we make our peace with nature and begin to make
+reparations for the damage we have done to our air, to our land, and to our
+water?
+
+Restoring nature to its natural state is a cause beyond party and beyond
+factions. It has become a common cause of all the people of this country.
+It is a cause of particular concern to young Americans, because they more
+than we will reap the grim consequences of our failure to act on programs
+which are needed now if we are to prevent disaster later.
+
+Clean air, clean water, open spaces-these should once again be the
+birthright of every American. If we act now, they can be.
+
+We still think of air as free. But clean air is not free, and neither is
+clean water. The price tag on pollution control is high. Through our years
+of past carelessness we incurred a debt to nature, and now that debt is
+being called.
+
+The program I shall propose to Congress will be the most comprehensive and
+costly program in this field in America's history.
+
+It is not a program for just one year. A year's plan in this field is no
+plan at all. This is a time to look ahead not a year, but 5 years or 10
+years--whatever time is required to do the job.
+
+I shall propose to this Congress a $10 billion nationwide clean waters
+program to put modern municipal waste treatment plants in every place in
+America where they are needed to make our waters clean again, and do it
+now. We have the industrial capacity, if we begin now, to build them all
+within 5 years. This program will get them built within 5 years.
+
+As our cities and suburbs relentlessly expand, those priceless open spaces
+needed for recreation areas accessible to their people are swallowed
+up--often forever. Unless we preserve these spaces while they are still
+available, we will have none to preserve. Therefore, I shall propose new
+financing methods for purchasing open space and parklands now, before they
+are lost to us.
+
+The automobile is our worst polluter of the air. Adequate control requires
+further advances in engine design and fuel composition. We shall intensify
+our research, set increasingly strict standards, and strengthen enforcement
+procedures-and we shall do it now.
+
+We can no longer afford to consider air and water common property, free to
+be abused by anyone without regard to the consequences. Instead, we should
+begin now to treat them as scarce resources, which we are no more free to
+contaminate than we are free to throw garbage into our neighbor's yard.
+
+This requires comprehensive new regulations. It also requires that, to the
+extent possible, the price of goods should be made to include the costs of
+producing and disposing of them without damage to the environment.
+
+Now, I realize that the argument is often made that there is a fundamental
+contradiction between economic growth and the quality of life, so that to
+have one we must forsake the other.
+
+The answer is not to abandon growth, but to redirect it. For example, we
+should turn toward ending congestion and eliminating smog the same
+reservoir of inventive genius that created them in the first place.
+
+Continued vigorous economic growth provides us with the means to enrich
+life itself and to enhance our planet as a place hospitable to man.
+
+Each individual must enlist in this fight if it is to be won.
+
+It has been said that no matter how many national parks and historical
+monuments we buy and develop, the truly significant environment for each of
+us is that in which we spend 80 percent of our time--in our homes, in our
+places of work, the streets over which we travel.
+
+Street litter, rundown parking strips and yards, dilapidated fences, broken
+windows, smoking automobiles, dingy working places, all should be the
+object of our fresh view.
+
+We have been too tolerant of our surroundings and too willing to leave it
+to others to clean up our environment. It is time for those who make
+massive demands on society to make some minimal demands on themselves. Each
+of us must resolve that each day he will leave his home, his property, the
+public places of the city or town a little cleaner, a little better, a
+little more pleasant for himself and those around him.
+
+With the help of people we can do anything, and without their help, we can
+do nothing. In this spirit, together, we can reclaim our land for ours and
+generations to come.
+
+Between now and the year 5000, over 100 million children will be born in
+the United States. Where they grow up--and how will, more than any one
+thing, measure the quality of American life in these years ahead.
+
+This should be a warning to us.
+
+For the past 30 years our population has also been growing and shifting.
+The result is exemplified in the vast areas of rural America emptying out
+of people and of promise--a third of our counties lost population in the
+sixties.
+
+The violent and decayed central cities of our great metropolitan complexes
+are the most conspicuous area of failure in American life today.
+
+I propose that before these problems become insoluble, the Nation develop a
+national growth policy.
+
+In the future, government decisions as to where to build highways, locate
+airports, acquire land, or sell land should be made with a clear objective
+of aiding a balanced growth for America.
+
+In particular, the Federal Government must be in a position to assist in
+the building of new cities and the rebuilding of old ones.
+
+At the same time, we will carry our concern with the quality of life in
+America to the farm as well as the suburb, to the village as well as to the
+city. What rural America needs most is a new kind of assistance. It needs
+to be dealt with, not as a separate nation, but as part of an overall
+growth policy for America. We must create a new rural environment which
+will not only stem the migration to urban centers, but reverse it. If we
+seize our growth as a challenge, we can make the 1970's an historic period
+when by conscious choice we transformed our land into what we want it to
+become.
+
+America, which has pioneered in the new abundance, and in the new
+technology, is called upon today to pioneer in meeting the concerns which
+have followed in their wake--in turning the wonders of science to the
+service of man.
+
+In the majesty of this great Chamber we hear the echoes of America's
+history, of debates that rocked the Union and those that repaired it, of
+the summons to war and the search for peace, of the uniting of the people,
+the building of a nation.
+
+Those echoes of history remind us of our roots and our strengths.
+
+They remind us also of that special genius of American democracy, which at
+one critical turning point after another has led us to spot the new road to
+the future and given us the wisdom and the courage to take it.
+
+As I look down that new road which I have tried to map out today, I see a
+new America as we celebrate our 200th anniversary 6 years from now.
+
+I see an America in which we have abolished hunger, provided the means for
+every family in the Nation to obtain a minimum income, made enormous
+progress in providing better housing, faster transportation, improved
+health, and superior education.
+
+I see an America in which we have checked inflation, and waged a winning
+war against crime.
+
+I see an America in which we have made great strides in stopping the
+pollution of our air, cleaning up our water, opening up our parks,
+continuing to explore in space.
+
+Most important, I see an America at peace with all the nations of the
+world.
+
+This is not an impossible dream. These goals are all within our reach.
+
+In times past, our forefathers had the vision but not the means to achieve
+such goals.
+
+Let it not be recorded that we were the first American generation that had
+the means but not the vision to make this dream come true.
+
+But let us, above all, recognize a fundamental truth. We can be the best
+clothed, best fed, best housed people in the world, enjoying clean air,
+clean water, beautiful parks, but we could still be the unhappiest people
+in the world without an indefinable spirit--the lift of a driving dream
+which has made America, from its beginning, the hope of the world.
+
+Two hundred years ago this was a new nation of 3 million people, weak
+militarily, poor economically. But America meant something to the world
+then which could not be measured in dollars, something far more important
+than military might.
+
+Listen to President Thomas Jefferson in 1802: We act not "for ourselves
+alone, but for the whole human race."
+
+We had a spiritual quality then which caught the imagination of millions of
+people in the world.
+
+Today, when we are the richest and strongest nation in the world, let it
+not be recorded that we lack the moral and spiritual idealism which made us
+the hope of the world at the time of our birth.
+
+The demands of us in 1976 are even greater than in 1776.
+
+It is no longer enough to live and let live. Now we must live and help
+live.
+
+We need a fresh climate in America, one in which a person can breathe
+freely and breathe in freedom.
+
+Our recognition of the truth that wealth and happiness are not the same
+thing requires us to measure success or failure by new criteria.
+
+Even more than the programs I have described today, what this Nation needs
+is an example from its elected leaders in providing the spiritual and moral
+leadership which no programs for material progress can satisfy.
+
+Above all, let us inspire young Americans with a sense of excitement, a
+sense of destiny, a sense of involvement, in meeting the challenges we face
+in this great period of our history. Only then are they going to have any
+sense of satisfaction in their lives.
+
+The greatest privilege an individual can have is to serve in a cause bigger
+than himself. We have such a cause.
+
+How we seize the opportunities I have described today will determine not
+only our future, but the future of peace and freedom in this world in the
+last third of the century.
+
+May God give us the wisdom, the strength and, above all, the idealism to be
+worthy of that challenge, so that America can fulfill its destiny of being
+the world's best hope for liberty, for opportunity, for progress and peace
+for all peoples.
+
+On the same day an advance text of the Presidents address was released by
+the White House Press Office.
+
+***
+
+State of the Union Address
+Richard Nixon
+January 22, 1971
+
+Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, my colleagues in the Congress, our
+distinguished guests, my fellow Americans:
+
+As this 92d Congress begins its session, America has lost a great Senator,
+and all of us who had the privilege to know him have lost a loyal friend. I
+had the privilege of visiting Senator Russell in the hospital just a few
+days before he died. He never spoke about himself. He only spoke eloquently
+about the need for a strong national defense. In tribute to one of the most
+magnificent Americans of all time, I respectfully ask that all those here
+will rise in silent prayer for Senator Russell.
+
+Thank you.
+
+Mr. Speaker, before I begin my formal address, I want to use this
+opportunity to congratulate all of those who were winners in the rather
+spirited contest for leadership positions in the House and the Senate and,
+also, to express my condolences to the losers. I know how both of you
+feel.
+
+And I particularly want to join with all of the Members of the House and
+the Senate as well in congratulating the new Speaker of the United States
+Congress.
+
+To those new Members of this House who may have some doubts about the
+possibilities for advancement in the years ahead, I would remind you that
+the Speaker and I met just 24 years ago in this Chamber as freshmen Members
+of the 80th Congress. As you see, we both have come up in the world a bit
+since then.
+
+Mr. Speaker, this 92d Congress has a chance to be recorded as the greatest
+Congress in America's history.
+
+In these troubled years just past, America has been going through a long
+nightmare of war and division, of crime and inflation. Even more deeply, we
+have gone through a long, dark night of the American spirit. But now that
+night is ending. Now we must let our spirits soar again. Now we are ready
+for the lift of a driving dream.
+
+The people of this Nation are eager to get on with the quest for new
+greatness. They see challenges, and they are prepared to meet those
+challenges. It is for us here to open the doors that will set free again
+the real greatness of this Nation-the genius of the American people.
+
+How shall we meet this challenge? How can we truly open the doors, and set
+free the full genius of our people?
+
+The way in which the 92d Congress answers these questions will determine
+its place in history. More importantly, it can determine this Nation's
+place in history as we enter the third century of our independence.
+
+Tonight I shall present to the Congress six great goals. I shall ask not
+simply for more new programs in the old framework. I shall ask to change
+the framework of government itself---to reform the entire structure of
+American government so we can make it again fully responsive to the needs
+and the wishes of the American people.
+
+If we act boldly--if we seize this moment and achieve these goals--we can
+close the gap between promise and performance in American government. We
+can bring together the resources of this Nation and the spirit of the
+American people.
+
+In discussing these great goals, I shall deal tonight only with matters on
+the domestic side of the Nation's agenda. I shall make a separate report to
+the Congress and the Nation next month on developments in foreign policy.
+
+The first of these great goals is already before the Congress.
+
+I urge that the unfinished business of the 91st Congress be made the first
+priority business of the 92d Congress.
+
+Over the next 2 weeks, I will call upon Congress to take action on more
+than 35 pieces of proposed legislation on which action was not completed
+last year.
+
+The most important is welfare reform.
+
+The present welfare system has become a monstrous, consuming outrage--an
+outrage against the community, against the taxpayer, and particularly
+against the children it is supposed to help.
+
+We may honestly disagree, as we do, on what to do about it. But we can all
+agree that we must meet the challenge, not by pouring more money into a bad
+program, but by abolishing the present welfare system and adopting a new
+one.
+
+So let us place a floor under the income of every family with children in
+America-and without those demeaning, soul-stifling affronts to human
+dignity that so blight the lives of welfare children today. But let us also
+establish an effective work incentive and an effective work requirement.
+
+Let us provide the means by which more can help themselves. This shall be
+our goal.
+
+Let us generously help those who are not able to help themselves. But let
+us stop helping those who are able to help themselves but refuse to do so.
+
+The second great goal is to achieve what Americans have not enjoyed since
+1957--full prosperity in peacetime.
+
+The tide of inflation has turned. The rise in the cost of living, which had
+been gathering dangerous momentum in the late sixties, was reduced last
+year. Inflation will be further reduced this year.
+
+But as we have moved from runaway inflation toward reasonable price
+stability and at the same time as we have been moving from a wartime
+economy to a peacetime economy, we have paid a price in increased
+unemployment.
+
+We should take no comfort from the fact that the level of unemployment in
+this transition from a wartime to a peacetime economy is lower than in any
+peacetime year of the sixties.
+
+This is not good enough for the man who is unemployed in the seventies. We
+must do better for workers in peacetime and we will do better.
+
+To achieve this, I will submit an expansionary budget this year--one that
+will help stimulate the economy and thereby open up new job opportunities
+for millions of Americans.
+
+It will be a full employment budget, a budget designed to be in balance if
+the economy were operating at its peak potential. By spending as if we were
+at full employment, we will help to bring about full employment.
+
+I ask the Congress to accept these expansionary policies--to accept the
+concept of a full employment budget. At the same time, I ask the Congress
+to cooper* ate in resisting expenditures that go beyond the limits of the
+full employment budget. For as we wage a campaign to bring about a widely
+shared prosperity, we must not reignite the fires of inflation and so
+undermine that prosperity.
+
+With the stimulus and the discipline of a full employment budget, with the
+commitment of the independent Federal Reserve System to provide fully for
+the monetary needs of a growing economy, and with a much greater effort on
+the part of labor and management to make their wage and price decisions in
+the light of the national interest and their own self-interest--then for
+the worker, the farmer, the consumer, for Americans everywhere we shall
+gain the goal of a new prosperity: more jobs, more income, more profits,
+without inflation and without war.
+
+This is a great goal, and one that we can achieve together.
+
+The third great goal is to continue the effort so dramatically begun last
+year: to restore and enhance our natural environment.
+
+Building on the foundation laid in the 37-point program that I submitted to
+Congress last year, I will propose a strong new set of initiatives to clean
+up our air and water, to combat noise, and to preserve and restore our
+surroundings.
+
+I will propose programs to make better use of our land, to encourage a
+balanced national growth--growth that will revitalize our rural heartland
+and enhance the quality of life in America.
+
+And not only to meet today's needs but to anticipate those of tomorrow, I
+will put forward the most extensive program ever proposed by a President of
+the United States to expand the Nation's parks, recreation areas, open
+spaces, in a way that truly brings parks to the people where the people
+are. For only if we leave a legacy of parks will the next generation have
+parks to enjoy.
+
+As a fourth great goal, I will offer a far-reaching set of proposals for
+improving America's health care and making it available more fairly to more
+people.
+
+I will propose:
+
+--A program to insure that no American family will be prevented from
+obtaining basic medical care by inability to pay.
+
+--I will propose a major increase in and redirection of aid to medical
+schools, to greatly increase the number of doctors and other health
+personnel.
+
+--Incentives to improve the delivery of health services, to get more
+medical care resources into those areas that have not been adequately
+served, to make greater use of medical assistants, and to slow the alarming
+rise in the costs of medical care.
+
+--New programs to encourage better preventive medicine, by attacking the
+causes of disease and injury, and by providing incentives to doctors to
+keep people well rather than just to treat them when they are sick.
+
+I will also ask for an appropriation of an extra $100 million to launch an
+intensive campaign to find a cure for cancer, and I will ask later for
+whatever additional funds can effectively be used. The time has come in
+America when the same kind of concentrated effort that split the atom and
+took man to the moon should be turned toward conquering this dread disease.
+Let us make a total national commitment to achieve this goal.
+
+America has long been the wealthiest nation in the world. Now it is time we
+became the healthiest nation in the world.
+
+The fifth great goal is to strengthen and to renew our State and local
+governments.
+
+As we approach our 200th anniversary in 1976, we remember that this Nation
+launched itself as a loose confederation of separate States, without a
+workable central government. At that time, the mark of its leaders' vision
+was that they quickly saw the need to balance the separate powers of the
+States with a government of central powers.
+
+And so they gave us a constitution of balanced powers, of unity with
+diversity-and so clear was their vision that it survives today as the
+oldest written constitution still in force in the world.
+
+For almost two centuries since--and dramatically in the 1930's--at those
+great turning points when the question has been between the States and the
+Federal Government, that question has been resolved in favor of a stronger
+central Federal Government.
+
+During this time the Nation grew and the Nation prospered. But one thing
+history tells us is that no great movement goes in the same direction
+forever. Nations change, they adapt, or they slowly die.
+
+The time has now come in America to reverse the flow of power and resources
+from the States and communities to Washington, and start power and
+resources flowing back from Washington to the States and communities and,
+more important, to the people all across America.
+
+The time has come for a new partnership between the Federal Government and
+the States and localities--a partnership in which we entrust the States and
+localities with a larger share of the Nation's responsibilities, and in
+which we share our Federal revenues with them so that they can meet those
+responsibilities.
+
+To achieve this goal, I propose to the Congress tonight that we enact a
+plan of revenue sharing historic in scope and bold in concept.
+
+All across America today, States and cities are confronted with a financial
+crisis. Some have already been cutting back on essential services---for
+example, just recently San Diego and Cleveland cut back on trash
+collections. Most are caught between the prospects of bankruptcy on the one
+hand and adding to an already crushing tax burden on the other.
+
+As one indication of the rising costs of local government, I discovered the
+other day that my home town of Whittier, California-which has a population
+of 67,000--has a larger budget for 1971 than the entire Federal budget was
+in 1791.
+
+Now the time has come to take a new direction, and once again to introduce
+a new and more creative balance to our approach to government.
+
+So let us put the money where the needs are. And let us put the power to
+spend it where the people are.
+
+I propose that the Congress make a $ 16 billion investment in renewing
+State and local government. Five billion dollars of this will be in new and
+unrestricted funds to be used as the States and localities see fit. The
+other $11 billion will be provided by allocating $1 billion of new funds
+and converting one-third of the money going to the present narrow-purpose
+aid programs into Federal revenue sharing funds for six broad purposes for
+urban development, rural development, education, transportation, job
+training, and law enforcement but with the States and localites making
+their own decisions on how it should be spent within each category.
+
+For the next fiscal year, this would increase total Federal aid to the
+States and localities more than 25 percent over the present level.
+
+The revenue sharing proposals I send to the Congress will include the
+safeguards against discrimination that accompany all other Federal funds
+allocated to the States. Neither the President nor the Congress nor the
+conscience of this Nation can permit money which comes from all the people
+to be used in a way which discriminates against some of the people.
+
+The Federal Government will still have a large and vital role to play in
+achieving our national progress. Established functions that are clearly and
+essentially Federal in nature will still be performed by the Federal
+Government. New functions that need to be sponsored or performed by the
+Federal Government--such as those I have urged tonight in welfare and
+health--will be added to the Federal agenda. Whenever it makes the best
+sense for us to act as a whole nation, the Federal Government should and
+will lead the way. But where States or local governments can better do what
+needs to be done, let us see that they have the resources to do it there.
+
+Under this plan, the Federal Government will provide the States and
+localities with more money and less interference-and by cutting down the
+interference the same amount of money will go a lot further.
+
+Let us share our resources.
+
+Let us share them to rescue the States and localities from the brink of
+financial crisis.
+
+Let us share them to give homeowners and wage earners a chance to escape
+from ever-higher property taxes and sales taxes.
+
+Let us share our resources for two other reasons as well.
+
+The first of these reasons has to do with government itself, and the second
+has to do it, h each of us, with the individual.
+
+Let s face it. Most Americans today are simply fed up with government at
+all levels. They will not--and they should not--continue to tolerate the
+gap between promise and performance in government.
+
+The fact is that we have made the Federal Government so strong it grows
+muscle-bound and the States and localities so weak they approach
+impotence.
+
+If we put more power in more places, we can make government more creative
+in more places. That way we multiply the number of people with the ability
+to make things happen--and we can open the way to a new burst of creative
+energy throughout America.
+
+The final reason I urge this historic shift is much more personal, for each
+and for every one of us.
+
+As everything seems to have grown bigger and more complex in America, as
+the forces that shape our lives seem to have grown more distant and more
+impersonal, a great feeling of frustration has crept across this land.
+
+Whether it is the workingman who feels neglected, the black man who feels
+oppressed, or the mother concerned about her children, there has been a
+growing feeling that "Things are in the saddle, and ride mankind."
+
+Millions of frustrated young Americans today are crying out--asking not
+what will government do for me, but what can I do, how can I contribute,
+how can I matter?
+
+And so let us answer them. Let us say to them and let us say to all
+Americans, "We hear you. We will give you a chance. We are going to give
+you a new chance to have more to say about the decisions that affect your
+future--a chance to participate in government--because we are going to
+provide more centers of power where what you do can make a difference that
+you can see and feel in your own life and the life of your whole
+community."
+
+The further away government is from people, the stronger government becomes
+and the weaker people become. And a nation with a strong government and a
+weak people is an empty shell.
+
+I reject the patronizing idea that government in Washington, D.C., is
+inevitably more wise, more honest, and more efficient than government at
+the local or State level. The honesty and efficiency of government depends
+on people. Government at all levels has good people and bad people. And the
+way to get more good people into government is to give them more
+opportunity to do good things.
+
+The idea that a bureaucratic elite in Washington knows best what is best
+for people everywhere and that you cannot trust local governments is really
+a contention that you cannot trust people to govern themselves. This notion
+is completely foreign to the American experience. Local government is the
+government closest to the people, it is most responsive to the individual
+person. It is people's government in a far more intimate way than the
+Government in Washington can ever be.
+
+People came to America because they wanted to determine their own future
+rather than to live in a country where others determined their future for
+them.
+
+What this change means is that once again in America we are placing our
+trust in people.
+
+I have faith in people. I trust the judgment of people. Let us give the
+people of America a chance, a bigger voice in deciding for themselves those
+questions that so greatly affect their lives.
+
+The sixth great goal is a complete reform of the Federal Government
+itself.
+
+Based on a long and intensive study with the aid of the best advice
+obtainable, I have concluded that a sweeping reorganization of the
+executive branch is needed if the Government is to keep up with the times
+and with the needs of the people.
+
+I propose, therefore, that we reduce the present 12 Cabinet Departments to
+eight.
+
+I propose that the Departments of State, Treasury, Defense, and Justice
+remain, but that all the other departments be consolidated into four: Human
+Resources, Community Development, Natural Resources, and Economic
+Development.
+
+Let us look at what these would be:
+
+--First, a department dealing with the concerns of people--as individuals,
+as members of a family--a department focused on human needs.
+
+--Second, a department concerned with the community--rural communities and
+urban communities-and with all that it takes to make a community function
+as a community.
+
+--Third, a department concerned with our physical environment, with the
+preservation and balanced use of those great natural resources on which our
+Nation depends.
+
+--And fourth, a department concerned with our prosperity--with our jobs,
+our businesses, and those many activities that keep our economy running
+smoothly and well.
+
+Under this plan, rather than dividing up our departments by narrow
+subjects, we would organize them around the great purposes of government.
+Rather than scattering responsibility by adding new levels of bureaucracy,
+we would focus and concentrate the responsibility for getting problems
+solved.
+
+With these four departments, when we have a problem we will know where to
+go--and the department will have the authority and the resources to do
+something about it.
+
+Over the years we have added departments and created agencies at the
+Federal level, each to serve a new constituency, to handle a particular
+task--and these have grown and multiplied in what has become a hopeless
+confusion of form and function.
+
+The time has come to match our structure to our purposes---to look with a
+fresh eye, to organize the Government by conscious, comprehensive design to
+meet the new needs of a new era.
+
+One hundred years ago, Abraham Lincoln stood on a battlefield and spoke of
+a "government of the people, by the people, for the people." Too often
+since then, we have become a nation of the Government, by the Government,
+for the Government.
+
+By enacting these reforms, we can renew that principle that Lincoln stated
+so simply and so well.
+
+By giving everyone's voice a chance to be heard, we will have government
+that truly is of the people.
+
+By creating more centers of meaningful power, more places where decisions
+that really count can be made, by giving more people a chance to do
+something, we can have government that truly is by the people.
+
+And by setting up a completely modern, functional system of government at
+the national level, we in Washington will at last be able to provide
+government that is truly for the people.
+
+I realize that what I am asking is that not only the executive branch in
+Washington but that even this Congress will have to change by giving up
+some of its power.
+
+Change is hard. But without change there can be no progress. And for each
+of us the question then becomes, not "Will change cause me inconvenience?"
+but "Will change bring progress for America?"
+
+Giving up power is hard. But I would urge all of you, as leaders of this
+country, to remember that the truly revered leaders in world history are
+those who gave power to people, and not those who took it away.
+
+As we consider these reforms we will be acting, not for the next 2 years or
+for the next 10 years, but for the next 100 years.
+
+So let us approach these six great goals with a sense not only of this
+moment in history but also of history itself.
+
+Let us act with the willingness to work together and the vision and the
+boldness and the courage of those great Americans who met in Philadelphia
+almost 190 years ago to write a constitution.
+
+Let us leave a heritage as they did--not just for our children but for
+millions yet unborn--of a nation where every American will have a chance
+not only to live in peace and to enjoy prosperity and opportunity but to
+participate in a system of government where he knows not only his votes but
+his ideas count--a system of government which will provide the means for
+America to reach heights of achievement undreamed of before.
+
+Those men who met at Philadelphia left a great heritage because they had a
+vision--not only of what the Nation was but of what it could become.
+
+As I think of that vision, I recall that America was founded as the land of
+the open door--as a haven for the oppressed, a land of opportunity, a place
+of refuge, of hope.
+
+When the first settlers opened the door of America three and a half
+centuries ago, they came to escape persecution and to find opportunity--and
+they left wide the door of welcome for others to follow.
+
+When the Thirteen Colonies declared their independence almost two centuries
+ago, they opened the door to a new vision of liberty and of human
+fulfillment--not just for an elite but for all.
+
+To the generations that followed, America's was the open door that beckoned
+millions from the old world to the new in search of a better life, a freer
+life, a fuller life, and in which, by their own decisions, they could shape
+their own destinies.
+
+For the black American, the Indian, the Mexican-American, and for those
+others in our land who have not had an equal chance, the Nation at last has
+begun to confront the need to press open the door of full and equal
+opportunity, and of human dignity.
+
+For all Americans, with these changes I have proposed tonight we can open
+the door to a new era of opportunity. We can open the door to full and
+effective participation in the decisions that affect their lives. We can
+open the door to a new partnership among governments at all levels, between
+those governments and the people themselves. And by so doing, we can open
+wide the doors of human fulfillment for millions of people here in America
+now and in the years to come.
+
+In the next few weeks I will spell out in greater detail the way I propose
+that we achieve these six great goals. I ask this Congress to be
+responsive. If it is, then the 92d Congress, your Congress, our Congress,
+at the end of its term, will be able to look back on a record more splendid
+than any in our history.
+
+This can be the Congress that helped us end the longest war in the Nation's
+history, and end it in a way that will give us at last a genuine chance to
+enjoy what we have not had in this century: a full generation of peace.
+
+This can be the Congress that helped achieve an expanding economy, with
+full employment and without inflation--and without the deadly stimulus of
+war.
+
+This can be the Congress that reformed a welfare system that has robbed
+recipients of their dignity and robbed States and cities of their
+resources.
+
+This can be the Congress that pressed forward the rescue of our
+environment, and established for the next generation an enduring legacy of
+parks for the people.
+
+This can be the Congress that launched a new era in American medicine, in
+which the quality of medical care was enhanced while the costs were made
+less burdensome.
+
+But above all, what this Congress can be remembered for is opening the way
+to a new American revolution--a peaceful revolution in which power was
+turned back to the people--in which government at all levels was refreshed
+and renewed and made truly responsive. This can be a revolution as
+profound, as far-reaching, as exciting as that first revolution almost 200
+years ago--and it can mean that just 5 years from now America will enter
+its third century as a young nation new in spirit, with all the vigor and
+the freshness with which it began its first century.
+
+My colleagues in the Congress, these are great goals. They can make the
+sessions of this Congress a great moment for America. So let us pledge
+together to go forward together--by achieving these goals to give America
+the foundation today for a new greatness tomorrow and in all the years to
+come, and in so doing to make this the greatest Congress in the history of
+this great and good country.
+
+An advance text of the President's address was released on the same day.
+
+The White House also released the transcripts of three news briefings on
+the President's State of the Union proposals: the first, on January 25,
+1971, by Senator Hugh Scott and Representative Gerald R. Ford following a
+Republican Congressional leadership meeting with the President; the second,
+on January 27, by John D. Ehrlichman, Assistant to the President for
+Domestic Affairs; and the third, on February 2, by Secretary of Commerce
+Maurice H. Stans, Secretary of Labor James D. Hodgson, and Secretary of
+Agriculture Clifford M. Hardin following a meeting of the Cabinet.
+
+***
+
+State of the Union Address
+Richard Nixon
+January 20, 1972
+
+Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, my colleagues in the Congress, our
+distinguished guests, my fellow Americans:
+
+Twenty-five years ago I sat here as a freshman Congressman--along with
+Speaker Albert--and listened for the first time to the President address
+the State of the Union.
+
+I shall never forget that moment. The Senate, the diplomatic corps, the
+Supreme Court, the Cabinet entered the Chamber, and then the President of
+the United States. As all of you are aware, I had some differences with
+President Truman. He had some with me. But I remember that on that day--the
+day he addressed that joint session of the newly elected Republican 80th
+Congress, he spoke not as a partisan, but as President of all the
+people-calling upon the Congress to put aside partisan considerations in
+the national interest.
+
+The Greek-Turkish aid program, the Marshall Plan, the great foreign policy
+initiatives which have been responsible for avoiding a world war for over
+25 years were approved by the Both Congress, by a bipartisan majority of
+which I was proud to be a part.
+
+Nineteen hundred seventy-two is now before us. It holds precious time in
+which to accomplish good for the Nation. We must not waste it. I know the
+political pressures in this session of the Congress will be great. There
+are more candidates for the Presidency in this Chamber today than there
+probably have been at any one time in the whole history of the Republic.
+And there is an honest difference of opinion, not only between the parties,
+but within each party, on some foreign policy issues and on some domestic
+policy issues.
+
+However, there are great national problems that are so vital that they
+transcend partisanship. So let us have our debates. Let us have our honest
+differences. But let us join in keeping the national interest first. Let us
+join in making sure that legislation the Nation needs does not become
+hostage to the political interests of any party or any person.
+
+There is ample precedent, in this election year, for me to present you with
+a huge list of new proposals, knowing full well that there would not be any
+possibility of your passing them if you worked night and day.
+
+I shall not do that.
+
+I have presented to the leaders of the Congress today a message of 15,000
+words discussing in some detail where the Nation stands and setting forth
+specific legislative items on which I have asked the Congress to act. Much
+of this is legislation which I proposed in 1969, in 1970, and also in the
+first session of this 92d Congress and on which I feel it is essential that
+action be completed this year.
+
+I am not presenting proposals which have attractive labels but no hope of
+passage. I am presenting only vital programs which are within the capacity
+of this Congress to enact, within the capacity of the budget to finance,
+and which I believe should be above partisanship--programs which deal with
+urgent priorities for the Nation, which should and must be the subject of
+bipartisan action by this Congress in the interests of the country in
+1972.
+
+When I took the oath of office on the steps of this building just 3 years
+ago today, the Nation was ending one of the most tortured decades in its
+history.
+
+The 1960's were a time of great progress in many areas. But as we all know,
+they were also times of great agony--the agonies of war, of inflation, of
+rapidly rising crime, of deteriorating titles, of hopes raised and
+disappointed, and of anger and frustration that led finally to violence and
+to the worst civil disorder in a century.
+
+I recall these troubles not to point any fingers of blame. The Nation was
+so torn in those final years of the sixties that many in both parties
+questioned whether America could be governed at all.
+
+The Nation has made significant progress in these first years of the
+seventies:
+
+Our cities are no longer engulfed by civil disorders.
+
+Our colleges and universities have again become places of learning instead
+of battlegrounds.
+
+A beginning has been made in preserving and protecting our environment.
+
+The rate of increase in crime has been slowed--and here in the District of
+Columbia, the one city where the Federal Government has direct
+jurisdiction, serious crime in 1971 was actually reduced by 13 percent from
+the year before.
+
+Most important, because of the beginnings that have been made, we can say
+today that this year 1972 can be the year in which America may make the
+greatest progress in 25 years toward achieving our goal of being at peace
+with all the nations of the world.
+
+As our involvement in the war in Vietnam comes to an end, we must now go on
+to build a generation of peace.
+
+To achieve that goal, we must first face realistically the need to maintain
+our defense.
+
+In the past 3 years, we have reduced the burden of arms. For the first time
+in 20 years, spending on defense has been brought below spending on human
+resources.
+
+As we look to the future, we find encouraging progress in our negotiations
+with the Soviet Union on limitation of strategic arms. And looking further
+into the future, we hope there can eventually be agreement on the mutual
+reduction of arms. But until there is such a mutual agreement, we must
+maintain the strength necessary to deter war.
+
+And that is why, because of rising research and development costs, because
+of increases in military and civilian pay, because of the need to proceed
+with new weapons systems, my budget for the coming fiscal year will provide
+for an increase in defense spending.
+
+Strong military defenses are not the enemy of peace; they are the guardians
+of peace.
+
+There could be no more misguided set of priorities than one which would
+tempt others by weakening America, and thereby endanger the peace of the
+world.
+
+In our foreign policy, we have entered a new era. The world has changed
+greatly in the 11 years since President John Kennedy said in his Inaugural
+Address, "... we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship,
+support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success
+of liberty."
+
+Our policy has been carefully and deliberately adjusted to meet the new
+realities of the new world we live in. We make today only those commitments
+we are able and prepared to meet.
+
+Our commitment to freedom remains strong and unshakable. But others must
+bear their share of the burden of defending freedom around the world.
+
+And so this, then, is our policy:
+
+--We will maintain a nuclear deterrent adequate to meet any threat to the
+security of the United States or of our allies.
+
+--We will help other nations develop the capability of defending
+themselves.
+
+--We will faithfully honor all of our treaty commitments.
+
+--We will act to defend our interests, whenever and wherever they are
+threatened anyplace in the world.
+
+--But where our interests or our treaty commitments are not involved, our
+role will be limited.
+
+--We will not intervene militarily.
+
+--But we will use our influence to prevent war.
+
+--If war comes, we will use our influence to stop it.
+
+--Once it is over, we will do our share in helping to bind up the wounds of
+those who have participated in it.
+
+As you know, I will soon be visiting the People's Republic of China and the
+Soviet Union. I go there with no illusions. We have great differences with
+both powers. We shall continue to have great differences. But peace depends
+on the ability of great powers to live together on the same planet despite
+their differences.
+
+We would not be true to our obligation to generations yet unborn if we
+failed to seize this moment to do everything in our power to insure that we
+will be able to talk about those differences, rather than to fight about
+them, in the future.
+
+As we look back over this century,, let us, in the highest spirit of
+bipartisanship, recognize that we can be proud of our Nation's record in
+foreign affairs.
+
+America has given more generously of itself toward maintaining freedom,
+preserving peace, alleviating human suffering around the globe, than any
+nation has ever done in the history of man.
+
+We have fought four wars in this century, but our power has never been used
+to break the peace, only to keep it; never been used to destroy freedom,
+only to defend it. We now have within our reach the goal of insuring that
+the next generation can be the first generation in this century to be
+spared the scourges of war.
+
+Turning to our problems at home, we are making progress toward our goal of
+a new prosperity without war.
+
+Industrial production, consumer spending, retail sales, personal income all
+have been rising. Total employment, real income are the highest in history.
+New home building starts this past year reached the highest level ever.
+Business and consumer confidence have both been rising. Interest rates are
+down. The rate of inflation is down. We can look with confidence to 1972 as
+the year when the back of inflation will be broken.
+
+Now, this a good record, but it is not good enough--not when we still have
+an unemployment rate of 6 percent.
+
+It is not enough to point out that this was the rate of the early peacetime
+years of the sixties, or that if the more than 2 million men released from
+the Armed Forces and defense-related industries were still in their wartime
+jobs, unemployment would be far lower.
+
+Our goal in this country is full employment in peacetime. We intend to meet
+that goal, and we can.
+
+The Congress has helped to meet that goal by passing our job-creating tax
+program last month.
+
+The historic monetary agreements, agreements that we have reached with the
+major European nations, Canada, and Japan, will help meet it by providing
+new markets for American products, new jobs for American workers.
+
+Our budget will help meet it by being expansionary without being
+inflationary-a job-producing budget that will help take up the gap as the
+economy expands to full employment.
+
+Our program to raise farm income will help meet it by helping to revitalize
+rural America, by giving to America's farmers their fair share of America's
+increasing productivity.
+
+We also will help meet our goal of full employment in peacetime with a set
+of major initiatives to stimulate more imaginative use of America's great
+capacity for technological advance, and to direct it toward improving the
+quality of life for every American.
+
+In reaching the moon, we demonstrated what miracles American technology is
+capable of achieving. Now the time has come to move more deliberately
+toward making full use of that technology here on earth, of harnessing the
+wonders of science to the service of man.
+
+I shall soon send to the Congress a special message proposing a new program
+of Federal partnership in technological research and development--with
+Federal incentives to increase private research, federally supported
+research on projects designed to improve our everyday lives in ways that
+will range from improving mass transit to developing new systems of
+emergency health care that could save thousands of lives annually.
+
+Historically, our superior technology, and high productivity have made it
+possible for American workers to be the highest paid in the world by far,
+and yet for our goods still to compete in world markets.
+
+Now we face a new situation. As other nations move rapidly forward in
+technology, the answer to the new competition is not to build a wall around
+America, but rather to remain competitive by improving our own technology
+still further and by increasing productivity in American industry.
+
+Our new monetary and trade agreements will make it possible for American
+goods to compete fairly in the world's markets--but they still must
+compete. The new technology program will put to use the skills of many
+highly trained Americans, skills that might otherwise be wasted. It will
+also meet the growing technological challenge from abroad, and it will thus
+help to create new industries, as well as creating more jobs for America's
+workers in producing for the world's markets.
+
+This second session of the 92d Congress already has before it more than 90
+major Administration proposals which still await action.
+
+I have discussed these in the extensive written message that I have
+presented to the Congress today.
+
+They include, among others, our programs to improve life for the aging; to
+combat crime and drug abuse; to improve health services and to ensure that
+no one will be denied needed health care because of inability to pay; to
+protect workers' pension rights; to promote equal opportunity for members
+of minorities, and others who have been left behind; to expand consumer
+protection; to improve the environment; to revitalize rural America; to
+help the cities; to launch new initiatives in education; to improve
+transportation, and to put an end to costly labor tie-ups in
+transportation.
+
+The west coast dock strike is a case in point. This Nation cannot and will
+not tolerate that kind of irresponsible labor tie-up in the future.
+
+The messages also include basic reforms which are essential if our
+structure of government is to be adequate in the decades ahead.
+
+They include reform of our wasteful and outmoded welfare
+system--substitution of a new system that provides work requirements and
+work incentives for those who can help themselves, income support for those
+who cannot help themselves, and fairness to the working poor.
+
+They include a $17 billion program of Federal revenue sharing with the
+States and localities as an investment in their renewal, an investment also
+of faith in the American people.
+
+They also include a sweeping reorganization of the executive branch of the
+Federal Government so that it will be more efficient, more responsive, and
+able to meet the challenges of the decades ahead.
+
+One year ago, standing in this place, I laid before the opening session of
+this Congress six great goals. One of these was welfare reform. That
+proposal has been before the Congress now for nearly 2 1/2 years.
+
+My proposals on revenue sharing, government reorganization, health care,
+and the environment have now been before the Congress for nearly a year.
+Many of the other major proposals that I have referred to have been here
+that long or longer.
+
+Now, 1971, we can say, was a year of consideration of these measures. Now
+let us join in making 1972 a year of action on them, action by the
+Congress, for the Nation and for the people of America.
+
+Now, in addition, there is one pressing need which I have not previously
+covered, but which must be placed on the national agenda.
+
+We long have looked in this Nation to the local property tax as the main
+source of financing for public primary and secondary education.
+
+As a result, soaring school costs, soaring property tax rates now threaten
+both our communities and our schools. They threaten communities because
+property taxes, which more than doubled in the 10 years from 1960 to '70,
+have become one of the most oppressive and discriminatory of all taxes,
+hitting most cruelly at the elderly and the retired; and they threaten
+schools, as hard-pressed voters understandably reject new bond issues at
+the polls.
+
+The problem has been given even greater urgency by four recent court
+decisions, which have held that the conventional method of financing
+schools through local property taxes is discriminatory and
+unconstitutional.
+
+Nearly 2 years ago, I named a special Presidential commission to study the
+problems of school finance, and I also directed the Federal departments to
+look into the same problems. We are developing comprehensive proposals to
+meet these problems.
+
+This issue involves two complex and interrelated sets of problems: support
+of the schools and the basic relationships of Federal, State, and local
+governments in any tax reforms.
+
+Under the leadership of the Secretary of the Treasury, we are carefully
+reviewing all of the tax aspects, and I have this week enlisted the
+Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations in addressing the
+intergovernmental relations aspects.
+
+I have asked this bipartisan Commission to review our proposals for Federal
+action to cope with the gathering crisis of school finance and property
+taxes. Later in the year, when both Commissions have completed their
+studies, I shall make my final recommendations for relieving the burden of
+property taxes and providing both fair and adequate financing for our
+children's education.
+
+These recommendations will be revolutionary. But all these recommendations,
+however, will be rooted in one fundamental principle with which there can
+be no compromise: Local school boards must have control over local
+schools.
+
+As we look ahead over the coming decades, vast new growth and change are
+not only certainties, they will be the dominant reality of this world, and
+particularly of our life in America.
+
+Surveying the certainty of rapid change, we can be like a fallen rider
+caught in the stirrups-- r we can sit high in the saddle, the masters of
+change, directing it on a course we choose.
+
+The secret of mastering change in today's world is to reach back to old and
+proven principles, and to adapt them with imagination and intelligence to
+the new realities of a new age.
+
+That is what we have done in the proposals that I have laid before the
+Congress. They are rooted in basic principles that are as enduring as human
+nature, as robust as the American experience; and they are responsive to
+new conditions. Thus they represent a spirit of change that is truly
+renewal.
+
+As we look back at those old principles, we find them as timely as they are
+timeless.
+
+We believe in independence, and self-reliance, and the creative value of
+the competitive spirit.
+
+We believe in full and equal opportunity for all Americans and in the
+protection of individual rights and liberties.
+
+We believe in the family as the keystone of the community, and in the
+community as the keystone of the Nation.
+
+We believe in compassion toward those in need.
+
+We believe in a system of law, justice, and order as the basis of a
+genuinely free society.
+
+We believe that a person should get what he works for--and that those who
+can, should work for what they get.
+
+We believe in the capacity of people to make their own decisions in their
+own lives, in their own communities--and we believe in their right to make
+those decisions.
+
+In applying these principles, we have done so with the full understanding
+that what we seek in the seventies, what our quest is, is not merely for
+more, but for better for a better quality of life for all Americans.
+
+Thus, for example, we are giving a new measure of attention to cleaning up
+our air and water, making our surroundings more attractive. We are
+providing broader support for the arts, helping stimulate a deeper
+appreciation of what they can contribute to the Nation's activities and to
+our individual lives.
+
+But nothing really matters more to the quality of our lives than the way we
+treat one another, than our capacity to live respectfully together as a
+unified society, with a full, generous regard for the rights of others and
+also for the feelings of others.
+
+As we recover from the turmoil and violence of recent years, as we learn
+once again to speak with one another instead of shouting at one another, we
+are regaining that capacity.
+
+As is customary here, on this occasion, I have been talking about programs.
+Programs are important. But even more important than programs is what we
+are as a Nation--what we mean as a Nation, to ourselves and to the world.
+
+In New York Harbor stands one of the most famous statues in the world--the
+Statue of Liberty, the gift in 1886 of the people of France to the people
+of the United States. This statue is more than a landmark; it is a
+symbol--a symbol of what America has meant to the world.
+
+It reminds us that what America has meant is not its wealth, and not its
+power, but its spirit and purpose--a land that enshrines liberty and
+opportunity, and that has held out a hand of welcome to millions in search
+of a better and a fuller and, above all, a freer life.
+
+The world's hopes poured into America, along with its people. And those
+hopes, those dreams, that have been brought here from every corner of the
+world, have become a part of the hope that we now hold out to the world.
+
+Four years from now, America will celebrate the 200th anniversary of its
+founding as a Nation. There are those who say that the old Spirit of '76 is
+dead---that we no longer have the strength of character, the idealism, the
+faith in our founding purposes that that spirit represents.
+
+Those who say this do not know America.
+
+We have been undergoing self-doubts and self-criticism. But these are only
+the other side of our growing sensitivity to the persistence of want in the
+midst of plenty, of our impatience with the slowness with which age-old
+ills are being overcome.
+
+If we were indifferent to the shortcomings of our society, or complacent
+about our institutions, or blind to the lingering inequities--then we would
+have lost our way.
+
+But the fact that we have those concerns is evidence that our ideals, deep
+down, are still strong. Indeed, they remind us that what is really best
+about America is its compassion. They remind us that in the final analysis,
+America is great not because it is strong, not because it is rich, but
+because this is a good country.
+
+Let us reject the narrow visions of those who would tell us that we are
+evil because we are not yet perfect, that we are corrupt because we are not
+yet pure, that all the sweat and toil and sacrifice that have gone into the
+building of America were for naught because the building is not yet done.
+
+Let us see that the path we are traveling is wide, with room in it for all
+of us, and that its direction is toward a better Nation and a more peaceful
+world.
+
+Never has it mattered more that we go forward together.
+
+Look at this Chamber. The leadership of America is here today--the Supreme
+Court, the Cabinet, the Senate, the House of Representatives.
+
+Together, we hold the future of the Nation, and the conscience of the
+Nation in our hands.
+
+Because this year is an election year, it will be a time of great
+pressure.
+
+If we yield to that pressure and fail to deal seriously with the historic
+challenges that we face, we will have failed the trust of millions of
+Americans and shaken the confidence they have a right to place in us, in
+their Government.
+
+Never has a Congress had a greater opportunity to leave a legacy of a
+profound and constructive reform for the Nation than this Congress.
+
+If we succeed in these tasks, there will be credit enough for all--not only
+for doing what is right, but doing it in the right way, by rising above
+partisan interest to serve the national interest.
+
+And if we fail, more than any one of us, America will be the loser.
+
+That is why my call upon the Congress today is for a high statesmanship, so
+that in the years to come Americans will look back and say because it
+withstood the intense pressures of a political year, and achieved such
+great good for the American people and for the future of this Nation, this
+was truly a great Congress.
+
+The President spoke from a prepared text. An advance text of his address
+was released on the same day.
+
+***
+
+State of the Union Address
+Richard Nixon
+February 2, 1973
+
+To the Congress of the United States:
+
+The traditional form of the President's annual report giving "to the
+Congress Information of the State of the Union" is a single message or
+address. As the affairs and concerns of our Union have multiplied over the
+years, however, so too have the subjects that require discussion in State
+of the Union Messages.
+
+This year in particular, with so many changes in Government programs under
+consideration--and with our very philosophy about the relationship between
+the individual and the State at an historic crossroads--a single,
+all-embracing State of the Union Message would not appear to be adequate.
+
+I have therefore decided to present my 1973 State of the Union report in
+the form of a series of messages during these early weeks of the 93rd
+Congress. The purpose of this first message in the series is to give a
+concise overview of where we stand as a people today, and to outline some
+of the general goals that I believe we should pursue over the next year and
+beyond. In coming weeks, I will send to the Congress further State of the
+Union reports on specific areas of policy including economic affairs,
+natural resources, human resources, community development and foreign and
+defense policy.
+
+The new course these messages will outline represents a fresh approach to
+Government: an approach that addresses the realities of the 1970s, not
+those of the 1930s or of the 1960s. The role of the Federal Government as
+we approach our third century of independence should not be to dominate any
+facet of American life, but rather to aid and encourage people, communities
+and institutions to deal with as many of the difficulties and challenges
+facing them as possible, and to help see to it that every American has a
+full and equal opportunity to realize his or her potential.
+
+If we were to continue to expand the Federal Government at the rate of the
+past several decades, it soon would consume us entirely. The time has come
+when we must make clear choices--choices between old programs that set
+worthy goals but failed to reach them and new programs that provide a
+better way to realize those goals; and choices, too, between competing
+programs--all of which may be desirable in themselves but only some of
+which we can afford with the finite resources at our command.
+
+Because our resources are not infinite, we also face a critical choice in
+1973 between holding the line in Government spending and adopting expensive
+programs which will surely force up taxes and refuel inflation.
+
+Finally, it is vital at this time that we restore a greater sense of
+responsibility at the State and local level, and among individual
+Americans.
+
+WHERE WE STAND
+
+The basic state of our Union today is sound, and full of promise.
+
+We enter 1973 economically strong, militarily secure and, most important of
+all, at peace after a long and trying war.
+
+America continues to provide a better and more abundant life for more of
+its people than any other nation in the world. We have passed through one
+of the most difficult periods in our history without surrendering to
+despair and without dishonoring our ideals as a people.
+
+Looking back, there is a lesson in all this for all of us. The lesson is
+one that we sometimes had to learn the hard way over the past few years.
+But we did learn it. That lesson is that even potentially destructive
+forces can be converted into positive forces when we know how to channel
+them, and when we use common sense and common decency to create a climate
+of mutual respect and goodwill.
+
+By working together and harnessing the forces of nature, Americans have
+unlocked some of the great mysteries of the universe.
+
+Men have walked the surface of the moon and soared to new heights of
+discovery.
+
+This same spirit of discovery is helping us to conquer disease and
+suffering that have plagued our own planet since the dawn of time.
+
+By working together with the leaders of other nations, we have been able to
+build a new hope for lasting peace--for a structure of world order in which
+common interest outweighs old animosities, and in which a new generation of
+the human family can grow up at peace in a changing world.
+
+At home, we have learned that by working together we can create prosperity
+without fanning inflation; we can restore order without weakening freedom.
+
+THE CHALLENGES WE FACE
+
+These first years of the 1970s have been good years for America.
+
+Our job--all of us together--is to make 1973 and the years to come even
+better ones. I believe that we can. I believe that we can make the years
+leading to our Bicentennial the best four years in American history.
+
+But we must never forget that nothing worthwhile can be achieved without
+the will to succeed and the strength to sacrifice.
+
+Hard decisions must be made, and we must stick by them.
+
+In the field of foreign policy, we must remember that a strong America--an
+America whose word is believed and whose strength is respected--is
+essential to continued peace and understanding in the world. The peace with
+honor we have achieved in Vietnam has strengthened this basic American
+credibility. We must act in such a way in coming years that this
+credibility will remain intact, and with it, the world stability of which
+it is so indispensable a part.
+
+At home, we must reject the mistaken notion--a notion that has dominated
+too much of the public dialogue for too long--that ever bigger Government
+is the answer to every problem.
+
+We have learned only too well that heavy taxation and excessive Government
+spending are not a cure-all. In too many cases, instead of solving the
+problems they were aimed at, they have merely placed an ever heavier burden
+On the shoulders of the American taxpayer, in the form of higher taxes and
+a higher cost of living. At the same time they have deceived our people
+because many of the intended beneficiaries received far less than was
+promised, thus undermining public faith in the effectiveness of Government
+as a whole.
+
+The time has come for us to draw the line. The time has come for the
+responsible leaders of both political parties to take a stand against
+overgrown Government and for the American taxpayer. We are not spending the
+Federal Government's money, we are spending the taxpayer's money, and it
+must be spent in a way which guarantees his money's worth and yields the
+fullest possible benefit to the people being helped.
+
+The answer to many of the domestic problems we face is not higher taxes and
+more spending. It is less waste, more results and greater freedom for the
+individual American to earn a rightful place in his own community--and for
+States and localities to address their own needs in their own ways, in the
+light of their own priorities.
+
+By giving the people and their locally elected leaders a greater voice
+through changes such as revenue sharing, and by saying "no" to excessive
+Federal spending and higher taxes, we can help achieve this goal.
+
+COMING MESSAGES
+
+The policies which I will outline to the Congress in the weeks ahead
+represent a reaffirmation, not an abdication, of Federal responsibility.
+They represent a pragmatic rededication to social compassion and national
+excellence, in place of the combination of good intentions and fuzzy
+follow-through which too often in the past was thought sufficient.
+
+In the field of economic affairs, our objectives will be to hold down
+taxes, to continue controlling inflation, to promote economic growth, to
+increase productivity, to encourage foreign trade, to keep farm income
+high, to bolster small business, and to promote better labor-management
+relations:
+
+In the area of natural resources, my recommendations will include programs
+to preserve and enhance the environment, to advance science and technology,
+and to assure balanced use of our irreplaceable natural resources.
+
+In developing human resources, I will have recommendations to advance the
+Nation's health and education, to improve conditions of people in need, to
+carry forward our increasingly successful attacks on crime, drug abuse and
+injustice, and to deal with such important areas of special concern as
+consumer affairs. We will continue and improve our Nation's efforts to
+assist those who have served in the Armed Services in Vietnam through
+better job and training opportunities.
+
+We must do a better job in community development--in creating more livable
+communities, in which all of our children can grow up with fuller access to
+opportunity and greater immunity to the social evils and blights which now
+plague so many of our towns and cities. I shall have proposals to help us
+achieve this.
+
+I shall also deal with our defense and foreign policies, and with our new
+approaches to the role and structure of Government itself.
+
+Considered as a whole, this series of messages will be a blueprint for
+modernizing the concept and the functions of American Government to meet
+the needs of our people.
+
+Converting it into reality will require a spirit of cooperation and shared
+commitment on the part of all branches of the Government, for the goals we
+seek are not those of any single party or faction, they are goals for the
+betterment of all Americans. As President, I recognize that I cannot do
+this job alone. The Congress must help, and I pledge to do my part to
+achieve a constructive working relationship with the Congress. My sincere
+hope is that the executive and legislative branches can work together in
+this ,great undertaking in a positive spirit of mutual respect and
+cooperation.
+
+Working together--the Congress, the President and the people--I am
+confident that we can translate these proposals into an action program that
+can reform and revitalize American Government and, even more important,
+build a better life for all Americans.
+
+The White House,
+
+February 2, 1973.
+
+***
+
+State of the Union Address
+Richard Nixon
+January 30, 1974
+
+Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, my colleagues in the Congress, our
+distinguished guests, my fellow Americans:
+
+We meet here tonight at a time of great challenge and great opportunities
+for America. We meet at a time when we face great problems at home and
+abroad that will test the strength of our fiber as a nation. But we also
+meet at a time when that fiber has been tested, and it has proved strong.
+
+America is a great and good land, and we are a great and good land because
+we are a strong, free, creative people and because America is the single
+greatest force for peace anywhere in the world. Today, as always in our
+history, we can base our confidence in what the American people will
+achieve in the future on the record of what the American people have
+achieved in the past.
+
+Tonight, for the first time in 12 years, a President of the United States
+can report to the Congress on the state of a Union at peace with every
+nation of the world. Because of this, in the 22,000-word message on the
+state of the Union that I have just handed to the Speaker of the House and
+the President of the Senate, I have been able to deal primarily with the
+problems of peace with what we can do here at home in America for the
+American people--rather than with the problems of war.
+
+The measures I have outlined in this message set an agenda for truly
+significant progress for this Nation and the world in 1974. Before we chart
+where we are going, let us see how far we have come.
+
+It was 5 years ago on the steps of this Capitol that I took the oath of
+office as your President. In those 5 years, because of the initiatives
+undertaken by this Administration, the world has changed. America has
+changed. As a result of those changes, America is safer today, more
+prosperous today, with greater opportunity for more of its people than ever
+before in our history.
+
+Five years ago, America was at war in Southeast Asia. We were locked in
+confrontation with the Soviet Union. We were in hostile isolation from a
+quarter of the world's people who lived in Mainland China.
+
+Five years ago, our cities were burning and besieged.
+
+Five years ago, our college campuses were a battleground.
+
+Five years ago, crime was increasing at a rate that struck fear across the
+Nation.
+
+Five years ago, the spiraling rise in drug addiction was threatening human
+and social tragedy of massive proportion, and there was no program to deal
+with it.
+
+Five years ago--as young Americans bad done for a generation before
+that-America's youth still lived under the shadow of the military draft.
+
+Five years ago, there was no national program to preserve our environment.
+Day by day, our air was getting dirtier, our water was getting more foul.
+
+And 5 years ago, American agriculture was practically a depressed industry
+with 100,000 farm families abandoning the farm every year.
+
+As we look at America today, we find ourselves challenged by new problems.
+But we also find a record of progress to confound the professional criers
+of doom and prophets of despair. We met the challenges we faced 5 years
+ago, and we will be equally confident of meeting those that we face today.
+
+Let us see for a moment how we have met them.
+
+After more than 10 years of military involvement, all of our troops have
+returned from Southeast Asia, and they have returned with honor. And we can
+be proud of the fact that our courageous prisoners of war, for whom a
+dinner was held in Washington tonight, that they came home with their heads
+high, on their feet and not on their knees.
+
+In our relations with the Soviet Union, we have turned away from a policy
+of confrontation to one of negotiation. For the first time since World War
+II, the world's two strongest powers are working together toward peace in
+the world. With the People's Republic of China after a generation of
+hostile isolation, we have begun a period of peaceful exchange and
+expanding trade.
+
+Peace has returned to our cities, to our campuses. The 17-year rise in
+crime has been stopped. We can confidently say today that we are finally
+beginning to win the war against crime. Right here in this Nation's
+Capital--which a few years ago was threatening to become the crime capital
+of the world--the rate in crime has been cut in half. A massive campaign
+against drug abuse has been organized. And the rate of new heroin
+addiction, the most vicious threat of all, is decreasing rather than
+increasing.
+
+For the first time in a generation, no young Americans are being drafted
+into the armed services of the United States. And for the first time ever,
+we have organized a massive national effort to protect the environment. Our
+air is getting cleaner, our water is getting purer, and our agriculture,
+which was depressed, is prospering. Farm income is up 70 percent, farm
+production is setting all-time records, and the billions of dollars the
+taxpayers were paying in subsidies has been cut to nearly zero.
+
+Overall, Americans are living more abundantly than ever before, today. More
+than 2 1/2 million new jobs were created in the past year alone. That is
+the biggest percentage increase in nearly 20 years. People are earning
+more. What they earn buys more, more than ever before in history. In the
+past 5 years, the average American's real spendable income--that is, what
+you really can buy with your income, even after allowing for taxes and
+inflation--has increased by 16 percent.
+
+Despite this record of achievement, as we turn to the year ahead we hear
+once again the familiar voice of the perennial prophets of gloom telling us
+now that because of the need to fight inflation, because of the energy
+shortage, America may be headed for a recession.
+
+Let me speak to that issue head on. There will be no recession in the
+United States of America. Primarily due to our energy crisis, our economy
+is passing through a difficult period. But I pledge to you tonight that the
+full powers of this Government will be used to keep America's economy
+producing and to protect the jobs of America's workers.
+
+We are engaged in a long and hard fight against inflation. There have been,
+and there will be in the future, ups and downs in that fight. But if this
+Congress cooperates in our efforts to hold down the cost of Government, we
+shall win our fight to hold down the cost of living for the American
+people.
+
+As we look back over our history, the years that stand out as the ones of
+signal achievement are those in which the Administration and the Congress,
+whether one party or the other, working together, had the wisdom and the
+foresight to select those particular initiatives for which the Nation was
+ready and the moment was right--and in which they seized the moment and
+acted.
+
+Looking at the year 1974 which lies before us, there are 10 key areas in
+which landmark accomplishments are possible this year in America. If we
+make these our national agenda, this is what we will achieve in 1974:
+
+We will break the back of the energy crisis; we will lay the foundation for
+our future capacity to meet America's energy needs from America's own
+resources.
+
+And we will take another giant stride toward lasting peace in the
+world--not only by continuing our policy of negotiation rather than
+confrontation where the great powers are concerned but also by helping
+toward the achievement of a just and lasting settlement in the Middle
+East.
+
+We will check the rise in prices without administering the harsh medicine
+of recession, and we will move the economy into a steady period of growth
+at a sustainable level.
+
+We will establish a new system that makes high-quality health care
+available to every American in a dignified manner and at a price he can
+afford.
+
+We will make our States and localities more responsive to the needs of
+their own citizens.
+
+We will make a crucial breakthrough toward better transportation in our
+towns and in our cities across America.
+
+We will reform our system of Federal aid to education, to provide it when
+it is needed, where it is needed, so that it will do the most for those who
+need it the most.
+
+We will make an historic beginning on the task of defining and protecting
+the right of personal privacy for every American.
+
+And we will start on a new road toward reform of a welfare system that
+bleeds the taxpayer, corrodes the community, and demeans those it is
+intended to assist.
+
+And together with the other nations of the world, we will establish the
+economic framework within which Americans will share more fully in an
+expanding worldwide trade and prosperity in the years ahead, with more open
+access to both markets and supplies.
+
+In all of the 186 State of the Union messages delivered from this place, in
+our history this is the first in which the one priority, the first
+priority, is energy. Let me begin by reporting a new development which I
+know will be welcome news to every American. As you know, we have committed
+ourselves to an active role in helping to achieve a just and durable peace
+in the Middle East, on the basis of full implementation of Security Council
+Resolutions 242 and 338. The first step in the process is the disengagement
+of Egyptian and Israeli forces which is now taking place.
+
+Because of this hopeful development, I can announce tonight that I have
+been assured, through my personal contacts with friendly leaders in the
+Middle Eastern area, that an urgent meeting will be called in the immediate
+future to discuss the lifting of the oil embargo.
+
+This is an encouraging sign. However, it should be clearly understood by
+our friends in the Middle East that the United States will not be coerced
+on this issue.
+
+Regardless of the outcome of this meeting, the cooperation of the American
+people in our energy conservation program has already gone a long way
+towards achieving a goal to which I am deeply dedicated. Let us do
+everything we can to avoid gasoline rationing in the United States of
+America.
+
+Last week, I sent to the Congress a comprehensive special message setting
+forth our energy situation, recommending the legislative measures which are
+necessary to a program for meeting our needs. If the embargo is lifted,
+this will ease the crisis, but it will not mean an end to the energy
+shortage in America. Voluntary conservation will continue to be necessary.
+And let me take this occasion to pay tribute once again to the splendid
+spirit of cooperation the American people have shown which has made
+possible our success in meeting this emergency up to this time.
+
+The new legislation I have requested will also remain necessary. Therefore,
+I urge again that the energy measures that I have proposed be made the
+first priority of this session of the Congress. These measures will require
+the oil companies and other energy producers to provide the public with the
+necessary information on their supplies. They will prevent the injustice of
+windfall profits for a few as a result of the sacrifices of the millions of
+Americans. And they will give us the organization, the incentives, the
+authorities needed to deal with the short-term emergency and to move toward
+meeting our long-term needs.
+
+Just as 1970 was the year in which we began a full-scale effort to protect
+the environment, 1974 must be the year in which we organize a full-scale
+effort to provide for our energy needs, not only in this decade but through
+the 21st century.
+
+As we move toward the celebration 2 years from now of the 200th anniversary
+of this Nation's independence, let us press vigorously on toward the goal I
+announced last November for Project Independence. Let this be our national
+goal: At the end of this decade, in the year 1980, the United States will
+not be dependent on any other country for the energy we need to provide our
+jobs, to heat our homes, and to keep our transportation moving.
+
+To indicate the size of the Government commitment, to spur energy research
+and development, we plan to spend $10 billion in Federal funds over the
+next 5 years. That is an enormous amount. But during the same 5 years,
+private enterprise will be investing as much as $200 billion-and in 10
+years, $500 billion--to develop the new resources, the new technology, the
+new capacity America will require for its energy needs in the 1980's. That
+is just a measure of the magnitude of the project we are undertaking.
+
+But America performs best when called to its biggest tasks. It can truly be
+said that only in America could a task so tremendous be achieved so
+quickly, and achieved not by regimentation, but through the effort and
+ingenuity of a free people, working in a free system.
+
+Turning now to the rest of the agenda for 1974, the time is at hand this
+year to bring comprehensive, high quality health care within the reach of
+every American. I shall propose a sweeping new program that will assure
+comprehensive health insurance protection to millions of Americans who
+cannot now obtain it or afford it, with vastly improved protection against
+catastrophic illnesses. This will be a plan that maintains the high
+standards of quality in America's health care. And it will not require
+additional taxes.
+
+Now, I recognize that other plans have been put forward that would cost $80
+billion or even $100 billion and that would put our whole health care
+system under the heavy hand of the Federal Government. This is the wrong
+approach. This has been tried abroad, and it has failed. It is not the way
+we do things here in America. This kind of plan would threaten the quality
+of care provided by our whole health care system. The right way is one that
+builds on the strengths of the present system and one that does not destroy
+those strengths, one based on partnership, not paternalism. Most important
+of all, let us keep this as the guiding principle of our health programs.
+Government has a great role to play, but we must always make sure that our
+doctors will be working for their patients and not for the Federal
+Government.
+
+Many of you will recall that in my State of the Union Address 3 years ago,
+I commented that "Most Americans today are simply fed up with government at
+all levels," and I recommended a sweeping set of proposals to revitalize
+State and local governments, to make them more responsive to the people
+they serve. I can report to you today that as a result of revenue sharing
+passed by the Congress, and other measures, we have made progress toward
+that goal. After 40 years of moving power from the States and the
+communities to Washington, D.C., we have begun moving power back from
+Washington to the States and communities and, most important, to the people
+of America.
+
+In this session of the Congress, I believe we are near the breakthrough
+point on efforts which I have suggested, proposals to let people themselves
+make their own decisions for their own communities and, in particular, on
+those to provide broad new flexibility in Federal aid for community
+development, for economic development, for education. And I look forward to
+working with the Congress, with members of both parties in resolving
+whatever remaining differences we have in this legislation so that we can
+make available nearly $5 1/2 billion to our States and localities to use
+not for what a Federal bureaucrat may want, but for what their own people
+in those communities want. The decision should be theirs.
+
+I think all of us recognize that the energy crisis has given new urgency to
+the need to improve public transportation, not only in our cities but in
+rural areas as well. The program I have proposed this year will give
+communities not only more money but also more freedom to balance their own
+transportation needs. It will mark the strongest Federal commitment ever to
+the improvement of mass transit as an essential element of the improvement
+of life in our towns and cities.
+
+One goal on which all Americans agree is that our children should have the
+very best education this great Nation can provide.
+
+In a special message last week, I recommended a number of important new
+measures that can make 1974 a year of truly significant advances for our
+schools and for the children they serve. If the Congress will act on these
+proposals, more flexible funding will enable each Federal dollar to meet
+better the particular need of each particular school district. Advance
+funding will give school authorities a chance to make each year's plans,
+knowing ahead of time what Federal funds they are going to receive. Special
+targeting will give special help to the truly disadvantaged among our
+people. College students faced with rising costs for their education will
+be able to draw on an expanded program of loans and grants. These advances
+are a needed investment in America's most precious resource, our next
+generation. And I urge the Congress to act on this legislation in 1974.
+
+One measure of a truly free society is the vigor with which it protects the
+liberties of its individual citizens. As technology has advanced in
+America, it has increasingly encroached on one of those liberties--what I
+term the right of personal privacy. Modern information systems, data banks,
+credit records, mailing list abuses, electronic snooping, the collection of
+personal data for one purpose that may be used for another--all these have
+left millions of Americans deeply concerned by the privacy they cherish.
+
+And the time has come, therefore, for a major initiative to define the
+nature and extent of the basic rights of privacy and to erect new
+safeguards to ensure that those rights are respected.
+
+I shall launch such an effort this year at the highest levels of the
+Administration, and I look forward again to working with this Congress in
+establishing a new set of standards that respect the legitimate needs of
+society, but that also recognize personal privacy as a cardinal principle
+of American liberty.
+
+Many of those in this Chamber tonight will recall that it was 3 years ago
+that I termed the Nation's welfare system "a monstrous, consuming
+outrage--an outrage against the community, against the taxpayer, and
+particularly against the children that it is supposed to help."
+
+That system is still an outrage. By improving its administration, we have
+been able to reduce some of the abuses. As a result, last year, for the
+first time in 18 years, there has been a halt in the growth of the welfare
+caseload. But as a system, our welfare program still needs reform as
+urgently today as it did when I first proposed in 1969 that we completely
+replace it with a different system.
+
+In these final 3 years of my Administration, I urge the Congress to join me
+in mounting a major new effort to replace the discredited present welfare
+system with one that works, one that is fair to those who need help or
+cannot help themselves, fair to the community, and fair to the taxpayer.
+And let us have as our goal that there will be no Government program which
+makes it more profitable to go on welfare than to go to work.
+
+I recognize that from the debates that have taken place within the Congress
+over the past 3 years on this program that we cannot expect enactment
+overnight of a new reform. But I do propose that the Congress and the
+Administration together make this the year in which we discuss, debate, and
+shape such a reform so that it can be enacted as quickly as possible.
+
+America's own prosperity in the years ahead depends on our sharing fully
+and equitably in an expanding world prosperity. Historic negotiations will
+take place this year that will enable us to ensure fair treatment in
+international markets for American workers, American farmers, American
+investors, and American consumers.
+
+It is vital that the authorities contained in the trade bill I submitted to
+the Congress be enacted so that the United States can negotiate flexibly
+and vigorously on behalf of American interests. These negotiations can
+usher in a new era of international trade that not only increases the
+prosperity of all nations but also strengthens the peace among all
+nations.
+
+In the past 5 years, we have made more progress toward a lasting structure
+of peace in the world than in any comparable time in the Nation's history.
+We could not have made that progress if we had not maintained the military
+strength of America. Thomas Jefferson once observed that the price of
+liberty is eternal vigilance. By the same token, and for the same reason,
+in today's world the price of peace is a strong defense as far as the
+United States is concerned.
+
+In the past 5 years, we have steadily reduced the burden of national
+defense as a share of the budget, bringing it down from 44 percent in 1969
+to 29 percent in the current year. We have cut our military manpower over
+the past 5 years by more than a third, from 3.5 million to 2.2 million.
+
+In the coming year, however, increased expenditures will be needed. They
+will be needed to assure the continued readiness of our military forces, to
+preserve present force levels in the face of rising costs, and to give us
+the military strength we must have if our security is to be maintained and
+if our initiatives for peace are to succeed.
+
+The question is not whether we can afford to maintain the necessary
+strength of our defense, the question is whether we can afford not to
+maintain it, and the answer to that question is no. We must never allow
+America to become the second strongest nation in the world.
+
+I do not say this with any sense of belligerence, because I recognize the
+fact that is recognized around the world. America's military strength has
+always been maintained to keep the peace, never to break it. It has always
+been used to defend freedom, never to destroy it. The world's peace, as
+well as our own, depends on our remaining as strong as we need to be as
+long as we need to be.
+
+In this year 1974, we will be negotiating with the Soviet Union to place
+further limits on strategic nuclear arms. Together with our allies, we will
+be negotiating with the nations of the Warsaw Pact on mutual and balanced
+reduction of forces in Europe. And we will continue our efforts to promote
+peaceful economic development in Latin America, in Africa, in Asia. We will
+press for full compliance with the peace accords that brought an end to
+American fighting in Indochina, including particularly a provision that
+promised the fullest possible accounting for those Americans who are
+missing in action.
+
+And having in mind the energy crisis to which I have referred to earlier,
+we will be working with the other nations of the world toward agreement on
+means by which oil supplies can be assured at reasonable prices on a stable
+basis in a fair way to the consuming and producing nations alike.
+
+All of these are steps toward a future in which the world's peace and
+prosperity, and ours as well as a result, are made more secure.
+
+Throughout the 5 years that I have served as your President, I have had one
+overriding aim, and that was to establish a new structure of peace in the
+world that can free future generations of the scourge of war. I can
+understand that others may have different priorities. This has been and
+this will remain my first priority and the chief legacy I hope to leave
+from the 8 years of my Presidency.
+
+This does not mean that we shall not have other priorities, because as we
+strengthen the peace, we must also continue each year a steady
+strengthening of our society here at home. Our conscience requires it, our
+interests require it, and we must insist upon it.
+
+As we create more jobs, as we build a better health care system, as we
+improve our education, as we develop new sources of energy, as we provide
+more abundantly for the elderly and the poor, as we strengthen the system
+of private enterprise that produces our prosperity as we do all of this and
+even more, we solidify those essential bonds that hold us together as a
+nation.
+
+Even more importantly, we advance what in the final analysis government in
+America is all about.
+
+What it is all about is more freedom, more security, a better life for each
+one of the 211 million people that live in this land.
+
+We cannot afford to neglect progress at home while pursuing peace abroad.
+But neither can Ave afford to neglect peace abroad while pursuing progress
+at home. With a stable peace, all is possible, but without peace, nothing
+is possible.
+
+In the written message that I have just delivered to the Speaker and to the
+President of the Senate, I commented that one of the continuing challenges
+facing us in the legislative process is that of the timing and pacing of
+our initiatives, selecting each year among many worthy projects those that
+are ripe for action at that time.
+
+What is true in terms of our domestic initiatives is true also in the
+world. This period we now are in, in the world--and I say this as one who
+has seen so much of the world, not only in these past 5 years but going
+back over many years--we are in a period which presents a juncture of
+historic forces unique in this century. They provide an opportunity we may
+never have again to create a structure of peace solid enough to last a
+lifetime and more, not just peace in our time but peace in our children's
+time as well. It is on the way we respond to this opportunity, more than
+anything else, that history will judge whether we in America have met our
+responsibility. And I am confident we will meet that great historic
+responsibility which is ours today.
+
+It was 27 years ago that John F. Kennedy and I sat in this Chamber, as
+freshmen Congressmen, hearing our first State of the Union address
+delivered by Harry Truman. I know from my talks with him, as members of the
+Labor Committee on which we both served, that neither of us then even
+dreamed that either one or both might eventually be standing in this place
+that I now stand in now and that he once stood in, before me. It may well
+be that one of the freshmen Members of the 93d Congress, one of you out
+there, will deliver his own State of the Union message 27 years from now,
+in the year 2001.
+
+Well, whichever one it is, I want you to be able to look back with pride
+and to say that your first years here were great years and recall that you
+were here in this 93d Congress when America ended its longest war and began
+its longest peace.
+
+Mr. Speaker, and Mr. President, and my distinguished colleagues and our
+guests: I would like to add a personal word with regard to an issue that
+has been of great concern to all Americans over the past year. I refer, of
+course, to the investigations of the so-called Watergate affair. As you
+know, I have provided to the Special Prosecutor voluntarily a great deal of
+material. I believe that I have provided all the material that he needs to
+conclude his investigations and to proceed to prosecute the guilty and to
+clear the innocent.
+
+I believe the time has come to bring that investigation and the other
+investigations of this matter to an end. One year of Watergate is enough.
+
+And the time has come, my colleagues, for not only the Executive, the
+President, but the Members of Congress, for all of us to join together in
+devoting our full energies to these great issues that I have discussed
+tonight which involve the welfare of all of the American people in so many
+different ways, as well as the peace of the world.
+
+I recognize that the House Judiciary Committee has a special responsibility
+in this area, and I want to indicate on this occasion that I will cooperate
+with the Judiciary Committee in its investigation. I will cooperate so that
+it can conclude its investigation, make its decision, and I will cooperate
+in any way that I consider consistent with my responsibilities to the
+Office of the Presidency of the United States.
+
+There is only one limitation. I will follow the precedent that has been
+followed by and defended by every President from George Washington to
+Lyndon B. Johnson of never doing anything that weakens the Office of the
+President of the United States or impairs the ability of the Presidents of
+the future to make the great decisions that are so essential to this Nation
+and the world.
+
+Another point I should like to make very briefly: Like every Member of the
+House and Senate assembled here tonight, I was elected to the office that I
+hold. And like every Member of the House and Senate, when I was elected to
+that office, I knew that I was elected for the purpose of doing a job and
+doing it as well as I possibly can. And I want you to know that I have no
+intention whatever of ever walking away from the job that the people
+elected me to do for the people of the United States.
+
+Now, needless to say, it would be understatement if I were not to admit
+that the year 1973 was not a very easy year for me personally or for my
+family. And as I have already indicated, the year 1974 presents very great
+and serious problems, as very great and serious opportunities are also
+presented.
+
+But my colleagues, this I believe: With the help of God, who has blessed
+this land so richly, with the cooperation of the Congress, and with the
+support of the American people, we can and we will make the year 1974 a
+year of unprecedented progress toward our goal of building a structure of
+lasting peace in the world and a new prosperity without war in the United
+States of America.
+
+Earlier in the day, the President met at the White House with Vice
+President Ford and members of the Republican Congressional
+leadership--Senators Hugh Scott and Robert P. Griffin and Representatives
+John J. Rhodes and Leslie C. Arends--to discuss the address and message.
+
+
+
+*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OF ADDRESSES BY RICHARD NIXON ***
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of State of the Union Addresses
+by Richard Nixon
+(#34 in our series of US Presidential State of the Union Addresses)
+
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+Title: State of the Union Addresses of Richard Nixon
+
+Author: Richard Nixon
+
+Release Date: February, 2004  [EBook #5043]
+[Yes, we are more than one year ahead of schedule]
+[This file was first posted on April 11, 2002]
+[Date last updated: December 16, 2004]
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+Edition: 11
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OF ADDRESSES BY RICHARD NIXON ***
+
+
+
+
+This eBook was produced by James Linden.
+
+The addresses are separated by three asterisks: ***
+
+Dates of addresses by Richard Nixon in this eBook:
+  January 22, 1970
+  January 22, 1971
+  January 20, 1972
+  February 2, 1973
+  January 30, 1974
+
+
+
+***
+
+State of the Union Address
+Richard Nixon
+January 22, 1970
+
+Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, my colleagues in the Congress, our
+distinguished guests and my fellow Americans:
+
+To address a joint session of the Congress in this great Chamber in which I
+was once privileged to serve is an honor for which I am deeply grateful.
+
+The State of the Union Address is traditionally an occasion for a lengthy
+and detailed account by the President of what he has accomplished in the
+past, what he wants the Congress to do in the future, and, in an election
+year, to lay the basis for the political issues which might be decisive in
+the fall.
+
+Occasionally there comes a time when profound and far-reaching events
+command a break with tradition. This is such a time.
+
+I say this not only because 1970 marks the beginning of a new decade in
+which America will celebrate its 200th birthday. I say it because new
+knowledge and hard experience argue persuasively that both our programs and
+our institutions in America need to be reformed.
+
+The moment has arrived to harness the vast energies and abundance of this
+land to the creation of a new American experience, an experience richer and
+deeper and more truly a reflection of the goodness and grace of the human
+spirit.
+
+The seventies will be a time of new beginnings, a time of exploring both on
+the earth and in the heavens, a time of discovery. But the time has also
+come for emphasis on developing better ways of managing what we have and of
+completing what man's genius has begun but left unfinished.
+
+Our land, this land that is ours together, is a great and a good land. It
+is also an unfinished land, and the challenge of perfecting it is the
+summons of the seventies.
+
+It is in that spirit that I address myself to those great issues facing our
+Nation which are above partisanship.
+
+When we speak of America's priorities the first priority must always be
+peace for America and the world.
+
+The major immediate goal of our foreign policy is to bring an end to the
+war in Vietnam in a way that our generation will be remembered not so much
+as the generation that suffered in war, but more for the fact that we had
+the courage and character to win the kind of a just peace that the next
+generation was able to keep.
+
+We are making progress toward that goal.
+
+The prospects for peace are far greater today than they were a year ago.
+
+A major part of the credit for this development goes to the Members of this
+Congress who, despite their differences on the conduct of the war, have
+overwhelmingly indicated their support of a just peace. By this action, you
+have completely demolished the enemy's hopes that they can gain in
+Washington the victory our fighting men have denied them in Vietnam.
+
+No goal could be greater than to make the next generation the first in this
+century in which America was at peace with every nation in the world.
+
+I shall discuss in detail the new concepts and programs designed to achieve
+this goal in a separate report on foreign policy, which I shall submit to
+the Congress at a later date.
+
+Today, let me describe the directions of our new policies.
+
+We have based our policies on an evaluation of the world as it is, not as
+it was 25 years ago at the conclusion of World War II. Many of the policies
+which were necessary and right then are obsolete today.
+
+Then, because of America's overwhelming military and economic strength,
+because of the weakness of other major free world powers and the inability
+of scores of newly independent nations to defend, or even govern,
+themselves, America had to assume the major burden for the defense of
+freedom in the world.
+
+In two wars, first in Korea and now in Vietnam, we furnished most of the
+money, most of the arms, most of the men to help other nations defend their
+freedom.
+
+Today the great industrial nations of Europe, as well as Japan, have
+regained their economic strength; and the nations of Latin America--and
+many of the nations who acquired their freedom from colonialism after World
+War II in Asia and Africa--have a new sense of pride and dignity and a
+determination to assume the responsibility for their own defense.
+
+That is the basis of the doctrine I announced at Guam.
+
+Neither the defense nor the development of other nations can be exclusively
+or primarily an American undertaking.
+
+The nations of each part of the world should assume the primary
+responsibility for their own well-being; and they themselves should
+determine the terms of that well-being.
+
+We shall be faithful to our treaty commitments, but we shall reduce our
+involvement and our presence in other nations' affairs.
+
+To insist that other nations play a role is not a retreat from
+responsibility; it is a sharing of responsibility.
+
+The result of this new policy has been not to weaken our alliances, but to
+give them new life, new strength, a new sense of common purpose.
+
+Relations with our European allies are once again strong and healthy, based
+on mutual consultation and mutual responsibility.
+
+We have initiated a new approach to Latin America in which we deal with
+those nations as partners rather than patrons.
+
+The new partnership concept has been welcomed in Asia. We have developed an
+historic new basis for Japanese-American friendship and cooperation, which
+is the linchpin for peace in the Pacific.
+
+If we are to have peace in the last third of the century, a major factor
+will be the development of a new relationship between the United States and
+the Soviet Union.
+
+I would not underestimate our differences, but we are moving with precision
+and purpose from an era of confrontation to an era of negotiation.
+
+Our negotiations on strategic arms limitations and in other areas will have
+far greater chance for success if both sides enter them motivated by mutual
+self-interest rather than naive sentimentality.
+
+It is with this same spirit that we have resumed discussions with Communist
+China in our talks at Warsaw.
+
+Our concern in our relations with both these nations is to avoid a
+catastrophic collision and to build a solid basis for peaceful settlement
+of our differences.
+
+I would be the last to suggest that the road to peace is not difficult and
+dangerous, but I believe our new policies have contributed to the prospect
+that America may have the best chance since World War II to enjoy a
+generation of uninterrupted peace. And that chance will be enormously
+increased if we continue to have a relationship between Congress and the
+Executive in which, despite differences in detail, where the security of
+America and the peace of mankind are concerned, we act not as Republicans,
+not as Democrats, but as Americans.
+
+As we move into the decade of the seventies, we have the greatest
+opportunity for progress at home of any people in world history.
+
+Our gross national product will increase by $500 billion in the next 10
+years. This increase alone is greater than the entire growth of the
+American economy from 1790 to 1950.
+
+The critical question is not whether we will grow, but how we will use that
+growth.
+
+The decade of the sixties was also a period of great growth economically.
+But in that same 10-year period we witnessed the greatest growth of crime,
+the greatest increase in inflation, the greatest social unrest in America
+in 100 years. Never has a nation seemed to have had more and enjoyed it
+less.
+
+At heart, the issue is the effectiveness of government.
+
+Ours has become--as it continues to be, and should remain--a society of
+large expectations. Government helped to generate these expectations. It
+undertook to meet them. Yet, increasingly, it proved unable to do so.
+
+As a people, we had too many visions--and too little vision.
+
+Now, as we enter the seventies, we should enter also a great age of reform
+of the institutions of American government.
+
+Our purpose in this period should not be simply better management of the
+programs of the past. The time has come for a new quest--a quest not for a
+greater quantity of what we have, but for a new quality of life in
+America.
+
+A major part of the substance for an unprecedented advance in this Nation's
+approach to its problems and opportunities is contained in more than two
+score legislative proposals which I sent to the Congress last year and
+which still await enactment.
+
+I will offer at least a dozen more major programs in the course of this
+session.
+
+At this point I do not intend to go through a detailed listing of what I
+have proposed or will propose, but I would like to mention three areas in
+which urgent priorities demand that we move and move now:
+
+First, we cannot delay longer in accomplishing a total reform of our
+welfare system. When a system penalizes work, breaks up homes, robs
+recipients of dignity, there is no alternative to abolishing that system
+and adopting in its place the program of income support, job training, and
+work incentives which I recommended to the Congress last year.
+
+Second, the time has come to assess and reform all of our institutions of
+government at the Federal, State, and local level. It is time for a New
+Federalism, in which, after 190 years of power flowing from the people and
+local and State governments to Washington, D.C., it will begin to flow from
+Washington back to the States and to the people of the United States.
+
+Third, we must adopt reforms which will expand the range of opportunities
+for all Americans. We can fulfill the American dream only when each person
+has a fair chance to fulfill his own dreams. This means equal voting
+rights, equal employment opportunity, and new opportunities for expanded
+ownership. Because in order to be secure in their human rights, people need
+access to property rights.
+
+I could give similar examples of the need for reform in our programs for
+health, education, housing, transportation, as well as other critical areas
+which directly affect the well-being of millions of Americans.
+
+The people of the United States should wait no longer for these reforms
+that would so deeply enhance the quality of their life.
+
+When I speak of actions which would be beneficial to the American people, I
+can think of none more important than for the Congress to join this
+administration in the battle to stop the rise in the cost of living.
+
+Now, I realize it is tempting to blame someone else for inflation. Some
+blame business for raising prices. Some blame unions for asking for more
+wages.
+
+But a review of the stark fiscal facts of the 1960's clearly demonstrates
+where the primary blame for rising prices must be placed.
+
+In the decade of the sixties the Federal Government spent $57 billion more
+than it took in in taxes.
+
+In that same decade the American people paid the bill for that deficit in
+price increases which raised the cost of living for the average family of
+four by $200 per month in America.
+
+Now millions of Americans are forced to go into debt today because the
+Federal Government decided to go into debt yesterday. We must balance our
+Federal budget so that American families will have a better chance to
+balance their family budgets.
+
+Only with the cooperation of the Congress can we meet this highest priority
+objective of responsible government. We are on the right track.
+
+We had a balanced budget in 1969. This administration cut more than $7
+billion out of spending plans in order to produce a surplus in 1970, and in
+spite of the fact that Congress reduced revenues by $3 billion, I shall
+recommend a balanced budget for 1971.
+
+But I can assure you that not only to present, but to stay within, a
+balanced budget requires some very hard decisions. It means rejecting
+spending programs which would benefit some of the people when their net
+effect would result in price increases for all the people.
+
+It is time to quit putting good money into bad programs. Otherwise, we will
+end up with bad money and bad programs.
+
+I recognize the political popularity of spending programs, and particularly
+in an election year. But unless we stop the rise in prices, the cost of
+living for millions of American families will become unbearable and
+government's ability to plan programs for progress for the future will
+become impossible.
+
+In referring to budget cuts, there is one area where I have ordered an
+increase rather than a cut--and that is the requests of those agencies with
+the responsibilities for law enforcement.
+
+We have heard a great deal of overblown rhetoric during the sixties in
+which the word "war" has perhaps too often been used--the war on poverty,
+the war on misery, the war on disease, the war on hunger. But if there is
+one area where the word "war" is appropriate it is in the fight against
+crime. We must declare and win the war against the criminal elements which
+increasingly threaten our cities, our homes, and our lives.
+
+We have a tragic example of this problem in the Nation's Capital, for whose
+safety the Congress and the Executive have the primary responsibility. I
+doubt if many Members of this Congress who live more than a few blocks from
+here would dare leave their cars in the Capitol garage and walk home alone
+tonight.
+
+Last year this administration sent to the Congress 13 separate pieces of
+legislation dealing with organized crime, pornography, street crime,
+narcotics, crime in the District of Columbia.
+
+None of these bills has reached my desk for signature.
+
+I am confident that the Congress will act now to adopt the legislation I
+placed before you last year. We in the Executive have done everything we
+can under existing law, but new and stronger weapons are needed in that
+fight.
+
+While it is true that State and local law enforcement agencies are the
+cutting edge in the effort to eliminate street crime, burglaries, murder,
+my proposals to you have embodied my belief that the Federal Government
+should play a greater role in working in partnership with these agencies.
+
+That is why 1971 Federal spending for local law enforcement will double
+that budgeted for 1970.
+
+The primary responsibility for crimes that affect individuals is with local
+and State rather than with Federal Government. But in the field of
+organized crime, narcotics, pornography, the Federal Government has a
+special responsibility it should fulfill. And we should make Washington,
+D.C., where we have the primary responsibility, an example to the Nation
+and the world of respect for law rather than lawlessness.
+
+I now turn to a subject which, next to our desire for peace, may well
+become the major concern of the American people in the decade of the
+seventies.
+
+In the next 10 years we shall increase our wealth by 50 percent. The
+profound question is: Does this mean we will be 50 percent richer in a real
+sense, 50 percent better off, 50 percent happier?
+
+Or does it mean that in the year 1980 the President standing in this place
+will look back on a decade in which 70 percent of our people lived in
+metropolitan areas choked by traffic, suffocated by smog, poisoned by
+water, deafened by noise, and terrorized by crime?
+
+These are not the great questions that concern world leaders at summit
+conferences. But people do not live at the summit. They live in the
+foothills of everyday experience, and it is time for all of us to concern
+ourselves with the way real people live in real life.
+
+The great question of the seventies is, shall we surrender to our
+surroundings, or shall we make our peace with nature and begin to make
+reparations for the damage we have done to our air, to our land, and to our
+water?
+
+Restoring nature to its natural state is a cause beyond party and beyond
+factions. It has become a common cause of all the people of this country.
+It is a cause of particular concern to young Americans, because they more
+than we will reap the grim consequences of our failure to act on programs
+which are needed now if we are to prevent disaster later.
+
+Clean air, clean water, open spaces--these should once again be the
+birthright of every American. If we act now, they can be.
+
+We still think of air as free. But clean air is not free, and neither is
+clean water. The price tag on pollution control is high. Through our years
+of past carelessness we incurred a debt to nature, and now that debt is
+being called.
+
+The program I shall propose to Congress will be the most comprehensive and
+costly program in this field in America's history.
+
+It is not a program for just one year. A year's plan in this field is no
+plan at all. This is a time to look ahead not a year, but 5 years or 10
+years--whatever time is required to do the job.
+
+I shall propose to this Congress a $10 billion nationwide clean waters
+program to put modern municipal waste treatment plants in every place in
+America where they are needed to make our waters clean again, and do it
+now. We have the industrial capacity, if we begin now, to build them all
+within 5 years. This program will get them built within 5 years.
+
+As our cities and suburbs relentlessly expand, those priceless open spaces
+needed for recreation areas accessible to their people are swallowed
+up--often forever. Unless we preserve these spaces while they are still
+available, we will have none to preserve. Therefore, I shall propose new
+financing methods for purchasing open space and parklands now, before they
+are lost to us.
+
+The automobile is our worst polluter of the air. Adequate control requires
+further advances in engine design and fuel composition. We shall intensify
+our research, set increasingly strict standards, and strengthen enforcement
+procedures--and we shall do it now.
+
+We can no longer afford to consider air and water common property, free to
+be abused by anyone without regard to the consequences. Instead, we should
+begin now to treat them as scarce resources, which we are no more free to
+contaminate than we are free to throw garbage into our neighbor's yard.
+
+This requires comprehensive new regulations. It also requires that, to the
+extent possible, the price of goods should be made to include the costs of
+producing and disposing of them without damage to the environment.
+
+Now, I realize that the argument is often made that there is a fundamental
+contradiction between economic growth and the quality of life, so that to
+have one we must forsake the other.
+
+The answer is not to abandon growth, but to redirect it. For example, we
+should turn toward ending congestion and eliminating smog the same
+reservoir of inventive genius that created them in the first place.
+
+Continued vigorous economic growth provides us with the means to enrich
+life itself and to enhance our planet as a place hospitable to man.
+
+Each individual must enlist in this fight if it is to be won.
+
+It has been said that no matter how many national parks and historical
+monuments we buy and develop, the truly significant environment for each of
+us is that in which we spend 80 percent of our time--in our homes, in our
+places of work, the streets over which we travel.
+
+Street litter, rundown parking strips and yards, dilapidated fences, broken
+windows, smoking automobiles, dingy working places, all should be the
+object of our fresh view.
+
+We have been too tolerant of our surroundings and too willing to leave it
+to others to clean up our environment. It is time for those who make
+massive demands on society to make some minimal demands on themselves. Each
+of us must resolve that each day he will leave his home, his property, the
+public places of the city or town a little cleaner, a little better, a
+little more pleasant for himself and those around him.
+
+With the help of people we can do anything, and without their help, we can
+do nothing. In this spirit, together, we can reclaim our land for ours and
+generations to come.
+
+Between now and the year 2000, over 100 million children will be born in
+the United States. Where they grow up--and how--will, more than any one
+thing, measure the quality of American life in these years ahead.
+
+This should be a warning to us.
+
+For the past 30 years our population has also been growing and shifting.
+The result is exemplified in the vast areas of rural America emptying out
+of people and of promise--a third of our counties lost population in the
+sixties.
+
+The violent and decayed central cities of our great metropolitan complexes
+are the most conspicuous area of failure in American life today.
+
+I propose that before these problems become insoluble, the Nation develop a
+national growth policy.
+
+In the future, government decisions as to where to build highways, locate
+airports, acquire land, or sell land should be made with a clear objective
+of aiding a balanced growth for America.
+
+In particular, the Federal Government must be in a position to assist in
+the building of new cities and the rebuilding of old ones.
+
+At the same time, we will carry our concern with the quality of life in
+America to the farm as well as the suburb, to the village as well as to the
+city. What rural America needs most is a new kind of assistance. It needs
+to be dealt with, not as a separate nation, but as part of an overall
+growth policy for America. We must create a new rural environment which
+will not only stem the migration to urban centers, but reverse it. If we
+seize our growth as a challenge, we can make the 1970's an historic period
+when by conscious choice we transformed our land into what we want it to
+become.
+
+America, which has pioneered in the new abundance, and in the new
+technology, is called upon today to pioneer in meeting the concerns which
+have followed in their wake--in turning the wonders of science to the
+service of man.
+
+In the majesty of this great Chamber we hear the echoes of America's
+history, of debates that rocked the Union and those that repaired it, of
+the summons to war and the search for peace, of the uniting of the people,
+the building of a nation.
+
+Those echoes of history remind us of our roots and our strengths.
+
+They remind us also of that special genius of American democracy, which at
+one critical turning point after another has led us to spot the new road to
+the future and given us the wisdom and the courage to take it.
+
+As I look down that new road which I have tried to map out today, I see a
+new America as we celebrate our 200th anniversary 6 years from now.
+
+I see an America in which we have abolished hunger, provided the means for
+every family in the Nation to obtain a minimum income, made enormous
+progress in providing better housing, faster transportation, improved
+health, and superior education.
+
+I see an America in which we have checked inflation, and waged a winning
+war against crime.
+
+I see an America in which we have made great strides in stopping the
+pollution of our air, cleaning up our water, opening up our parks,
+continuing to explore in space.
+
+Most important, I see an America at peace with all the nations of the
+world.
+
+This is not an impossible dream. These goals are all within our reach.
+
+In times past, our forefathers had the vision but not the means to achieve
+such goals.
+
+Let it not be recorded that we were the first American generation that had
+the means but not the vision to make this dream come true.
+
+But let us, above all, recognize a fundamental truth. We can be the best
+clothed, best fed, best housed people in the world, enjoying clean air,
+clean water, beautiful parks, but we could still be the unhappiest people
+in the world without an indefinable spirit--the lift of a driving dream
+which has made America, from its beginning, the hope of the world.
+
+Two hundred years ago this was a new nation of 3 million people, weak
+militarily, poor economically. But America meant something to the world
+then which could not be measured in dollars, something far more important
+than military might.
+
+Listen to President Thomas Jefferson in 1802: We act not "for ourselves
+alone, but for the whole human race."
+
+We had a spiritual quality then which caught the imagination of millions of
+people in the world.
+
+Today, when we are the richest and strongest nation in the world, let it
+not be recorded that we lack the moral and spiritual idealism which made us
+the hope of the world at the time of our birth.
+
+The demands of us in 1976 are even greater than in 1776.
+
+It is no longer enough to live and let live. Now we must live and help
+live.
+
+We need a fresh climate in America, one in which a person can breathe
+freely and breathe in freedom.
+
+Our recognition of the truth that wealth and happiness are not the same
+thing requires us to measure success or failure by new criteria.
+
+Even more than the programs I have described today, what this Nation needs
+is an example from its elected leaders in providing the spiritual and moral
+leadership which no programs for material progress can satisfy.
+
+Above all, let us inspire young Americans with a sense of excitement, a
+sense of destiny, a sense of involvement, in meeting the challenges we face
+in this great period of our history. Only then are they going to have any
+sense of satisfaction in their lives.
+
+The greatest privilege an individual can have is to serve in a cause bigger
+than himself. We have such a cause.
+
+How we seize the opportunities I have described today will determine not
+only our future, but the future of peace and freedom in this world in the
+last third of the century.
+
+May God give us the wisdom, the strength and, above all, the idealism to be
+worthy of that challenge, so that America can fulfill its destiny of being
+the world's best hope for liberty, for opportunity, for progress and peace
+for all peoples.
+
+***
+
+State of the Union Address
+Richard Nixon
+January 22, 1971
+
+Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, my colleagues in the Congress, our
+distinguished guests, my fellow Americans:
+
+As this 92d Congress begins its session, America has lost a great Senator,
+and all of us who had the privilege to know him have lost a loyal friend. I
+had the privilege of visiting Senator Russell in the hospital just a few
+days before he died. He never spoke about himself. He only spoke eloquently
+about the need for a strong national defense. In tribute to one of the most
+magnificent Americans of all time, I respectfully ask that all those here
+will rise in silent prayer for Senator Russell.
+
+Thank you.
+
+Mr. Speaker, before I begin my formal address, I want to use this
+opportunity to congratulate all of those who were winners in the rather
+spirited contest for leadership positions in the House and the Senate and,
+also, to express my condolences to the losers. I know how both of you
+feel.
+
+And I particularly want to join with all of the Members of the House and
+the Senate as well in congratulating the new Speaker of the United States
+Congress.
+
+To those new Members of this House who may have some doubts about the
+possibilities for advancement in the years ahead, I would remind you that
+the Speaker and I met just 24 years ago in this Chamber as freshmen Members
+of the 80th Congress. As you see, we both have come up in the world a bit
+since then.
+
+Mr. Speaker, this 92d Congress has a chance to be recorded as the greatest
+Congress in America's history.
+
+In these troubled years just past, America has been going through a long
+nightmare of war and division, of crime and inflation. Even more deeply, we
+have gone through a long, dark night of the American spirit. But now that
+night is ending. Now we must let our spirits soar again. Now we are ready
+for the lift of a driving dream.
+
+The people of this Nation are eager to get on with the quest for new
+greatness. They see challenges, and they are prepared to meet those
+challenges. It is for us here to open the doors that will set free again
+the real greatness of this Nation--the genius of the American people.
+
+How shall we meet this challenge? How can we truly open the doors, and set
+free the full genius of our people?
+
+The way in which the 92d Congress answers these questions will determine
+its place in history. More importantly, it can determine this Nation's
+place in history as we enter the third century of our independence.
+
+Tonight I shall present to the Congress six great goals. I shall ask not
+simply for more new programs in the old framework. I shall ask to change
+the framework of government itself---to reform the entire structure of
+American government so we can make it again fully responsive to the needs
+and the wishes of the American people.
+
+If we act boldly--if we seize this moment and achieve these goals--we can
+close the gap between promise and performance in American government. We
+can bring together the resources of this Nation and the spirit of the
+American people.
+
+In discussing these great goals, I shall deal tonight only with matters on
+the domestic side of the Nation's agenda. I shall make a separate report to
+the Congress and the Nation next month on developments in foreign policy.
+
+The first of these great goals is already before the Congress.
+
+I urge that the unfinished business of the 91st Congress be made the first
+priority business of the 92d Congress.
+
+Over the next 2 weeks, I will call upon Congress to take action on more
+than 35 pieces of proposed legislation on which action was not completed
+last year.
+
+The most important is welfare reform.
+
+The present welfare system has become a monstrous, consuming outrage--an
+outrage against the community, against the taxpayer, and particularly
+against the children it is supposed to help.
+
+We may honestly disagree, as we do, on what to do about it. But we can all
+agree that we must meet the challenge, not by pouring more money into a bad
+program, but by abolishing the present welfare system and adopting a new
+one.
+
+So let us place a floor under the income of every family with children in
+America--and without those demeaning, soul-stifling affronts to human
+dignity that so blight the lives of welfare children today. But let us also
+establish an effective work incentive and an effective work requirement.
+
+Let us provide the means by which more can help themselves. This shall be
+our goal.
+
+Let us generously help those who are not able to help themselves. But let
+us stop helping those who are able to help themselves but refuse to do so.
+
+The second great goal is to achieve what Americans have not enjoyed since
+1957--full prosperity in peacetime.
+
+The tide of inflation has turned. The rise in the cost of living, which had
+been gathering dangerous momentum in the late sixties, was reduced last
+year. Inflation will be further reduced this year.
+
+But as we have moved from runaway inflation toward reasonable price
+stability and at the same time as we have been moving from a wartime
+economy to a peacetime economy, we have paid a price in increased
+unemployment.
+
+We should take no comfort from the fact that the level of unemployment in
+this transition from a wartime to a peacetime economy is lower than in any
+peacetime year of the sixties.
+
+This is not good enough for the man who is unemployed in the seventies. We
+must do better for workers in peacetime and we will do better.
+
+To achieve this, I will submit an expansionary budget this year--one that
+will help stimulate the economy and thereby open up new job opportunities
+for millions of Americans.
+
+It will be a full employment budget, a budget designed to be in balance if
+the economy were operating at its peak potential. By spending as if we were
+at full employment, we will help to bring about full employment.
+
+I ask the Congress to accept these expansionary policies--to accept the
+concept of a full employment budget. At the same time, I ask the Congress
+to cooperate in resisting expenditures that go beyond the limits of the
+full employment budget. For as we wage a campaign to bring about a widely
+shared prosperity, we must not reignite the fires of inflation and so
+undermine that prosperity.
+
+With the stimulus and the discipline of a full employment budget, with the
+commitment of the independent Federal Reserve System to provide fully for
+the monetary needs of a growing economy, and with a much greater effort on
+the part of labor and management to make their wage and price decisions in
+the light of the national interest and their own self-interest--then for
+the worker, the farmer, the consumer, for Americans everywhere we shall
+gain the goal of a new prosperity: more jobs, more income, more profits,
+without inflation and without war.
+
+This is a great goal, and one that we can achieve together.
+
+The third great goal is to continue the effort so dramatically begun last
+year: to restore and enhance our natural environment.
+
+Building on the foundation laid in the 37-point program that I submitted to
+Congress last year, I will propose a strong new set of initiatives to clean
+up our air and water, to combat noise, and to preserve and restore our
+surroundings.
+
+I will propose programs to make better use of our land, to encourage a
+balanced national growth--growth that will revitalize our rural heartland
+and enhance the quality of life in America.
+
+And not only to meet today's needs but to anticipate those of tomorrow, I
+will put forward the most extensive program ever proposed by a President of
+the United States to expand the Nation's parks, recreation areas, open
+spaces, in a way that truly brings parks to the people where the people
+are. For only if we leave a legacy of parks will the next generation have
+parks to enjoy.
+
+As a fourth great goal, I will offer a far-reaching set of proposals for
+improving America's health care and making it available more fairly to more
+people.
+
+I will propose:
+
+--A program to insure that no American family will be prevented from
+obtaining basic medical care by inability to pay.
+
+--I will propose a major increase in and redirection of aid to medical
+schools, to greatly increase the number of doctors and other health
+personnel.
+
+--Incentives to improve the delivery of health services, to get more
+medical care resources into those areas that have not been adequately
+served, to make greater use of medical assistants, and to slow the alarming
+rise in the costs of medical care.
+
+--New programs to encourage better preventive medicine, by attacking the
+causes of disease and injury, and by providing incentives to doctors to
+keep people well rather than just to treat them when they are sick.
+
+I will also ask for an appropriation of an extra $100 million to launch an
+intensive campaign to find a cure for cancer, and I will ask later for
+whatever additional funds can effectively be used. The time has come in
+America when the same kind of concentrated effort that split the atom and
+took man to the moon should be turned toward conquering this dread disease.
+Let us make a total national commitment to achieve this goal.
+
+America has long been the wealthiest nation in the world. Now it is time we
+became the healthiest nation in the world.
+
+The fifth great goal is to strengthen and to renew our State and local
+governments.
+
+As we approach our 200th anniversary in 1976, we remember that this Nation
+launched itself as a loose confederation of separate States, without a
+workable central government. At that time, the mark of its leaders' vision
+was that they quickly saw the need to balance the separate powers of the
+States with a government of central powers.
+
+And so they gave us a constitution of balanced powers, of unity with
+diversity--and so clear was their vision that it survives today as the
+oldest written constitution still in force in the world.
+
+For almost two centuries since--and dramatically in the 1930's--at those
+great turning points when the question has been between the States and the
+Federal Government, that question has been resolved in favor of a stronger
+central Federal Government.
+
+During this time the Nation grew and the Nation prospered. But one thing
+history tells us is that no great movement goes in the same direction
+forever. Nations change, they adapt, or they slowly die.
+
+The time has now come in America to reverse the flow of power and resources
+from the States and communities to Washington, and start power and
+resources flowing back from Washington to the States and communities and,
+more important, to the people all across America.
+
+The time has come for a new partnership between the Federal Government and
+the States and localities--a partnership in which we entrust the States and
+localities with a larger share of the Nation's responsibilities, and in
+which we share our Federal revenues with them so that they can meet those
+responsibilities.
+
+To achieve this goal, I propose to the Congress tonight that we enact a
+plan of revenue sharing historic in scope and bold in concept.
+
+All across America today, States and cities are confronted with a financial
+crisis. Some have already been cutting back on essential services---for
+example, just recently San Diego and Cleveland cut back on trash
+collections. Most are caught between the prospects of bankruptcy on the one
+hand and adding to an already crushing tax burden on the other.
+
+As one indication of the rising costs of local government, I discovered the
+other day that my home town of Whittier, California--which has a population
+of 67,000--has a larger budget for 1971 than the entire Federal budget was
+in 1791.
+
+Now the time has come to take a new direction, and once again to introduce
+a new and more creative balance to our approach to government.
+
+So let us put the money where the needs are. And let us put the power to
+spend it where the people are.
+
+I propose that the Congress make a $16 billion investment in renewing
+State and local government. Five billion dollars of this will be in new and
+unrestricted funds to be used as the States and localities see fit. The
+other $11 billion will be provided by allocating $1 billion of new funds
+and converting one-third of the money going to the present narrow-purpose
+aid programs into Federal revenue sharing funds for six broad purposes--for
+urban development, rural development, education, transportation, job
+training, and law enforcement--but with the States and localities making
+their own decisions on how it should be spent within each category.
+
+For the next fiscal year, this would increase total Federal aid to the
+States and localities more than 25 percent over the present level.
+
+The revenue sharing proposals I send to the Congress will include the
+safeguards against discrimination that accompany all other Federal funds
+allocated to the States. Neither the President nor the Congress nor the
+conscience of this Nation can permit money which comes from all the people
+to be used in a way which discriminates against some of the people.
+
+The Federal Government will still have a large and vital role to play in
+achieving our national progress. Established functions that are clearly and
+essentially Federal in nature will still be performed by the Federal
+Government. New functions that need to be sponsored or performed by the
+Federal Government--such as those I have urged tonight in welfare and
+health--will be added to the Federal agenda. Whenever it makes the best
+sense for us to act as a whole nation, the Federal Government should and
+will lead the way. But where States or local governments can better do what
+needs to be done, let us see that they have the resources to do it there.
+
+Under this plan, the Federal Government will provide the States and
+localities with more money and less interference--and by cutting down the
+interference the same amount of money will go a lot further.
+
+Let us share our resources.
+
+Let us share them to rescue the States and localities from the brink of
+financial crisis.
+
+Let us share them to give homeowners and wage earners a chance to escape
+from ever-higher property taxes and sales taxes.
+
+Let us share our resources for two other reasons as well.
+
+The first of these reasons has to do with government itself, and the second
+has to do with each of us, with the individual.
+
+Let's face it. Most Americans today are simply fed up with government at
+all levels. They will not--and they should not--continue to tolerate the
+gap between promise and performance in government.
+
+The fact is that we have made the Federal Government so strong it grows
+muscle-bound and the States and localities so weak they approach
+impotence.
+
+If we put more power in more places, we can make government more creative
+in more places. That way we multiply the number of people with the ability
+to make things happen--and we can open the way to a new burst of creative
+energy throughout America.
+
+The final reason I urge this historic shift is much more personal, for each
+and for every one of us.
+
+As everything seems to have grown bigger and more complex in America, as
+the forces that shape our lives seem to have grown more distant and more
+impersonal, a great feeling of frustration has crept across this land.
+
+Whether it is the workingman who feels neglected, the black man who feels
+oppressed, or the mother concerned about her children, there has been a
+growing feeling that "Things are in the saddle, and ride mankind."
+
+Millions of frustrated young Americans today are crying out--asking not
+what will government do for me, but what can I do, how can I contribute,
+how can I matter?
+
+And so let us answer them. Let us say to them and let us say to all
+Americans, "We hear you. We will give you a chance. We are going to give
+you a new chance to have more to say about the decisions that affect your
+future--a chance to participate in government--because we are going to
+provide more centers of power where what you do can make a difference that
+you can see and feel in your own life and the life of your whole
+community."
+
+The further away government is from people, the stronger government becomes
+and the weaker people become. And a nation with a strong government and a
+weak people is an empty shell.
+
+I reject the patronizing idea that government in Washington, D.C., is
+inevitably more wise, more honest, and more efficient than government at
+the local or State level. The honesty and efficiency of government depends
+on people. Government at all levels has good people and bad people. And the
+way to get more good people into government is to give them more
+opportunity to do good things.
+
+The idea that a bureaucratic elite in Washington knows best what is best
+for people everywhere and that you cannot trust local governments is really
+a contention that you cannot trust people to govern themselves. This notion
+is completely foreign to the American experience. Local government is the
+government closest to the people, it is most responsive to the individual
+person. It is people's government in a far more intimate way than the
+Government in Washington can ever be.
+
+People came to America because they wanted to determine their own future
+rather than to live in a country where others determined their future for
+them.
+
+What this change means is that once again in America we are placing our
+trust in people.
+
+I have faith in people. I trust the judgment of people. Let us give the
+people of America a chance, a bigger voice in deciding for themselves those
+questions that so greatly affect their lives.
+
+The sixth great goal is a complete reform of the Federal Government
+itself.
+
+Based on a long and intensive study with the aid of the best advice
+obtainable, I have concluded that a sweeping reorganization of the
+executive branch is needed if the Government is to keep up with the times
+and with the needs of the people.
+
+I propose, therefore, that we reduce the present 12 Cabinet Departments to
+eight.
+
+I propose that the Departments of State, Treasury, Defense, and Justice
+remain, but that all the other departments be consolidated into four: Human
+Resources, Community Development, Natural Resources, and Economic
+Development.
+
+Let us look at what these would be:
+
+--First, a department dealing with the concerns of people--as individuals,
+as members of a family--a department focused on human needs.
+
+--Second, a department concerned with the community--rural communities and
+urban communities--and with all that it takes to make a community function
+as a community.
+
+--Third, a department concerned with our physical environment, with the
+preservation and balanced use of those great natural resources on which our
+Nation depends.
+
+--And fourth, a department concerned with our prosperity--with our jobs,
+our businesses, and those many activities that keep our economy running
+smoothly and well.
+
+Under this plan, rather than dividing up our departments by narrow
+subjects, we would organize them around the great purposes of government.
+Rather than scattering responsibility by adding new levels of bureaucracy,
+we would focus and concentrate the responsibility for getting problems
+solved.
+
+With these four departments, when we have a problem we will know where to
+go--and the department will have the authority and the resources to do
+something about it.
+
+Over the years we have added departments and created agencies at the
+Federal level, each to serve a new constituency, to handle a particular
+task--and these have grown and multiplied in what has become a hopeless
+confusion of form and function.
+
+The time has come to match our structure to our purposes---to look with a
+fresh eye, to organize the Government by conscious, comprehensive design to
+meet the new needs of a new era.
+
+One hundred years ago, Abraham Lincoln stood on a battlefield and spoke of
+a "government of the people, by the people, for the people." Too often
+since then, we have become a nation of the Government, by the Government,
+for the Government.
+
+By enacting these reforms, we can renew that principle that Lincoln stated
+so simply and so well.
+
+By giving everyone's voice a chance to be heard, we will have government
+that truly is of the people.
+
+By creating more centers of meaningful power, more places where decisions
+that really count can be made, by giving more people a chance to do
+something, we can have government that truly is by the people.
+
+And by setting up a completely modern, functional system of government at
+the national level, we in Washington will at last be able to provide
+government that is truly for the people.
+
+I realize that what I am asking is that not only the executive branch in
+Washington but that even this Congress will have to change by giving up
+some of its power.
+
+Change is hard. But without change there can be no progress. And for each
+of us the question then becomes, not "Will change cause me inconvenience?"
+but "Will change bring progress for America?"
+
+Giving up power is hard. But I would urge all of you, as leaders of this
+country, to remember that the truly revered leaders in world history are
+those who gave power to people, and not those who took it away.
+
+As we consider these reforms we will be acting, not for the next 2 years or
+for the next 10 years, but for the next 100 years.
+
+So let us approach these six great goals with a sense not only of this
+moment in history but also of history itself.
+
+Let us act with the willingness to work together and the vision and the
+boldness and the courage of those great Americans who met in Philadelphia
+almost 190 years ago to write a constitution.
+
+Let us leave a heritage as they did--not just for our children but for
+millions yet unborn--of a nation where every American will have a chance
+not only to live in peace and to enjoy prosperity and opportunity but to
+participate in a system of government where he knows not only his votes but
+his ideas count--a system of government which will provide the means for
+America to reach heights of achievement undreamed of before.
+
+Those men who met at Philadelphia left a great heritage because they had a
+vision--not only of what the Nation was but of what it could become.
+
+As I think of that vision, I recall that America was founded as the land of
+the open door--as a haven for the oppressed, a land of opportunity, a place
+of refuge, of hope.
+
+When the first settlers opened the door of America three and a half
+centuries ago, they came to escape persecution and to find opportunity--and
+they left wide the door of welcome for others to follow.
+
+When the Thirteen Colonies declared their independence almost two centuries
+ago, they opened the door to a new vision of liberty and of human
+fulfillment--not just for an elite but for all.
+
+To the generations that followed, America's was the open door that beckoned
+millions from the old world to the new in search of a better life, a freer
+life, a fuller life, and in which, by their own decisions, they could shape
+their own destinies.
+
+For the black American, the Indian, the Mexican-American, and for those
+others in our land who have not had an equal chance, the Nation at last has
+begun to confront the need to press open the door of full and equal
+opportunity, and of human dignity.
+
+For all Americans, with these changes I have proposed tonight we can open
+the door to a new era of opportunity. We can open the door to full and
+effective participation in the decisions that affect their lives. We can
+open the door to a new partnership among governments at all levels, between
+those governments and the people themselves. And by so doing, we can open
+wide the doors of human fulfillment for millions of people here in America
+now and in the years to come.
+
+In the next few weeks I will spell out in greater detail the way I propose
+that we achieve these six great goals. I ask this Congress to be
+responsive. If it is, then the 92d Congress, your Congress, our Congress,
+at the end of its term, will be able to look back on a record more splendid
+than any in our history.
+
+This can be the Congress that helped us end the longest war in the Nation's
+history, and end it in a way that will give us at last a genuine chance to
+enjoy what we have not had in this century: a full generation of peace.
+
+This can be the Congress that helped achieve an expanding economy, with
+full employment and without inflation--and without the deadly stimulus of
+war.
+
+This can be the Congress that reformed a welfare system that has robbed
+recipients of their dignity and robbed States and cities of their
+resources.
+
+This can be the Congress that pressed forward the rescue of our
+environment, and established for the next generation an enduring legacy of
+parks for the people.
+
+This can be the Congress that launched a new era in American medicine, in
+which the quality of medical care was enhanced while the costs were made
+less burdensome.
+
+But above all, what this Congress can be remembered for is opening the way
+to a new American revolution--a peaceful revolution in which power was
+turned back to the people--in which government at all levels was refreshed
+and renewed and made truly responsive. This can be a revolution as
+profound, as far-reaching, as exciting as that first revolution almost 200
+years ago--and it can mean that just 5 years from now America will enter
+its third century as a young nation new in spirit, with all the vigor and
+the freshness with which it began its first century.
+
+My colleagues in the Congress, these are great goals. They can make the
+sessions of this Congress a great moment for America. So let us pledge
+together to go forward together--by achieving these goals to give America
+the foundation today for a new greatness tomorrow and in all the years to
+come, and in so doing to make this the greatest Congress in the history of
+this great and good country.
+
+***
+
+State of the Union Address
+Richard Nixon
+January 20, 1972
+
+Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, my colleagues in the Congress, our
+distinguished guests, my fellow Americans:
+
+Twenty-five years ago I sat here as a freshman Congressman--along with
+Speaker Albert--and listened for the first time to the President address
+the State of the Union.
+
+I shall never forget that moment. The Senate, the diplomatic corps, the
+Supreme Court, the Cabinet entered the Chamber, and then the President of
+the United States. As all of you are aware, I had some differences with
+President Truman. He had some with me. But I remember that on that day--the
+day he addressed that joint session of the newly elected Republican 80th
+Congress, he spoke not as a partisan, but as President of all the
+people--calling upon the Congress to put aside partisan considerations in
+the national interest.
+
+The Greek-Turkish aid program, the Marshall Plan, the great foreign policy
+initiatives which have been responsible for avoiding a world war for over
+25 years were approved by the 80th Congress, by a bipartisan majority of
+which I was proud to be a part.
+
+Nineteen hundred seventy-two is now before us. It holds precious time in
+which to accomplish good for the Nation. We must not waste it. I know the
+political pressures in this session of the Congress will be great. There
+are more candidates for the Presidency in this Chamber today than there
+probably have been at any one time in the whole history of the Republic.
+And there is an honest difference of opinion, not only between the parties,
+but within each party, on some foreign policy issues and on some domestic
+policy issues.
+
+However, there are great national problems that are so vital that they
+transcend partisanship. So let us have our debates. Let us have our honest
+differences. But let us join in keeping the national interest first. Let us
+join in making sure that legislation the Nation needs does not become
+hostage to the political interests of any party or any person.
+
+There is ample precedent, in this election year, for me to present you with
+a huge list of new proposals, knowing full well that there would not be any
+possibility of your passing them if you worked night and day.
+
+I shall not do that.
+
+I have presented to the leaders of the Congress today a message of 15,000
+words discussing in some detail where the Nation stands and setting forth
+specific legislative items on which I have asked the Congress to act. Much
+of this is legislation which I proposed in 1969, in 1970, and also in the
+first session of this 92d Congress and on which I feel it is essential that
+action be completed this year.
+
+I am not presenting proposals which have attractive labels but no hope of
+passage. I am presenting only vital programs which are within the capacity
+of this Congress to enact, within the capacity of the budget to finance,
+and which I believe should be above partisanship--programs which deal with
+urgent priorities for the Nation, which should and must be the subject of
+bipartisan action by this Congress in the interests of the country in
+1972.
+
+When I took the oath of office on the steps of this building just 3 years
+ago today, the Nation was ending one of the most tortured decades in its
+history.
+
+The 1960's were a time of great progress in many areas. But as we all know,
+they were also times of great agony--the agonies of war, of inflation, of
+rapidly rising crime, of deteriorating titles, of hopes raised and
+disappointed, and of anger and frustration that led finally to violence and
+to the worst civil disorder in a century.
+
+I recall these troubles not to point any fingers of blame. The Nation was
+so torn in those final years of the sixties that many in both parties
+questioned whether America could be governed at all.
+
+The Nation has made significant progress in these first years of the
+seventies:
+
+Our cities are no longer engulfed by civil disorders.
+
+Our colleges and universities have again become places of learning instead
+of battlegrounds.
+
+A beginning has been made in preserving and protecting our environment.
+
+The rate of increase in crime has been slowed--and here in the District of
+Columbia, the one city where the Federal Government has direct
+jurisdiction, serious crime in 1971 was actually reduced by 13 percent from
+the year before.
+
+Most important, because of the beginnings that have been made, we can say
+today that this year 1972 can be the year in which America may make the
+greatest progress in 25 years toward achieving our goal of being at peace
+with all the nations of the world.
+
+As our involvement in the war in Vietnam comes to an end, we must now go on
+to build a generation of peace.
+
+To achieve that goal, we must first face realistically the need to maintain
+our defense.
+
+In the past 3 years, we have reduced the burden of arms. For the first time
+in 20 years, spending on defense has been brought below spending on human
+resources.
+
+As we look to the future, we find encouraging progress in our negotiations
+with the Soviet Union on limitation of strategic arms. And looking further
+into the future, we hope there can eventually be agreement on the mutual
+reduction of arms. But until there is such a mutual agreement, we must
+maintain the strength necessary to deter war.
+
+And that is why, because of rising research and development costs, because
+of increases in military and civilian pay, because of the need to proceed
+with new weapons systems, my budget for the coming fiscal year will provide
+for an increase in defense spending.
+
+Strong military defenses are not the enemy of peace; they are the guardians
+of peace.
+
+There could be no more misguided set of priorities than one which would
+tempt others by weakening America, and thereby endanger the peace of the
+world.
+
+In our foreign policy, we have entered a new era. The world has changed
+greatly in the 11 years since President John Kennedy said in his Inaugural
+Address, "... we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship,
+support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success
+of liberty."
+
+Our policy has been carefully and deliberately adjusted to meet the new
+realities of the new world we live in. We make today only those commitments
+we are able and prepared to meet.
+
+Our commitment to freedom remains strong and unshakable. But others must
+bear their share of the burden of defending freedom around the world.
+
+And so this, then, is our policy:
+
+--We will maintain a nuclear deterrent adequate to meet any threat to the
+security of the United States or of our allies.
+
+--We will help other nations develop the capability of defending
+themselves.
+
+--We will faithfully honor all of our treaty commitments.
+
+--We will act to defend our interests, whenever and wherever they are
+threatened anyplace in the world.
+
+--But where our interests or our treaty commitments are not involved, our
+role will be limited.
+
+--We will not intervene militarily.
+
+--But we will use our influence to prevent war.
+
+--If war comes, we will use our influence to stop it.
+
+--Once it is over, we will do our share in helping to bind up the wounds of
+those who have participated in it.
+
+As you know, I will soon be visiting the People's Republic of China and the
+Soviet Union. I go there with no illusions. We have great differences with
+both powers. We shall continue to have great differences. But peace depends
+on the ability of great powers to live together on the same planet despite
+their differences.
+
+We would not be true to our obligation to generations yet unborn if we
+failed to seize this moment to do everything in our power to insure that we
+will be able to talk about those differences, rather than to fight about
+them, in the future.
+
+As we look back over this century, let us, in the highest spirit of
+bipartisanship, recognize that we can be proud of our Nation's record in
+foreign affairs.
+
+America has given more generously of itself toward maintaining freedom,
+preserving peace, alleviating human suffering around the globe, than any
+nation has ever done in the history of man.
+
+We have fought four wars in this century, but our power has never been used
+to break the peace, only to keep it; never been used to destroy freedom,
+only to defend it. We now have within our reach the goal of insuring that
+the next generation can be the first generation in this century to be
+spared the scourges of war.
+
+Turning to our problems at home, we are making progress toward our goal of
+a new prosperity without war.
+
+Industrial production, consumer spending, retail sales, personal income all
+have been rising. Total employment, real income are the highest in history.
+New home building starts this past year reached the highest level ever.
+Business and consumer confidence have both been rising. Interest rates are
+down. The rate of inflation is down. We can look with confidence to 1972 as
+the year when the back of inflation will be broken.
+
+Now, this a good record, but it is not good enough--not when we still have
+an unemployment rate of 6 percent.
+
+It is not enough to point out that this was the rate of the early peacetime
+years of the sixties, or that if the more than 2 million men released from
+the Armed Forces and defense-related industries were still in their wartime
+jobs, unemployment would be far lower.
+
+Our goal in this country is full employment in peacetime. We intend to meet
+that goal, and we can.
+
+The Congress has helped to meet that goal by passing our job-creating tax
+program last month.
+
+The historic monetary agreements, agreements that we have reached with the
+major European nations, Canada, and Japan, will help meet it by providing
+new markets for American products, new jobs for American workers.
+
+Our budget will help meet it by being expansionary without being
+inflationary--a job-producing budget that will help take up the gap as the
+economy expands to full employment.
+
+Our program to raise farm income will help meet it by helping to revitalize
+rural America, by giving to America's farmers their fair share of America's
+increasing productivity.
+
+We also will help meet our goal of full employment in peacetime with a set
+of major initiatives to stimulate more imaginative use of America's great
+capacity for technological advance, and to direct it toward improving the
+quality of life for every American.
+
+In reaching the moon, we demonstrated what miracles American technology is
+capable of achieving. Now the time has come to move more deliberately
+toward making full use of that technology here on earth, of harnessing the
+wonders of science to the service of man.
+
+I shall soon send to the Congress a special message proposing a new program
+of Federal partnership in technological research and development--with
+Federal incentives to increase private research, federally supported
+research on projects designed to improve our everyday lives in ways that
+will range from improving mass transit to developing new systems of
+emergency health care that could save thousands of lives annually.
+
+Historically, our superior technology and high productivity have made it
+possible for American workers to be the highest paid in the world by far,
+and yet for our goods still to compete in world markets.
+
+Now we face a new situation. As other nations move rapidly forward in
+technology, the answer to the new competition is not to build a wall around
+America, but rather to remain competitive by improving our own technology
+still further and by increasing productivity in American industry.
+
+Our new monetary and trade agreements will make it possible for American
+goods to compete fairly in the world's markets--but they still must
+compete. The new technology program will put to use the skills of many
+highly trained Americans, skills that might otherwise be wasted. It will
+also meet the growing technological challenge from abroad, and it will thus
+help to create new industries, as well as creating more jobs for America's
+workers in producing for the world's markets.
+
+This second session of the 92d Congress already has before it more than 90
+major Administration proposals which still await action.
+
+I have discussed these in the extensive written message that I have
+presented to the Congress today.
+
+They include, among others, our programs to improve life for the aging; to
+combat crime and drug abuse; to improve health services and to ensure that
+no one will be denied needed health care because of inability to pay; to
+protect workers' pension rights; to promote equal opportunity for members
+of minorities, and others who have been left behind; to expand consumer
+protection; to improve the environment; to revitalize rural America; to
+help the cities; to launch new initiatives in education; to improve
+transportation, and to put an end to costly labor tie-ups in
+transportation.
+
+The west coast dock strike is a case in point. This Nation cannot and will
+not tolerate that kind of irresponsible labor tie-up in the future.
+
+The messages also include basic reforms which are essential if our
+structure of government is to be adequate in the decades ahead.
+
+They include reform of our wasteful and outmoded welfare
+system--substitution of a new system that provides work requirements and
+work incentives for those who can help themselves, income support for those
+who cannot help themselves, and fairness to the working poor.
+
+They include a $17 billion program of Federal revenue sharing with the
+States and localities as an investment in their renewal, an investment also
+of faith in the American people.
+
+They also include a sweeping reorganization of the executive branch of the
+Federal Government so that it will be more efficient, more responsive, and
+able to meet the challenges of the decades ahead.
+
+One year ago, standing in this place, I laid before the opening session of
+this Congress six great goals. One of these was welfare reform. That
+proposal has been before the Congress now for nearly 2 1/2 years.
+
+My proposals on revenue sharing, government reorganization, health care,
+and the environment have now been before the Congress for nearly a year.
+Many of the other major proposals that I have referred to have been here
+that long or longer.
+
+Now, 1971, we can say, was a year of consideration of these measures. Now
+let us join in making 1972 a year of action on them, action by the
+Congress, for the Nation and for the people of America.
+
+Now, in addition, there is one pressing need which I have not previously
+covered, but which must be placed on the national agenda.
+
+We long have looked in this Nation to the local property tax as the main
+source of financing for public primary and secondary education.
+
+As a result, soaring school costs, soaring property tax rates now threaten
+both our communities and our schools. They threaten communities because
+property taxes, which more than doubled in the 10 years from 1960 to '70,
+have become one of the most oppressive and discriminatory of all taxes,
+hitting most cruelly at the elderly and the retired; and they threaten
+schools, as hard-pressed voters understandably reject new bond issues at
+the polls.
+
+The problem has been given even greater urgency by four recent court
+decisions, which have held that the conventional method of financing
+schools through local property taxes is discriminatory and
+unconstitutional.
+
+Nearly 2 years ago, I named a special Presidential commission to study the
+problems of school finance, and I also directed the Federal departments to
+look into the same problems. We are developing comprehensive proposals to
+meet these problems.
+
+This issue involves two complex and interrelated sets of problems: support
+of the schools and the basic relationships of Federal, State, and local
+governments in any tax reforms.
+
+Under the leadership of the Secretary of the Treasury, we are carefully
+reviewing all of the tax aspects, and I have this week enlisted the
+Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations in addressing the
+intergovernmental relations aspects.
+
+I have asked this bipartisan Commission to review our proposals for Federal
+action to cope with the gathering crisis of school finance and property
+taxes. Later in the year, when both Commissions have completed their
+studies, I shall make my final recommendations for relieving the burden of
+property taxes and providing both fair and adequate financing for our
+children's education.
+
+These recommendations will be revolutionary. But all these recommendations,
+however, will be rooted in one fundamental principle with which there can
+be no compromise: Local school boards must have control over local
+schools.
+
+As we look ahead over the coming decades, vast new growth and change are
+not only certainties, they will be the dominant reality of this world, and
+particularly of our life in America.
+
+Surveying the certainty of rapid change, we can be like a fallen rider
+caught in the stirrups--or we can sit high in the saddle, the masters of
+change, directing it on a course we choose.
+
+The secret of mastering change in today's world is to reach back to old and
+proven principles, and to adapt them with imagination and intelligence to
+the new realities of a new age.
+
+That is what we have done in the proposals that I have laid before the
+Congress. They are rooted in basic principles that are as enduring as human
+nature, as robust as the American experience; and they are responsive to
+new conditions. Thus they represent a spirit of change that is truly
+renewal.
+
+As we look back at those old principles, we find them as timely as they are
+timeless.
+
+We believe in independence, and self-reliance, and the creative value of
+the competitive spirit.
+
+We believe in full and equal opportunity for all Americans and in the
+protection of individual rights and liberties.
+
+We believe in the family as the keystone of the community, and in the
+community as the keystone of the Nation.
+
+We believe in compassion toward those in need.
+
+We believe in a system of law, justice, and order as the basis of a
+genuinely free society.
+
+We believe that a person should get what he works for--and that those who
+can, should work for what they get.
+
+We believe in the capacity of people to make their own decisions in their
+own lives, in their own communities--and we believe in their right to make
+those decisions.
+
+In applying these principles, we have done so with the full understanding
+that what we seek in the seventies, what our quest is, is not merely for
+more, but for better for a better quality of life for all Americans.
+
+Thus, for example, we are giving a new measure of attention to cleaning up
+our air and water, making our surroundings more attractive. We are
+providing broader support for the arts, helping stimulate a deeper
+appreciation of what they can contribute to the Nation's activities and to
+our individual lives.
+
+But nothing really matters more to the quality of our lives than the way we
+treat one another, than our capacity to live respectfully together as a
+unified society, with a full, generous regard for the rights of others and
+also for the feelings of others.
+
+As we recover from the turmoil and violence of recent years, as we learn
+once again to speak with one another instead of shouting at one another, we
+are regaining that capacity.
+
+As is customary here, on this occasion, I have been talking about programs.
+Programs are important. But even more important than programs is what we
+are as a Nation--what we mean as a Nation, to ourselves and to the world.
+
+In New York Harbor stands one of the most famous statues in the world--the
+Statue of Liberty, the gift in 1886 of the people of France to the people
+of the United States. This statue is more than a landmark; it is a
+symbol--a symbol of what America has meant to the world.
+
+It reminds us that what America has meant is not its wealth, and not its
+power, but its spirit and purpose--a land that enshrines liberty and
+opportunity, and that has held out a hand of welcome to millions in search
+of a better and a fuller and, above all, a freer life.
+
+The world's hopes poured into America, along with its people. And those
+hopes, those dreams, that have been brought here from every corner of the
+world, have become a part of the hope that we now hold out to the world.
+
+Four years from now, America will celebrate the 200th anniversary of its
+founding as a Nation. There are those who say that the old Spirit of '76 is
+dead--that we no longer have the strength of character, the idealism, the
+faith in our founding purposes that that spirit represents.
+
+Those who say this do not know America.
+
+We have been undergoing self-doubts and self-criticism. But these are only
+the other side of our growing sensitivity to the persistence of want in the
+midst of plenty, of our impatience with the slowness with which age-old
+ills are being overcome.
+
+If we were indifferent to the shortcomings of our society, or complacent
+about our institutions, or blind to the lingering inequities--then we would
+have lost our way.
+
+But the fact that we have those concerns is evidence that our ideals, deep
+down, are still strong. Indeed, they remind us that what is really best
+about America is its compassion. They remind us that in the final analysis,
+America is great not because it is strong, not because it is rich, but
+because this is a good country.
+
+Let us reject the narrow visions of those who would tell us that we are
+evil because we are not yet perfect, that we are corrupt because we are not
+yet pure, that all the sweat and toil and sacrifice that have gone into the
+building of America were for naught because the building is not yet done.
+
+Let us see that the path we are traveling is wide, with room in it for all
+of us, and that its direction is toward a better Nation and a more peaceful
+world.
+
+Never has it mattered more that we go forward together.
+
+Look at this Chamber. The leadership of America is here today--the Supreme
+Court, the Cabinet, the Senate, the House of Representatives.
+
+Together, we hold the future of the Nation, and the conscience of the
+Nation in our hands.
+
+Because this year is an election year, it will be a time of great
+pressure.
+
+If we yield to that pressure and fail to deal seriously with the historic
+challenges that we face, we will have failed the trust of millions of
+Americans and shaken the confidence they have a right to place in us, in
+their Government.
+
+Never has a Congress had a greater opportunity to leave a legacy of a
+profound and constructive reform for the Nation than this Congress.
+
+If we succeed in these tasks, there will be credit enough for all--not only
+for doing what is right, but doing it in the right way, by rising above
+partisan interest to serve the national interest.
+
+And if we fail, more than any one of us, America will be the loser.
+
+That is why my call upon the Congress today is for a high statesmanship, so
+that in the years to come Americans will look back and say because it
+withstood the intense pressures of a political year, and achieved such
+great good for the American people and for the future of this Nation, this
+was truly a great Congress.
+
+***
+
+State of the Union Address
+Richard Nixon
+February 2, 1973
+
+To the Congress of the United States:
+
+The traditional form of the President's annual report giving "to the
+Congress Information of the State of the Union" is a single message or
+address. As the affairs and concerns of our Union have multiplied over the
+years, however, so too have the subjects that require discussion in State
+of the Union Messages.
+
+This year in particular, with so many changes in Government programs under
+consideration--and with our very philosophy about the relationship between
+the individual and the State at an historic crossroads--a single,
+all-embracing State of the Union Message would not appear to be adequate.
+
+I have therefore decided to present my 1973 State of the Union report in
+the form of a series of messages during these early weeks of the 93rd
+Congress. The purpose of this first message in the series is to give a
+concise overview of where we stand as a people today, and to outline some
+of the general goals that I believe we should pursue over the next year and
+beyond. In coming weeks, I will send to the Congress further State of the
+Union reports on specific areas of policy including economic affairs,
+natural resources, human resources, community development and foreign and
+defense policy.
+
+The new course these messages will outline represents a fresh approach to
+Government: an approach that addresses the realities of the 1970s, not
+those of the 1930s or of the 1960s. The role of the Federal Government as
+we approach our third century of independence should not be to dominate any
+facet of American life, but rather to aid and encourage people, communities
+and institutions to deal with as many of the difficulties and challenges
+facing them as possible, and to help see to it that every American has a
+full and equal opportunity to realize his or her potential.
+
+If we were to continue to expand the Federal Government at the rate of the
+past several decades, it soon would consume us entirely. The time has come
+when we must make clear choices--choices between old programs that set
+worthy goals but failed to reach them and new programs that provide a
+better way to realize those goals; and choices, too, between competing
+programs--all of which may be desirable in themselves but only some of
+which we can afford with the finite resources at our command.
+
+Because our resources are not infinite, we also face a critical choice in
+1973 between holding the line in Government spending and adopting expensive
+programs which will surely force up taxes and refuel inflation.
+
+Finally, it is vital at this time that we restore a greater sense of
+responsibility at the State and local level, and among individual
+Americans.
+
+WHERE WE STAND
+
+The basic state of our Union today is sound, and full of promise.
+
+We enter 1973 economically strong, militarily secure and, most important of
+all, at peace after a long and trying war.
+
+America continues to provide a better and more abundant life for more of
+its people than any other nation in the world. We have passed through one
+of the most difficult periods in our history without surrendering to
+despair and without dishonoring our ideals as a people.
+
+Looking back, there is a lesson in all this for all of us. The lesson is
+one that we sometimes had to learn the hard way over the past few years.
+But we did learn it. That lesson is that even potentially destructive
+forces can be converted into positive forces when we know how to channel
+them, and when we use common sense and common decency to create a climate
+of mutual respect and goodwill.
+
+By working together and harnessing the forces of nature, Americans have
+unlocked some of the great mysteries of the universe.
+
+Men have walked the surface of the moon and soared to new heights of
+discovery.
+
+This same spirit of discovery is helping us to conquer disease and
+suffering that have plagued our own planet since the dawn of time.
+
+By working together with the leaders of other nations, we have been able to
+build a new hope for lasting peace--for a structure of world order in which
+common interest outweighs old animosities, and in which a new generation of
+the human family can grow up at peace in a changing world.
+
+At home, we have learned that by working together we can create prosperity
+without fanning inflation; we can restore order without weakening freedom.
+
+THE CHALLENGES WE FACE
+
+These first years of the 1970s have been good years for America.
+
+Our job--all of us together--is to make 1973 and the years to come even
+better ones. I believe that we can. I believe that we can make the years
+leading to our Bicentennial the best four years in American history.
+
+But we must never forget that nothing worthwhile can be achieved without
+the will to succeed and the strength to sacrifice.
+
+Hard decisions must be made, and we must stick by them.
+
+In the field of foreign policy, we must remember that a strong America--an
+America whose word is believed and whose strength is respected--is
+essential to continued peace and understanding in the world. The peace with
+honor we have achieved in Vietnam has strengthened this basic American
+credibility. We must act in such a way in coming years that this
+credibility will remain intact, and with it, the world stability of which
+it is so indispensable a part.
+
+At home, we must reject the mistaken notion--a notion that has dominated
+too much of the public dialogue for too long--that ever bigger Government
+is the answer to every problem.
+
+We have learned only too well that heavy taxation and excessive Government
+spending are not a cure-all. In too many cases, instead of solving the
+problems they were aimed at, they have merely placed an ever heavier burden
+on the shoulders of the American taxpayer, in the form of higher taxes and
+a higher cost of living. At the same time they have deceived our people
+because many of the intended beneficiaries received far less than was
+promised, thus undermining public faith in the effectiveness of Government
+as a whole.
+
+The time has come for us to draw the line. The time has come for the
+responsible leaders of both political parties to take a stand against
+overgrown Government and for the American taxpayer. We are not spending the
+Federal Government's money, we are spending the taxpayer's money, and it
+must be spent in a way which guarantees his money's worth and yields the
+fullest possible benefit to the people being helped.
+
+The answer to many of the domestic problems we face is not higher taxes and
+more spending. It is less waste, more results and greater freedom for the
+individual American to earn a rightful place in his own community--and for
+States and localities to address their own needs in their own ways, in the
+light of their own priorities.
+
+By giving the people and their locally elected leaders a greater voice
+through changes such as revenue sharing, and by saying "no" to excessive
+Federal spending and higher taxes, we can help achieve this goal.
+
+COMING MESSAGES
+
+The policies which I will outline to the Congress in the weeks ahead
+represent a reaffirmation, not an abdication, of Federal responsibility.
+They represent a pragmatic rededication to social compassion and national
+excellence, in place of the combination of good intentions and fuzzy
+follow-through which too often in the past was thought sufficient.
+
+In the field of economic affairs, our objectives will be to hold down
+taxes, to continue controlling inflation, to promote economic growth, to
+increase productivity, to encourage foreign trade, to keep farm income
+high, to bolster small business, and to promote better labor-management
+relations.
+
+In the area of natural resources, my recommendations will include programs
+to preserve and enhance the environment, to advance science and technology,
+and to assure balanced use of our irreplaceable natural resources.
+
+In developing human resources, I will have recommendations to advance the
+Nation's health and education, to improve conditions of people in need, to
+carry forward our increasingly successful attacks on crime, drug abuse and
+injustice, and to deal with such important areas of special concern as
+consumer affairs. We will continue and improve our Nation's efforts to
+assist those who have served in the Armed Services in Vietnam through
+better job and training opportunities.
+
+We must do a better job in community development--in creating more livable
+communities, in which all of our children can grow up with fuller access to
+opportunity and greater immunity to the social evils and blights which now
+plague so many of our towns and cities. I shall have proposals to help us
+achieve this.
+
+I shall also deal with our defense and foreign policies, and with our new
+approaches to the role and structure of Government itself.
+
+Considered as a whole, this series of messages will be a blueprint for
+modernizing the concept and the functions of American Government to meet
+the needs of our people.
+
+Converting it into reality will require a spirit of cooperation and shared
+commitment on the part of all branches of the Government, for the goals we
+seek are not those of any single party or faction, they are goals for the
+betterment of all Americans. As President, I recognize that I cannot do
+this job alone. The Congress must help, and I pledge to do my part to
+achieve a constructive working relationship with the Congress. My sincere
+hope is that the executive and legislative branches can work together in
+this great undertaking in a positive spirit of mutual respect and
+cooperation.
+
+Working together--the Congress, the President and the people--I am
+confident that we can translate these proposals into an action program that
+can reform and revitalize American Government and, even more important,
+build a better life for all Americans.
+
+The White House,
+
+February 2, 1973.
+
+***
+
+State of the Union Address
+Richard Nixon
+January 30, 1974
+
+Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, my colleagues in the Congress, our
+distinguished guests, my fellow Americans:
+
+We meet here tonight at a time of great challenge and great opportunities
+for America. We meet at a time when we face great problems at home and
+abroad that will test the strength of our fiber as a nation. But we also
+meet at a time when that fiber has been tested, and it has proved strong.
+
+America is a great and good land, and we are a great and good land because
+we are a strong, free, creative people and because America is the single
+greatest force for peace anywhere in the world. Today, as always in our
+history, we can base our confidence in what the American people will
+achieve in the future on the record of what the American people have
+achieved in the past.
+
+Tonight, for the first time in 12 years, a President of the United States
+can report to the Congress on the state of a Union at peace with every
+nation of the world. Because of this, in the 22,000-word message on the
+state of the Union that I have just handed to the Speaker of the House and
+the President of the Senate, I have been able to deal primarily with the
+problems of peace with what we can do here at home in America for the
+American people--rather than with the problems of war.
+
+The measures I have outlined in this message set an agenda for truly
+significant progress for this Nation and the world in 1974. Before we chart
+where we are going, let us see how far we have come.
+
+It was 5 years ago on the steps of this Capitol that I took the oath of
+office as your President. In those 5 years, because of the initiatives
+undertaken by this Administration, the world has changed. America has
+changed. As a result of those changes, America is safer today, more
+prosperous today, with greater opportunity for more of its people than ever
+before in our history.
+
+Five years ago, America was at war in Southeast Asia. We were locked in
+confrontation with the Soviet Union. We were in hostile isolation from a
+quarter of the world's people who lived in Mainland China.
+
+Five years ago, our cities were burning and besieged.
+
+Five years ago, our college campuses were a battleground.
+
+Five years ago, crime was increasing at a rate that struck fear across the
+Nation.
+
+Five years ago, the spiraling rise in drug addiction was threatening human
+and social tragedy of massive proportion, and there was no program to deal
+with it.
+
+Five years ago--as young Americans had done for a generation before
+that--America's youth still lived under the shadow of the military draft.
+
+Five years ago, there was no national program to preserve our environment.
+Day by day, our air was getting dirtier, our water was getting more foul.
+
+And 5 years ago, American agriculture was practically a depressed industry
+with 100,000 farm families abandoning the farm every year.
+
+As we look at America today, we find ourselves challenged by new problems.
+But we also find a record of progress to confound the professional criers
+of doom and prophets of despair. We met the challenges we faced 5 years
+ago, and we will be equally confident of meeting those that we face today.
+
+Let us see for a moment how we have met them.
+
+After more than 10 years of military involvement, all of our troops have
+returned from Southeast Asia, and they have returned with honor. And we can
+be proud of the fact that our courageous prisoners of war, for whom a
+dinner was held in Washington tonight, that they came home with their heads
+high, on their feet and not on their knees.
+
+In our relations with the Soviet Union, we have turned away from a policy
+of confrontation to one of negotiation. For the first time since World War
+II, the world's two strongest powers are working together toward peace in
+the world. With the People's Republic of China after a generation of
+hostile isolation, we have begun a period of peaceful exchange and
+expanding trade.
+
+Peace has returned to our cities, to our campuses. The 17-year rise in
+crime has been stopped. We can confidently say today that we are finally
+beginning to win the war against crime. Right here in this Nation's
+Capital--which a few years ago was threatening to become the crime capital
+of the world--the rate in crime has been cut in half. A massive campaign
+against drug abuse has been organized. And the rate of new heroin
+addiction, the most vicious threat of all, is decreasing rather than
+increasing.
+
+For the first time in a generation, no young Americans are being drafted
+into the armed services of the United States. And for the first time ever,
+we have organized a massive national effort to protect the environment. Our
+air is getting cleaner, our water is getting purer, and our agriculture,
+which was depressed, is prospering. Farm income is up 70 percent, farm
+production is setting all-time records, and the billions of dollars the
+taxpayers were paying in subsidies has been cut to nearly zero.
+
+Overall, Americans are living more abundantly than ever before, today. More
+than 2 1/2 million new jobs were created in the past year alone. That is
+the biggest percentage increase in nearly 20 years. People are earning
+more. What they earn buys more, more than ever before in history. In the
+past 5 years, the average American's real spendable income--that is, what
+you really can buy with your income, even after allowing for taxes and
+inflation--has increased by 16 percent.
+
+Despite this record of achievement, as we turn to the year ahead we hear
+once again the familiar voice of the perennial prophets of gloom telling us
+now that because of the need to fight inflation, because of the energy
+shortage, America may be headed for a recession.
+
+Let me speak to that issue head on. There will be no recession in the
+United States of America. Primarily due to our energy crisis, our economy
+is passing through a difficult period. But I pledge to you tonight that the
+full powers of this Government will be used to keep America's economy
+producing and to protect the jobs of America's workers.
+
+We are engaged in a long and hard fight against inflation. There have been,
+and there will be in the future, ups and downs in that fight. But if this
+Congress cooperates in our efforts to hold down the cost of Government, we
+shall win our fight to hold down the cost of living for the American
+people.
+
+As we look back over our history, the years that stand out as the ones of
+signal achievement are those in which the Administration and the Congress,
+whether one party or the other, working together, had the wisdom and the
+foresight to select those particular initiatives for which the Nation was
+ready and the moment was right--and in which they seized the moment and
+acted.
+
+Looking at the year 1974 which lies before us, there are 10 key areas in
+which landmark accomplishments are possible this year in America. If we
+make these our national agenda, this is what we will achieve in 1974:
+
+We will break the back of the energy crisis; we will lay the foundation for
+our future capacity to meet America's energy needs from America's own
+resources.
+
+And we will take another giant stride toward lasting peace in the
+world--not only by continuing our policy of negotiation rather than
+confrontation where the great powers are concerned but also by helping
+toward the achievement of a just and lasting settlement in the Middle
+East.
+
+We will check the rise in prices without administering the harsh medicine
+of recession, and we will move the economy into a steady period of growth
+at a sustainable level.
+
+We will establish a new system that makes high-quality health care
+available to every American in a dignified manner and at a price he can
+afford.
+
+We will make our States and localities more responsive to the needs of
+their own citizens.
+
+We will make a crucial breakthrough toward better transportation in our
+towns and in our cities across America.
+
+We will reform our system of Federal aid to education, to provide it when
+it is needed, where it is needed, so that it will do the most for those who
+need it the most.
+
+We will make an historic beginning on the task of defining and protecting
+the right of personal privacy for every American.
+
+And we will start on a new road toward reform of a welfare system that
+bleeds the taxpayer, corrodes the community, and demeans those it is
+intended to assist.
+
+And together with the other nations of the world, we will establish the
+economic framework within which Americans will share more fully in an
+expanding worldwide trade and prosperity in the years ahead, with more open
+access to both markets and supplies.
+
+In all of the 186 State of the Union messages delivered from this place, in
+our history this is the first in which the one priority, the first
+priority, is energy. Let me begin by reporting a new development which I
+know will be welcome news to every American. As you know, we have committed
+ourselves to an active role in helping to achieve a just and durable peace
+in the Middle East, on the basis of full implementation of Security Council
+Resolutions 242 and 338. The first step in the process is the disengagement
+of Egyptian and Israeli forces which is now taking place.
+
+Because of this hopeful development, I can announce tonight that I have
+been assured, through my personal contacts with friendly leaders in the
+Middle Eastern area, that an urgent meeting will be called in the immediate
+future to discuss the lifting of the oil embargo.
+
+This is an encouraging sign. However, it should be clearly understood by
+our friends in the Middle East that the United States will not be coerced
+on this issue.
+
+Regardless of the outcome of this meeting, the cooperation of the American
+people in our energy conservation program has already gone a long way
+towards achieving a goal to which I am deeply dedicated. Let us do
+everything we can to avoid gasoline rationing in the United States of
+America.
+
+Last week, I sent to the Congress a comprehensive special message setting
+forth our energy situation, recommending the legislative measures which are
+necessary to a program for meeting our needs. If the embargo is lifted,
+this will ease the crisis, but it will not mean an end to the energy
+shortage in America. Voluntary conservation will continue to be necessary.
+And let me take this occasion to pay tribute once again to the splendid
+spirit of cooperation the American people have shown which has made
+possible our success in meeting this emergency up to this time.
+
+The new legislation I have requested will also remain necessary. Therefore,
+I urge again that the energy measures that I have proposed be made the
+first priority of this session of the Congress. These measures will require
+the oil companies and other energy producers to provide the public with the
+necessary information on their supplies. They will prevent the injustice of
+windfall profits for a few as a result of the sacrifices of the millions of
+Americans. And they will give us the organization, the incentives, the
+authorities needed to deal with the short-term emergency and to move toward
+meeting our long-term needs.
+
+Just as 1970 was the year in which we began a full-scale effort to protect
+the environment, 1974 must be the year in which we organize a full-scale
+effort to provide for our energy needs, not only in this decade but through
+the 21st century.
+
+As we move toward the celebration 2 years from now of the 200th anniversary
+of this Nation's independence, let us press vigorously on toward the goal I
+announced last November for Project Independence. Let this be our national
+goal: At the end of this decade, in the year 1980, the United States will
+not be dependent on any other country for the energy we need to provide our
+jobs, to heat our homes, and to keep our transportation moving.
+
+To indicate the size of the Government commitment, to spur energy research
+and development, we plan to spend $10 billion in Federal funds over the
+next 5 years. That is an enormous amount. But during the same 5 years,
+private enterprise will be investing as much as $200 billion--and in 10
+years, $500 billion--to develop the new resources, the new technology, the
+new capacity America will require for its energy needs in the 1980's. That
+is just a measure of the magnitude of the project we are undertaking.
+
+But America performs best when called to its biggest tasks. It can truly be
+said that only in America could a task so tremendous be achieved so
+quickly, and achieved not by regimentation, but through the effort and
+ingenuity of a free people, working in a free system.
+
+Turning now to the rest of the agenda for 1974, the time is at hand this
+year to bring comprehensive, high quality health care within the reach of
+every American. I shall propose a sweeping new program that will assure
+comprehensive health insurance protection to millions of Americans who
+cannot now obtain it or afford it, with vastly improved protection against
+catastrophic illnesses. This will be a plan that maintains the high
+standards of quality in America's health care. And it will not require
+additional taxes.
+
+Now, I recognize that other plans have been put forward that would cost $80
+billion or even $100 billion and that would put our whole health care
+system under the heavy hand of the Federal Government. This is the wrong
+approach. This has been tried abroad, and it has failed. It is not the way
+we do things here in America. This kind of plan would threaten the quality
+of care provided by our whole health care system. The right way is one that
+builds on the strengths of the present system and one that does not destroy
+those strengths, one based on partnership, not paternalism. Most important
+of all, let us keep this as the guiding principle of our health programs.
+Government has a great role to play, but we must always make sure that our
+doctors will be working for their patients and not for the Federal
+Government.
+
+Many of you will recall that in my State of the Union Address 3 years ago,
+I commented that "Most Americans today are simply fed up with government at
+all levels," and I recommended a sweeping set of proposals to revitalize
+State and local governments, to make them more responsive to the people
+they serve. I can report to you today that as a result of revenue sharing
+passed by the Congress, and other measures, we have made progress toward
+that goal. After 40 years of moving power from the States and the
+communities to Washington, D.C., we have begun moving power back from
+Washington to the States and communities and, most important, to the people
+of America.
+
+In this session of the Congress, I believe we are near the breakthrough
+point on efforts which I have suggested, proposals to let people themselves
+make their own decisions for their own communities and, in particular, on
+those to provide broad new flexibility in Federal aid for community
+development, for economic development, for education. And I look forward to
+working with the Congress, with members of both parties in resolving
+whatever remaining differences we have in this legislation so that we can
+make available nearly $5 1/2 billion to our States and localities to use
+not for what a Federal bureaucrat may want, but for what their own people
+in those communities want. The decision should be theirs.
+
+I think all of us recognize that the energy crisis has given new urgency to
+the need to improve public transportation, not only in our cities but in
+rural areas as well. The program I have proposed this year will give
+communities not only more money but also more freedom to balance their own
+transportation needs. It will mark the strongest Federal commitment ever to
+the improvement of mass transit as an essential element of the improvement
+of life in our towns and cities.
+
+One goal on which all Americans agree is that our children should have the
+very best education this great Nation can provide.
+
+In a special message last week, I recommended a number of important new
+measures that can make 1974 a year of truly significant advances for our
+schools and for the children they serve. If the Congress will act on these
+proposals, more flexible funding will enable each Federal dollar to meet
+better the particular need of each particular school district. Advance
+funding will give school authorities a chance to make each year's plans,
+knowing ahead of time what Federal funds they are going to receive. Special
+targeting will give special help to the truly disadvantaged among our
+people. College students faced with rising costs for their education will
+be able to draw on an expanded program of loans and grants. These advances
+are a needed investment in America's most precious resource, our next
+generation. And I urge the Congress to act on this legislation in 1974.
+
+One measure of a truly free society is the vigor with which it protects the
+liberties of its individual citizens. As technology has advanced in
+America, it has increasingly encroached on one of those liberties--what I
+term the right of personal privacy. Modern information systems, data banks,
+credit records, mailing list abuses, electronic snooping, the collection of
+personal data for one purpose that may be used for another--all these have
+left millions of Americans deeply concerned by the privacy they cherish.
+
+And the time has come, therefore, for a major initiative to define the
+nature and extent of the basic rights of privacy and to erect new
+safeguards to ensure that those rights are respected.
+
+I shall launch such an effort this year at the highest levels of the
+Administration, and I look forward again to working with this Congress in
+establishing a new set of standards that respect the legitimate needs of
+society, but that also recognize personal privacy as a cardinal principle
+of American liberty.
+
+Many of those in this Chamber tonight will recall that it was 3 years ago
+that I termed the Nation's welfare system "a monstrous, consuming
+outrage--an outrage against the community, against the taxpayer, and
+particularly against the children that it is supposed to help."
+
+That system is still an outrage. By improving its administration, we have
+been able to reduce some of the abuses. As a result, last year, for the
+first time in 18 years, there has been a halt in the growth of the welfare
+caseload. But as a system, our welfare program still needs reform as
+urgently today as it did when I first proposed in 1969 that we completely
+replace it with a different system.
+
+In these final 3 years of my Administration, I urge the Congress to join me
+in mounting a major new effort to replace the discredited present welfare
+system with one that works, one that is fair to those who need help or
+cannot help themselves, fair to the community, and fair to the taxpayer.
+And let us have as our goal that there will be no Government program which
+makes it more profitable to go on welfare than to go to work.
+
+I recognize that from the debates that have taken place within the Congress
+over the past 3 years on this program that we cannot expect enactment
+overnight of a new reform. But I do propose that the Congress and the
+Administration together make this the year in which we discuss, debate, and
+shape such a reform so that it can be enacted as quickly as possible.
+
+America's own prosperity in the years ahead depends on our sharing fully
+and equitably in an expanding world prosperity. Historic negotiations will
+take place this year that will enable us to ensure fair treatment in
+international markets for American workers, American farmers, American
+investors, and American consumers.
+
+It is vital that the authorities contained in the trade bill I submitted to
+the Congress be enacted so that the United States can negotiate flexibly
+and vigorously on behalf of American interests. These negotiations can
+usher in a new era of international trade that not only increases the
+prosperity of all nations but also strengthens the peace among all
+nations.
+
+In the past 5 years, we have made more progress toward a lasting structure
+of peace in the world than in any comparable time in the Nation's history.
+We could not have made that progress if we had not maintained the military
+strength of America. Thomas Jefferson once observed that the price of
+liberty is eternal vigilance. By the same token, and for the same reason,
+in today's world the price of peace is a strong defense as far as the
+United States is concerned.
+
+In the past 5 years, we have steadily reduced the burden of national
+defense as a share of the budget, bringing it down from 44 percent in 1969
+to 29 percent in the current year. We have cut our military manpower over
+the past 5 years by more than a third, from 3.5 million to 2.2 million.
+
+In the coming year, however, increased expenditures will be needed. They
+will be needed to assure the continued readiness of our military forces, to
+preserve present force levels in the face of rising costs, and to give us
+the military strength we must have if our security is to be maintained and
+if our initiatives for peace are to succeed.
+
+The question is not whether we can afford to maintain the necessary
+strength of our defense, the question is whether we can afford not to
+maintain it, and the answer to that question is no. We must never allow
+America to become the second strongest nation in the world.
+
+I do not say this with any sense of belligerence, because I recognize the
+fact that is recognized around the world. America's military strength has
+always been maintained to keep the peace, never to break it. It has always
+been used to defend freedom, never to destroy it. The world's peace, as
+well as our own, depends on our remaining as strong as we need to be as
+long as we need to be.
+
+In this year 1974, we will be negotiating with the Soviet Union to place
+further limits on strategic nuclear arms. Together with our allies, we will
+be negotiating with the nations of the Warsaw Pact on mutual and balanced
+reduction of forces in Europe. And we will continue our efforts to promote
+peaceful economic development in Latin America, in Africa, in Asia. We will
+press for full compliance with the peace accords that brought an end to
+American fighting in Indochina, including particularly a provision that
+promised the fullest possible accounting for those Americans who are
+missing in action.
+
+And having in mind the energy crisis to which I have referred to earlier,
+we will be working with the other nations of the world toward agreement on
+means by which oil supplies can be assured at reasonable prices on a stable
+basis in a fair way to the consuming and producing nations alike.
+
+All of these are steps toward a future in which the world's peace and
+prosperity, and ours as well as a result, are made more secure.
+
+Throughout the 5 years that I have served as your President, I have had one
+overriding aim, and that was to establish a new structure of peace in the
+world that can free future generations of the scourge of war. I can
+understand that others may have different priorities. This has been and
+this will remain my first priority and the chief legacy I hope to leave
+from the 8 years of my Presidency.
+
+This does not mean that we shall not have other priorities, because as we
+strengthen the peace, we must also continue each year a steady
+strengthening of our society here at home. Our conscience requires it, our
+interests require it, and we must insist upon it.
+
+As we create more jobs, as we build a better health care system, as we
+improve our education, as we develop new sources of energy, as we provide
+more abundantly for the elderly and the poor, as we strengthen the system
+of private enterprise that produces our prosperity--as we do all of this
+and even more, we solidify those essential bonds that hold us together as
+a nation.
+
+Even more importantly, we advance what in the final analysis government in
+America is all about.
+
+What it is all about is more freedom, more security, a better life for each
+one of the 211 million people that live in this land.
+
+We cannot afford to neglect progress at home while pursuing peace abroad.
+But neither can we afford to neglect peace abroad while pursuing progress
+at home. With a stable peace, all is possible, but without peace, nothing
+is possible.
+
+In the written message that I have just delivered to the Speaker and to the
+President of the Senate, I commented that one of the continuing challenges
+facing us in the legislative process is that of the timing and pacing of
+our initiatives, selecting each year among many worthy projects those that
+are ripe for action at that time.
+
+What is true in terms of our domestic initiatives is true also in the
+world. This period we now are in, in the world--and I say this as one who
+has seen so much of the world, not only in these past 5 years but going
+back over many years--we are in a period which presents a juncture of
+historic forces unique in this century. They provide an opportunity we may
+never have again to create a structure of peace solid enough to last a
+lifetime and more, not just peace in our time but peace in our children's
+time as well. It is on the way we respond to this opportunity, more than
+anything else, that history will judge whether we in America have met our
+responsibility. And I am confident we will meet that great historic
+responsibility which is ours today.
+
+It was 27 years ago that John F. Kennedy and I sat in this Chamber, as
+freshmen Congressmen, hearing our first State of the Union address
+delivered by Harry Truman. I know from my talks with him, as members of the
+Labor Committee on which we both served, that neither of us then even
+dreamed that either one or both might eventually be standing in this place
+that I now stand in now and that he once stood in, before me. It may well
+be that one of the freshmen Members of the 93d Congress, one of you out
+there, will deliver his own State of the Union message 27 years from now,
+in the year 2001.
+
+Well, whichever one it is, I want you to be able to look back with pride
+and to say that your first years here were great years and recall that you
+were here in this 93d Congress when America ended its longest war and began
+its longest peace.
+
+Mr. Speaker, and Mr. President, and my distinguished colleagues and our
+guests: I would like to add a personal word with regard to an issue that
+has been of great concern to all Americans over the past year. I refer, of
+course, to the investigations of the so-called Watergate affair. As you
+know, I have provided to the Special Prosecutor voluntarily a great deal of
+material. I believe that I have provided all the material that he needs to
+conclude his investigations and to proceed to prosecute the guilty and to
+clear the innocent.
+
+I believe the time has come to bring that investigation and the other
+investigations of this matter to an end. One year of Watergate is enough.
+
+And the time has come, my colleagues, for not only the Executive, the
+President, but the Members of Congress, for all of us to join together in
+devoting our full energies to these great issues that I have discussed
+tonight which involve the welfare of all of the American people in so many
+different ways, as well as the peace of the world.
+
+I recognize that the House Judiciary Committee has a special responsibility
+in this area, and I want to indicate on this occasion that I will cooperate
+with the Judiciary Committee in its investigation. I will cooperate so that
+it can conclude its investigation, make its decision, and I will cooperate
+in any way that I consider consistent with my responsibilities to the
+Office of the Presidency of the United States.
+
+There is only one limitation. I will follow the precedent that has been
+followed by and defended by every President from George Washington to
+Lyndon B. Johnson of never doing anything that weakens the Office of the
+President of the United States or impairs the ability of the Presidents of
+the future to make the great decisions that are so essential to this Nation
+and the world.
+
+Another point I should like to make very briefly: Like every Member of the
+House and Senate assembled here tonight, I was elected to the office that I
+hold. And like every Member of the House and Senate, when I was elected to
+that office, I knew that I was elected for the purpose of doing a job and
+doing it as well as I possibly can. And I want you to know that I have no
+intention whatever of ever walking away from the job that the people
+elected me to do for the people of the United States.
+
+Now, needless to say, it would be understatement if I were not to admit
+that the year 1973 was not a very easy year for me personally or for my
+family. And as I have already indicated, the year 1974 presents very great
+and serious problems, as very great and serious opportunities are also
+presented.
+
+But my colleagues, this I believe: With the help of God, who has blessed
+this land so richly, with the cooperation of the Congress, and with the
+support of the American people, we can and we will make the year 1974 a
+year of unprecedented progress toward our goal of building a structure of
+lasting peace in the world and a new prosperity without war in the United
+States of America.
+
+
+
+*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OF ADDRESSES BY RICHARD NIXON ***
+
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