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diff --git a/old/50427-0.txt b/old/50427-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 312df54..0000000 --- a/old/50427-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,16220 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Nine Days' Queen, Lady Jane Grey, and -Her Times, by Richard Davey - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: The Nine Days' Queen, Lady Jane Grey, and Her Times - -Author: Richard Davey - -Editor: Martin Hume - -Release Date: November 10, 2015 [EBook #50427] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NINE DAYS' QUEEN, LADY JANE GREY *** - - - - -Produced by MWS, Charlie Howard, and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - - -Transcriber’s Note - - -Superscripts are indicated by “^” as in “w^thout”. Multiple-letter -superscripts are enclosed in braces, as in “maj^{tys}”. Italics text is -indicated by _underscores_, and small-caps text has been converted to -upper-case. Additional notes will be found at the end of this eBook. - - - - - ROMANTIC HISTORY - GENERAL EDITOR: MARTIN HUME, M.A. - - - THE NINE DAYS’ QUEEN - - - - - BY THE SAME AUTHOR - - THE PAGEANT OF LONDON - THE SULTAN AND HIS SUBJECTS - -[Illustration: LADY JANE GREY - -FROM THE PAINTING BY LUCAS DE HEERE AT ALTHORP] - - - - - THE - NINE DAYS’ QUEEN - - LADY JANE GREY - AND HER TIMES - - BY - RICHARD DAVEY - - EDITED, AND WITH INTRODUCTION, BY - MARTIN HUME, M.A. - - - WITH TWELVE ILLUSTRATIONS - - - METHUEN & CO. - 36 ESSEX STREET W.C. - LONDON - - - - - _First Published in 1909_ - - - - - TO - MY DEAR WIFE - ELEANORA DAVEY - - - - -AUTHOR’S NOTE - - -My object in writing this book has been to interest the reader in -the tragic story of Lady Jane Grey rather from the personal than the -political point of view. I have therefore employed, more perhaps than -is usual, what the French historians term _le document humain_ in my -account of the extraordinary men and women who surrounded Lady Jane, -and who used her as a tool for their ambitious ends. The reader may -possibly wonder why in several of the earlier chapters Lady Jane Grey -plays so shadowy a part, but I deemed it impossible for any one who -is not very familiar with our History at this period to understand, -without having a complete idea of the chain of conspiracies that -preceded and rendered possible her proclamation, how a young Princess, -not in the immediate succession to the Crown, came to be placed, if -only for nine days, in the towering position of Queen of England. These -conspiracies were four in number. The first was that of the Howards -and the Catholic party against Queen Katherine Parr. The second, the -conspiracy of the Seymours against the Howards, which ended in the -downfall of the great House of Norfolk, whereby Edward Seymour was -enabled to proclaim himself Lord Protector of the Realm. The third -plot was that of Thomas Seymour to cast down his brother Edward from -his high station, and, if possible, to usurp the same for himself--a -strange story of folly and intrigue and overvaulting ambition which -ended in one of the most terrible fratricidal tragedies to be found -in the history of the nations. Fourthly, the removal of the brothers -Seymour from the scene enabled John Dudley, Duke of Northumberland, -to work his own will and to prepare the way, during the last days of -Edward VI, for his daughter-in-law, much against her will, to usurp the -throne. - -I have consulted every available document, as well in our national -archives and private libraries as in those of foreign countries, -concerning Lady Jane and her friends and foes, the better to paint as -vivid a picture as possible of the times in which they lived. - -I need scarcely add how greatly I appreciate the honour Major Martin -Hume has conferred upon my work by his scholarly Introduction, which -gives so succinct and deeply interesting an account of our foreign -politics at a most momentous period of English history. To him, to Dr. -Gairdner, to Earl Spencer, to Earl Stamford and Warrington, and to many -other gentlemen and friends, including the officials at the State Paper -Office and the British Museum, I beg to tender my sincere thanks for -their courtesy and for the valuable information with which they have -helped me to complete my picture of one of the most interesting periods -in our national history. - -I cannot, moreover, allow this opportunity to pass without recording, -with sincere gratitude and affection, the aid which I received, when I -first thought of writing this life of Lady Jane Grey, from the kindness -of my old valued and lamented friend, Dr. Richard Garnett. - - RICHARD DAVEY - - 200 ASHLEY GARDENS, LONDON, S.W. - _5th September 1909_. - - - - -CONTENTS - - - PAGE - INTRODUCTION xiii - CHAP. - I. BRADGATE HALL AND THE GREYS OF GROBY 1 - II. BIRTH AND EDUCATION 14 - III. THE LADY LATIMER 28 - IV. THE KING’S HOUSEHOLD 42 - V. MRS. ANNE ASKEW 58 - VI. THE HOWARDS AND THE SEYMOURS 73 - VII. HENRY VIII 100 - VIII. CONCERNING THE LADY JANE AND THE QUEEN-DOWAGER 115 - IX. THE QUEEN AND THE LORD HIGH-ADMIRAL 136 - X. THE LADY JANE GOES TO SEYMOUR PLACE 147 - XI. THE EDUCATION OF LADY JANE 168 - XII. JOHN DUDLEY, EARL OF WARWICK 190 - XIII. THE FALL OF THE HOUSE OF SOMERSET 208 - XIV. THE LADY JANE MARRIES THE LORD GUILDFORD 221 - XV. ON THE WAY TO THE TOWER 238 - XVI. THE LADY JANE IS PROCLAIMED QUEEN 249 - XVII. THE NINE DAYS’ REIGN 256 - XVIII. THE LAST DAYS OF NORTHUMBERLAND 289 - XIX. THE TRIAL OF QUEEN JANE 310 - XX. THE SUPREME HOUR! 328 - XXI. THE FATE OF THE SURVIVORS 348 - APPENDIX 359 - INDEX 365 - - - - -LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS - - - LADY JANE GREY _Frontispiece_ - From the Painting by LUCAS DE HEERE at Althorp. - (Photograph by HANFSTAENGL) - - FACING PAGE - - HENRY GREY, DUKE OF SUFFOLK 12 - From the Painting by JOANNES CORVUS, in the National - Portrait Gallery - - QUEEN KATHERINE PARR 30 - After the Painting formerly in the possession of - Horace Walpole - - HENRY VIII IN 1547 48 - From an old Engraving - - ROGER ASCHAM’S VISIT TO LADY JANE GREY AT BRADGATE 172 - After the Painting by J. C. HORSLEY, R.A. - - JOHN DUDLEY, DUKE OF NORTHUMBERLAND 192 - From an Engraving by G. VERTUE - - EDWARD SEYMOUR, DUKE OF SOMERSET 208 - From an Engraving after the Painting by HOLBEIN - - SUPPOSED PORTRAIT OF LADY JANE GREY 224 - Formerly in the Collection of Col. Elliott of Nottingham, - and now at Oxford University. From an Engraving after - the Painting by HOLBEIN - - EDWARD VI 246 - From an Engraving by G. VERTUE - - LADY JANE GREY BY WYNGAERDE 270 - The earliest engraved Portrait of her, from a Picture - said to be by HOLBEIN, now lost - - QUEEN MARY AT THE PERIOD OF HER MARRIAGE 322 - From the Painting by ANTONIO MOR, in the Prado Museum. - (Photograph by R. ANDERSON) - - PORTRAIT OF THE LADY FRANCES BRANDON, DUCHESS OF SUFFOLK, - AND HER SECOND HUSBAND, ADRIAN STOKES, ESQ. 352 - Probably by CORVINUS, property of Col. Wynn Finch - - - - -INTRODUCTION - - -The tragedy of Lady Jane Grey is unquestionably one of the most -poignant episodes in English history, but its very dramatic -completeness and compactness have almost invariably caused its wider -significance to be obscured by the element of personal pathos with -which it abounds. The sympathetic figure of the studious, saintly -maiden, single-hearted in her attachment to the austere creed of -Geneva, stands forth alone in a score of books refulgent against -the gloomy background of the greed and ambition to which she was -sacrificed. The whole drama of her usurpation and its swift catastrophe -is usually treated as an isolated phenomenon, the result of one man’s -unscrupulous self-seeking; and with the fall of the fair head of the -Nine Days’ Queen upon the blood-stained scaffold within the Tower the -curtain is rung down and the incident looked upon as fittingly closed -by the martyrdom of the gentlest champion of the Protestant Reformation -in England. - -Such a treatment of the subject, however attractive and humanly -interesting it may be, is nevertheless unscientific as history and -untrue in fact. An adequate appreciation of the tendencies behind -the unsuccessful attempt to deprive Mary of her birthright can only -be gained by a consideration of the circumstances preceding and -surrounding the main incident. The reasons why Northumberland, a weak -man as events proved, was able to ride rough-shod over the nobles -and people of England, the explanation of his sudden and ignominious -collapse and of the apparent levity with which the nation at large -changed its religious beliefs and observance at the bidding of assumed -authority are none of them on the surface of events; and the story -of Jane Grey as it is usually told, whilst abounding in pathetic -interest gives no key to the vast political issues of which the fatal -intrigue of Northumberland was but a by-product. To represent the -tragedy as a purely religious one, as is not infrequently done, is -doubly misleading. That one side happened to be Catholic and the other -Protestant was merely a matter of party politics, and probably not a -single active participator in the events, except Jane herself, and to -some extent Mary, was really moved by religious considerations at all, -loud as the professions of some of the leaders were. - -Mr. Davey has given in the vivid pages of this book a striking picture -of the Society in which the drama was represented and of the persons -who surrounded Lady Jane Grey in the critical period of her unhappy -fate; and this of itself enables a wider view than is usual to be taken -of the subject. But, withal, I venture to think that an even more -extended prospect of it may be attained and the whole episode fitted -into its proper place in the history of England, if supplementary -consideration be given to international politics of the time, and -especially to the part which England aspired to take in the tremendous -struggle for supremacy which was then approaching the end of its first -phase on the Continent of Europe; a struggle in which not only the two -most powerful nations in Christendom were engaged and the two greatest -monarchs in the world were the leaders, but one in which the eternally -antagonistic principles of expansion and repression were the issues. - -It is too often assumed that the system of political parties in -English Government dates only from the rise of Parliament as the -predominant power in the State in the seventeenth century, since, by -the open opposition and the public discussion of rival policies in -the Legislature, the existence of different groups of statesmen then -became evident to the world. But at least it may be asserted that, -from the time when the two first Tudor kings sought the aggrandisement -of England by placing their power in the balance between the great -Continental rivals, two schools of English politicians surrounded -their sovereign, each intent upon forwarding the alliance which -seemed to them wisest in the interests of the country and their own. -When, however, the political rivalry of France and the Emperor was -accentuated by the introduction of religious schism in the contest, by -the bold defiance of Luther and the spread of the reformed doctrines, -the political parties in the English Court were divided more distinctly -than ever by the new element introduced; and, despotic as the Tudor -sovereigns were, the apparently personal and fickle character of -their policy, which proves so puzzling to students, really arose in -nearly every case from the temporary predominance in their counsels -of one or the other school of thought represented in their Court. It -is only by recognising this fact that the strange and sudden changes -which took place in the reigns of Henry VIII and Edward VI can be made -comprehensible, and by it also the rise and fall of Lady Jane Grey can -be seen in its true light. - -During the last twenty years of the reign of Henry VIII his bewildering -mutations of policy and of wives were the result of efforts on the -part of rival sets of politicians to utilise his brutal sensuality -and inflated pride to their respective ends. With him, as with the -most of them, religion was a mere stalking horse for other interests. -The traditional and more Conservative party, which usually leant -towards the imperial alliance, naturally took the Catholic side, -the established nobility such as the Howards backed by the Catholic -bishops being contrasted with the more recently ennobled men, aided -by bureaucrats like Cromwell and by the reforming churchmen. Thus it -came to be understood before the end of Henry’s reign that the men in -the English Court most favourable to emancipation from the Papacy were -generally speaking the advocates of a French alliance, whilst those -who clung to the orthodox view of religion favoured the traditional -adherence to the house of Burgundy. It is true that the men on both -sides were equally eager to participate in the plunder of the Church -and in filching the commons from the people of England; and that both -parties included men who were ready to profess themselves faithful -Catholics or ardent reformers as their interests demanded at the time. -But the political aims of the respective parties were quite distinctly -divided, notwithstanding religious affinities, for the Emperor was -just as desirous of having Protestant friends in England as the King -of France was willing to accept Catholic support there. The object of -the English sovereigns, it must be recollected, was usually somewhat -different from that of their bribed councillors who had their own -interests to serve. The aim of Henry VII and Henry VIII, and especially -of Elizabeth, who alone was successful in attaining it, was so to -distribute the weight of England’s influence as to avert any coalition -of the two great Continental powers against her, rather than to become -the permanent tool of either; the efforts of Charles V, and his French -rival being respectively directed towards preventing England from -throwing in her lot with their enemies. - -Until religious bitterness infinitely complicated the question, and -finally led to the long state of war with Spain, the side which -commanded most sympathy amongst the English people at large was -unquestionably that which favoured a cordial understanding with -the sovereign of Flanders and Spain. The country had been in close -antagonism with France on and off for centuries, the proximity of -the coasts and the aspirations of the French to dominate the Channel -represented a constant danger and source of anxiety, and it was -instinctively felt in England that the time-honoured policy which -bound her to the monarch who was able when he pleased to divert the -aggression of the French by threatening any of their land frontiers, -was the safest friend of this country. The English merchants who found -their richest markets in Flanders and Spain, and who were in chronic -irritation at the French piratical attacks upon their commerce, were -equally anxious for a friendship which they looked upon as the best -assurance against a war which they dreaded; so that the chief English -advocates of the French connection were usually those whose adherence -to the reformed religious doctrines overbore their political interests, -and the newer nobility and politicians who found themselves at enmity -on social and other grounds with the traditional conservatives. - -It must not be forgotten that both France and the Emperor strove -ceaselessly to gain friends amongst the English councillors. Immense -bribes found their way into the pockets of ministers and secretaries -of State, in many cases regular yearly pensions being settled upon -influential political supporters, and by means of flattery, social -attentions, and promises, the ambassadors in England of the rival -powers became centres of intrigue to influence English policy in -favour of one or the other. The goal to which both the rivals directed -their eyes was one in which, curiously enough, England had no interest -whatever, namely, the hegemony over Italy; but England which by -activity on the northern coasts of France or on the Scottish border -could weaken the French power for harm in other directions, could -enable the Emperor at any time to check his enemy’s Italian ambitions; -whilst with England as her friend France could brave the imperialists, -certain that she would not be taken in the rear, especially when, as -she usually managed to do, she had enlisted on her side the Turks on -the Hungarian frontier and the Lutheran princes and towns of Germany. - -The marriage of Henry VIII with Jane Seymour was looked upon by the -Imperialist Conservative party in England as a victory for their cause. -Her brother, Sir Edward Seymour, had been in the Emperor’s service, -and Jane had supplanted the hated Anne Boleyn, whose sympathies were, -of course, entirely French. It is true that later Seymour, a parvenu -noble, be it recollected, was driven into the anti-papal camp mainly by -the antagonism of Norfolk and the older nobles who led the Conservative -party, but, notwithstanding his Protestantism, he never wavered in -his attachment to the imperial alliance and his opposition to French -interests. - -When the death of Henry VIII made Seymour, as Duke of Somerset and -Protector, virtually ruler of England with Paget as his principal -minister, both of them were almost servile in their professions of -devotion to the cause of the Emperor; and made no secret of their -distrust of France with which a hollow and temporary peace had only -been recently patched up. Somerset harried the Church and changed -religious forms ruthlessly; his greed was insatiable and the devotional -endowments were looted without compunction, the Catholic bishops were -treated with stern severity, and even the schismatic Catholicism of -Henry VIII was cast aside in favour of an entirely new creed and -ritual. Norfolk was kept in the Tower, Wriothesley was disgraced -and the Catholic Conservative nobles were warned not to stand in -the Protector’s way. But through it all Somerset and Paget were -politically the sworn servants and friends of the Emperor, pledged -to discountenance any attempts of the French to injure him: whilst -Charles V on his side, much as he deprecated the religious changes, -could no more afford to quarrel with Somerset than he could with -Henry VIII, twenty years before when he contumeliously repudiated his -blameless Spanish wife and scornfully threw off the papal supremacy -which was the keystone of the imperial system. - -Submissive as were the words of Somerset and Paget to their imperial -master[1] not by words alone but by acts also they sought to serve -him as against France. The strong policy adopted by Somerset towards -Scotland, and his defiant attitude at Boulogne, then temporarily -held by the English against the payment of a great ransom, served -the Emperor’s turn excellently at a period when he was at grips with -his Lutheran subjects, at issue with the Pope and faced by a series -of dangerous French intrigues in Italy. That the French themselves -understood this perfectly well is seen by the desperate efforts they -made to conciliate Somerset and win him to their side. Early in July -1547, only five months after his accession to power, Somerset told -the imperial ambassador in strict confidence, when the latter was -complaining of his religious innovations, that the special French -envoy, Paulin--“immediately after the death of King Henry had striven -to win him, the Protector, to the side of France by means of a large -annual pension, which, as was only right, he had always declined. -Notwithstanding this, however, Paulin, the last time he came hither, -was instructed to offer him the assignment of the pension, which -he had brought with him already signed and sealed. But with all -these offers and grand promises of the French to divert the English -Government from their alliance with your Majesty (the Emperor), he -said he would always remain constant and loyal to you, knowing well -that the strict preservation of the ancient alliance was so important -for both parties.” Even a month previous to this Somerset had informed -the ambassador that the French had greatly scandalised him by offering -him as an inducement to join France, in an offensive and defensive -alliance, the cession of the Emperor’s Flemish province to England when -it had been conquered by the allies, Boulogne at the same time to be -restored to France. - -What wonder that the Emperor’s reply to this was to send flattering -autograph letters to Somerset, assuring him of his unalterable regard, -but saying not a word about his Protestant proceedings. “Of course,” -continues the Emperor, writing to his ambassador, “the Protector would -naturally refuse to accept the pension from the French, if only in the -interests of duty and decency. The goodwill he displays towards us -must be encouraged to the utmost by you on all occasions, and you must -lose no opportunity of confirming the Protector in these favourable -sentiments.” Somerset and Paget were therefore from first to last -“Emperor’s men” and opponents of French interests, that is to say -advocates of the same policy as that identified with the older nobles -and Catholics, most of whom were now under a cloud in consequence of -their religion or in consequence of their personal enmity to Somerset -whom they regarded as a greedy, unscrupulous interloper. - -From the first days after the death of Henry VIII, it had been -seen by close observers that personal and not political rivalry -alone was likely in the future to bring about a split in Somerset’s -Government. The imperial ambassador, writing less than a fortnight -after Henry’s death, says that whilst Hertford (Somerset) and Warwick -(Northumberland) would apparently be supreme in authority, “it is -likely that some jealousy or rivalry may arise between them because, -although they both belong to the same sect, they are nevertheless -widely different in character: the Lord-Admiral being of high courage -will not willingly submit to his colleague. He is in higher favour with -the people and with the nobles than is the Earl of Hertford, owing to -his liberality and splendour. The Protector, on the other hand, is not -so conspicuous in this respect, and is looked down upon by everybody -as a dry, sour, opinionated man”: the sequel to this being that both -these nobles with Paget and Wriothesley should, in the opinion of the -ambassador, be “entertained” by the Emperor “in the usual way.” - -Before many months had passed, as we have seen, it was recognised by -the Imperialist party that Somerset and Paget were their fast friends -and that the rising personal opposition of Dudley had adopted, not -unnaturally, as its policy that of a _rapprochement_ with France. It -would, of course, be untrue to say that Dudley’s attack upon Somerset -had for its sole object the substitution of one international policy -for another. Dudley, like his rival, was in the first place ambitious -and self-seeking; but it was necessary for both of them, in order -to serve their ends, that they should obtain the cooperation and -support of one or other of the two main currents of public opinion, -the adhesion of both rivals to the advanced Protestant practices in -religion being dictated in the first place by their need for the money -and patronage that the religious confiscations provided, and, secondly, -by the great predominance of the reformed doctrines in and about -London. But Somerset having embraced the Conservative or Imperialistic -policy, and infused, under the influence of Catholic Paget, some -consideration for the professors of the old faith into his reforming -zeal, it was incumbent upon Dudley, who wished to overthrow him, to -adopt in both respects an entirely opposite policy. - -It is the fate of most Governments to be judged by results, and it was -a comparatively easy matter for Dudley to pick holes in Somerset’s -management of affairs. The debasement of the coinage and the consequent -dislocation of business and the terrible distress it caused, the -enclosures of the commons and the process of turning customary -copyholds into tenancies at will, had reduced the people of England to -a condition of misery such as they had never seen before. The cruel -confiscation of the monastic properties had deprived the sick and -the poor of their principal source of relief, the drastic changes in -religion had produced indignation in the breasts of many citizens, -whilst slackening the hold of authority generally and promoting -lawlessness. When to all this is added the grasping selfishness of -Somerset personally, and above all the success of the French arms -before Boulogne, attributed to the parsimony of the Protector, it -will be seen that Northumberland had a large area of discontent upon -which to work for support against his unpopular rival. But even so, it -is improbable that he would have ventured to take so bold an action -against the Protector as he did, but for the consciousness that he had -behind him the support, moral and financial if not military, of France -and the Lutheran enemies of the Emperor. - -When the loss of the English forts protecting Boulogne made -negotiations for peace necessary, a French Embassy was sent to London, -and a keen observer present at the time[2] thus records what was -evidently the public impression of events--“It was suspected that the -principal object of this embassy was to bribe them (_i.e._ the English -Government) to make war on the Emperor. Whilst these ambassadors were -there they were greatly feasted by the Earl of Warwick (Northumberland) -and the Grand Master (Paulet, Marquis of Winchester) much more than any -other of the lords; for it appears that the French ambassadors could -not gain the ear of the others--The King of France found out from his -ambassadors which of the English lords showed more leaning towards -France and against the Emperor. These were the Earl of Warwick and the -Grand Master (of the Household), and it is believed that the King (of -France) wrote to them warning them against the Protector and the Earl -of Arundel who were plotting their destruction.” If this contemporary -belief was well founded, as it probably was, the overthrow of Somerset -is proved to a great extent to have been an international intrigue -promoted and probably well paid for by France. - -As the observer already quoted remarks, the sequel of the Embassy -which thus ensured Northumberland’s neutrality in favour of France was -the almost immediate declaration of war by the French King against -the Emperor, and the wholesale plundering of the imperial subjects at -sea. Seen in this light, therefore, Northumberland’s complete change -of England’s policy, his truckling to France, his merciless measures -against Catholics, although, as events proved he was a Catholic at -heart himself, his imprisonment of Paget the Emperor’s humble servant, -and his ostentatious disregard for the imperial friendship, his whole -attitude indeed, assumes a new aspect. His ambition was boundless for -himself and his house; but it must have been evident to him that it -could only be successfully carried into effect if he had behind him a -strong body of public opinion in England itself, and the countenance of -one of the great continental powers. Both these desiderata he had in -the earlier months of his domination; and if Edward VI had died or had -been despatched late in 1551, or in the earlier weeks of 1552, it is -quite possible that Northumberland might have carried through his great -conspiracy successfully. - -But the eighteen months that elapsed between the execution of Somerset -and the death of Edward were fully sufficient to prove to the people -of England that they had cast off the yoke of a King Log to assume -that of a King Stork--Northumberland’s overbearing arrogance and -roughness had offended everyone with whom he came into contact: his -colleagues dreaded and hated him, especially after the marriage of his -young son Guildford to a lady of the Royal house in the direct line of -succession had to some extent opened the eyes of men to the magnitude -of his aspirations. The condition of the country, moreover, instead -of improving under his rule was considerably worse even than it had -been under Somerset. The coinage had now reached its lowest point of -debasement, the shilling containing only one quarter of silver to three -quarters of copper, and even was ordered by decree to be only valued -at half its face value. The gold had all left the country and foreign -trade was killed by the lack of a decent currency. Labour, driven from -the land by the wholesale conversion of the estates from tillage to -pasture, crowded the towns clamouring for food, and the disgraceful -treatment of the Princess Mary by the ruling minister had aroused a -strong feeling against his injustice and tyranny. - -The Emperor was at war with France and the Lutherans, and was obliged -to speak softly to Northumberland. Again and again he tried to win -him over to his side, and the ruler of England knew full well that, -whatever he might do he was safe from any overt interference from the -imperial power. But for this fact it is certain that Northumberland -would not have attempted the bold stroke of disinheriting Mary and -placing Jane Grey and his own son upon the throne of England. When -Edward VI was known by him to be sick beyond recovery Northumberland, -with an eye to the near future, endeavoured to conciliate the Emperor -somewhat and to bring about peace upon the Continent. His object in -doing so was twofold--first to persuade Charles that he was still a -potential friend; and, secondly, to set his French friends free from -their war with the Emperor, and so enable them at the critical moment -he foresaw to come to his aid in England if necessary. The English -trading classes were by this time in a fever of indignation against -the French for their piratical interference with English shipping, and -Northumberland must have known that with this and the fear aroused by -the French successes in the Emperor’s Flemish dominions--always the -key of English policy--even he could not for very long withstand the -demand of the English people to help the Emperor against his enemies. -It was Northumberland’s misfortune that he was obliged to deliver -his blow against the legitimate English succession in this state of -public affairs. The Emperor and his ministers were keenly alive to -the situation, and although they were of course not yet aware of the -details of Northumberland’s intended _coup d’état_, they feared that -the Princess Mary might by his influence be excluded from the throne. -This of course would have been a serious blow to the imperial cause; -for it would in all probability mean the permanent adhesion of England -to the French alliance. But Charles had swallowed so much humiliation -to keep England friendly in the past that he was not disposed now to be -too squeamish. He did not know how far his enemies the French had gone -in their promises of support to Northumberland when Edward should die, -but if by blandishments and conciliatory acquiescence he could win the -friendship of England he was willing to smile upon any occupant of the -throne or any power behind it who would keep to the old alliance and -turn a cold shoulder to the French. - -As soon as it was known in the imperial court that Edward was -approaching his end the Emperor’s ambassadors hurried over to England -with instructions to conciliate Northumberland at all costs, and to -assure him that the Emperor’s affection for England and its young King -was much greater than that of the King of France. “But,” continues the -Emperor’s instructions, “if you arrive too late and the King is dead, -you must take counsel together and act for the best for the safety of -our cousin the Princess Mary, and secure, if possible, her accession -to the Crown, whilst doing what you judge necessary to exclude the -French and their intrigues. You must endeavour also to maintain the -confidence and good neighbourship which it is so important that our -States should enjoy with England ... and especially to prevent the -French from getting a footing in the country, or of gaining the ear -of the men who rule England, the more so if it be for the purpose of -embarrassing us.” - -News had already reached Flanders of Northumberland’s intention to -exclude Mary from the throne on her brother’s death, and although -the Emperor saw that in such case the life of his cousin would be in -grave peril, especially if French aid, as was feared, were given to -Northumberland, the principal efforts of the imperial envoys were -to be directed to assuring the English government in any case that -the Emperor was their friend and not France; Northumberland was to -be persuaded that the Emperor had no thought of proposing a foreign -husband for Mary; and that any match chosen for her by the ruling -powers in England would be willingly accepted by her imperial kinsman. -In short, the envoys were to promise anything and everything to secure -the throne for Mary, even to endorsing the religious changes effected -under Edward. But failing success in this it is made quite clear that -the Emperor was willing to accept Jane Grey or any other sovereign who -would consent to regard him as a friend and exclude French influence -from the country. - -The French were just as much on the alert to serve their own interests, -and Northumberland, knowing how unpopular the French were at this -juncture, and how much his supposed dependence upon them was resented, -was extremely careful not to show ostensibly any leaning towards -them. But as soon as he heard, late in June, that the imperial envoys -were coming to London he came specially from Greenwich to the French -ambassador’s lodging at the Charterhouse to inform him that the Emperor -was sending an embassy. “I doubt not,” writes the French agent to his -King, “that they will do their best to interrupt the friendship that -exists between your Majesty and the King of England. I will keep my eye -upon them and will leave no effort untried to subvert them.” - -Edward died on the very day that the imperial ambassadors arrived in -London, though the death was kept secret for some days afterwards, and -it soon became evident, both to the French and the Imperialists, that -Northumberland had prepared everything for the elevation of Jane Grey -to the throne. At this juncture, which called, if ever one did, for -prompt and bold action, only one of the several interests took a strong -course, the Princess Mary herself. It is quite evident that everyone -else had deceived himself and was paralysed in fear of action by -another. Again and again the French ambassador expressed a belief that -the coming of the imperial envoys portended an active interference on -the part of the Emperor in favour of Princess Mary; and Northumberland -and his council, notwithstanding all the protestations of the imperial -envoys, were of the same opinion; whereas we now see that the Emperor -was quite willing to throw over Mary, and even the Catholics, if only -he could persuade Jane Grey and her government to join him against -France. - -When Mary’s bold defiance of the usurper was announced, the Emperor’s -envoys, whom many believed to be forerunners of a strong foreign armed -force to aid her, had nothing but shocked condemnation for her action. -They considered her attitude “strange, difficult and dangerous”; -and predicted her prompt suppression and punishment. In reference -to the suggestion of her Catholic friends, that imperial aid should -be sent to her, the envoys, who were supposed to be in England for -the purpose of forcing her upon the throne, could only say to their -master, “Considering your war with the French, it seems unadvisable -for your Majesty to arouse English feeling against you, and the idea -that the Lady will gain Englishmen on the ground of religion is vain.” -Serious remonstrances were sent to Mary herself by the imperial envoys, -pointing out the danger and the hopelessness of her position in the -face of Northumberland’s supposed strength, and they laboured hard to -dissuade the Duke from his idea that they had been sent to England to -sustain Mary’s cause. - -Nor was the Emperor himself bolder than his envoys. He instructed the -latter to recommend Mary, “with all softness and kindness,” to the -mercy of Jane’s government, but they were to make it quite clear that -he would strike no blow in her favour, and would receive with open -arms any sovereign of England who would not serve French interests. -Mr. Davey has indicated in the present book the eagerness with which -the great imperial minister, Don Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, greeted -Guildford Dudley as King of England. That Mendoza, one of the most -trusted and ablest of the Emperor’s councillors, could take such a step -without knowing that it would not, at least, be against his master’s -policy is inconceivable: and all through it is clear that, if Mary had -waited for effective help from her imperial cousin, Jane Grey might -have reigned for a long lifetime. - -Just as the Emperor was paralysed in his action by the fear that he -might alienate England from his side, so France allowed discretion -to wait upon valour for fear of driving the English government -irretrievably into the arms of the Emperor. When the news of Mary’s -rising came to London the French ambassador bitterly deplored -Northumberland’s want of foresight in not having seized the person of -the Princess in time to prevent it. He confessed that Northumberland -was excessively unpopular, but believed that his possession of the -national forces would enable him to crush Mary and her malcontents. But -he took care not to pledge himself too deeply to Jane, and whilst full -of sympathy and good wishes for Northumberland’s success always kept in -touch with some of Mary’s friends. Neither the French ambassador nor -the English council really understood the Emperor’s attitude. When the -council communicated to the imperial ambassadors Jane’s succession, -they haughtily told them that it was known they were here to force Mary -upon the throne, and that a new sovereign now having been successfully -proclaimed, the sooner they left England the better. The French -ambassador, writing to his king at the same time, remarked that the -imperial ambassadors had informed the English council, that rather than -submit to Jane’s wearing the crown to Mary’s deprivation his master -would make friends with the French on any terms and would deal with -Jane in a way which she would not like. - -It is almost amusing, now that we have the correspondence of all -parties before us, to see how they all deceived themselves. The -Emperor, as has been said, would not lift a finger to help Mary, even -when she was in the field with a strong armed force, for fear of -alienating hopelessly the sovereign of England whoever he might be; -the King of France, whilst giving the same sort of hesitating implied -support to Northumberland and Jane as Charles held out to the Princess -Mary, would give no effective help for the same reason that tied the -Emperor’s hands. Both sides, indeed, were waiting to greet success -without pledging themselves to a cause which might fail. - -But the person who miscalculated most fatally of all was Northumberland -himself. He had been during the whole time of his rule the humble -servant of France. He had violated the treaty of 1543, by which England -was bound to side with the Emperor in case his territory was invaded by -France, and he stood between the throne and Princess Mary who it was -known would serve the cause of the Emperor and her mother’s country to -the utmost. He was obliged, as has been shown, to cast his hazard when -the public opinion was strongly against him, the commercial classes -of England well nigh ruined, the labourers in a worse condition than -had ever been known before, and the nobility jealous and apprehensive. -Knowing this, as he did, it is difficult to believe that he would -have dared to take up the position he assumed unless he had persuaded -himself that, as a last resource, French armed aid would support him. -That such a thing was not remotely probable is now evident from the -correspondence of the French ambassadors. They were only full of sorrow -for “this poor Queen Jane” and feared for the fate of their unfortunate -friend the Duke of Northumberland. And yet London itself was in a -panic, born of the conviction that 6000 French troops were on their -way to keep Jane upon the throne; Northumberland, in fact, presumably -believing that his past services to France had deserved such aid, had -actually sent and demanded it of the King. If it had been afforded in -effective time the whole history of England might have been changed. - -We know now, although none knew it then, that the Emperor would have -greeted with smooth assurances the victorious Jane and Northumberland, -and would have deserted his cousin Mary until a turn of the wheel gave -her hopes of success again. There was, indeed, nothing to prevent -Henry of France, but groundless fear of his rival, from sending to -England the small force necessary to keep Jane upon the throne and -defeat Mary. But time-serving cowardice ruled over all. The edifice -of Northumberland’s ambition crumbled like a house of cards under -the weight of his unpopularity alone, and when Mary the victorious -entered into the enjoyment of her birthright, the Frenchman who had -plotted and intrigued against her in secret, vied with the imperial -ambassadors who had stood by, unsympathetic in the hour of her trial, -in their professions of devotion to her and her cause. The people of -London, overwhelmingly Protestant as they were, greeted the Queen with -effusion and had few words of pity for poor Jane, not because they -loved the old observance but because they dreaded the French, and hated -Northumberland the tyrannous and unjust servant of France. In the -country districts, too, where Catholicism was strong, the enthusiasm -for Mary was not so much religious, for all the people wanted was quiet -and some measure of prosperity, as expressive of joy at the hope of a -return to the national policy of cordial relations with the sovereign -of Flanders, which in past times had ensured English commerce from -French depredations and the English coast from French menaces, with -freedom from the arrogant minister who had harassed every English -interest and had reduced to ruin all classes in the country. - -The unhappy Jane, a straw upon the rushing torrent, was not raised -to her sad eminence that the Protestant faith might prevail, though -that might have been one of the results of her rule, nor was she -cast down because Catholicism was triumphant, but because the policy -which her dictator, Northumberland, represented was unpopular at the -time of Edward’s death, and the English sense of justice rebelled at -the usurpation and its contriver. Mary, in addition to her inherent -right to the succession, which was her strong point, had only her own -boldness and tenacity to thank for the success which she achieved. The -Emperor, notwithstanding all his sympathy and the enormous importance -to him of her success, did nothing for her until she was independent -of him, and only promised her armed aid then in case the French should -attempt to overthrow her by force. - -Northumberland fell, not because the country at large and London above -all, was yearning for the re-submission of England to the Pope, but -because the eighteen months of his unchecked dictatorship had made him -detested, and because he overrated the boldness and magnanimity of the -King of France. The English public, by instinct perhaps more than by -reason, believed in the ideal policy of Henry VII: that of dexterously -balancing English friendship between the rival continental powers, -making the best market possible for her moral support, keeping at -peace herself and adhering mostly to the more prosperous side without -fighting for either. Such a policy required statesmanship of the -highest order, and Elizabeth alone was entirely successful in carrying -it out. Somerset and Northumberland both failed because they were -unequal to it. Each of them took the minister’s view rather than that -of a monarch. They were party leaders, both of them, and incapable of -adopting the view above party considerations which marks the successful -sovereign. They pledged themselves too deeply to the respective foreign -alliances traditional with their parties; and in both cases, as a -penetrating statesman would have foreseen, their allies failed them at -the critical moment. - -Mary’s tragical fate was the result of a similar short-sighted policy. -When she determined against the wishes of her people and the advice -of her wisest councillors, Catholics to a man, to hand herself and -her country, body and soul, over to Spanish interests, she ceased to -be a true national sovereign; the nice balance upon which England’s -prosperity depended was lost, the love and devotion of the people -turned to cold distrust, and failure and a broken heart were the -result. Not until Elizabeth came with her keen wit and her consummate -mastery of the resources of chicanery was England placed and kept -firmly again upon the road to greatness which had been traced for her -by the first Tudor sovereign. - - MARTIN HUME - - - - -THE NINE DAYS’ QUEEN - - - - -CHAPTER I - -BRADGATE HALL AND THE GREYS OF GROBY - - -There is no more picturesque spot in England than Bradgate Old Manor, -the birthplace of Lady Jane Grey. It stands in a sequestered corner, -about three miles from the town of Leicester, amid arid slate hillocks, -which slope down to the fertile valleys at their feet. In Leland’s -_Perambulations through England_, a survey of the kingdom undertaken -by command of Henry VIII, Bradgate is described as possessing “a fair -parke and a lodge lately built there by the Lorde Thomas Grey, Marquise -of Dorsete, father of Henry, that is now Marquise. There is a faire and -plentiful spring of water brought by Master Brok as a man would judge -agyne the hills through the lodge and thereby it driveth a mylle.” He -also informs us that “there remain few tokens of the old castelle,” -which leads us to believe that at the time of Lady Jane Grey’s birth -Bradgate was a comparatively new house. The ruins show that the -mansion was built of red brick and in that severe but elegant form of -architecture known as the “Tudor style.” Worthy old Leland goes on to -say that Jane’s paternal grandfather added “two lofty towers at the -front of the house, one on either side of the principal doorway.” These -are still remaining. - -In Tudor times the park was very extensive and “marched with the forest -of Chartley, which was full twenty-five miles in circumference, watered -by the river Sore and teeming with game.” Another ancient writer -tells us, in the quaint language of his day, that “here a wren and -squirrel might hop from tree to tree for six miles, and in summer time -a traveller could journey from Beaumanoir to Burden, a good twelve -miles, without seeing the sun.” The wealth of luxuriant vegetation in -the old park, the clear and running brooks, that babble through the -sequestered woods, and the beautifully sloping open spaces, dotted -with venerable and curiously pollarded oaks, make up a scene of sylvan -charm peculiarly English. Here cultivation has not, as so often on the -Continent, disfigured Nature, but the park retains the wild beauty -of its luxuriant elms and beeches that rise in native grandeur from -amidst a wilderness of bracken, fern, and flags, to cast their shadows -over heather-grown hillocks. On the summit of one of the loftiest -of these still stands the ruined palace that was the birthplace of -Lady Jane Grey. The approaches to Bradgate are beautiful indeed, -especially the pathway winding round by the old church along the banks -of a trout-stream, which rises in the neighbourhood of the Priory of -Ulverscroft, famous for the beauty of its lofty tower. When Jane Grey -was born, this Priory had been very recently suppressed, and the people -were lamenting the departure of the monks, who, during the hard winter -of 1528, had fed six hundred starving peasants. - -Bradgate Manor House was standing as late as 1608, but after that -date it fell into gradual decay. Not much is now left of the original -structure, but its outlines can still be traced; and the walls of the -great hall and the chapel are nearly intact. A late Lord Stamford and -Warrington roofed and restored the old chapel, which contains a fine -monument to that Henry Grey whose signature may be seen on the warrant -for the execution of Charles I. - -A careful observation of the irregularities of the soil reveals traces -of a tilt-yard and of garden terraces; but all is now overgrown by -Spanish chestnut trees, wild flowers, nettles, and brambles. The -gardens were once considered amongst the finest in England, Lord Dorset -taking great pride in the cultivation of all the fruits, herbs, and -flowers then grown in Northern Europe. The parterres and terraces were -formal, and there was a large fish-pond full of golden carp and water -lilies. Lady Jane Grey must often have played in these stately avenues, -and there is a legend that once, as a little girl, she toppled into the -tank and was nearly drowned--a less hideous fate than that which was to -befall her in her seventeenth year. - - “This was thy home, then, gentle Jane! - This thy green solitude; and here - At evening, from thy gleaming pane, - Thine eyes oft watched the dappled deer - (Whilst the soft sun was in its wane) - Browsing beside the brooklet clear. - The brook yet runs, the sun sets now, - The deer still browseth--where art thou?” - -These sentimental lines were written in the eighteenth century, when -deer still browsed in Bradgate Park, whence they have long since -departed. Many curious traditions concerning Lady Jane are even now -current among the local peasantry. Some believe that on St. Sylvester’s -night (31st December) a coach drawn by four black horses halts at the -door of the old mansion. It contains the headless form of the murdered -Lady Jane. After a brief halt it drives away again into the mist. Then -again, certain strange[3] stunted oaks are shown, trees which the -woodmen pollarded when they heard that the fair girl had been beheaded. -The pathetic memories of the great tragedy, reaching down four slow -centuries, prove how keenly its awful reality was felt by the poorer -folk at Bradgate, who, no doubt, had good cause to love the “gentle -Jane.” - -The Manor of Bradgate was settled upon the Lady Frances Brandon, Henry -VIII’s niece, when she espoused Henry Grey. It had been inherited by -the Greys of Groby, Lady Jane’s paternal ancestors, from Rollo, or -Fulbert, said to have been chamberlain to Robert, Duke of Normandy, who -gave him the Castle of Croy in Picardy, the ruins of which are still -to be seen not far from Montreuil-sur-Mer. It was hence he derived -the surname of de Croy, afterwards anglicised to de Grey. This Rollo -accompanied William the Conqueror into England, and was settled, soon -after the Conquest, at Rotherfield, in Oxfordshire. The first of the -family to be noticed by Dugdale is Henry de Grey, to whom Richard -I granted the Manor of Grey’s Thurrock, in Essex, which grant was -confirmed by King John in the first year of his reign. The descendant -of this nobleman, Edward de Grey, was summoned to Parliament in 1488 -in right of his wife’s barony of Ferrers of Groby, and his son John, -afterwards Earl Rivers, who was slain in the battle of St. Albans, -married the beautiful daughter of Sir John Woodville, subsequently the -Queen of Edward IV. Bradgate is thus associated with two of the most -unfortunate of England’s Queens: Elizabeth Woodville, who passed much -of her life in its leafy glades; and Lady Jane Grey, who first saw the -light in the stately red brick Manor House of which the crumbling ruins -are now so beautiful in their decay. - -Jane Grey’s grandfather, Thomas, the eldest son of Elizabeth Woodville, -was summoned to Parliament on the 17th October 1509 as Lord Ferrers -of Groby, his mother’s barony, and to the second Parliament in 1511 -as Marquess of Dorset. He was a man of great note. In the third year -of Henry VIII’s reign he had charge of the army of 10,000 men sent -into Spain to assist the forces invading Guyenne under the Emperor -Ferdinand. This force returned to England without doing service. We -next hear of the Marquess figuring at the jousts with Charles Brandon, -Duke of Suffolk, Lady Jane’s maternal grandfather, on the occasion -of the latter’s adventurous journey to France to bring back Mary -Tudor, widow of Louis XII of France, whom he subsequently married. -The Marquess was also sent to Calais to attend Charles V to England; -indeed, he was very conspicuous throughout the early years of Henry’s -reign. King Hal paid him the compliment of calling him “that honest -and good man”--a title which he thought he richly deserved, since he -signed the celebrated letter to Pope Clement VII touching the King’s -divorce. He died in 1530, and was succeeded by his eldest son, Henry, -Lady Jane’s father. The inheritance of this nobleman included the -Marquisate of Dorset and the baronies of Ferrers,[4] Grey, Astley, -Boneville, and Harrington, besides vast estates in Leicestershire and -other parts of England. Henry Grey, though his portraits show him to -have been a very good-looking man, did not enjoy a good contemporary -reputation for ability or strength of character. During the brief -reign of Edward VI he became the patron of the Swiss Reformers and was -adulated by Bullinger and Hill. His name will be found attached to many -of Henry VIII’s anti-papal decrees, and so long as that monarch lived, -he was a staunch “Henryite” or schismatic, professing belief in all -the doctrines of Rome save and except papal supremacy. In 1531, when -the clergy were threatened with _præmunire_ and mulcted in a fine, as -a punishment for their too close attention to pontifical interests, -young Henry of Dorset, who had just come to his own, displayed great -energy in carrying out the King’s wishes and supporting his attempt to -get himself acknowledged supreme head of the English Church. He also -evinced considerable courage in connection with Henry VIII’s resistance -to the excommunication of the Pope, launched against him after his -marriage with Anne Boleyn. Such zeal in his sovereign’s service -undoubtedly led to his advancement and paved the way to his marriage -with the King’s niece, the Lady Frances Brandon. He may have owed much -to the counsels and influence of Cromwell, to whom he carried a letter -of introduction from his mother,[5] when he first went to London as a -lad of seventeen, immediately after his father’s decease. The Dowager -recommended her son very earnestly to “Master Cromwell,” pleaded his -youth, and besought that worthy, then all-powerful, not to take heed -of certain ill-natured reports concerning alleged wilful damage to the -priory buildings of Tylsey, where she was then residing.[5] - -The good lady couches her letter in very humble terms, but does not -enlighten us fully about the nature of the “damage” to which she -refers, or by whom it was done. She seems, at any rate, to be in -a terrible fright lest the tale should injure her son’s prospects -with the all-powerful Chancellor. Some little time afterwards the -Marchioness wrote another letter to Cromwell complaining of her son’s -undutiful behaviour to her. It is dated from the “House of Our Lady’s -Passyon”[6] (the Priory of Tylsey), and begins:-- - - “MY LORDE,--I beseeche you to be my good lorde, consyderyng me a - poor wydo, so unkyndly and extreymly escheated by my son.” - -This curious epistle, now in the British Museum, is much defaced and -in parts illegible. The name of the person to whom it is addressed -is undecipherable, but, taken in conjunction with two other letters -previously addressed to Cromwell by the same correspondent, there can -be little doubt as to its destination. Her son had evidently withheld -some property intended for her under her husband’s will. Whether he -mended his manners and paid her the money, we know not; but as the -Dowager is occasionally mentioned as attending Court functions in -company with her daughter-in-law, it seems probable that the ultimate -issue of the difficulty, whatever it was, was satisfactory to her. - -Margaret, Dowager Lady Dorset, became one of the greatest ladies of -the Court in the latter years of the reign of Henry VII and during a -part of that of Henry VIII. She was in much request, it seems, at royal -christenings, for not only was she specially invited to that of Mary -Tudor, afterwards Queen Mary I, but she enjoyed the signal honour of -carrying the infant Elizabeth to the font. She was invited to perform a -like office at the baptism of Edward VI, but this time she was unable -to be present, and wrote to make her loyal excuses, pleading that -some of her household at Croydon had been attacked by the “sweating -sickness.” It is probable that she had no desire to attend, for she had -been the intimate friend of Anne Boleyn, and could hardly have felt -kindly towards Jane Seymour.[7] Her place was filled by the Marchioness -of Exeter, who eventually, after the execution of her luckless husband, -was sent to the Tower on a flimsy charge of treason, and kept there -until Mary I’s time.[8] - -A singular point in the history of Jane Grey’s forbears is that her -father, in his hot haste to marry into the royal family, set aside, -without the slightest scruple, his legitimate wife, Lady Katherine -Fitzalan, daughter of the Earl of Arundel. Some writers say he was -simply “contracted,” not married, to this lady, who never demanded -her marriage rights, but retired into a dignified obscurity. None the -less her family resented the affront offered their kinswoman, and it -was Thomas, Earl of Arundel, this discarded lady’s brother, who acted -as Dorset’s Nemesis, and at last betrayed him into the hands of his -enemies. - -Lady Jane Grey’s maternal grandfather was, as he wrote himself in the -famous quatrain referring to his marriage with the King’s sister, -descended from “cloth of frieze.” He was the grandson of a London -mercer who had married a lady allied to the great houses of Nevill, -Fitzalan and Howard, and his father had fought and fallen at Bosworth -Field in the cause of Henry VII. In recognition of his services, Henry -attached young Charles Brandon to the person of his younger son, Prince -Henry, who was of similar age to himself. Thus began a friendship which -was only severed by death. In appearance the Prince and his comrade -were singularly alike: both were tall and stalwart, both with red hair -and fair complexions, and they were equally skilful and agile in sport -and manly pastimes. Charles was more intellectually gifted than Henry, -but there was little to choose between them as regards their execrable -views of moral responsibilities and their laxity in respect of their -marriage vows. - -As this last characteristic of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, -touches somewhat upon the legitimacy of Lady Jane Grey’s descent, a -short summary of his matrimonial vagaries may be pardoned here. He was -contracted in marriage early in life to Anne Browne, a daughter of -Sir Anthony Browne, Governor of Calais, by his wife Lady Lucy Nevill, -daughter of George Nevill, Duke of Bedford, brother of Richard, Earl -of Warwick, “the King maker.” In 1513 he was bold enough to flirt most -outrageously with, and seek in marriage, one of the greatest ladies -in Europe, Margaret of Austria, the widowed Duchess of Savoy, aunt -of the Emperor Charles V. But though Margaret fell in love with him, -such a match was soon seen to be impossible, even by the lady herself, -and Brandon came out of the affair most ungallantly. For this or some -other reason never clearly explained, Brandon set aside his contract -with Anne Browne, notwithstanding that by the laws of the period it -was considered as binding as the completed marriage ceremony. We -next learn that a probable reason for his unchivalrous conduct was -a chance that suddenly offered itself to him of marrying the Lady -Margaret, the rich widow of Sir John Mortimer of Essex. Charles and -his mature consort--there was a difference of nearly thirty years -between them--did not abide long together, for he presently endeavoured -to annul this marriage on a plea of consanguinity, the Lady Margaret -being sister to the mother of his neglected bride, Anne Browne, and -consequently her aunt, a complication which surely ought to have been -discovered at an earlier stage of the proceedings. Having settled this -matter for the time being to his own, but certainly not to the lady’s, -satisfaction, he remarried his discarded wife, Anne Browne, in the -presence of a great concourse of relations and friends. By this lady -he had two daughters: Mary, who became the wife of Lord Mounteagle; -and Anne, who married a connection of the Greys, Viscount Powis. Their -mother died in 1515, and Brandon soon afterwards contracted himself -in matrimony with the Lady Elizabeth Grey, daughter and heiress of -Viscount de Lisle. Whether through the interference of Lady Mortimer -or not it is impossible to say, but it is certain that Lady de Lisle -refused to carry out her side of the contract, and the match was broken -off. Brandon, with the consent of Henry VIII, filched from the poor -lady her title of Lisle, which he forthwith assumed. In due time the -lady gave her hand to Edmund Dudley, father of the fateful Duke of -Northumberland. It was probably when in France, and in attendance upon -King Henry, at the time of the negotiations for the marriage of the -King’s youngest and most beautiful sister, Mary, to the prematurely -aged Louis XII, King of France, a hideous victim to elephantiasis, -that Charles made so strong an impression upon that ardent Tudor -princess that she swore by all the saints that she would not wed the -French King unless it was thoroughly understood she was to marry whom -she chose after his death, which took place within eighteen months -of the marriage. The romantic story of how Brandon, now created Duke -of Suffolk, wooed and married the royal widow within a fortnight of -the King’s death, and whilst she still wore the white widow’s weeds -of a French King’s Consort, is too well known to need recapitulation -here, nor need we enter into the details of the gorgeous ceremonies -of remarriage that took place at Greenwich, in the presence of King -Henry, Queen Katherine of Aragon, and their Court, soon after Mary -and Suffolk had landed in England. The Duke of Suffolk took his bride -to spend their honeymoon in his magnificent mansion in Southwark, -known as Suffolk Place, which he had recently inherited by the death -of his uncle, Sir Thomas Brandon. It must have been about this time -that the friends of the Lady Mortimer, and probably that lady herself, -began to spread rumours abroad that made both Charles and his consort -anxious as to the validity of their marriage and the legitimacy of -their offspring. Indeed, even at the time of his clandestine wedding -in the Chapel of the Hôtel de Cluny (now incorporated in the Museum of -that name), he had felt very uneasy about the matter, and, foreseeing -his peril, wrote to Wolsey, beseeching his assistance and advice on -a matter of such vital importance, which, however, was not decided -so easily as Charles expected. It was not until 1528 that Wolsey -dispatched a somewhat garbled account of the matter to Pope Clement -VII, then in exile at Orvieto, where he received Cardinal Campeggio -and the English envoys who came to him with the first negotiations for -the divorce of Henry VIII from Katherine of Aragon. Trusting in the -evidence which Wolsey sent him, the Pope, by a special Bull (dated 12th -May 1528), annulled the marriage of Brandon with the Lady Mortimer, -on the plea of consanguinity, and at the same time declared valid -that of her niece, Anne Browne, and legitimized her two children. The -Bull further stated that Lady Mortimer and her friends were “liable -to ecclesiastical censure if they made any attempt to invalidate -the decree” making valid Brandon’s marriage to Anne Browne and Mary -Tudor. The importance of this decree, which was first read out to the -people in Norwich Cathedral in 1529 by Bishop Nyx, can readily be -imagined when we remember that it was not delivered until after the -Queen-Duchess had given birth to two children. Her only son, the Earl -of Lincoln, died in infancy, and the Lady Frances became in due time -the Marchioness of Dorset and mother of Lady Jane Grey. On the other -hand, the legitimacy of the Lady Eleanor Brandon, the younger daughter, -who was born after the publication of the papal decree, was never -disputed, and moreover, before she entered upon her sorrowful career, -the Lady Mortimer was dead. That considerable doubt was entertained as -to the validity of Brandon’s marriage with the Queen-Dowager is proved -by a variety of facts too numerous to be detailed, but one of which is -very significant. Late in the first half of Queen Elizabeth’s reign, -the validity of the claims of the Lady Mounteagle and her sister, the -children of Brandon and Anne Browne, to be considered legitimate, -was ventilated in the Court of Arches, and after much deliberation -confirmed. Although the legitimacy of these ladies, both of whom were -long since deceased at the time of this trial, had nothing to do with -the legal position of Mary Tudor as the wife of the Duke of Suffolk, it -was none the less an indirect test of the right to the throne of her -granddaughters, the Ladies Katherine and Mary Grey. - -From these briefly resumed facts it is not difficult to understand that -although King Henry VIII highly approved of his bosom friend’s conduct, -his subjects held Charles to be an arrant rascal. His treatment of -his beautiful royal wife was on a par with his low conception of his -moral obligations. He neglected her, spent her money, and lived openly -with a notorious woman known as Mrs. Eleanor Brandon, by whom he had -an illegitimate son, Charles, who is said to have been the well-known -jeweller to Queen Elizabeth, and whose son, or grandson, Gregory -Brandon, was, according to tradition, the headsman who executed Charles -I. - -Lady Jane’s grandmother, Mary Tudor, was a most amiable and -long-suffering princess, who after a somewhat secluded life in -Southwark withdrew to Westhorpe Hall. Here she died on 24th June -1533. Her two daughters--the Lady Frances, who had recently married -the Marquess of Dorset; and the Lady Eleanor, soon to be the bride of -Henry, Lord Clifford, eldest son of the Earl of Cumberland--were with -her at the time of her death, but the Duke was absent in London, and -so too was the Marquess of Dorset, her son-in-law, attending at the -coronation of Anne Boleyn. The Queen-Duchess was interred in Bury St. -Edmunds, Henry VIII and Suffolk paying the expenses of a gorgeous -alabaster monument to her memory, “full of little saints and angels,” -which was destroyed soon after, during the wreck of the glorious Abbey -Church at the time of the suppression of the monasteries. The remains -of the Queen were then removed to the parish church, where they still -rest, a marble tablet put up in the early nineteenth century being the -only memorial of Mary Tudor, Dowager Queen of France and Duchess of -Suffolk. - -Within three months of the Queen’s death (September 1533) Suffolk -married a fifth wife, the Lady Katherine Willoughby d’Eresby, who, -it seems, was his ward and only fifteen years old. She was a great -heiress, and what made her marriage all the more singular was the fact -that she was a daughter of that Doña Maria de Sarmiento who, as Lady -Willoughby, was the friend and attendant of Queen Katherine of Aragon. -It must also be remembered that Queen Katherine had no more bitter -enemy than Suffolk. This Duchess developed into a very pretty woman, of -great wit and character, and a staunch supporter of the doctrines of -the Reformation. - -The Lady Frances Brandon was born at Hatfield, then a palace of the -Bishop of Salisbury, who had afforded her mother hospitality; for it -seems that the Queen-Duchess was obliged to halt here, for reasons -easily understood, on her way to Walsingham Priory, whither she was -bound on a pilgrimage. There is still extant a very curious account -of the baptism of the Lady Frances in the parish church of Hatfield, -which was hung with garlands for the occasion. The Lady Anne[9] Boleyn, -aunt of the ill-fated Queen Anne of that ilk, stood proxy for Queen -Katherine of Aragon as sponsor. - -In 1533-4 the Lady Frances was married, notwithstanding his -afore-mentioned “contract” to the Lady Fitzalan, to Henry Grey, -Marquess of Dorset. The wedding took place at Suffolk Place, Southwark, -and the religious ceremony in the Church of St. Saviour, now the -cathedral of the new diocese. No very great pains seem to have been -taken with the lady’s education, except in the matter of what we -should call “sports,” in which, it seems, she was very proficient. - -The Lady Frances was a handsome woman, however, but somewhat spiteful -and wholly unscrupulous. In a well-known portrait, dated after -her second marriage, she is represented as a buxom, fair-haired, -well-featured matron, with a very sinister expression in her light -grey eyes. Her eldest child was a son who died of the plague when a -baby, and the three children who survived were all girls--the Ladies -Jane, Katherine, and Mary Grey. Lady Jane Grey, as we shall see, had -little cause to feel deep affection for either of her parents, but -least of all for her mother. The Lady Frances seems to have been -cast, so far as her heart went, in a mould of iron. Even the bloody -deaths of her husband and her eldest daughter, and the wretchedly -precarious existence of her two remaining children, did not affect -her buoyant spirits, since she enjoyed her life to the end. It would -be difficult to define her religious opinions. She was a schismatic -under Henry VIII, and under Edward VI she appeared a zealous Protestant -and so intimate with the famous Reformer Bucer that when he died she -petitioned Cranmer to obtain a pension for his widow. She became a -pious Papist in Queen Mary’s time, and died a prominent member of the -Church of England as by law established, under Elizabeth. - -The Lady Eleanor Brandon, Henry VIII’s niece and Lady Jane Grey’s only -maternal aunt, married, as we have said, Henry, Lord Clifford, to whom -she was united in 1537 at the Duke of Suffolk’s palace in Southwark. -The Lady Eleanor gave birth to two sons and a daughter. At the time -of the Pilgrimage of Grace (in 1536) she was staying at Bolton Abbey, -which Henry VIII, after confiscating it from the Church, had presented -to Lord Clifford; and had it not been for the chivalry and bravery of -Christopher Aske, the rebel leader’s brother, she would have suffered -at the hands of the infuriated “pilgrims.” By dint of a bold night -ride, Aske aided Lady Eleanor to fly from Bolton Abbey and reach a -place of safety. In 1542 her husband succeeded to the Earldom of -Cumberland on the death of his father, and five years later (November -1547) Lady Eleanor passed away at Brougham Castle and was laid to rest -in Skipton Church. - -[Illustration: HENRY GREY, DUKE OF SUFFOLK - -FROM THE PAINTING BY JOANNES CORVUS IN THE NATIONAL PORTRAIT GALLERY] - -It will be seen by this rapid sketch of her forbears on both sides -that Lady Jane Grey might, without exciting surprise, have developed a -character strongly sensual and unscrupulous. That she did not do so, -apart from the fact that her early death perhaps prevented the full -development of her character at all, was probably owing to the rigid -and severe nature of the education to which she was subjected. The -influence of Erasmus and the fashion of the newly revived classical -learning had in the childhood of Jane Grey firmly seized upon the -higher classes of England; and the ladies of royal and noble birth, -schooled in the stern pietism of _The Instruction of a Christian Woman_ -of Luis Vives, which they all studied in Latin or in English, and, -steeped in the classic moralities, they became prim and self-suppressed -in expression and behaviour. It is likely enough, indeed, that in -most cases this prudishness of attitude was but skin deep; but in the -case of the hapless Jane, who was little more than a child when she -was sacrificed, no other impression of her personality than this was -left upon the world. We may picture the tiny demure maiden pacing the -green alleys and smooth sward of Bradgate, with her Latin books and her -exalted religious meditations, a fervent mystic, with no knowledge of -the great world of greed, ambition, and lust, of which she, poor child, -was doomed to be the innocent victim. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -BIRTH AND EDUCATION - - -Lady Jane Grey was born at Bradgate Old Manor[10] in October 1537, most -probably in the first days of the month, for Prince Edward, her cousin, -came into the world on the 12th,[11] St. Edward’s Eve, and three days -later Henry, Marquess of Dorset, attended the royal christening, which -he would scarcely have done if his own wife, a member of the royal -family, had not been safely delivered. His presence in London can be -traced in the State Papers from the date of Prince Edward’s birth until -the first week in November. Lady Jane’s christening took place, as was -then the custom, within forty-eight hours of her birth, in the parish -church, with all the ancient rites. Some writers state that the babe -was carried to the font by her grandmother, the Dowager Marchioness; -but this good lady, as we have already seen, was unable at the time to -leave her sick household at Croydon. She sent her new granddaughter a -rich bowl with a chiselled cover. It was the custom at that time, when -a baptism took place, for the whole family, godfathers and godmothers -and guests, to walk in procession from the mansion to the church. As -is still the case in Catholic countries, the number of sponsors in -pre-Reformation times was unlimited. All these worthy people brought -gifts of more or less value, according to the nearness of their kinship -and the length of their purses. The Marquess, if he was present, would -certainly have worn his robes of state and “carried the salt.” At -the church door the christening company was met by the clergy, and -after a short prayer the child was named.[12] The officiating priest -on this occasion was either Mr. Harding, then chaplain at Bradgate, -or else Mr. Cook, Rector of the parish. After being named, the child -was carried to the font, which stood in the middle of the church -under an extinguisher-like canopy, richly carved and painted, which -pulled up and down, so as to keep the holy water clean. In those days -the back of the head and the heels of the infant were immersed in -the water,[13] the present ceremony of sprinkling having only been -introduced into this country from Geneva by the Reformers during -Elizabeth’s reign. The infant was also anointed with chrism on the -back and breast, a very ancient ceremony, the abolition of which -caused considerable controversy and some persecution in the reign of -Henry VIII. This anointing, or unction, which was performed within -the sacred edifice, was followed by the presentation of the gifts of -the various sponsors.[14] Abundant hospitality in the shape of sweet -wafers, comfits, spiced wine, or hippocras was dispensed in the porch, -not only to the invited company, but to the promiscuous village crowd -that elected to attend the function; and at last the procession, with -the infant wrapped in a sort of shawl of rich brocade, returned to the -mansion, where a dinner was served to the guests and to the members of -the household. - -The life of an English child in olden times, especially in the upper -classes, was by no means the ideal existence it has now become. A -careful study of contemporary records proves that the barbarous -and filthy system of swathing or “swaddling” an infant was almost -universally practised. We may take it for granted that the baby -Jane Grey was swathed or “swaddled” according to the prevailing -English fashion, from her armpits to her knees, and was thus able at -all events to move her tiny hands and feet, a privilege denied her -infant contemporaries on the Continent. So late as 1684, Madame de -Maintenon, writing to Madame de Présné, who had just been delivered -of a son, beseeches her to “adopt the English method of allowing her -infant’s limbs free play,” and stigmatises the French custom of “tight -swaddling” as “abominably dirty and unhealthy.” - -The Lady Frances certainly did not nurse her own baby; it would have -been considered most indecent for a woman of her rank to suckle her -offspring. A foster-mother was engaged, and it is likely enough that -the good woman who supplied little Jane Grey with the sustenance -nature had intended her to derive from her parent, was that Mrs. Ellen -who, seventeen years later, attended her beloved foster-child on the -scaffold. - -In her eighteenth month the child was weaned, and this was attended -by some considerable ceremony. In the morning Mass was said in the -presence of the whole family, including the foster-mother and the -child, who was blessed with holy water. This finished, the company -returned in procession to the hall and forthwith sat down to a copious -banquet. - -The archives of Sudeley Castle contain an interesting description of -an aristocratic nursery in the first half of the sixteenth century. -Queen Katherine Parr, having married Admiral Lord Thomas Seymour, lived -at Sudeley, where she died in September 1548, after giving birth to a -child, for whom was provided an apartment very elaborately furnished -with tapestry, and containing everything a modern infant of the highest -rank could possibly want, all in silver or pewter, and, moreover, a -“chair of state” hung with cloth of gold. - -The Lady Frances’s nursery was, no doubt, fitted up quite as -luxuriously as that prepared for the infant of Queen Katherine Parr; -but no inventory of its contents has been handed down to us. Nearly -all the toys commonly used in England at this period were made either -in France or Holland, and closely resembled those grotesque playthings -which were our grandparents’ delight: wooden dolls with roughly painted -heads and jointed limbs, hobby horses, hoops, and even toy soldiers -mounted on movable slides. Jane must have had an abundance of these -nursery treasures, besides an oaken cradle with rockers and also a -sort of little perambulator, wherein she might be carried to take the -air in the park and gardens. She had a complete household, consisting -of Mrs. Ellen, two under-nurses, a governess, two waiting women, and -two footmen. Sometimes, but very rarely, the voice of nature may -have prompted her mother and father to play with her and enjoy those -exquisite moments of purest love common alike to prince and peasant. -Her babyhood may have been fairly happy, but when that ended, the stern -training which prevailed in every aristocratic family of the period -began in all its severity: long prayers, tedious lessons, and that -terrible “cramming” system which as often as not engendered premature -physical decline and even imbecility. The tiny princess, from her -third year upwards, was dressed like a little old lady, in miniature -reproduction of her mother, coif and all complete, an exceedingly -irksome garb for so very small a child. Even when full-grown, Jane, -like her sister Katherine, was of very diminutive stature; and their -youngest sister, Mary, was an actual dwarf, “not bigger, when over -thirty, than a child of ten.” - -The greater part of the Lady Jane’s[15] infancy was spent at Bradgate -with her little sisters--Katherine, two years her junior; and Mary, -six years younger than herself. A Mrs. Ashly, sister or sister-in-law -to the Mrs. Ashly, or Astley, who acted in the same capacity to -Princess Elizabeth, was appointed to attend as governess upon Jane and -her sisters; but of this lady little is known, whereas Elizabeth’s -governess is, of course, frequently mentioned as a woman of great -importance. It was evidently not until the Lady Jane had been named -in Henry VIII’s will as a possible successor to his throne that any -particular attention was paid to her instruction, and then only for -purely political purposes. Her two sisters received but an ordinary -education, and Jane herself must have been between nine and ten years -of age when she was handed over to Queen Katherine Parr to begin her -more important studies. No doubt the Dorsets secretly intended their -eldest daughter to become Edward VI’s consort and to rule the kingdom -through her, and her education therefore became a matter of great -importance to them, as they wished her to be thoroughly equipped to -hold the high station they desired her to occupy. In religion she -was to be exceedingly Protestant, but in social matters her training -was most varied, including music and classical and modern languages, -even Hebrew and, if we may credit some of her enthusiastic eulogists, -Chaldee!! - -The royal birth of the Marchioness of Dorset and the great wealth of -her lord placed their family in a very exceptional position in the -county. Here, as also in London, they maintained semi-regal state. No -one could compete with them, and although they received much company, -especially at Christmas time, they rarely mixed with their neighbours, -and when they did so condescend, they were invariably received with -all the ceremony due to royalty. When, for instance, the Marquess of -Dorset and his lady visited Leicester, they were entertained with great -ceremony. In the archives of that city for 1540 there is a charge of -“two shillings and sixpence for strawberries and wine for my Lady -Marchioness’s Grace, for Mistress Mayoress and her sisters.” Also, -on the occasion of another visit, “Four shillings” were paid “to the -pothicary for making a gallon of Ippocras,[16] that was given to my -Lady’s Grace, Mistress Mayoress and her sisters, and to the wives of -the Aldermen of Leicester, who gave the said ladies, moreover, wafers, -apples, pears, and walnuts at the same time.” From another record, of -the city of Lincoln, we learn that the Dorset family when on its way -to London frequently put up at the White Hall Inn for the night, their -expenses being paid by the town. There is also an entry specifying the -expenses for entertaining the Lady Jane Grey when on her way to London -and on her return journeys through Leicester to Bradgate in 1548 and -1551. - -There was much in the stately mode of life led by our great aristocracy -in the sixteenth century which has not even now passed altogether out -of fashion. At certain seasons of the year, it appears, the family -resided in the main building of the mansion and kept up a state almost -equal in magnificence to that of a royal Court. A great number of -servants--as many as eighty or a hundred--were maintained, and these, -being very ignorant, often formed a rather disorderly crew. They -received very small wages; but as they wore brilliant liveries, and -served as an escort to their masters when they went abroad, they made a -highly picturesque appearance. Few people, even in the upper circles of -society, could read or write with ease; and as there were no newspapers -and scarcely any books, no correspondence, and but few visits to fill -up leisure time, the men’s sports were mainly those of the field, so -that large hunting and hawking parties were the general order of the -day. The ladies were frequently invited to share these pursuits; and -the Lady Frances was well known in Leicestershire in her day as a great -huntress and a skilful archeress. - -Hospitality, if barbaric, was none the less sumptuous. Tablecloths -and napkins were already in use, and “damask” was pretty generally to -be seen in the houses of the wealthy; while the plate belonging to -the great nobility was not only very costly, but exceedingly artistic -in design. Then as now, it was the custom to pass the winter months -in the country and the summer in London. During the hunting season -Bradgate was thrown open to a throng of guests, and since the mistress -of the house was niece to the reigning sovereign, many of these were of -princely rank, including Princess Mary, who was on very friendly terms -with her cousin Frances and her children. It is not at all unlikely -that when the family gathered in the great hall of an evening, dances, -masques, and other pastimes of a more boisterous kind, described as -“romps and jigs,” were indulged in. On occasion, players were summoned -from London, and displayed their skill in representing those rough and -unformed plays which delighted our ancestors until the more shapely -Elizabethan drama came into being.[17] - -People rose and retired to rest earlier in Tudor days than we do -now, especially in summer, when breakfast was served as early as six -o’clock, dinner at ten, and supper at five. Tea and coffee were as -yet undiscovered, and light home-brewed ale was the usual breakfast -beverage. Such very young ladies as Lady Jane Grey would be served at -this meal with a cup of hot milk and sometimes with a sort of mead, or -barley water, heated and spiced. During Lent breakfast consisted of -bread, with salt fish, ling, turbot and eels, fresh whitings, sprats, -beer and wine. At other seasons there were chines of beef, roast -breast of mutton or boiled mutton, butter, cooked eggs, custard, pies, -jellies, etc., as well as chickens, ducks, swan, geese, and game.[18] -Dinner came at noon, and it was customary in large country houses to -close the gates while the whole establishment sat down, according -to rank, in the great hall. Sometimes a slight alteration was made, -two tables being set in the dining-room, at the first of which sat -the lord and his family, with such titled guests as they might be -entertaining, while the second was occupied by “knights and honourable -gentlemen.” In such a case the tables in the great hall were generally -three, the first for the steward, comptroller, secretary, master of -the house, master of the fish-ponds, the tutor--if one was attached -to the family--and such gentlemen as happened to be under the degree -of a knight. In a very large household it frequently happened that as -many as a hundred and fifty or two hundred people would sit down to eat -at one and the same time, but in most castles, halls, and manors the -ladies of the family, excepting on state occasions, ate apart from the -men, a separate table being laid for them, and for the chaplain, in -the ladies’ chamber, while two others were laid in the housekeeper’s -room for the ladies’ women. The Lady Frances usually partook of her -dinner in solitary state, waited upon by young gentlewomen and, when -they were old enough to do so, by her two elder daughters, who stood on -either side of her until she had finished, when they in their turn sat -down and were served by gentlewomen. In their infancy, the children, -attended by their nurses and gentlemen and women, dined with the -housekeeper in her chamber. - -All meals were somewhat disorderly, for, forks not being in general -use, it was the custom for the gentlemen to pick the daintiest scraps -out of the common dish with the tips of their fingers, and place them -gallantly upon the platters of the ladies seated nearest them. It was -considered ill-bred to lick one’s fingers after this act of courtesy. -Proper behaviour was to wipe them daintily upon a sort of napkin or -serviette, sometimes, as in Japan, made of tissue paper. - -Grace was said both before and after meals, and as most large houses -had several chaplains and a choir for the service of the chapel, -it was usual for one of the priests, accompanied by three or four -of the choristers wearing their surplices, to enter the hall and -solemnly chant the _Benedicite_ or Grace, which until Edward VI’s time -invariably concluded with a petition for the release of the souls in -Purgatory. It was considered impolite to talk during a repast unless -addressed by the master or mistress of the feast. The chaplain was -employed to read aloud either the Gospel of the day or a chapter from -that enlivening work _The Martyrology_. Occasionally a minstrel was -invited to sing an interesting ballad or tell a story; otherwise the -clinking of the knives was the only sound heard during meals, which, -however copious, were invariably dispatched with the utmost speed. -In proportion to the amount of meat very little bread was consumed. -“The English bolt their food in dead silence,” remarked the Venetian -Ambassador Giustiniani, “and, bread being dear, eat very sparingly -of it. They throw their chicken bones under the table when they have -sucked them clean.” - -When supper, a meal which corresponds with our late dinner, was over, -evening prayers were said, and soon afterwards, on ordinary occasions, -everybody retired to rest. It should be remembered that artificial -light was exceedingly costly and inadequate, as indeed it remained -until the beginning of the later half of the nineteenth century. Many -who are still in the prime of life can remember the rush tallow dips -made and used in old-fashioned country houses and farms in their -childhood. In the sixteenth century these were the only lights to be -had, except oil lamps and wax candles imported at immense expense from -France and Italy, and only kindled on high days and holidays.[19] Resin -torches were burnt in the great hall; but many complained of the stench -and smoke, so that an early departure to bed was not only wise but -necessary. - -It may perhaps be concluded that we who live at the beginning of the -twentieth century would have found life in an English manor in Tudor -days insufferably dull and monotonous. Yet there were compensations. -Outdoor exercises were many and various. There was the tennis-court, -bowls and quoits were much in vogue, and our forefathers practised -many other excellent sports, some of which we might well revive. There -was hawking, then in the zenith of its popularity; hunting, archery, -slinging, mase or “prisoner’s bars,” wrestling, tennis, of which game -Henry VIII was exceedingly fond; fivestool ball, football, and golf. -Cricket does not seem to have been known, at all events under its -present name; but there were a score or so of other popular games -and sports, some of which, such as duck-hunting, dog-fighting, and -cock-fighting, were exceedingly barbarous. The cruel sport of trying -on horseback to pull off the greased head of a living duck or goose -suspended by the legs from a cross beam was exceedingly popular at -this time.[20] Edward VI, in his _Journal_, mentions it in an entry -dated 4th June 1550: “Sir Robert Dudley, third surviving son of the -Earl of Warwick, was married this day to Sir John Robsart’s daughter, -after which marriage there were certain gentlemen on horseback that did -strive who should first carry away a goose’s head that was hanged alive -on two cross-posts.” Can we imagine the whole Court of England, King -included, assisting at this childish and cruel spectacle? - -The Marquess of Dorset and his family did not spend the whole year at -Bradgate; political and social duties brought them a great deal to -London, especially in the early spring and summer months. In London -they inhabited a mansion at Westminster, not far from Whitehall Palace. -The town residence of the Marquess of Dorset was not, as usually -stated, situated in Grey’s Inn. At no time did his branch of the family -of Grey possess property in or near the Inn which bears their name; -it belonged from a remote period to the house of Grey de Wilton, who -sold it, in Edward IV’s time, to the Carthusians of Sheen, from whom -it was confiscated at the Dissolution and subsequently granted by the -Crown for the purpose which it still serves. Thus Grey’s Inn did not -fall to Lady Frances, although she was presented by her uncle the King -with nearly all the other property owned by the Carthusians in and -around London. It has also been said that the Marquess of Dorset had -a house in Salisbury Place, Fleet Street, but this is another popular -error. This property passed to the _Earls_ of Dorset in 1611 and is -connected, not with Lady Jane and her family, but with many worthies -of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Henry, Marquess of Dorset, -had his town residence on the Thames above Whitehall,[21] precisely -where stood, until quite recently, Dorset Place--the name by which the -house was known in Lady Jane’s time. After the execution of Suffolk -it was seized by the Crown and eventually, in the last days of the -sixteenth century, cut up into three separate houses, one of which was -inhabited by John Locke the philosopher, who died in it. By a curious -coincidence, Locke had previously lived at Salisbury Square. Dorset -Place must have been a very large house; we know from contemporary -evidence that it had a fine garden and a broad terrace overlooking the -Thames. Here Lady Jane Grey certainly lived for a good many months -of her life, and here she formed the acquaintance of the Reformers -Bullinger and Ulmer, or ab Ulmis. She may also have lived for a time in -yet another house owned by the Marquess, near the Temple, of which no -trace now exists. - -The Dorsets were in the habit, especially in the winter season, of -paying country visits to their numerous relatives--to Princess Mary -at Newhall; to the Lady Frances’ stepmother, Katherine, Duchess of -Suffolk, at Wollaton; to Dorset’s sister, the Lady Audley, at Walden; -to his orphan wards and cousins the Willoughbys, at Tylsey; and to Lady -Jane’s paternal grandmother, the Dowager Marchioness of Dorset, either -at her house at Croydon or at Tylsey, where at one time she presided -over the household of the young Willoughbys. - -The entertainment of such important personages must often have been a -doubtful pleasure to hosts of limited means, for they never stirred -abroad without a numerous escort of male and female servants and a -guard of thirty or forty retainers mounted on horseback and armed -to the teeth. Carriages were but little used as yet, and people of -quality had to journey from place to place on horseback, the elderly -ladies being provided with the quaintest but most inconvenient and -perilous of side saddles, while the young girls and children rode -pillion either in front of or behind their nearest male relatives or -some trusty yeoman. In cold or damp weather the ladies and children -and their female attendants travelled in a huge and very heavy covered -vehicle[22] not unlike a Turkish _araba_ or a modern omnibus in shape. -This was furnished with leathern curtains and lined with mattresses and -cushions, and could often contain as many as twelve persons, six on -either seat facing each other. To protect themselves from the cold the -ladies wore cloaks and vizors, or “safeguards.”[23] The first genuine -statute for repairing roads dates only from 1668. Before that the roads -were, like those of modern Turkey, universally execrable, and over them -this ponderous vehicle, with its enormous wheels, moved at a snail’s -pace: it is not surprising that most people preferred the hackney, -even in winter time. Yet in spite of all its inconveniences, this -old-world fashion of travel was not without charm, especially in genial -weather, when the passage of a lordly cavalcade added much to the life -of our highways and verdant lanes and lent to the ever lovely English -landscape a picturesqueness and a gaiety which modern civilisation -can never hope to restore. On the other hand, delicate folk must have -dreaded these excursions, and it is not surprising to learn that on -one occasion, in 1550, after a ten hours’ ride in very bad weather to -Newhall, on a visit to Princess Mary, the Lady Jane was taken very ill, -and kept her room for many days. - -The Dissolution of the monasteries and the general troubles of the -Church had no doubt greatly attenuated the quaintness of English life -on the high roads by the time Jane had attained girlhood. No longer did -the Lord Abbot or Prior, with his princely train of ecclesiastics on -their gaily caparisoned horses and mules, pass through the leafy lanes -on their way to pay visits of duty or ceremony. Lady Jane can never -have seen the Abbot of Leicester, for instance, he who attended the -death-bed of Wolsey, go forth with all his monks to pay his respects -to the Prior of the rich house of Ulverston, for both abbeys were -suppressed before she was a year old. She was not familiar with the -begging friars, with their sacks and their jokes; and the pardoner, the -palmer, and the pilgrim had also faded into the near past long before -she began to toddle on the green slopes of Bradgate. Still she must -have often witnessed the procession on Corpus Christi, when her own -native village was enlivened by garlands of flowers and on every house -front hung a linen sheet decked with bunches of bright flowers. She may -even have walked with the rest of the children of high and low degree -in the annual procession of Our Lady on Assumption Day, for throughout -the reign of Henry VIII this festival was observed. - -The roads were still full of colour in the summer months, with packmen -and peddlers, troops of armed men--not unfrequently dragging along -between them some poor wretch, tied by the wrists, to his fiery doom -at Leicester or London--with travelling caravans, with itinerant -mountebanks and jugglers, and occasionally with a troop of showmen -hastening to exhibit dancing bears or learned dogs and pigs at some -neighbouring village fair. - -The suppression of the monasteries had a disastrous effect on -travelling in Henry VIII’s time, comparable only to what would happen -nowadays if all the first-class hotels in the country were suddenly -closed. The Marquess and Marchioness of Dorset, as they journeyed -with their children from Bradgate to London, must have heartily -regretted the hospitality they had enjoyed in their own young days at -many a lordly abbey and wealthy priory now laid in ruins. The inns -were picturesque enough, but none too luxurious; still the beds were -generally comfortable, and the cooking, according to the taste of the -day, was excellent. Conti, an Italian traveller who visited England -some few years after Henry VIII’s death, was much struck by the -cleanliness of the parlours and the softness of the feather beds he met -with in our country hostelries. The fare, too, he found abundant, and -the wines, “sack,” and beers often of superlative quality--facts to -which Shakespeare has not failed to allude. The innkeepers were great -gainers by the Dissolution, for such rich travellers as did not care to -trouble their peers looked to them for board and lodging now that they -were no longer able to put up at a religious house. We may be sure that -the Dorsets and their people were familiar and welcome guests at all -the chief inns along the roads they travelled. - -Aylmer, who became Bishop of London in Elizabeth’s time, is usually -described as Lady Jane’s earliest tutor. This is a patent error, -for Aylmer, who was born in 1521, would have been far too young, in -Jane’s infancy, to be appointed tutor to the children of the Marquess -of Dorset. It is more likely that Dr. Harding, who was chaplain at -Bradgate when Jane was born, had the honour of teaching his patron’s -daughters their alphabet. He was reputed a learned man, and posed -at one time as a staunch Protestant; but he resembled his employers -in having a chameleon-like facility for changing the colour of his -opinions according to the state of the religious barometer in regal -quarters. Under Henry VIII he was a schismatic and a firm believer -in transubstantiation and in the wisdom of invoking saints; when -Edward came to the throne he turned _quasi_-Calvinist. Very early in -Mary’s reign he became, much to the unspeakable horror of Lady Jane, -a penitent Papist. Aylmer, a far more estimable man and a greater -scholar, appeared on the scene at Bradgate as tutor after the accession -of King Edward, when Jane was in her twelfth year and ripe to receive -his learned instruction in theology and classic lore. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -THE LADY LATIMER - - -No task is more congenial to the earnest student of history than that -of tracing the origin of some important event, and following its -gradual development from a trivial incident to its culmination in -a great matter destined to alter the fortunes, and even change the -faith, of an entire nation. If we would reach a thorough comprehension -of the chain of events which led up to the proclamation of Jane Grey -as Queen of England, we must now leave her to pursue her Greek and -Latin studies and broider her samplers at Bradgate, while we trace -the earlier fortunes of those who so ruled her destiny as to compel a -simple-hearted and naturally retiring girl to accept a station which, -by the time she was constrained to relinquish it, brought her to the -lowest depths of misfortune and transformed the regal diadem which she -herself had never coveted into a crown of martyrdom. - -The Lady Latimer, better known in history as Queen Katherine Parr, -influenced the fortunes of Lady Jane Grey more than is usually -imagined, for it was to her care that the ten-year-old child was -committed (after it had been proposed by the Seymour faction that she -should become Queen-Consort of Edward VI and head of the Protestant -party in England), in order that her education might be directed -and her mind bent towards “the new learning” of which Katherine was -secretly a supporter. - -Born in 1513 at that lordly Kendal Castle whose ruins still command one -of the loveliest prospects in Westmoreland, Katherine Parr, though a -simple gentlewoman, could boast royal blood--that of our Anglo-Saxon -kings, inherited from her paternal ancestor Ivo de Talbois, who married -Lucy, the sister of the renowned Earls Morcar and Edwin. She was also -of Plantagenet descent through her great-great-grandmother Alice -Nevill, sister to Cicely Nevill, Duchess of York, a lineage that made -her cousin four times removed to King Henry VIII himself. We will not -enter in detail into the many alliances of the Parr family with the -Nevills, Stricklands, Throckmortons, and Boroughs, but we are safe in -describing it as a wealthy and honourable county stock, much looked up -to in those days. - -Katherine’s father, Sir Thomas Parr, married, when his bride was but -little over thirteen, Maud Green, daughter of the rich Sir Thomas Green -of Boughton and Greens-Norton in Northamptonshire. Lady Parr had a -sister, Mary, who, when a mere child, married Lord Vaux of Harrowden, -and, dying without issue, left her splendid fortune to her sister Maud. -Lady Parr’s eldest son, born before his mother was fifteen, was the -celebrated Sir William Parr, ultimately Earl of Essex and Marquess of -Northampton. Her next child mated with Mr. William Herbert, who was -raised to the peerage in 1551 by Edward VI as Earl of Pembroke six -weeks before the death of his wife. Katherine, the third and youngest -child of Sir Thomas and Lady Parr, was destined to occupy the perilous -position of sixth Queen-Consort to King Henry VIII. When she was a mere -child, the proverbial gipsy-woman predicted that “she should one day -wear a crown, and not a cap; and wield a sceptre, not a distaff.”[24] -Sir Thomas Parr died in London in 1517, leaving very scant provision -for his two daughters, the bulk of his fortune having been settled -upon his wife and son; but both young ladies married wealthy men, and -thus were not seriously affected by their lack of means. Anne married -at fifteen; and Katherine, long before she was fourteen, was led to -the hymeneal altar by Lord Borough of Cantley Hall, Gainsborough, -Yorkshire. The bridegroom had already been twice married, and so great -was the disparity of age between the couple that Lady Borough was wont -to call her eldest stepdaughter “little mother.” Two years after her -marriage Katherine became a widow with a very handsome dower. Much -of her time of mourning was spent at Sizergh Castle in Westmoreland, -the seat of her kinsfolk the Stricklands, where she left several fine -specimens of her skill as a needlewoman--notably a gorgeous white satin -quilt embroidered with gold--which are still preserved in an apartment -known as Queen Katherine’s Room. - -We are fortunate in possessing a good many portraits of this lady, -and at least one wonderful miniature, formerly in the Strawberry -Hill Collection, and which now belongs to Mr. Brocklehurst-Dent of -Sudeley Castle. This contains a likeness of Henry VIII painted in a -space not bigger than a pin’s head, on a tiny medallion suspended -round the Queen’s neck. A strong magnifying glass is required to do -justice to the beauty of this microscopic miniature within a miniature, -probably the smallest ever executed. Judged by all these portraits -and by contemporary descriptions, Katherine Parr must have been a -pretty little woman with delicate features, an intellectual brow--too -amply developed for beauty--fox-coloured eyes, and a rather cunning -expression about the thin yet flexible mouth. When her body was -disinterred in 1786[25] it was found not to be decomposed, and measured -exactly five feet and three inches. The hair, very long and curling -naturally, was of a fine golden auburn. - -[Illustration: QUEEN KATHERINE PARR - -AFTER THE PAINTING FORMERLY IN THE POSSESSION OF HORACE WALPOLE] - -History does not record the names of the tutors who assisted -Katherine Parr to acquire her remarkable education and numerous -accomplishments. We may suppose that some priest or monk chaplain at -Kendal or Sizergh instructed her in Latin and Greek, in both of which -languages she was proficient. She may have learnt French from Mr. -Bellemain, French tutor to Prince Edward, a pronounced Huguenot, who, -notwithstanding his unorthodoxy, was in high favour at Henry’s Court, -received a pension from Edward after he ascended the throne, and walked -in the young King’s funeral procession. She mastered the language -sufficiently to be able to write it and speak it correctly, and even -to record her sentimental impressions in tolerable verse. Amongst the -MSS at Hatfield there is a curious French poem, partly written by -Katherine and partly by another, probably her teacher. It opens with -the following verse in the Queen’s handwriting:-- - - “Considerant ma vie miserable - Mon cœur marboin, obstine, intraitable, - Outrecuide tant, que non seullement, - Dieu n’estimoit ny son commandement.” - -The concluding verse runs:-- - - “Qui prepare vous est devinement - Ainsi que le monde eust son commencement - Au Pere au Filz au Saint Esprit soit gloire - Loz et honneur d’eternelle memoire. FINIS.”[26] - -Katherine’s handwriting, though clear and legible, is not to be -compared with that of Elizabeth, King Edward, and Jane Grey, who very -probably took lessons in the then much esteemed art of caligraphy from -Dr. Cheke, chief tutor to the Prince, or from Ascham, both famous for -the beauty of their penmanship. - -Although very worldly, Katherine Parr was much preoccupied with -theological disputations, and a distinctly evangelical tone pervades -her literary remains; it is nevertheless certain that during the -lifetime of her second husband, Lord Latimer, she was, or pretended -to be, a Catholic, and that during the few years of her married life -with Henry VIII she was a schismatic or “Henryite.” Tact and prudence -were her leading characteristics, and she was both amiable and -conciliatory, though she could, when angered, be extremely vindictive. -Thomas Cromwell’s downfall, usually attributed to the machinations of -Katherine Howard, was in reality mainly due to those of Katherine Parr, -for she it was, as we shall presently see, who opened Henry VIII’s eyes -to the prodigious rapacity and unpopularity of his favourite chancellor. - -Lord Latimer, the lady’s second spouse, like Lord Borough, had been -twice married, and when he took her to wife was already the father -of several children. The date of this marriage has not been handed -down to us, but as Latimer lost his second wife in 1526, it could -not have taken place earlier than 1527. He was a staunch Catholic -of the belligerent sort, and a prominent leader of the Pilgrimage -of Grace, an insurrection that broke out in the North of England in -1536 in consequence of the popular displeasure at the suppression of -the monasteries and sequestration of church property. The peasants, -suddenly deprived of the monks’ accustomed charity and driven -to desperation, began a local crusade, which soon assumed large -proportions, their ranks being joined by a great number of noblemen -and gentlemen belonging to the old faith, amongst them the Archbishop -of York, Lord Nevill, Lord Darcy, Lord Latimer, Sir Stephen Hamerton, -Sir Robert Constable, a certain mysterious individual who called -himself the “Earl of Poverty,” and Robert Aske, who though of mean -extraction was nevertheless considered by the rest of his party as -their nominal general. These motley pilgrims increased in numbers -as they swept southwards in picturesque confusion; but despite the -enthusiasm of their members, they seem to have been ill-disciplined -and badly organised, and were presently dispersed at Dunstable, thanks -to the conciliatory attitude of the Duke of Norfolk, whom the King had -empowered to treat with these rebels and disband them. Latimer, who had -been elected their spokesman, withdrew almost immediately and returned -to London, where he soon afterwards resumed his post as Comptroller of -the King’s Household. After this excursion into open revolt against -his sovereign, Lord Latimer evidently deemed it prudent to keep himself -very much in the background: he did not join the second Pilgrimage of -Grace, which broke out in the following February (1537) and terminated -in the execution by sword and fire of some seventy of its more -prominent members, among them old Lord Derby, who was over eighty-three -years of age. - -When in London, Lord Latimer inhabited a house situated in the -churchyard of the Charterhouse. The Chartreuse, as it was then called, -was rather a fashionable place of residence, being not far distant -from Clerkenwell, which in King Henry’s time was a sort of Court -suburb, such as Kensington became in the eighteenth century. From a -letter still extant, it would appear that Lord Latimer, like many a -modern nobleman and gentleman, was in the habit of letting his mansion -furnished when he himself was absent at Snape Hall, his country seat -in Yorkshire. Sir John Russell, Lord Privy Seal, who looked meek -enough[27] but was popularly known as “Swearing Russell” on account -of his profane language, wrote in January 1537 requesting Latimer to -allow a friend of his to have the loan of his house in the “Chartreuse” -during his absence. Latimer dared not refuse, but his answer betrays -his reluctant compliance with the request and some temper at the favour -having been asked:-- - - “RIGHT HONOURABLE AND MY ESPECIAL GOOD LORD,--After my most - hearty recommendations had to your good Lordship. Whereas your - Lordship doth desire ... [effaced] of your friends my house within - Chartreuse churchyard, beside so ... [effaced] I assure your - Lordship the getting of a lease of it costs me 100 marcs, besides - other pleasures [_i.e._ “improvements”] that I did to the house; - for it was much my desire to have it, because it stands in good - air, out of press of the city. And I do alway lie there when I come - to London, and I have no other house to lie at. And, also, I have - granted it to farm [_i.e._ “have let it”] to Mr. Nudygate,[28] - son and heir to serjeant Nudygate, to lie in the said house - in my absence; and he to void whensoever I come up to London. - Nevertheless I am contented if it can do your Lordship any pleasure - for your friend, that he lie there forthwith. I seek my lodgings - at this Michaelmas term myself. And as touching my lease, I assure - your Lordship it is not here; but I shall bring it right to your - Lordship at my coming up at this said term, and then and alway I - shall be at your Lordship’s commandment, as knows our Lord, Who - preserve your Lordship in much honour to His pleasure. From Wyke, - in Worcestershire, the last day of September.--Your Lordship’s - assuredly to command, - - “JOHN LATIMER” - - “To the right honourable and very especial good lord, my Lord Privy - Seal.”[29] - -Lord Latimer died in February 1543, a twelvemonth after the execution -of Queen Katherine Howard, leaving his widow the manors of Nunmonkton -and Hamerton for life, and his mansion in the Charterhouse for as -long as she should remain a widow. As soon as her husband was safely -buried in St. Paul’s Churchyard, Katherine began to indulge her leaning -towards what was then known as the “new learning”; and her house -became the resort of the leaders of a movement which was eventually -to complete the Reformation in England. These gentlemen were wont, -it is said, to assemble at regular intervals and hold conferences -on religious subjects in the presence, not only of Katherine and -her household, but of a select circle of great ladies, among them -Katherine’s sister, Anne Herbert, and the charming Katherine, Duchess -of Suffolk, the fourth wife of Lady Jane’s singular grandfather, who -were only too willing, notwithstanding the risk they ran, to sit at -the feet of a Coverdale, a Latimer, or a Parkhurst. Religion, however, -sat lightly on this clever Duchess, who--so brilliant, witty, and -amusing are her letters--might well claim to be the precursor in the -epistolary art of Madame de Sévigné. To these pious gatherings of the -widow Latimer came likewise the haughty and turbulent Anne Stanhope, -Countess of Hertford, who in due time, as wife of the Protector, -was to be Duchess of Somerset and Katherine Parr’s arch-enemy; -Lady Denny,[30] wife of Sir Andrew Denny, Privy Councillor to Henry -VIII; the Lady Fitzwilliam,[31] wife of Sir William Fitzwilliam, and -acknowledged to be one of the ablest women of her time; and the Lady -Tyrwhitt,[32] who came very near martyrdom for her heretical opinions, -in the last year of Henry’s life. The Countess of Sussex,[33] second -wife of Henry Ratcliffe, Earl of Sussex, was likewise one of Lady -Latimer’s _intimes_. This lady’s alleged familiarity with the black -art eventually led to her being charged with witchcraft, in 1552, and -imprisoned in the Tower, from which durance she was delivered six -months later by order of the Duke of Northumberland. The Marchioness of -Dorset may also have assisted at Lady Latimer’s religious exercises, -which, although noticed by her contemporaries as matters of general -knowledge, seem to have temporarily escaped the unpleasant attention of -King Henry’s chief heretic-hunters. The Lady Frances was certainly on -the most friendly terms with Lady Latimer, and so too was Princess Mary. - -Another guest there was at the Charterhouse who probably came when the -house was quiet, the voices of the preachers hushed, and the great -ladies returned to their respective domiciles. This was Sir Thomas -Seymour, the late Queen Jane’s second brother, who was considered the -Adonis of the Court. Lady Latimer seems to have been deeply enamoured -of his good looks and stalwart figure; but it is not unlikely that it -was her rich dower, rather than herself, that tempted Sir Thomas. Be -this as it may, the intimacy which began about this period, paved the -way to the tragic close of the handsome courtier’s chequered career. -Seymour appears to have proposed to the widow three months after Lord -Latimer’s death, and she seems to have rejected him “pleasantly,” -saying “some one higher than he had asked her to be his wife.” For all -that, Sir Thomas had certainly made a deep impression on her heart, a -fact all the more remarkable since he was in every way the opposite to -herself: she was learned and sedate--he was gay and profligate; the -lady loved rich but sober attire--the gentleman blazed with brilliant -satins and silks and cloth of gold and silver, setting his brother -courtiers the fashion as to the wearing of their jewels and the number -of feathers they should sport in their caps. Still, the advantage of -the alliance was obvious, for though not a rich man, he was a great -favourite with the King, his potent brother-in-law, and further, he -was the second member of the rising house of Seymour, which many -predicted--in the event of any accident happening to His Majesty, -whose health was fast declining--would at once assume a preponderating -position at his successor’s Court. - -But although Lady Latimer must have been acquainted with every -detail of the conspiracy organised by the Seymours against the -house of Howard, of which the first fruit was the revelation of the -unfortunate Queen Katherine Howard’s misconduct, she does not seem -to have hesitated for a moment in her determination to become Queen -of England, even at the sacrifice of her passion for Thomas Seymour, -which, all-absorbing as it was, never diverted her from the two -great objects of her ambition: her own political influence, and the -ultimate advancement of the Reformation. She cannot be described as a -Protestant, for in her time that word was not yet coined. During her -second husband’s lifetime she must have concealed her “advanced views,” -and when she became Queen she was--outwardly at least--a schismatic, -who attended as many as three and four Masses daily. Henry VIII rarely -heard less than three, and sometimes as many as five Masses every day, -and what is more, obliged every official of his Court and household, -high and low, to do the same. How she first attracted his attention -has never transpired; but as a great Court lady she must have been in -frequent and immediate relations with the sovereign. The first mention -of her personal dealings with King Henry is connected with trouble in -the Throckmorton family. Owing to some dispute over their respective -country seats, Coughton Court and Oursley, which were contiguous to -one another, her maternal aunt’s husband, Sir George Throckmorton, -had incurred Cromwell’s ill-will. Cromwell, with a view to ruining -his opponent, went so far as to accuse him of conspiring against the -King’s supremacy in ecclesiastical matters. According to an MS. ballad -still preserved in the Throckmorton archives, Lady Latimer interceded -with His Majesty for her uncle, and obtained full justice for him. At -the same time she contrived the overthrow of Cromwell, whose title of -Essex was eventually conferred upon her brother, Sir William Parr, who -married Anne Bourchier, only daughter of the last Earl of Essex of the -original branch. - -The divorce--based on the futile plea that the King did not find Anne -of Cleves physically attractive[34]--which followed six months after -Henry VIII’s pompous marriage with that lady was accepted by the -philosophical Dutchwoman in a spirit that proved her practical sense -to be stronger than her sentiment. A noble mansion in the country, a -dower of £4000 a year, and precedence over all the great ladies of the -Court, the Princesses Mary and Elizabeth excepted, struck her as more -desirable than an anxious and uncertain struggle to retain the crown -matrimonial which, under somewhat similar circumstances, had proved so -sorry a possession to Queen Katherine of Aragon. None the less, the -Reformers took Anne’s humiliation--she was a Lutheran princess--in much -the same spirit as that which possessed the Catholics at the time of -the momentous divorce of Queen Katherine. The accommodating “daughter -of Cleves,” as she now styled herself, continued to receive friendly -visits from the King even in the halcyon days of his brief matrimonial -alliance with Katherine Howard, and shortly after that wretched -woman’s execution an influential party appears to have been bent, in -Reformation interests, on reconciling King Henry with his repudiated -spouse. Anne herself seems to have been not at all averse to the -scheme; and Marillac, the French Ambassador, who favoured it, found her -on one occasion quite hopeful--“in the best of spirits,” and “thinking -only of amusing herself and of her fine clothes.” But when the matter -of a reunion between the King and his discarded wife was formally -proposed to Cranmer by the Duke of Cleves’ Ambassador, it met with a -flat refusal. The Archbishop knew the good-natured lady’s character -too well to doubt that she was never likely to influence the King or -be of the least use in furthering the Reformers’ interests. In the -meantime, Parliament had urged Henry, for his “comfort’s sake,” to take -unto himself another wife; and at the same time, as if to keep him out -of the way, Sir Thomas Seymour was sent on an embassy to the Queen of -Hungary, and did not return to London until some days after Katherine -Parr’s wedding. - -The earliest intimation in the State Papers of the King’s connection -with Katherine is in a letter from Lord Lisle, afterwards Duke of -Northumberland, to Sir William Parr, dated Greenwich, 20th June 1543:-- - -“My lady Latymer, your sister, and Mrs. Herbert be both here in the -Court with my Lady Mary’s grace and my Lady Elizabeth.” Quite a -friendly party! - -On 22nd June 1543 the gorgeous State barges streamed up the Thames from -Greenwich to Hampton Court. On 10th July Cranmer issued a licence for -the King to marry Katherine, Lady Latimer, “in any church or chapel -without issue of banns,” and two days later Henry VIII led Lord -Latimer’s widow to the altar of an upper oratory called “the Quynes -Prevey closet” at Hampton Court Palace. After Low Mass, said by Bishop -Gardiner, the consent of both parties was pronounced in English. The -King, taking the fair bride’s right hand, repeated after the Bishop -the words: “I, Henry, take thee, Katherine, to my wedded wife, to have -and to hold from this day forward, for better for worse (_sic_), for -richer for poorer, in sickness and in health, till death us do part, -and thereto I plight thee my troth.” Then, unclasping and once more -clasping hands, Katherine likewise said, “I, Katherine, take thee, -Henry, to my wedded husband, to have and to hold from this day forward, -for better for worse, for richer for poorer, in sickness and in health -to be bonayr and buxome in bed and at board, till death us do part, and -thereto I plight unto thee my troth.” The putting on of the wedding -ring and offering of gold and silver followed, and after a prayer the -Bishop pronounced the nuptial benediction. - -At the wedding were present, amongst others, Lord Hertford and his -Countess; Sir Anthony Browne; Joan, Lady Dudley; Katherine, Duchess -of Suffolk; Lord John Russell; the King’s niece, the Lady Margaret -Douglas; Mrs. Herbert, the Queen’s sister; and last but not least, the -Princesses Mary and Elizabeth, to whom their stepmother made handsome -presents of money. There is no mention of the Dorsets attending the -wedding, though both were in London at the time. Everybody seemed -delighted, even Wriothesley, who went so far as to write to Suffolk, -then with the army in the north, that “on Thursday last the King -had married the Lady Latimer, a lady in his judgment for virtue and -winsomeness and gentleness most mete for His Highness, who never had -such a wife more agreeable to his harte than she is.” Katherine herself -informed her brother, Sir William Parr, that “it had pleased God to -incline the King’s heart to take her as his wife, which was to her the -greatest joy and comfort that could happen.” Wriothesley enclosed this -letter in one of his own in which he entreated Parr to make himself -worthy of such a sister as the new Queen. Chapuys wrote to the Emperor -on 27th July: “My lady of Cleves has taken great grief and despair at -the King’s espousal of this last wife, who is not, she says, nearly so -beautiful as she, and besides that there is no hope of issue, seeing -that she has been twice married before and no children born to her.” -Richard Hills, “Heretic Hills,” as they called him, in a letter to -Bullinger, the Swiss Reformer, who subsequently became the friend of -Lady Jane Grey, and dated from Strasburg on 26th September, makes the -following very characteristic comments on the King’s sixth marriage:-- - - “No news but that our King has, within these two months as I have - already written to John Bucer, burnt three godly men in one day. - In July he married the widow of a nobleman named Latimer, and, - as you know, he is always wont to celebrate his nuptials by some - wickedness of this kind.” - -The victims alluded to are known as the “Windsor martyrs.” They were -men in humble circumstances named Parsons, Testwood, and Filmer.[35] A -fourth, John Marbeck, who was organist at St. George’s Chapel Royal, -was, it is said, reprieved at the instance of Dr. Casson, Bishop of -Salisbury, and of the Queen, who is also credited with having saved -the life of Dr. Haines, Dean of Exeter, of Sir Philip Hoby and his -wife, and of Sir Thomas Carden, who had been denounced by Dr. London as -spreading heresy even within the precincts of the palace. The result of -the Queen’s action was that London and Simmonds, his coadjutor, were -condemned for perjury, and sentenced to ride round Windsor with their -faces to the horses’ tails--a humiliating punishment which is said to -have caused Dr. London’s death--no great loss to humanity. - -To save human life and to alleviate suffering is a meritorious act -that brings its own reward; but in spite of this, and although the -newly made Queen was thus enabled to realise her own influence, she -must have found her honeymoon a season full of dread, revealing as -it did the terrible insecurity of lives dependent on the fiat of so -capricious a tyrant as her royal mate. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -THE KING’S HOUSEHOLD - - -Not Solomon in all his glory--nor Sultan Suleyman the Magnificent of -Istambul--was lodged more sumptuously than Tudor King Henry VIII of -England. When Katherine Parr espoused the much-married monarch, she -found herself mistress of a score of royal palaces, each furnished in -a manner not unworthy of the splendour of Aladdin after that fortunate -youth had gained possession of his magic Lamp, and served by the most -numerous retinue ever brought together in this ancient kingdom of ours. -The Venetian envoys, accustomed to the luxury and artistic elegance -of the Queen of the Adriatic, were fairly dazzled by the sight of the -treasures Henry gathered about him. Although within the space of a -few brief years he suffered vandal hands to rob his country of more -noble abbeys, churches, libraries, and works of art than had been -destroyed by time and foreign and civil war combined since William’s -Conquest, the King’s own artistic sense was highly developed, and he -revelled, with a glee that sometimes verged upon the childish, in pomp -and luxury and all things rare and beautiful.[36] To the confiscated -collections of Wolsey he added the spoils of a hundred monasteries, and -the Inventory of his effects, taken a few days after his death,[37] -fills two enormous folio volumes preserved among the Harleian Papers -in the British Museum. It is written in a round, legible hand, on the -finest paper of the period, and a glimpse of its contents cannot fail -to excite the longing of the _virtuoso_ and to stir the imagination -as effectually as any brilliant page of description in the _Arabian -Nights_. A perusal of these bulky tomes facilitates some partial -conception of the extraordinary magnificence of the Court at which Lady -Jane Grey figured as a child, and whence, no doubt, she derived that -taste for “costlie attire, music and other vanities,” which was to -evoke the unfavourable criticism of her Puritan friends at Zurich and -Strasburg, who exhorted her, if she really desired to save her soul, -to forswear all such trash, and imitate “the simplicity in dress and -modesty in demeanour” practised by her cousin the Princess Elizabeth. -We find hundreds of entries touching bedsteads, tables, card or playing -tables, chairs, couches and footstools of carved ebony, cedar-wood, -walnut, or oak, inlaid with mother-of-pearl, ivory, or rich metal -wirework, and upholstered in silk, satin, velvet, or Florence brocade, -fringed with gold, and even with strings of seed-pearls. Persian and -Turkish carpets, silks and woollen, covered every available space in -corridor, gallery, hall, and bedchamber, and there is mention of one -especially wonderful carpet “of silk,” probably Persian, “nine yards -long by two and a half wide.” One chamber was decorated with “101 yards -of white satin embroidered and fringed with gold,” while the walls of -another were panelled with purple cloth of gold, _i.e._ purple silk -shot with gold. - -There must have been some hundreds of complete sets of the costliest -tapestries and arras in the various royal palaces. Wolsey, whose -passion for tapestry as a mural decoration became quite unreasonable, -collected scores of the finest specimens the looms of Italy and -Flanders could produce and lavish outlay secure. After his fall these -remained as he had left them at Hampton Court, where we still admire -the splendid series representing the “Story of Abraham,” designed -by Raphael’s pupil, Bernard van Orly, and another of yet earlier -date illustrating the “Triumphs,” of which three, those of “Death,” -“Renown,” and “Time,” occupy their original positions in Henry VIII’s -Great Watching or Guard Chamber. As we gaze on their faded beauty, -we should remind ourselves that the immense quantity of gold thread -wrought with infinite care and taste into their composition, and now -tarnished, glistened in King Henry’s time in all the glory of its -freshness. In the Audience Chamber at Whitehall many a great Ambassador -may have envied the arras hangings, representing the “Acts of the -Apostles,”[38] from designs by Raphael presented to the King by Pope -Leo X when he gave him the proud title of “Defender of the Faith.” - -The walls of three State rooms at Hampton Court were hung “with cloth -of gold, blue cloth of gold, crimson velvet upon velvet, tawny velvet -upon velvet, green velvet figury, and cloth of bawdekin,” a regal -material woven partly of silk and partly of gold. Some of the chief -tapestries at Whitehall represented the “History of Our Lady,” the -“Story of Ahasuerus and Esther,” the “Crucifixion,” the “Story of -Apollo and Daphne,” “St. George and the Dragon,” “Hawking and Hunting -Scenes,” the “Siege of Jerusalem,” and many other like episodes in -sacred and profane history and in mythology. The King would order a -score of sets of tapestry at once, and would spend a sum equal to -£10,000 or £15,000 of our money upon them. The overflow of tapestries, -“picture-hangings,” Oriental silks, Genoa velvets, Florence and Venice -brocades, curtains of French lace, Chinese silks, and costly furniture, -went to the State rooms of the stern old Tower; to Windsor--where a -few remnants of Henry VIII’s belongings still remain; to Woodstock, -to Richmond, to Greenwich, to Oatlands in Surrey--where Prince Edward -often lived; to Newhall to Havering atte Bower--the chief country -seat of Princess Mary; to Hatfield and Enfield Chase--where Princess -Elizabeth spent her girlhood; to the Queen’s dower-houses at Hanworth -and Chelsea; and above all, to that marvel of the age, the new Palace -of Nonesuch, which Henry had built him at Cheam, Surrey.[39] At -Whitehall there were scores of cupboards crammed with gold and silver -plate, and there were ivory and ebony cabinets with crystal doors, in -which glittered strange Italian jewels, and curiosities from all parts -of the then known world. In none of Henry’s palaces does there seem -to have been a gallery exclusively devoted to pictures, such as would -be found in most contemporary Italian and French royal and princely -residences; but there were plenty of pictures or “painted tables,” as -the Inventory quaintly calls them, in nearly every chamber. In 1540 -Holbein’s great fresco in the King’s Privy Council Room at Whitehall, -representing King Henry VII and Queen Elizabeth of York in the -background, with Henry VIII and Jane Seymour standing in front, was a -comparatively recent work. The illustrious artist, who died in London -of the plague in 1543, had also designed the ceiling of the “Matted -Gallery,” and covered the walls of the Chapel Royal with frescoes and -arabesques. - -The King’s appearance, as he developed from boyhood to manhood and -middle age, might have been studied in scores of presentments of him, -to be met with at every turn: here, a plump little boy, by Mabuse; -there, a singularly handsome fair-haired young man by Paris Bordone; -and yonder, a full-length portrait by Hans Holbein, in which it was -evident that His Majesty was beginning to “put on flesh.” In the -Audience Chamber was a “table” of the monarch painted by Bartolomeo -Penni, wherein the “peepy eyes” and the bloated cheeks of his latter -years were only too faithfully portrayed. Though there were portraits -of nearly all the King’s contemporaries, including one of Charles VIII -of France and another of Charles V, besides a round dozen of Francis -I, the likenesses of the five queens who preceded Katherine Parr -had all been carefully removed, or, as in the case, of Anne Boleyn -and Katherine Howard, destroyed. A cabinet full of relics of Queen -Jane stood, however, in the anteroom of the King’s bedchamber at the -Tower; and at Westminster, in a picture-book, there was a portrait of -this Queen with another of the King facing it on the opposite page. -Among the great “tables” at Whitehall were the “Virgin and Child,” by -Leonardo da Vinci,[40] given to the King by Francis I in exchange for -a picture by Holbein; “St. George and the Dragon,”[41] by Raphael; -“Christina of Denmark,”[42] by Holbein, full length; a portrait, “Like -unto Life,” of “Thomas, Duke of Norfolk,”[43] and “one table of the -King’s Highness trampling upon the papal tiara, whence issues a serpent -with seven heads snorting fire. In the King’s hand is the Bible, and a -sword whereon is written _Verbum Dei_.”[44] - -If the art of painting was well represented in the King’s many palaces, -that of music was even more cherished. Page after page in the Royal -Inventory is devoted to “double” and “single” virginals, with cases -inlaid and encrusted with ivory and mother-of-pearl or adorned with -arabesques of gold, studded with gems; while of lutes and flutes, -rebecks and viols, there seems to have been a perfect arsenal. Then -there was a library of over a thousand precious volumes, a sort of -perambulating feast of reason, for in the Household Expenses we find -various sums of money disbursed from time to time for the removal -of boat-loads of books from one palace to another. The number of -gold, silver, bronze, crystal, and glass chandeliers, sconces, and -candlesticks distributed among the royal residences baffles belief. -Each of the two hundred and eighty-four guest-chambers at Hampton -Court boasted a bedstead hung with the richest silk and satin, with a -gorgeously embroidered and wadded counterpane to match, an Oriental -carpet, and a toilet set, ewer, basin, and candlesticks complete, -of massive silver; while one closet at Whitehall was stored with an -immense collection of the choicest German and Venetian glass. Such, in -fact, was the King’s mania for collecting things rich and rare that, -in spite of the hopeless and suffering condition of his health, he was -still “buying,” down to the ultimate week of his life, and some of his -last purchases seem never to have been paid for by his successors. - -These contemporary accounts of the Household of Henry VIII strike the -student by their marked resemblance to similar descriptions, by such -writers as Sagrado and Knowles, of the quaint and numerous population -of the Seraglio in the palmy days of the Ottoman Khaliphats. The Tudor -King, like the Grand Turk, had four battalions of pages--pages of the -Outer and of the Inner Court, of the King’s Antechamber, and of the -King’s Presence Chamber; and yet a fifth contingent was attached to -the service of the Queen. These lads, some hundreds in number, had -their captains and even their school-masters; they were mostly of good -family, and were apparelled, according to their rank, in wondrous -State garments either of satin, green and white, the colours of the -house of Tudor, or else of royal scarlet and gold. There was a legion -of Grooms of the Wardrobe, Keepers of the King’s Horse, Sports and -Pastimes, of his Harriers and Beagles, Sergeants-at-Arms, Sergeants -of the Woodyard, Sergeants of the Bakehouse, Sergeants of the Pantry, -Sergeants of the Pastry, Sergeants of the Trumpeters, Yeomen of the -Wardrobe, Yeomen of the Armoury, Yeomen of the Buttery, Yeomen of -the Chamber, Yeomen of the Chariots, of the Cooks, of the Henchmen, -Stables, and Tents. The Royal Chapel was served by a full complement -of chaplains, sub-chaplains, organists, and choir-boys. There were -apothecaries, physicians, astronomers,[45] astrologers, secretaries, -ushers, cup-bearers, carvers, servers, singing-boys, virginal players, -Italian singers and English madrigalists, and a perfect orchestra of -players on the lute, the flute, the rebeck, the sackbut, the harp, the -psalter, and all manner of instruments. - -Full fifty cooks and twice as many scullions worked in the spacious -kitchens, and in 1544 we hear of a French pastry-cook of good repute -who rejoiced in the very pleasing and appropriate name of M. Doux. A -regiment of gardeners and under-gardeners trimmed the pleasaunces and -kept the King’s orchards in order. - -The dresses and costumes of this army of picturesque, though often -quite useless, folk, numbering some thousands or so, were sufficiently -costly to account in part for the straits of the Royal Exchequer. Their -wages and silks and satins cost the nation, in the last year of Henry -VIII’s reign, £56,700--against £17,280 in the last year of that of his -father; a prodigious increase--when we take into consideration the -relative value of money--and sufficient to explain the depletion of the -coin. - -[Illustration: HENRY VIII IN 1548 - -FROM AN OLD ENGRAVING] - -Scarlet, or rather deep red, was the predominant colour of the garments -of King Henry’s retainers, but dark blue and orange, with the white -and light apple green of the house of Tudor, were not lacking, and -added to the kaleidoscopic aspect of the courtyards and staircases, -galleries and audience chamber, in the stately residences of “bluff -King Hal.” One Venetian Ambassador, commenting on the order kept -at the English Court, declared that “everything is regulated as by -clock-work, and no one ever seems to be out of his place.” When the -King condescended to walk abroad, he was attended by a host of superbly -attired courtiers, by his grand equerries and chamberlains, the -Grand Master of his Horse, his almoners, ushers, and physicians; his -fool--Will Somers[46]; his pages, and even by a favourite musician or -so. In the last years of his life, owing to his increasing infirmity, -Henry was sometimes carried upon the shoulders of six sturdy noblemen, -in a kind of _sedia gestatoria_ like the Pope’s. At His Majesty’s -approach every knee was bent, and many who particularly desired to -conciliate his favour “grovelled” face downward as Orientals before -some Eastern despot. The officials and serving-men who prepared the -table for His Majesty’s meals made an obeisance each time they passed -the vacant chair wherein the monarch was presently to seat himself. The -Queen-Consort, and the Princesses, his daughters, knelt whenever they -addressed him. In brief, King Henry, having filched from Peter some of -Peter’s pontifical prerogatives, exacted the same sort of homage as -that paid to the Roman Pontiff, and turned himself from mortal into a -sort of demigod or idol. But foreigners and Catholics noted that though -people knelt as he rode past, His Majesty bestowed no blessing upon -them. This slavish etiquette continued throughout the reign of Edward -VI,[47] but was modified when Mary renounced the titular position of -Head of the Church. Elizabeth, however, demanded, and, what is more, -received, _quasi_-divine honours from her subjects. - -Yet another point of resemblance between the Courts of England and the -Ottoman at this period: Whitehall, like the Seraglio, was gay and -brilliant on the surface, but in each case there was an undercurrent of -terror and suspicion. The Tudor Court swarmed with spies and informers, -and often a thoughtless jest, a careless remark, spitefully retailed -at headquarters, would send men or women to the Tower, or even to -the stake. Folks went in fear and trembling lest what they had said -overnight in their cups might be brought home to them with appalling -consequences in the morning. This state of abject and habitual fear -engendered habits of whispering and talking apart and an atmosphere of -mystery, in spite of which the gossip and rumours of the King’s own -chamber passed to the pages, grooms, and serving-men in the courtyards -below, and thence to the general public, as rapidly as news flies -nowadays by telephone and telegraph. - -There can be no doubt that Jane Grey, the daughter of one so closely -connected with the throne as was the Marchioness of Dorset, must often -have mingled in the gaudy crowd that thronged her grand-uncle’s palace. -Henry was as “fond of children as he was of pastry,” although, for -obvious reasons, he did not display any overweening affection for his -own offspring. This engaging little niece, now about six years of age, -is likely to have found favour in the monarch’s sight, and Jane Grey, -for all we know, may even have throned it on her dread relative’s -august knee. Cranmer’s hand, too, must have rested in benediction -upon her head, and she may, perchance, have won the smile of Gardiner -and of Bonner. She must often have heard the sick King, who had lost -his own fine voice, accompany his favourite fool, Will Somers, on -the lute, in some song or hymn of his own composition. She must have -been familiar with the two Seymour brothers; with the dreamy face and -austere manner of the Earl of Hertford, and the bluff good-nature of -Sir Thomas. She may even have been tossed in the strong arms of John -Dudley, at this time Lord High-Admiral of England and Viscount de -Lisle, reputed a “magnificent gentleman,” but otherwise of secondary -importance. Wriothesley, Rich, and foredoomed Surrey and his father, -old Norfolk, must often have watched her run along, clinging to her -portly mother’s trailing brocades as she passed on her way to and from -the King’s cabinet, and may even have whispered one to the other that -the little damsel would surely be as good a match for young Prince -Edward as the Scottish Queen’s daughter, Mary Stuart. In the apartment -of her grand-aunt the Queen, where that busy little lady nestled like -a sultana among her innumerable soft pillows and cushions,[48] encased -in cloth of gold and silver, the child Jane must have heard much -evangelical counsel from the erstwhile widow Latimer, who found some -consolation in the gorgeousness of her thraldom for the loss of her -handsome lover, Sir Thomas Seymour. - -The Queen’s lodgings were parted from the King’s by a short corridor, -and nearly all her windows overlooked the Thames. Here Katherine Parr -played the housewife, and in the midst of her tapestries and brocades -and her “stretches” of silver and gold cloth, made poultices for -Henry’s ulcered legs, wrote her pious treaties on probity and prayers, -and probably counted the hours till the Lord in His mercy should -deliver her royal spouse from his sore sufferings. In these rooms, -perhaps, Jane Grey sat for her miniature to Lavinia Tyrling; Bartolomeo -Penni may here have limned her diminutive but very pretty features; and -we fancy we can see Mr. Crane or Mr. John Heywood, His Majesty’s chief -virginal players, teaching her the notes upon the King’s “favourite -virginal,” the one “enlaid with gold and mother-of-pearl.” In the last -months of Henry’s life, when Lady Jane is known to have been much with -Katherine Parr, the little girl may have listened with delight to the -wonderful warbling of the King’s Italian singers, Alberto of Venice, -Marc Antonio Galiadello of Brescia, or Giorgio da Cremona, as they -vainly endeavoured to soothe the sufferings of the dying monarch by -their elaborate _cadenze_. - -Queen Katherine soon made her influence felt at Court. She could not -control the violent passions of her wayward lord, but she did in a -measure modify them, and steered her own course amid the shoals of -regal existence with consummate skill. No breath of scandal ever -sullied her fair name, though Thomas Seymour, back from his convenient -mission to Hungary, was appointed her Chamberlain, and must have been a -good deal in her company. Even her worst enemies never ventured on that -track. When at a later date they planned a blow, which they hoped would -prove fatal to the Queen, they selected her religious leanings, not her -love affairs, as their fell weapon. Katherine Parr, to her credit, lost -no time in reconciling the King with his hitherto neglected daughters. -Princess Mary was near her own age, and had been intimate with her when -she was Lady Latimer. The Emperor’s Ambassadors praise “the new Queen -for her kindness to the daughter of Katherine of Aragon,[49] who now -takes her proper place at Court.” Elizabeth, too, was summoned from her -suburban retreat, but had not been many weeks under her father’s roof -ere he became so exasperated by her pert obstinacy that he summarily -ordered her back to Enfield. In a few weeks, however, Katherine patched -up the quarrel, and on 24th July 1544 Elizabeth wrote Her Majesty, in -Italian, a most graceful letter of thanks for her good offices.[50] -Edward was too delicate to be much in London, but none the less his -stepmother looked after his health with so much “gentleness” that she -soon won his sincere affection and lasting goodwill. He wrote her -letters in Latin, French, and Italian, addressed to his _charisima -Mater_, and full of praise for her beautiful penmanship, which, on -comparison, proves greatly inferior both to his own and to that of -either Elizabeth or Jane Grey. Katherine induced her stepdaughter Mary -to assist in the translation of Erasmus’s _Paraphrase of the Four -Gospels_. The Princess selected that of St. John, and when the work -was finished, an amusing correspondence ensued as to the propriety of -the future Queen of England placing her name, as translator, on the -frontispiece. “I see not why you should reject the praise deservedly -yours,” argued the Queen; and the Princess at last allowed the editor -of the work, the learned Dr. Udall, to allude to the fact that “the -most noble, the most virtuous and the most studious Lady Mary” had a -hand in its success.[51] - -To occupy her own leisure, Queen Katherine devoted herself to the -composition of a quaint book entitled _The Lamentations of a Penitent -Sinner_, a pious work which gives us, at least in one passage, a lucid -idea of the methods employed by Her Majesty to keep her hold over her -extraordinary husband, among which gross flattery was by no means the -least. A copy of this work was once in the possession of John Thelwall, -and was sold at the death of his second wife. It contained a curious -autograph, indicating that it had been given by the Queen to her “dear -cosyn, Jane Grey,” who no doubt read it with veneration and delight. -In this tiny volume Henry had the satisfaction of being likened unto -Moses leading the Children of Israel out of bondage. “I mean by Moses, -King Henry VIII, my most sovereign favourable lord and husband, one (if -Moses had figured any more than Christ) through the excellent grace -of God, meet to be another expressed verity of Moses’ conquest over -Pharaoh (and I mean by this Pharaoh the Bishop of Rome), the greatest -persecutor of all true Christians than ever was Pharaoh of the Children -of Israel.” - -As may well be imagined, Queen Katherine Parr did not fail to use her -influence to obtain prominent positions about the Court for her own -kith and kin. Her uncle and Chamberlain, Sir Thomas Parr, was created -Lord Parr of Horton; her brother was raised from the rank of Baron -Parr of Kendal to be Earl of Essex, in lieu of the lately decapitated -Thomas Cromwell; and her brother-in-law, William Herbert, was knighted. -These gentlemen received their new dignities in the Chapel Royal, but -were not entertained in one of the apartments spread with Persian -carpets. Their dinner was served in the choir-boys’ mess-room, in -which a fresh litter of rushes was strewn for the occasion--a curious -fact, which leads one to conclude that the acting master of ceremonies -expected the party to indulge in libations which might result in some -injury to Oriental rugs but were not likely to do much damage to -fresh rushes costing 3s. 6d. the litter. Parr had to pay 40s. for his -new paraphernalia, and the choir-boys got 10s. for singing after the -dinner.[52] - -On 14th July 1544 King Henry sailed from Dover for France to -superintend in person the approaching siege of Boulogne. He left our -shores in a vessel with sails made of cloth of gold, the glitter of -which does not appear to have added to the ship’s speed, for the King -did not get to Calais for nearly twenty-four hours, although the -weather was fine, and the sea calm--probably too calm. The last time he -had crossed the Channel, on his way to the Field of the Cloth of Gold, -Henry had acted the part of pilot, garbed in nether garments of cloth -of gold, and had blown the pilot’s whistle as loud as any trumpeter. -This time he was too anxious and enfeebled to play at all. His Majesty -was attended by his brother-in-law, the Duke of Suffolk, also a very -sick man; by Sir William Herbert, who acted as his spear-bearer, by the -Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Surrey, the Spanish Duke of Alberqurque, -John Dudley, the Lord High-Admiral, afterwards Duke of Northumberland, -and half the English nobility. Before his departure he appointed the -Queen Regent of England and Ireland, with power to sign all official -and State documents, this being almost the first occasion on which a -Queen-Consort of England held so responsible a position. The Earl of -Hertford was to be Her Majesty’s constant attendant, but should he -chance to be temporarily absent, Cranmer was to remain with her, and -with these two, Sir William Petre and Lord Parr of Horton, her Grace’s -uncle, Wriothesley, and Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, were to sit in -council. - -During this regency Katherine kept aloof from politics and occupied -herself principally with assisting the University of Cambridge and with -the royal children, who were left in her charge. Princess Mary, who -was an almost constant guest during the King’s absence, and Princess -Elizabeth, were both invited to join the circle at Oatlands, where -Prince Edward was residing, and whither, owing to an outbreak of the -plague, the Queen herself soon retired. From the various suburban -palaces in which she was residing, Katherine addressed letters almost -daily to the King, giving him accounts of the health and the doings -of his children; and the monarch vouchsafed in return to write most -approvingly of all she did. Towards the middle of August the Lady -Dorset and her daughter, the Lady Jane Grey, came to Oatlands for a -few days’ visit. This was perhaps the first and probably the only -time spent by Lady Jane and Prince Edward under the same roof. The -royal kinsfolk may have lived a very quiet life, spending their days -in the gardens and park, and their evenings either listening to the -singing of Princess Mary, who is reputed to have had a magnificent -contralto voice, or to Princess Elizabeth’s playing upon the virginals, -an art in which she already excelled. The Queen may perchance have -favoured the company with a chapter or so from some one or other of her -remarkably dull theological compositions. There is no evidence that -she was a musician, and she does not seem to have been infected with -the prevailing Court vice--gambling--in which even the pious Princess -Mary indulged, frequently losing much more than she could pay--as -demonstrated by the Household Books of Henry VIII. - -Boulogne capitulated to Suffolk on 16th September, after a lengthy -siege, and on the 18th, the King, accompanied by the Duke of -Alberqurque, representing his ally the Emperor, received the keys of -the city from his brother-in-law’s hands, and made what he was pleased -to consider his triumphal entry into the town. But he rode through a -city untenanted and in ruins; even the magnificent Cathedral had not -been spared, and the townsfolk, who had fled for security, as they -hoped, to Hardelot and Etaples, were massacred, man, woman, and child, -by the allied Spanish, German, and English troops. English historians -have been reticent in dealing with the siege of Boulogne,[53] and -the majority have passed very lightly over the disagreement which -soon broke out between our King and his ally the Emperor.[54] Charles -now urged Henry to join him and march on Paris. Henry, who knew his -troops to be enfeebled by hardship and suffering, and moreover felt -himself far too ill to supervise fresh military operations, would go -no farther, more especially because he feared to infuriate the French -King, who might at any moment ally himself with his former enemy -the Emperor Charles, and thus form a Catholic coalition absolutely -inimical to the policy of the English King. Henry’s hesitation -undoubtedly saved the city of Paris. Seeing the Emperor’s troops -approach the capital, Francis roused himself for a moment from the -lethargy in which he had been plunged, and once more became the hero -of Marignano. The King’s attitude and the bravery of the Dauphin, -who was covering the capital with 8000 men, stimulated the drooping -spirits of the Parisians, and, with their usual heroism, they prepared -to offer a stout resistance to their foes. They even made merry at -the expense of their two arch-enemies, ridiculing the gouty Emperor -and caricaturing the corpulent English King--a proof, if one were -lacking, that the fatal diseases destined eventually to carry Henry -off had already made sufficient progress to excite general attention. -Queen Eleanor, the neglected wife of Francis I, foreseeing the horrors -to which the capital and its inhabitants were exposed, determined, -without consulting her husband, to plead personally with the Emperor. -Accompanied by a Spanish monk named Guzman, she proceeded to the -Imperial tent, and casting herself upon her knees before Charles, then -writhing in agonies of gout, obtained terms from him, thus averting a -siege which must have cost rivers of blood. The peace then concluded -was none too satisfactory, so far as England was concerned, since -it stipulated that Boulogne was to be restored in the space of six -years, during which time the place lost us in money and men far more -than it was worth. Never, indeed, was there a more futile expedition -than this, nor a greater waste of money. The much-talked-of sails of -cloth of gold wafted the King home on 1st October 1544. In London he -was received with little enthusiasm, or none at all. The nation was -disappointed by the terms of the peace, the army was disorganised, -Norfolk already out of favour, and Surrey, accused of insubordination, -was openly disgraced. Boulogne was left in the hands of Jane Grey’s -future father-in-law, Lord High-Admiral John Dudley. - -The health of Lady Jane’s maternal grandfather, Charles Brandon, Duke -of Suffolk, failed him completely soon after his return to England. -He seems to have suffered from a complication of disorders not unlike -those which were afflicting his brother-in-law, the King. After the -siege of Boulogne, he appears to have been of very little use, and -eighteen months later he retired with his Duchess to Guildford Castle -“in much suffering and pain.” There is a portrait extant of Charles -Brandon, taken at this time, which represents him seated in a large -armchair, his head bound up in a sort of nightcap, and his swollen and -gouty feet, one of which rests on a stool, enveloped in bandages. The -bloated face bears a weird resemblance to Henry VIII. Brandon died at -Guildford in 1546 after a long illness, during which he was nursed by -his Duchess and his two daughters, the Ladies Frances and Eleanor, the -former of whom brought her eldest daughters, Jane and Katherine, with -her. By his will Charles Brandon left, after deducting a rather meagre -dower for his wife, the bulk of his vast fortune to his two sons, -with remainder to his daughters in unequal shares, the Lady Frances, -in the case of the death of her two brothers, inheriting considerably -more than two-thirds of her father’s lands and money. He desired to be -buried in Lincolnshire, but Henry, overlooking this request, caused -his body to be conveyed to Windsor, where it was interred with great -pomp in St. George’s Chapel, in the presence of his family and of a -multitude of courtiers. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -MRS. ANNE ASKEW - - -It was in the latter years of Henry VIII’s reign that Stephen Gardiner, -Bishop of Winchester, conceived his scheme for the reconciliation of -England and England’s monarch with the Roman Pontiff. Although a less -astute intriguer than his powerful opponent Cranmer, Gardiner, who was -apt to lose his temper and blurt out things best kept to himself, was -a man of marked ability, one of whom his crafty master made frequent -use, playing him off against the Archbishop, and so retaining the -balance of power in his own jealous hands. Cranmer was at this period -using his influence with Henry to abolish the use of Latin in the -Mass, preparatory to the eventual introduction of the Book of Common -Prayer and the early and total abrogation of the Eucharistic Service -in the Roman sense. Yet the wily Churchman knew right well that so -long as the King lived there was but faint hope of this change. For -His Majesty clung to the doctrine of Transubstantiation closer than to -any other tenet; not so much on account of his faith--did he believe -anything?--as because, in the days of his youth, he had indited a work -in defence of the Catholic doctrine of the Sacraments, which, so his -clergy had averred, proved him wiser than Solomon himself, and which -Pope Leo X had favourably compared with the writings of St. Augustine -and Gregory the Great, rewarding the royal author with that title of -“Defender of the Faith” which is still a cherished appanage of British -royalty. Henry had even made belief in the Sacrament of the Altar a -principal Article amongst the famous Six, any denial of which was -punishable with death. Yet, if the King had searched Cranmer’s study -at Lambeth at the very moment when that wily prelate was professing -to accept his beliefs from his King, as submissively as though the -monarch had possessed the infallible powers of his own Maker, he might -have laid his hand on a bulky correspondence between the Primate and -every Lutheran and Calvinistic leader in Germany and Switzerland--with -Calvin, Bullinger, Œcolampadius, Osiander, Dryander, Bucer, and the -rest. Gardiner, on his side, was in communication with Cardinal Pole, -Charles V, the Pope, and the entire papal party at home and abroad. -This duel between the papal leader and the Reformers, then, was the -true basis of all political undertakings at this momentous crisis. The -rival parties were really preparing themselves for the departure of -the dying King, and aimed at controlling the inevitable Protectorate, -necessitated by the minority of his successor, a lad of nine summers. -Had Gardiner, the Howards, and the Catholic party won the day, history -would have had little, perhaps nothing, to record concerning Lady Jane -Grey. Her name, like that of her accomplished friend Lady Jane Seymour, -daughter of Lord Hertford, would have been lost, buried in the spent -sands of the past. - -The decline of the King’s health began in the summer of 1541-2, when he -was attacked by a dangerous tertian fever, from which, thanks to his -powerful constitution, he partially recovered. - -At the time of his marriage with Anne of Cleves he was again in poor -health, and during the proceedings for the King’s divorce from his -Dutch consort, Cranmer laid great stress on the fact that although -she had shared his chamber for six months, the bride was still to all -intents and purposes unwed. At the siege of Boulogne, as we have seen, -Henry was terribly altered, and the French ballad-writers jested about -_le cercle de fer_, which, they averred, kept his ungainly carcass -together. Queen Katherine was probably espoused rather as a skilful -nurse than as a wife, in the ordinary acceptance of the term, and a -most assiduous attendant she proved, kneeling for hours at a time -rubbing his swelled legs and dressing his many ulcers. It would be -unjust to the Queen’s memory to attribute this wifely devotion to none -but selfish motives. But her contemporaries shrewdly guessed that, -while fulfilling her wifely duty, she did not fail to work in her own -interest, and that of her friends, with her own peculiar skill and -tact. She certainly wished to be appointed Regent during Edward’s -minority, and would gladly have excluded the Howards, Wriothesley, -Gardiner, Rich, and the whole Catholic element from the King’s -sick-room, while doing all she could to strengthen the hand of the -Seymours, maternal uncles of the future King, who were intent on ruling -his kingdom for him on strictly anti-papal lines. In the spring of the -year 1546 the King had a bad relapse, and day by day the grey shadows -of approaching death deepened on that broad and bloated countenance. -He would not have the grim word mentioned in his presence, and any -courtier who appeared before him dressed in mourning[55]--even for -the nearest kin--was driven in fury from his sight. None the less, -he realised that he had not many months to live. It was imperative, -therefore, if any reconciliation with Rome was to be effected before -the new reign began, that no time should be lost, and that some sharp -and decisive blow should overthrow the influence of the Queen, now the -chief intermediary between her sick spouse, Cranmer, and the Seymours. -But Katherine, in spite of the notoriety of her intimate friendship -with Sir Thomas Seymour, was far too clever to give her enemies any -chance of blasting, or even smirching, her reputation. With respect -to her religious opinions, which were distinctly heterodox, she was -less guarded, however, and her enemies had good reason to believe that -if they could convince the King, beyond any doubt, that she was in -correspondence with those whom he was pleased to term “heretics,” she -would never be able to weather the storm her treachery must inevitably -raise in the King’s resentful breast. - -Henry, whose brain remained astonishingly active, notwithstanding his -infirmities, had never been so irritable and ferocious as during the -last few months of his life. He was like a half-dead rattlesnake, which -may recover life and spring afresh upon its prey at any moment. Never -were the fires at Smithfield so active as in 1546. Early in this year -six poor wretches were sent to the stake--three Catholics; the other -three, Reformers. To demonstrate the impartiality of their merciless -judge they were all chained together. People scarcely knew what they -must believe or what disbelieve, to escape execution. The King’s -informers were always at work, spying upon the sayings and doings of -people in every rank of life; and the wonder is that the Queen and -her ladies were not caught in some imprudent admission or other, and -convicted. At last, however, in the early spring of 1546, an incident -occurred which brought Katherine’s foes their longed-for chance of -effecting her downfall. - -Anne Askew, second daughter of Sir William Askew, or Ayscough, of -South Kelsy, Lincolnshire, was born at Stallingbrough, near Grimsby, -in 1521. When about fifteen years of age, she was married, without her -consent, to Mr. Thomas Kyme, a Lincolnshire squire and neighbour, who -had been previously “contracted” to her elder sister. During her early -wedded life Mrs. Kyme appears to have been happy enough, and became -the mother of two children. She presently occupied herself in studying -the newly translated Scriptures, and shortly after imagined she had a -divine mission to preach the gospel and correct what she deemed the -theological errors of her neighbours, especially on the subject of the -Lord’s Supper, concerning which she held Genevan views. - -After a few years of discomfort, Mr. Kyme, who, according to the -latest researches, entertained contrary religious opinions to those of -his wife, began to complain of the scanty enjoyment he derived from -her society. She was perpetually “gadding up and down the country, -a-gospelling and a-gossiping, instead of looking after her children.” -Anne is described as a handsome and daring young woman with a good -deal of native wit and ability, and was evidently the prototype of not -a few ladies of our own time, who prefer public life and controversy -to domestic duty and retirement. She even took upon herself to read -and comment on the New Testament in the nave of Lincoln Cathedral, -where she was often to be found surrounded by an interested or amused -group of priests and people. This state of things no Dean or Chapter -could be expected to endure, and one fine day Mrs. Kyme found herself -forcibly ejected from the sacred edifice. After this incident, she must -have had some unusual disagreement with her husband, for her relations -persuaded her to leave the town, and she travelled to London, where -she soon made herself conspicuous as a preacher of the new learning, -and secured several distinguished converts. She lodged in a house near -the Temple, and one of her neighbours, Mr. Wadloe, a hot Catholic, who -began by deriding her behaviour, ended by admiring her “godliness”; to -use his own expression--“At mydnyght when I and others applye ourselves -to sleape, or do worse, Mrs. Askew” (she had resumed her maiden name), -“begins to pray, and ceaseth not in many howers after,” doubtless to -the edification of such of her neighbours as suffered from insomnia. - -By dint of perseverance, and also, it may be, through her connections, -Anne Askew formed the acquaintance of several great ladies of the -Court, and is said to have obtained, through the offices of the Duchess -of Suffolk, an interview with the Queen, to whom, in the presence -of her ladies, notably Lady Tyrwhitt, Lady Lane, Lady Denny, and -the little Lady Jane Grey,[56] she offered some copies of Tyndale’s -version of the New Testament, and certain tracts arguing against -Transubstantiation, which were subsequently found in the Queen’s own -closet and in the possession of the King’s “Suffolk nieces.” - -It was in March 1545 that Mrs. Askew was first arrested on a charge -of heresy and taken to Sadler’s Hall, where she was denounced to the -civil authorities and taken before the Lord Mayor, who in the course -of his examination questioned her as to the probable changes in a -consecrated wafer after a “mowse” had swallowed it, whereupon she -“made no answer but smiled,” and was committed to the Counter. That -much-abused man, Bishop Bonner, appears to have taken an interest -in her case, and endeavoured to save her from an awful fate. He -granted her a private interview and drew up a form of recantation -which she signed in the following ambiguous terms: “I, Anne Askew, -do believe all manner of things contained in the Catholic Church and -not otherwise.” On this, Bonner, whose patience had been severely -tried,--for Anne was very sharp-tongued and uncompromising,--waxed -wroth, and taking her by the shoulders, pushed her out of the chamber. -Her next friend was Dr. Weston, afterwards Bishop of Westminster, who -got her liberated on her own security; and for some months we hear no -more about her, except that she was busy preaching and distributing -her tracts secretly. On 10th May 1546 both Mr. and Mrs. Kyme received -a summons to present themselves within a specified time before the -Privy Council, then sitting at Greenwich, and they accordingly appeared -on the 19th of the following June before the Chancellor of the -Augmentations, Sir Richard Rich, the Bishops of Durham and Winchester -and a number of other noblemen and gentlemen, and were put through a -severe cross-examination.[57] Anne, we learn, received this summons in -London, but her husband came to town on purpose to attend. Kyme got -off with a caution, on his promise to return forthwith to Lincoln, -and remain there. His wife, in open court, declared she would never -again recognise him as her husband. He went back to Lincoln, and we -lose sight of him. All we know is that he died, where he is buried, at -Friskne in 1591. - -Anne Askew was eventually arraigned before the King’s Justices at -Guildhall for speaking against the Sacrament of the Altar, contrary to -the Statute of the Six Articles. This time she appeared with two other -“heretics,” one of them that singular personage Dr. Nicholas Shaxton, -ex-Bishop of Salisbury, whose pupil she is said to have been. Shaxton, -a Norfolk man by birth, was one of the Commission appointed by Gardiner -in connection with the divorce of Katherine of Aragon, and during the -proceedings he so favoured the King’s view that he eventually became -almoner to Anne Boleyn and Bishop of Salisbury. At a later date he -preached Zwinglian doctrines concerning the Eucharist, got himself -into serious difficulties with Archbishop Cranmer, and was forced to -relinquish his see. After a time he became a notorious “gospeller,” -and was finally arrested with Anne Askew and a man named Christopher -White. The lady and White were both sent to Newgate; but the former -recanted, and so escaped a fiery ordeal. Shaxton did the same, obtained -his pardon, and was actually ordered to visit Anne in prison, and -persuade her to follow his example. But, weak woman though she was, -Anne was made of sterner stuff than the ex-prelate. “It were better for -you you had not been born than do that which you have done,” cried she; -and, crestfallen, her former friend and tutor left her presence. Her -condemnation followed immediately afterwards. It was presently noticed -that Anne enjoyed more creature comforts in prison than the customs -of Newgate allowed. She explained the matter by saying that “her maid -went abroad into the streets and made moan to the prentices and they -did send her money!” But her persecutors refused to believe this story, -and so one afternoon, not long before her martyrdom, she was conveyed -to the Tower, taken to the torture chamber, and there racked in the -presence of Lord Chancellor Wriothesley, Sir Richard Rich, Sir John -Barker, and Sir Anthony Knyvett, Constable of the Tower. Hitherto no -one had been tortured in England for conscience’ sake, this terrible -resource being solely employed to extract information from persons -suspected of treasonable practices. Wriothesley, exasperated at his -failure to elicit direct information or satisfactory answers from his -victim, turned the screws himself, after Knyvett had refused to order -her to be further tormented by the official executioner. Sir Richard -Rich lent his hand to the Chancellor in this merciless task, and so, to -use poor Anne’s own words, she “was nigh dead.”[58] - -Dr. Lingard and other historians have cast doubt upon the veracity of -this horrible story, but the scene is described by Anne herself in -her “Narrative,” dictated a few days before her death, and published -at Marburg, in the Duchy of Hesse, in 1547, with a long running -commentary by John Bale, afterwards Bishop of Ossory. In his _Three -Conversions of England_, the Jesuit, Father Parsons, who had access -to much information and evidence long since destroyed or lost, not -only confirms the truth of the torture episode, but adds that it was -ordered by the King himself, who, hearing of the intercourse between -his Queen and Anne, “caused her to be apprehended and put to the rack, -to know the truth thereof. And by her confession he learned so much of -Queen Katherine, as he had purposed to burn her also, if he had lived.” -Parsons goes on to say that “the King’s sickness and death, shortly -ensuing, was the chief cause of her escape.” Mrs. Askew bravely endured -the most horrible torments rather than betray her friends’ trust, and -only yielded so far as to admit that whilst in prison she had received -ten shillings, delivered by a man in a blue livery. She thought the -money had been sent her by the Countess of Hertford, but was not sure. -She had a further sum of eight shillings at the hand of a footman in a -purple livery, and believed it was a gift from Lady Denny. Questioned -if she knew Lady Fitzwilliam, the Duchess of Suffolk, Lady Sussex, or -any other great ladies of the Court, she evasively answered that she -“knew nothing about them that could be proved.” She does not seem to -have been questioned point-blank as to whether she had ever had any -direct dealings with the Queen. Wriothesley may have thought he had -already obtained sufficient information for his purpose. However that -may have been, the stout-hearted lady was sent back to Newgate, there -to spend her last three days of life, which she occupied in writing and -dictating the “Narrative” to be found among Dr. Bale’s writings.[59] - -On the eve of her execution Anne Askew and three men who had been -condemned for heresy at the same time as herself were visited in the -little parlour at Newgate by George Throckmorton and his brother, who -were kinsmen of the Queen--a rather suspicious circumstance. They -were cautioned in time, and thus escaped being arrested on a charge -of heresy, which might have proved fatal to themselves and their -royal cousin. John Louthe, the Reformer, who has left us an account -of the meeting, also came, at great risk to himself, to encourage -the unfortunate Anne. Mrs. Askew, with an “Angel’s countenance and -a smiling face,” talked “merrily” with her unhappy companions, John -Laselles, who had been a gentleman in attendance upon the King, and -is supposed to have been the individual who betrayed the secrets of -Katherine Howard; Nicholas Bolenian, a priest from Shropshire; and -John Adams, a tailor. They talked on religious subjects until it was -time to separate. The next day, 16th July, Mrs. Askew and her three -fellow-prisoners were taken from Newgate to Smithfield. So dislocated -were the poor lady’s limbs that she had to be carried to her doom in -a chair. Cranmer, seeking to throw the full odium of the horrible -business on Gardiner, kept much in the background in the whole matter -of Anne Askew. He did not attend the ecclesiastical commission which -condemned her to the stake; but for all that his signature is affixed -to her death-warrant. Six years later, another martyr, Joan Bocher, -one of the last of his many victims, reminded the Archbishop that he -had martyred her friend Anne Askew for teaching more or less the same -doctrines he now preached himself. - -In the 1563 edition of Foxe’s _Martyrs_ there is a most curious -engraving, probably after an original drawing, representing the burning -of Anne Askew and her companions. The spectators are kept back by a -ring fence within which we see the stake, and a quaint pulpit, from -which Dr. Nicholas Shaxton, duly restored to grace, preached a sermon, -supporting the very dogma for denying which he had been prosecuted but -a few days previously. Anne is shown dressed in white; one side of the -pyre is entirely devoted to her, while the three men, apparently naked -to the waist, are bound together, on the side opposite the pulpit. -The concourse of people appears enormous; the mob seems to seethe -round the scaffold, loll out of the surrounding windows, and even -swarm on the opposite roofs. On a raised bench, under a canopy, sit -Wriothesley, Rich, the Dukes of Norfolk, Surrey, “Swearing Russell,” -and the Lord Mayor. These worthies, it appears, were sorely perturbed -by a rumour that there was an unusual amount of gunpowder on the spot, -and were very much afraid of a dangerous explosion. Their terrors were -swiftly allayed when Bedford informed the company that the explosive -in question was merely a number of small bags of gunpowder concealed -about the persons of the victims with the object of shortening their -sufferings. - -At the very last moment Mrs. Askew was offered a pardon on condition -that she recanted and gave up the names of her high-born friends. She -refused: the Lord Mayor shouted _Fiat justitia_, and the faggots were -lighted. Presently the fire crackled. A quick succession of explosions -followed, the smoke concealing the wretched victims from sight. When -the flames and smoke died down only the charred and blackened remains -of four human beings could be descried. Clouds had been gathering; a -peal of thunder rolled, and heavy drops of rain soon dispersed the -throng. The show was over, and the home-returning spectators chatted as -they went, blaming or praising the deed, according to their individual -view. The horror of it does not seem to have affected them much, -although among the Reformers and the better classes of all creeds -expressions of hearty indignation were not lacking. But the masses -were accustomed to such sights of horror, and so, indeed, were our -own immediate forbears, until public executions ceased and the death -sentence was carried out in the courtyards of the prisons. We have -indeed progressed in these matters since 1546 and even since 1868. - -A few days after the burning of the unfortunate Lincolnshire lady, -Foxe tells us, Wriothesley, Gardiner, and Rich waited on the King, and -so persuaded him that Anne had made damaging revelations concerning -the Queen’s intercourse with heretics that Henry “proposed to burn -her also.” His Majesty, in his rage, actually signed a warrant for -the arrest of his offending Consort and handed it to Wriothesley. -That worthy let the paper drop in a corridor or gallery close to the -Queen’s apartment. One of her servants picked it up and carried it to -Her Majesty, who was so terrified by its contents that she fell into -violent hysterics. Her apartments were close to the King’s, and Henry, -overhearing the outcry, and probably disturbed by the noise, sent to -inquire what was amiss. The Queen’s physician, Wendy, informed the -messenger that Her Majesty was dangerously ill, and her sickness, to -his reckoning, caused by sudden and extreme distress of mind. Whereupon -the King sent word that she was not to trouble herself further, as no -ill was intended to her. Greatly comforted by this reassuring message, -Katherine presently felt herself sufficiently recovered to receive a -visit from her husband, who, at great personal inconvenience, caused -himself to be conveyed into her apartment in his chair. Nothing could -have been better calculated to revive the drooping spirits of the -scared Consort than the sight of her august spouse in a good humour. -The following evening she was well enough to return the King’s visit. -She was accompanied by the Lady Tyrwhitt, her sister the Lady Herbert, -by the King’s niece the Lady Jane Grey, and by the Lady Lane, who bore -the candles before Her Majesty. The King welcomed the Queen and her -company very courteously, and, bidding her be seated, in a cheerful -tone entered into a controversial conversation with her. He possibly -wished to “draw” his Consort upon certain theological questions; but -she shrewdly observed that “since God had appointed him Supreme Head -of the Church it was not for her to teach him theology, but to learn -it from him.” “Not so, by St. Mary,” said the King, “you are become -a doctor, Kate, to instruct us, and not to be instructed of us, as -oftentimes we have seen.” “Indeed, indeed, Sire,” quoth the Queen, -“if your Majesty so conceive, my meaning has been mistaken, for I -have always held it preposterous for a woman to instruct her lord.” -“If,” she continued, “I have occasionally ventured to differ with your -Highness on religious matters, it was partly to obtain information, and -also to pass away the pain and weariness of your present infirmity with -arguments that interested you.” “And is it so, sweetheart?” replied His -Majesty, “then we are perfect friends,” and thereupon he kissed her and -gave her leave to depart. - -The day appointed by her foes for the Queen’s arrest chanced to be fine -and the sun shone brightly. The King sent for her to take the early air -with him on the garden terrace overlooking the Thames. Katherine came, -attended as before by her sister, the Lady Herbert, the Lady Lane, -the Lady Tyrwhitt, and the little Lady Jane Grey. They had not been -long walking up and down in the sunshine before the Lord Chancellor, -with forty of the guard, entered the garden, expecting to carry off -the Queen to the Tower--for no intimation of the change in the King’s -intentions had reached him. Henry received his minister with a burst -of furious invective. Bidding the Queen and her ladies stand apart, he -called up Wriothesley and cast every evil name he could think of at -him, commanding him, finally, to “avaunt from his presence and never -show his face again till he was summoned.” Wriothesley, crestfallen and -humbled, was about to withdraw, when the Queen advanced and interceded -for him: “Poor soul, poor soul!” quoth the King; “thou little knowest, -Kate, how ill he deserveth this grace at thy hands. On my hand, -sweetheart, he hath been to thee a very knave!” So the disappointed -minister departed, and Henry walked up and down the terrace again, -leaning on his Queen and followed by her escort of ladies. Although -Wriothesley’s part in this tragi-comedy seems to have been overlooked, -the King is said never to have forgiven Gardiner his share in the -matter. A little later, notwithstanding the royal prohibition, both -conspirators presented themselves with their colleagues. The King -forthwith reminded Wriothesley in his most forcible manner that he had -ordered him never to show his face again, and above all never, on any -pretext whatever, to bring “that beast Gardiner” along with him. “My -Lord of Winchester,” replied the cunning Wriothesley, “has come to -wait upon your Highness with an offer of benevolence from his clergy.” -The King being as usual in great need of money, began to listen -more benignly, allowed Gardiner to present the address, and finally -accepted the bribe.[60] But he took no further notice of the Bishop, -and is said to have struck his name off the list of his executors -within the next few days. He also cancelled that of Thirlby, Bishop of -Westminster, because, said he, “he is too much under the influence of -Gardiner.”[61] Queen Katherine may have had a hand in this affair, and -after the revelation of the treachery which would fain have destroyed -her she very likely took the opportunity of letting the King know more -concerning the machinations of Gardiner and Wriothesley than was good -for their credit or likely to serve their influence. - -The details of this formidable but abortive plot against Katherine -Parr rest mainly on the authority of Foxe. But it must be remembered, -by those inclined to doubt the “Martyrologist,” that at this time he -had attained his thirtieth year, he was in touch with most of the -personages named, and was consequently in a position to obtain the -information which he wove into his famous narrative--not, we admit, -without considerable embellishment and exaggeration, introduced to -suit the taste of his readers--from living witnesses. Foxe also made -liberal use of Paget’s statement during the proceedings for Gardiner’s -deprivation, which took place early in Edward’s reign. All the -Elizabethan and Jacobean historians of Henry VIII--Herbert, Parsons, -Holinshed, Strype, Speed, Oldmixon, and others--reproduce the story -with slight emendations and additions from Foxe. No direct confirmation -of it is to be found indeed in the State Papers, but this is not -surprising, for such matters were not usually set down in writing. -Nevertheless, it is hinted at.[62] Nor do the Ambassadors seem to have -known anything about it. Father Parsons, who, like Foxe, obtained -much of his information at first hand, introduces the incident in his -_Three Conversions of England_, a book written to refute some of Foxe’s -errors, and adds that although Foxe lays “all the cause of the Queen’s -trouble upon Bishop Gardiner and others, and though the King did kindly -and lovingly pardon her, the truth is that the King’s sickness and -death were the chief causes of her escape, for had the King found her -guilty he would have commanded her also to be burned.” - -Speed, possibly mistaking Lady _Lane_ for Lady Jane, introduces -the King’s little niece on this occasion, not only as a witness of -the reconciliation of the royal couple, but in the character of a -candle-bearer before the Queen. Jane Grey, being a Princess of the -Blood, could never have been in _attendance_ upon the Queen, and -she was too small a child to be laden with a pair of heavy branch -candlesticks. Lady Lane, on the other hand, was certainly in the -Queen’s Household at this particular juncture. She was Her Majesty’s -cousin-german, being the daughter of her uncle, Lord Parr of Horton, -and wife of Sir Ralph Lane of Orlingby, Nottinghamshire. Still, -since the fact of her being present is mentioned by so many almost -contemporary writers, we may conclude that Lady Jane was a witness -of the dramatic scenes that took place between King Henry and his -terrified Consort, and may herself, in after life, have narrated the -incident to some friend of Foxe or immediate forbear of Parson’s -informant. Gardiner’s disgrace does not seem to have been quite as -complete as Foxe has been pleased to represent it, and he was in close -enough contact with those in power to be selected as chief celebrant at -the King’s Requiem. - -That the King was completely reconciled to his wife is proved by the -conspicuous part he assigned her in the splendid series of festivities -in honour of the French Envoy, who arrived in August, when the Court -had removed to Hampton Court. Not only was her apartment refurnished -with sumptuous tapestries, but her wardrobe was renewed, and the King -presented her with a quantity of magnificent jewellery, which, after -his death, gave rise to considerable misunderstanding and trouble. - -These festivities in honour of Monsieur d’Annebault, Francis I’s -special Envoy, were the last flicker of the pageantry of Henry VIII’s -reign, and revived for a week something of the brilliance of the -Court of England in the great days of Wolsey. For the first and only -time, Prince Edward, as heir-apparent, played a conspicuous part. On -Monday, 23rd August, the boy-prince rode out towards London to meet -the Ambassador, attended by the Archbishop of York and the Earls of -Hertford and Huntingdon, and by a retinue of “five hundred and forty -persons in velvet coats, and the Prince’s liveries wore sleeves of -cloth of gold, and half the coats embroidered also with gold, and there -were the number of eight hundred, royally apparelled.” D’Annebault, -who came to ratify the peace recently concluded between the sovereigns -of France and England, was accompanied by a suite of two hundred -gentlemen, who were all lodged at the King’s expense and entertained -in the most hospitable manner. His Majesty was not well enough to -receive the Ambassador on his arrival, but he received him in audience -on the following day, after which monarch and Ambassador proceeded -to the Chapel Royal, where, during Mass, they solemnly received the -Host together.[63] Then followed six days of banqueting, hunting, and -merry-making, masques, and mummeries, “with divers and sundry changes, -inasmuch that the torch-bearers were clothed with gold cloth, and -such like honourable entertainments, it were much to utter and hard -to believe.” On these occasions the Marchioness of Dorset and her -daughter, the Lady Jane Grey, were present, and Prince Edward danced -with his little cousin, who also tripped it with young Lord Edward -Seymour, the Lord Hertford’s eldest boy. When the Ambassador took his -leave, Henry made him a present of silver plate to the value of £1200. -After his departure the dying King seems to have led a very quiet life -at Hampton Court and Whitehall. The end was visibly approaching. His -feet and hands were abnormally swollen; dropsy had set in, and he was -probably also suffering from an internal tumour. Even his most fervent -admirers were obliged to confess that in appearance, at least, he had -assumed somewhat of the aspect of a monster; but music still charmed -the suffering monarch, and the last Household Books of his reign -contain various items of payments to musicians and madrigal singers. - - NOTE.--Dr. Gairdner makes the following comments on this subject in - his Preface to vol. 21, part i. of the Calendar of State Papers for - 1546 (published in 1908): “But one word may be permitted here about - that dreadful incident, the racking in the Tower. It took place - _after_ her (Anne’s) condemnation, the object being to elicit from - her information about persons at the Court who it was suspected had - been her allies in promoting heresy. Besides others whose names - are given, against whom she positively refused to utter a word, - she was probably expected to accuse Queen Katherine Parr herself; - for Parsons (_Three Conversions of England_, ii. 493) is no doubt - perfectly correct in saying that the well-known incident related by - Foxe, about this Queen, when she stood in real danger from a charge - of heresy, was connected with the affair of Anne Askew. But Parsons - is certainly wrong in saying that the King would have burned - Katherine Parr also if he had lived. For though her heretical - propensities were no secret, she survived the King, and he himself - for fully six months survived Anne Askew. More probably the Queen - was saved by Anne’s refusal to commit anyone except herself.” - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -THE HOWARDS AND THE SEYMOURS - - -The collapse of the conspiracy against Katherine Parr led to an -immediate counter-plot on the part of the Seymours and their allies -to compromise the Duke of Norfolk and his son, Surrey, and thereby -frustrate the aspirations of the Catholics, of whose party Norfolk was -the acknowledged chief. A previous attempt to inflict irretrievable -damage on the credit of the Howards had partially failed, though the -unsavoury revelations connected with the arrest and execution of -Queen Katherine Howard had covered the illustrious name with obloquy, -and almost every conspicuous Howard in England had been sent to the -Tower,[64] on the charge of having concealed the Queen’s previous -immorality from the King’s knowledge when he proposed to marry her. At -that moment Norfolk and his son only escaped by taking Henry’s side -against their miserable kinswoman. But the Duke never regained his full -influence over his master, and, despite his great services, both as -statesman and warrior, lived on, to use the expression of one of his -contemporaries, “like the bird that is wounded i’ the wing.” Yet he was -a great power in the politics of those days, for though the Catholic -party was of but small account at Court, a good two-thirds of the -people remained firmly attached to the ancestral faith; this was the -case more especially in the rural districts, where the vast majority -clung to the dogmas and ceremonies of the ancient Church, and only -awaited an opportunity to assert their preference. For the matter of -that, it was shown very early in Queen Mary’s reign that the Protestant -fervour of the official world, being a matter of policy rather than of -conviction, was not to be relied on. The majority of that aristocracy -which had so eagerly accepted the extreme reforms assented to by Edward -VI was to be seen, a few weeks after his death, parading the streets of -London, taper in hand, in the wake of the revived processions of Corpus -Christi and Our Lady.[65] - -Thomas Howard, third Duke of Norfolk, was one of the most conspicuous -figures in Henry’s reign. He may not, perhaps, have been as astute a -statesman as has been asserted, but he showed remarkable qualities -as a capable peacemaker on the occasion of the Pilgrimage of Grace; -while as a warrior he had no rival, and proved himself a hero on -Flodden Field. If anything, he was excessive in his loyalty to the -King, and he would even seem to have sunk all sense of his own -dignity and importance, humbling himself utterly before the monarch -whose assumption of _quasi_-divine attributes he had aided and -abetted. Thus, when his niece Anne Boleyn was tried and executed for -misdemeanours she was certainly not proved to have committed,[66] -he, at her royal assassin’s command, pronounced the death sentence, -and with his son, the young Earl of Surrey, who sat at his feet, -holding the Earl Marshal’s baton in his hand, was actually present -at her execution. When, some few years later, Norfolk’s other niece, -Katherine Howard, was proved guilty of many serious offences, both -before and after marriage, Norfolk sat in judgment upon her and would -have witnessed her death too but for an attack of gout which kept him -a prisoner. Two days after the execution he penned an abject letter -to the King apologising for “the naughtiness of his said niece, the -late Queen.”[67] In person, Norfolk was a dark, handsome man, of -moderate stature, with piercing eyes and an exceedingly intelligent -countenance. Holbein has left us several magnificent oil portraits of -him, and at least one noble drawing, now in the Windsor Collection. He -was fairly educated, a good Latin scholar, and a patron of art. His -first wife, Princess Anne Plantagenet, the King’s aunt, died young in -1512. The day on which he espoused his second,[68] the handsome Lady -Elizabeth Stafford, was an evil one for him. The alliance was one of -convenience on his side and of compulsion on hers. His duchy had been -greatly impoverished by the attainder of his father, the second Duke, -after Bosworth, and the luckless Buckingham’s daughter was possessed -of a handsome fortune in money and wide lands. She had been previously -contracted to Ralph Nevill, afterwards Earl of Westmoreland, to whom -she was greatly attached and with whom she kept up a correspondence -till the end of her life. Although she bore her husband five children, -the Duchess of Norfolk suffered some neglect at his hands, her rival -being a certain Bess Holland,[69] a gentlewoman in her service. The -mortification caused by this outrage drove the poor Duchess to the -verge of distraction. She seems to have been a naturally conscientious, -if narrow-minded, woman, of an exceedingly high-strung and excitable -temperament. We should describe her nowadays as an “impossible” person, -whose lack of tact and outbursts of uncontrollable rage not only -alienated her husband’s affections, but deprived her of her children’s -love as well as of her servants’ respect. - -Of all the men of his time, Surrey, this ill-used lady’s son, was the -most accomplished. He was an excellent Latin, French, and Italian -scholar, and well versed in ancient and modern literature. No one could -excel him in tourney or joust--not even John Dudley, afterwards Duke -of Northumberland, who had exceeding skill with the sword and spear, -and than whom scarce one could pull a bow with surer aim. Surrey danced -more lightly than Thomas Seymour, who prided himself on the “altitude -of his pirouettes,” and the King himself in his singing youth did not -warble a sweeter note. No Englishman since Chaucer had so enriched our -literature with verse all redolent of those sweet-scented fields and -lanes, meadows and gardens amid which the poet’s muse loved best to -linger. An Elizabethan critic well described him as “a poet new crept -out of the school of Dante, Petrarch, and Ariosto,” and “coming nearer -to Ariosto” than to either the prophet of Florence or the inspired -singer of Vaucluse. Though of but medium height, Surrey was so graceful -and well-proportioned as to seem taller than he really was. There is a -portrait of him at Hampton Court, most probably by Guilliam Streete, -which gives us a fair idea of this prince for a fairy-tale. The face is -full of youthful charm: the eyes hazel, frank, and winning; the cheeks -rounded and flushed with rosy health; the hair a darkish chestnut; the -slight moustache of the colour of ripe corn. His costume is superb. The -young Earl stands before us garbed from head to foot in red velvet, -softened by bands of brocade and sarsenet, the only white spot visible -being the silk shirt open at the neck, and even that enriched with a -dainty arabesque wrought in gold stitchery. On his well-shaped head -rests a jaunty cap of crimson velvet with a feathered plume of the same -tint. - -There was much that was purely personal in the violent animosity -displayed by the Seymours against the Howards in general and against -Surrey in particular. The Seymours, although of far more ancient and -well-ascertained lineage than either the Brandons or the Boleyns, -were not of the great aristocracy, but, in a sense, what the modern -French would call _arrivistes_. Had it not been for the accident which -raised their sister Jane to the towering position of Queen-Consort, -the Seymours would probably have remained what they originally were, -mere country squires of excellent lineage, reputed to be remotely -connected with royalty. Their father,[70] Sir William St. Maur, or -Seymour, of Wolf’s Hall, Wiltshire, had on one occasion entertained -King Henry VIII; and their mother, Lady Seymour, by birth a Wentworth, -and a lineal descendant of Edward III, was highly connected; but -otherwise there was nothing in their antecedents to distinguish them -from scores of other equally respectable and wealthy country gentlemen. -The sudden[71] elevation of their sister Jane brought them a rapid -promotion, which first dazzled them and then turned their heads. -Honours and positions were heaped upon them. Edward, the eldest son, -was first created Viscount Beauchamp, and, after the birth of Prince -Edward, Earl of Hertford; the second, Thomas, was knighted. The -youngest, Henry, seems to have preferred obscurity and security to rank -and risk, and lived the life of a country gentleman, married young, and -merely accepted knighthood on Edward VI’s accession. - -The ranks of the old aristocracy had been thinned by the prolonged -civil wars and the plague, and towards the middle of the century the -Court was so full of new men that at the time of Henry’s last illness -there were only two dukes in the peerage--Norfolk, then seventy-two; -and Suffolk, a lad of seventeen. The new peers, whose fortunes were -mainly derived from confiscated church property, were eager to obtain -recognition from the few of the old aristocracy who yet remained, -and more especially from the Howards, a sturdy race, full of sap and -vigour, and conspicuous in Court and State. The Duke of Norfolk was -too experienced a man, both socially and politically, to permit his -inborn pride of birth to display itself out of season. With Surrey it -was otherwise. In his case, pride of ancestry was something more than -a mere matter of vulgar boast. He regarded it with a poet’s eye and -imagination, and took delight in remembering that through his veins -flowed the blood of emperors and kings who had founded realms and -dynasties, and built up the glory of a great nation. In the beginning -of the fifteenth century a marriage between Robert Howard and the Lady -Margaret Mowbray had brought the illustrious house into alliance with -royalty. His father’s first wife had been the reigning King’s aunt, -and his mother, Elizabeth Stafford, had a right to quarter Royal Arms -on her escutcheon. With such a pedigree, and in an age when rank was -paramount, Surrey conceived himself sufficiently powerful to hold his -own against the encroachments of a new peerage only too eager to claim -a fellowship which offended his sense of propriety. - -When the Seymours first came to Court, in the heyday of their youth and -good looks, they sought young Surrey’s society, just as in our day new -people seek that of a leader of the “smartest set.” So long as they -kept their place, Surrey consorted with them willingly enough; but -their rapacity and arrogance jarred on him at last, and he resented -their many attempts at over-familiarity. He himself, on occasion, was -apt to transgress the bounds of good behaviour, and once upon a time, -being in lodgings in St. Lawrence Lane, Old Jewry, and leading what he -himself is pleased to call a “racketty life,” went brawling about the -streets at midnight with young William Pickering[72] and young Wyatt, -the poet’s son, casting stones into peaceful citizens’ windows, and -frightening them out of their wits. One night the party rowed over in -a boat to Southwark, where dwelt in those days that gay and facile -sisterhood whose representatives, in this year of Grace, 1909, patrol -more central parts of our great city. In this fast company, our young -gentlemen, evidently in their cups, behaved disgracefully. On Surrey’s -part such conduct was all the more unseemly since he was already -married to the plain-faced, but wealthy, Lady Frances Vere,[73] Lord -Oxford’s daughter, to whom he declared himself devotedly attached. -These escapades ended by attracting public attention, and their heroes -were arrested for disorderly conduct. Thanks to their rank, they were -brought before the Privy Council,[74] instead of being haled before -an ordinary justice, though, as ill-luck would have it, Edward, Lord -Hertford, was presiding at the Council board. The opportunity of paying -off a few old scores was too much for him, and he swiftly resolved to -give Surrey good cause to remember him in future. A very comical and -characteristic scene ensued.[75] Surrey, mimicking Hertford, who was -nothing if not puritanical in his mode of expressing himself, “having -ever God on his lips,” assured the Council that if he had done what he -had, it had been for the good of the souls of the wicked citizens of -London, who were behaving more abominably than the men of papal Rome. -Had he not seen them sitting round tables and playing at cards in the -late hours of the night?--and was it not a godly thing to whizz a stone -or so at their windows, which stone, passing silently through the air, -fell with all the greater suddenness among them, thereby recalling -them to a proper sense of their duties to their God, their King, and -their country?[76] Mrs. Arundel, a woman of good family but greatly -impoverished, who kept a sort of boarding-house for bachelors of rank -in St. Lawrence Lane, Old Jewry, was the Earl’s landlady, and imparted -a very different colour to the episode. “Her young gentleman,” she -said, had frankly admitted to her that he considered these pranks good -jokes: but she herself disapproved of them, especially the shooting -at the windows of women of light character, or “bawds,” in Southwark, -which the Earl, it seems, was addicted to, going by boat close to their -quarters and firing off petards at the “trolls”! There was nothing for -it, therefore, but to pronounce sentence. Surrey was committed to the -Fleet, the most abominable of all the many vile prisons of those days, -while Wyatt and Pickering, though of much inferior rank, were sent -to the stately Tower, whence they were delivered in a day or two on -payment of a heavy fine and promising good behaviour. How long Surrey -remained in durance it is difficult to say--long enough certainly for -him to compose his “Satire on the Citizens of London” and several other -poems. He never forgave Seymour his share in the business, and never -failed to annoy his enemy openly or covertly whenever opportunity -occurred. It was quite in keeping with his character to address amatory -verses with this intent to Hertford’s handsome and very proud wife, -who took his lines in very bad part, as so many insults to her honour. -The Countess once made a scandal by deliberately turning her back upon -the poet-Earl when, in August 1542, at a ball in his own father’s -house,[77] he ventured to ask her permission to lead her out to dance. - -Late in the summer of 1542 a very serious quarrel broke out between -Seymour and Surrey, over an incident which took place in Hampton Court -Park. Seymour, it was alleged, had reported against Surrey that he had -openly approved of the Pilgrimage of Grace. Surrey, coming face to -face with his antagonist in a glen in the park, instantly challenged -him. Coats were off in a moment, and the two were in the midst of a -hearty boxing-match when the guard arrived and took both into custody -for violating the royal privilege and fighting within the precincts -of the King’s palace. The punishment for this offence, as readers of -_The Fortunes of Nigel_ will recollect, was loss of the right hand. All -the diplomacy and influence of the Duke of Norfolk had to be exerted -to avert the infliction of this terrible penalty; but, thanks to his -efforts, both the hot-headed young gentlemen escaped with a sharp -reprimand. Scores of similar curious instances might be quoted from the -chronicles and letters of the time, to prove the depth and bitterness -of the social animosity between the Howards and the Seymours. The Duke -himself resented the cruel manner in which Hertford had behaved in the -matter of His Grace’s niece, the unhappy Katherine Howard. There can be -no doubt that at one time both Cranmer and the King wished to spare her -life, and would have spared it had not Hertford, in his hot haste to -ruin the Howards’ credit, prematurely dispatched letters to the King’s -Ambassadors abroad containing full details of the Queen’s disgrace, -with orders to hand them to the sovereigns to whose Courts they were -accredited. This publicity rendered the royal clemency impossible.[78] - -Early in the summer of 1546 the Duke of Norfolk made up his mind, in -what he held to be the interests of himself and his family, to bring -about a reconciliation, if that were possible, between his house and -Seymour’s. He fully realised that, ageing as he was, he could no longer -be a match for two unscrupulous and very able men, then reaching the -prime of life, and already holding the King’s complete confidence. -Further, he felt Surrey to be hopeless in all business calling for -tact and diplomacy, and was convinced the persistent animosity between -his son and Hertford would lead before long to some awful catastrophe. -Surrey’s bravery as a fighting soldier was undisputed, but as a -commander his lack of reticence and his rashness had led the King’s -troops in France into more than one disaster; he himself had paid the -penalty of his rashness before the walls of Montreuil, where he was -seriously wounded and only saved from certain death by the gallantry -of Sir Thomas Clere. He had then been recalled, and Hertford had been -sent to take his place, a bitter humiliation to the proud Howards and -one which more than anything else rankled in Surrey’s soul. Yet the -old Duke recognised that Hertford’s bravery and tact as warrior and -diplomatist had soon ended the war and obtained peace with honour for -the English forces, thus raising his popularity to the highest pitch; -for there was nothing the nation then desired so much as peace, at home -and abroad. Hertford’s brother, Sir Thomas, was, if anything, still -more popular, for he had so successfully scoured the seas in quest of -French galleons laden with provisions that suppressed monasteries had -been converted into storehouses. The magnificent ex-church of the Grey -Friars had become a wine-vault, crammed to the roof with barrels of -Burgundy and other wines of the best French vintages. In Austin Friars -such a stock of cheeses was stored that there was no moving in that -erstwhile beautiful priory church, and the huge and splendid church of -the Black Friars was literally packed with salt herring and dried cod. -Wherefore the people had good reason to be well pleased with brother -Thomas. - -The Duke, then, without consulting his son,--and here his disastrous -mistake,--obtained an interview with Hertford, and, skilfully playing -on his well-known vanity and social ambition, suggested at length that -a betrothal should be forthwith arranged between Hertford’s eldest -daughter and Surrey’s eldest son, and a similar contract entered into -between Lord Thomas Howard[79] and Seymour’s youngest daughter, the -Lady Jane Seymour. His Grace, apparently in a match-making mood, -gave his paternal sanction to the wooing and wedding of his beautiful -daughter, the widowed Duchess of Richmond, by Sir Thomas Seymour. -With all these suggestions the Seymours gladly closed, making but one -condition, that Surrey should accept a slightly subordinate position -under Hertford’s command, virtually tantamount to a tacit apology for -his repeated slights, covert and open, in the past. On Tuesday in -Whitsun week 1546, then, the Duke, well pleased with his own diplomacy, -presented himself at Whitehall and laid his rather complicated scheme -of alliances before His Majesty. Henry was graciously pleased to -approve it, and willingly agreed that his daughter-in-law of Richmond -should become the bride of the handsome Thomas Seymour, with whom, -according to Court gossip, she was already much in love. But in all -these schemes the Duke had reckoned without his host, for when he put -the matter before Surrey, that impetuous poet flew into a towering -rage. He would “sooner see his children dead in their coffins than -married to Seymour’s brats,” he said. Then, turning furiously on his -sister, the Duchess of Richmond, who had accompanied her father, he -cried,--at least, according to that dangerous Court gossip, Sir Gawen -Carew,--“Go, carry out your farce of a marriage. My Lord of Hertford -is in full favour, I grant; but why not do yet better for yourself -and follow Madame d’Estampes’ example with King Francis. Get you -into the same sort of favour with King Henry, and rule through him.” -This sinister advice was evidently dictated by that vein of bitter -sarcasm usual with Surrey when the uncontrollable temper which he -inherited from his mother mastered his common sense. It could not -have been seriously meant, for nobody knew better than Surrey that -the King was already more than half dead, utterly unable to trouble -himself about new mistresses, and in any case not likely to select -his own daughter-in-law to replace his excellent Queen-Consort and -nurse, Katherine Parr. The Duchess of Richmond, however, took the jibe -seriously, replied that she “would sooner cut her throat” than do “any -such vile thing,” and left her irate brother to his own reflections, -which, when he cooled down, cannot have been particularly agreeable. He -knew his sister well; she was an exceedingly beautiful woman, to whom -Holbein, in his exquisite drawing, has given the expression of one of -Ghirlandajo’s sweetest Madonnas. But at heart she was a little fiend, -capable, when her passions were roused, of working dire mischief. She -said little at the time, but she nursed her grievance and exaggerated -its importance. She may also have felt not a little embittered against -Sir Thomas Seymour, who had ungallantly refused her hand because it -was not accompanied by her brother’s submission. Be this as it may, -“the Duchess of Richmond from that day forth hated her brother as much -as she had previously loved him,”[80] and when the hour for revenge -came at last, forgetful of her obligations as sister and woman, she -scandalised even that unsentimental age by appearing at her brother’s -trial as one of the principal witnesses for the prosecution. - -Meanwhile the Duke of Norfolk was at his wits’ end to know how to make -Hertford aware of the unfortunate results of his negotiations with his -son. He was possessed of a perfect mania for putting pen to paper on -any and every pretext, although, as every one who has waded through -his correspondence knows, there has never been a statesman, before or -since, who could indite more indiscreet and exasperating epistles. -If then, as is likely, he conveyed the unpleasant news by letter, he -was not the man to improve matters by a tactful manner. The breach -between the Howards and the Seymours was now complete. Hertford, hurt -in pride and vanity, would accept no apologies from the Duke, and the -feud between himself and Surrey soon grew more bitter than ever. To -make matters worse, the Duchess of Richmond made a confidant of her -friend, Sir Gawen Carew, who detested her brother, and was the most -inveterate gossip of the Court, as is well known to those who have read -the State Papers connected with the tragedy of Katherine Howard; it -was, indeed, the gossip of Sir Gawen that did most to ruin that Queen. -Presently young scions of the nobility, courtiers who hated the Howards -for their airs and graces and forgot the old Duke’s well-known kindness -to the youthful, buzzed about the King, and did their best to set him -against the luckless Earl. Hertford and his brother afforded them ample -assistance, supplying all necessary instructions and information; and, -for all we know to the contrary, the Queen may have lent a helping -hand. In fact, the whole Protestant party was now roused against the -Howards, the representatives of the Catholics, and determined to bring -about their ruin or perish in the attempt. It had hoped the folly of -Katherine Howard would have sufficed for this purpose, but the great -house of Norfolk was firm enough to resist even that storm. Another -pretext had to be found, and the impolitic behaviour of the poet-Earl -supplied it. - -Poor Surrey was no match for the low and cunning intrigues amongst -which “Fate and metaphysical aid” had thrown him. Somewhere in June -1546 he was summoned before the Privy Council, severely reprimanded -for what he could not possibly help, and imprisoned in Windsor Castle, -where he consoled himself by writing one of his most exquisite poems. -This was his “Swan Song”! By August, however, he was certainly out -of durance, and apparently once more in favour with the King, for -he figured as Earl Marshal at the entertainments given in honour of -the French Envoy, Claude d’Annebault, taking precedence of everyone -excepting members of the royal family. - -Early in September he left London, and returned to his wife and -children at Kenninghall, accompanied by Churchyard the poet, who was -his secretary, and an extremely numerous and miscellaneous retinue, -which included several Italian painters, musicians, and jesters. One -of the artists, Toto, was soon engaged upon a portrait of him, which -was later used to his great disadvantage; in the left-hand corner of -it appeared his escutcheon, bearing among its numerous quarterings the -arms of England, but so arranged that a slide could be drawn, when -necessary, over the coat-of-arms. The Duke of Norfolk and my Lady of -Richmond came to Kenninghall Palace about this time; but the mansion, -of which not a vestige now remains, was so enormous that every member -of the ducal family had a separate dwelling. The Duchess of Richmond -had a whole wing to herself, which she shared with her friend Mrs. -Holland. The society of those days was not so dead to all sense of -propriety as not to be scandalised by this singular intimacy between -the Duke’s daughter and his mistress. Most people agreed with the -Duchess of Norfolk “that her dater’s abiding ever with that drab -Holland” was a “scandayul and most unnatterall.” Owing to the huge size -of the mansion, not much inferior to that of Hampton Court, the Duchess -and Mrs. Holland may never once have come into contact with Surrey and -his family; otherwise, it is difficult to account for the fact that we -have no record of any fiery scene between brother and sister. The Duke -seems to have spent his time very quietly, reading the books he most -affected, such as Plutarch’s _Lives of Illustrious Men_, Josephus’s -_History_, and _The Confessions of St. Augustin_.[81] - -Whilst the Howard family was thus peacefully rusticating in Norfolk, -gossip and slander were making headway in the metropolis and preparing -poor Surrey’s ruin. Sir George Blagg, the “my Blagg” of one of his -finest poems, had picked a quarrel with him in the summer, and was -busy as a bee spreading evil reports against him. Sir Gawen Carew had -confided to every one what the Duchess of Richmond had related to him -anent her brother’s advice to hasten and become the King’s mistress. -His enemies had even pressed the Court astrologer into their service, -and this functionary had actually warned the King that unless he was -careful, his successor’s monogram would, like his own, be “H.R.” The -Duke himself was not spared: he had been seen to enter the French -Ambassador’s house late at night and to leave it again in the small -hours of the morning. A letter of his to Gardiner, then on a mission -to Brussels, was intercepted--and vague though its terms were, it was -held to be proof positive of Norfolk’s adherence to Gardiner’s scheme, -as planned with Cardinal Granville, to restore the papal supremacy in -England. At last, truth and lies together rolled themselves up into -an ominous storm-cloud, which burst when Surrey was called to appear -before the Council in London on a charge of high treason. - -Some writers have attempted to extenuate Henry VIII’s share in the -_dénouement_ of this tragedy. They plead that he was too ill at this -time to know exactly what he was doing, and that, in consequence of the -swollen state of his hands, he was compelled to use a stamp to sign his -letters. With regard to this, we know that as far back as 1st August -1546 he had commissioned Sir Anthony Denny, Sir John Gates, and William -Clere to sign documents for him with a dry stamp, the signature thus -made being filled in with ink. And even this is not the first time -Henry had recourse to a mechanical contrivance for signing letters -and State Papers. Lord Hardwick has a letter of the King’s signed -with a stamp and dated as early as the seventh year of his reign. -Moreover, the official documents, which were drawn up by Wriothesley, -are carefully annotated and corrected in pencil by Henry himself, with -very full marginal notes and numerous interlineations. The handwriting -is very shaky, but it is the King’s none the less, and proves that if -the monarch’s body was infirm, his brain was as clear and his feelings -as vindictive as ever. The death-warrant of the Earl of Surrey is also -scribbled over on the margin with certain pencil notes in the King’s -own writing, proving that Henry must have retained the use of his hands -to the end. - -Sufficient evidence having been gathered, and Surrey being summoned -to London, he left Kenninghall[82] in the last days of September, and -appeared before the Privy Council in Wriothesley’s house in Holborn, -not far from Chancery Lane, on 2nd October. His first accuser was -Sir Richard Southwell, at one time in his mother’s household at -Kenninghall, who hated him heartily. He averred that Surrey had placed -the Royal Arms of England in the first quartering of his escutcheon, -thereby claiming the crown. When confronted with Southwell, Surrey, -with his foolish impetuosity, and to the consternation of the Council, -proposed a sort of trial by battle after the mediæval fashion. -Southwell and he were there and then to divest themselves of their -upper garments, descend on to the floor of the court, and indulge the -Lord Chancellor and the Council with the spectacle of a boxing-match, -the winner of which was to be declared innocent. The Council, needless -to say, did not see fit to accept the fiery Earl’s suggestion, and -both Surrey and Southwell were temporarily detained--the Earl being not -yet formally charged. - -The examination of the other witnesses took place privately a few days -later, before the Council but not in the presence of the prisoner. -Sir Edmund Knyvyt, a son of the Lady Muriel Howard, the sister of -the Duke of Norfolk, and therefore a cousin of Surrey, out of sheer -spite, and also perhaps to give himself importance, accused the Earl -of harbouring Italian spies in his house at Kenninghall, of affecting -foreign airs, of wearing foreign costumes, and, gravest of all, of -entertaining persons suspected of correspondence with Cardinal Pole and -other “traitors” abroad. Then came Sir Gawen Carew with an exaggerated -version of the Duchess of Richmond’s story that her brother advised -her to become the King’s mistress, and had spoken lightly of the -King’s illness, and speculated as to what might occur in the event of -his death; and before the week was out a score or so of other venal -witnesses had concocted sufficient evidence to send fifty men to the -block. - -The Duke, meanwhile, tarried at Kenninghall, wondering what had -happened to his son, and never imagining how bitter and relentless was -the suddenly, and indeed inexplicably, developed hatred of the King, -which we, however, know was stimulated by the Seymours and Cranmer for -their own ends. Instead of coming up to London to help the Earl out -of his difficulties, he set himself, as usual, to write confidential -letters to those members of the Council upon whom he thought he could -rely. These effusions were promptly shown to Hertford, with the result -that His Grace himself was ordered to London with the utmost dispatch. -On 12th December the Duke of Norfolk appeared before Lord Chancellor -Wriothesley at his house in Holborn, near the present Southampton -Buildings, and, to his unutterable amazement, found himself formally -charged with high treason. He was immediately committed to the Tower, -but on account of his rank and age, and to spare him the humiliation -of being paraded as a prisoner through the city streets, he was -conveyed down the hill, put on board a barge in the Fleet, and so to -the Thames, through the arches of London Bridge, and onward to his -ominous destination in the ancient fortress. Later in the same day -Surrey too was conducted to the Tower, but he had to go on foot and -through a dense multitude. To the consternation of his enemies, he -was cheered all along the road, and grave fears were entertained of a -rescue.[83] Three commissioners were now dispatched to Kenninghall to -bring the Duchess of Richmond and her friend Mrs. Holland up to town. -Another embassy rode to Redbourne, to fetch the Duchess of Norfolk, who -was only too delighted to come to London and blurt out all she could -to the detriment of her hated spouse. By this time London could talk -of nothing but the Surrey trial. In the palaces of the rich, in the -hovels of the poor, in all the little taverns and drinking-houses down -by the Thames, in the parlours of the great inns in Southwark and the -Cheape, the conversation turned upon no other subject, and even the -all-absorbing topic of the King’s illness was forgotten for the time -being. A touch of horror was added to the general excitement when it -became known that Norfolk’s wife and his daughter and mistress were to -be the chief witnesses against him and his son. The Duchess did not -spare her husband. Snatching at the welcome chance of avenging her -wrongs, the half-witted lady grew garrulous, and confirmed everything -_suggested_ by those who desired to damn her lord’s cause. She had -but little to say, however, concerning her son, for the simple reason -that she had not seen him for many months and knew nothing about his -affairs. He was very “unnatturell” towards her, she declared, and so -was her daughter, but nevertheless she “loved her children dearly.” Her -husband, she said, had leanings towards Popery, and caused his children -to be brought up to deny the King’s supremacy. - -Mrs. Holland behaved with great discretion, considering her position -and antecedents. It was true, she said, that the Duke of Norfolk had -on one occasion told her that “if he had been young enough he would -like to go to Rome to venerate the Veronica, an image of our Lord -miraculously impressed upon a handkerchief which He had given to -certain women on His way to Calvary.” The Duke had bidden her lay -aside some needlework upon which she was engaged, to oblige the Earl of -Surrey, and in a corner of which were his arms, one quartering of which -was to be left blank, “probably for the introduction of the Royal Arms -and monogram.” She had obeyed the Duke’s behest and never set needle -into the work again. Before concluding her evidence, she, perhaps -not unnaturally, seized the opportunity to try and clear her own -reputation, and informed the Court that “the Earl detested her because -she was so friendly with his sister.” - -The appearance of Mary, Duchess of Richmond, must have created a -sensation. Her angelic beauty contrasted strangely with her spiteful -and bitter nature. Like her mother, when she was once started there -was no stopping her, and in her excitement she materially damaged -her brother’s cause, exaggerating every point against him suggested -by the prosecution. With telling and dramatic effect she related the -scene when he advised her to become the King’s mistress. Her brother, -she said, had been reading the book about Lancelot of the Lake, and -had introduced that hero’s arms, together with those of Anjou, into -his own. He had recently had his portrait taken by an Italian artist, -as already related, and had caused the arms of England to be painted -into the left corner, with the monogram “H.R.” surmounted by a crown, -which she thought was a closed crown, like the King’s. He had also -appropriated the Confessor’s arms, which belonged by right to the King, -and the King only; he had spoken irreverently of His Majesty, and had -speculated upon what might happen after his death; and, she added, “my -lord of Hertford is particularly hateful to him because he superseded -him at Boulogne, and indeed he detested the new nobility in general.” -The Council, to its credit, discarded the Duchess’s evidence concerning -Surrey’s alleged infamous advice to her. They held it too abominable to -be even probable, and it was not included in the indictment; but the -rest of her evidence was considered very compromising. - -On 13th January 1548 Surrey was brought on foot from the Tower to -the Guildhall, which was packed to suffocation, and the charges of -treacherously conspiring, together with his father, either to usurp the -throne or seize the protectorate, were read over to him. He made an -eloquent defence, and, while denying every other item of the charge, -said he had a right, in accordance with a grant made by Richard III -to his grandfather, the first Duke of Norfolk, to use the arms of the -Confessor; which was perfectly true--“Herald-at-Arms knew this, and -was content he used them.” As to his ever “having dreamed of usurping -the throne,” that was “mere chatter.” He owned he bore Hertford no -goodwill, but the fault rested with that gentleman, and was “not of -my making.” He was innocent on all points, he said, and called God to -witness his loyalty to his King and country. In spite of all, sentence -was passed upon him, and he was condemned to die on the following -morning. The breathless silence with which the verdict had been awaited -gave way to tumultuous protests from all sides of the Court, and it was -only with great difficulty, even danger, that the hall was cleared. As -the condemned Earl passed from the Guildhall to the Tower every cap -was lifted, and the utmost sorrow and sympathy were displayed when -the result of the trial was revealed by the sight of the executioner -walking in the procession, the sharp edge of his axe turned towards the -prisoner’s person. - -The next morning, 14th January, rose bright and frosty. A huge -multitude had assembled on Tower Hill to witness the closing scene. -Surrey, dressed in black velvet, looked very handsome, as with brave -and elastic step he mounted the scaffold. He delivered the usual -speech--a part of the grim pageant which no prisoner, male or female, -ever missed--in a clear voice. He eloquently declared his innocence, -forgave his enemies, and avowed his loyalty to his sovereign. He begged -the prayers of all the company, and himself prayed aloud while the -final preparations were being made. These done, in the midst of an awed -silence, Surrey knelt to receive the fatal stroke, and with the sacred -name of “Jesus” on his lips, his brave soul passed into eternity. Thus -was the Court of England robbed of a gallant and magnificent gentleman, -and the country of a man of genius, who, had he lived into the calmer -and fostering atmosphere of Elizabeth’s reign, might have left a name -in literature equal, if not superior, to that of Spenser. - -The Duke of Norfolk escaped trial, but not attainder. His dignities and -estates were confiscated and distributed among his enemies. On the 27th -of January his death-warrant was brought to the King; but Henry was -too far gone, by this time, to be able to affix his autograph, and Sir -Richard Gates stamped the document with the Royal Seal only. The deed, -however, never reached its destination. Possibly it was detained by the -Seymours, who may have thought that age and infirmity would soon spare -them the blood-shedding of an old man. If so, they were mistaken, for -Norfolk survived them both. A few hours later the King’s death saved -the aged Duke’s. He remained, however, a close prisoner throughout the -reign of Edward VI, but at the accession of Queen Mary he was liberated -and all his dignities restored. - -The most pitiable part of this strange episode in the history of an -epoch which was one long series of domestic and political tragedies is -that the Duke, in the hope of saving his life, was induced to address -a shameful confession to the King. This confession His Majesty never -read. It is still in existence, and must be described, even by the most -merciful critics, as a very foolish and impolitic effusion. Yet that -the Duke of Norfolk and his son were both conspiring--not, indeed, to -usurp the throne, but to obtain the protectorate--is beyond dispute. -The Seymours, on their side, though with much greater skill and -diplomacy, were doing precisely the same thing. - -Among our national archives and those of Norfolk House are full -inventories of the estates, goods, and chattels of the Duke of Norfolk -and his son, and also of the Duchesses of Norfolk and Richmond and of -Mrs. Holland. Norfolk’s list is valuable as affording a fair idea of -the contents of a great English nobleman’s house and wardrobe in the -first half of the sixteenth century. In his desire to save them, the -Duke had presented his vast landed estates to the Prince of Wales, -who, needless to say, never got an acre of them; they were made over -to the Duke of Somerset, a title assumed by Hertford on becoming Lord -Protector, to Paget, and to other members of the new Government. His -wearing apparel, which consisted of many garments, mostly of black or -russet velvet or satin richly furred, and “much worn,” or even “very -much worn,” was also seized. The Countess of Surrey was allowed one of -her father-in-law’s “coats” of black satin much worn, and furred with -coney and lamb, which was delivered to her “to put about her in her -chariot.” This is probably the first mention of a carriage rug in the -domestic history of this realm. All the rest of the Duke’s effects, -including “three broad yards of marble cloth and two pairs of old -black slippers,” were given to the Duke of Somerset for his use. The -Protector also obtained possession of the magnificent jewelled collars -belonging to the various Orders of which the Duke was a member. Paget -had a “George, set with diamonds and one ruby,” and Lord St. John -had poor Surrey’s “Order of St. Michael with its chain, studded with -pearls and diamonds.” The Duke left many pictures, all of a sacred -character, and an enormous quantity of gold and silver plate, which -was divided into equal parcels, and delivered to Somerset, Princess -Mary, the Duchess of Norfolk, the Duchess of Richmond, and Surrey’s -widow. Somerset seized a collection of thirty-two splendid rings, but -Mrs. Holland claimed the finest table diamond as her private property. -His Grace had also some fifty sets of rosary beads, some of coral with -paternosters in gold, others of pearl, agate, gold studded with little -jewels, black enamel, and even of glass. A great quantity of these -were presented to Princess Mary, to whom also went much of the altar -furniture of the Duke’s private chapel. - -Surrey’s wardrobe was as magnificent as that of any prince. There was -“a Parliament robe, of rich purple velvet lined with ermine, and with a -garter set with jewels upon the shoulder,” and a gown “of black velvet -curiously figured in gold pasmentary”; “a coat and cassock of crimson -velvet, wrought with satin in the same colour, with a cloak, hat and -hose to match,” was most probably the identical costume in which he was -represented by Streete in the picture still at Hampton Court. We read -of dozens of gorgeous suits, one more splendid than the other. Somerset -chose the finest for himself, and handed over the rest to his brother -Henry, who had come up to town to be knighted, and who doubtless -ultimately paraded his Wiltshire market town, decked in poor Surrey’s -finery, looking very much like the fabled jay in peacock’s feathers. -The furniture of Surrey’s country house, St. Leonard’s, near Norwich, -which he had built after designs of John of Padua, was given to his -widow, but some of the altar furniture went to Princess Mary at Newhall. - -Seals had been placed on the goods and chattels of the Duchesses -of Norfolk and Richmond and of Mrs. Holland, but they were lifted -immediately, and the ladies received all their several properties -intact. - -The name of Sir Thomas Seymour does not figure in any connection, even -remote, with this tragedy, and he did not receive a single coat or -“night-gown,”[84] whether of velvet, satin, or common cloth, belonging -to either the Duke or to his son. It may be that by the time the -distribution of the confiscated property took place the feud between -the ambitious brothers had already begun. It was destined amply to -avenge Surrey’s untimely fate. - -Readers may fairly ask what the story of the poet-Earl’s end has to -do with Lady Jane Grey? It may be replied that his death and his -father’s imprisonment affected her very nearly. They cleared the way -for the temporary triumph of the Protestant party, and enabled Seymour -to proclaim himself Protector unopposed. The close intimacy between -the families of Howard and Dorset is easily traced through at least -three generations in the household books of Thomas, Earl of Surrey, -afterwards Duke of Norfolk. - -When the Earl entertained company, the ladies and gentlemen, it seems, -all dined together in the “great chamber,” and there were often as many -as twenty to fifty guests staying in the house. Their names include -nearly all the leading aristocracy of the time, among them being Lady -Jane Grey’s father and mother, the Lord Marquis of Dorset and the Lady -Frances; Brandon, Duke of Suffolk; the Lady Wyndham, the Lady Parker, -the Lady Essex; Mrs. Brian, afterwards governess to the Princesses -Mary and Elizabeth; the Lady Vere, the “old” Lady of Oxford,[85] etc. -The ladies attending on the visitors[86] dined at my Lady’s mess, -the gentlemen in the hall. When Mr. Thomas Reddynge, a gentleman of -the Duke’s household, brought his bride to Tenderinge Hall for her -honeymoon, “all the company dined and supped in the bride’s bedroom.” -The little Lord Thomas Howard, afterwards Earl of Surrey, dined in the -nursery. - -Hospitality was exchanged between the Howards and the Dorsets almost to -the end of the Duke’s life. The Marquis and Marchioness of Dorset (the -Lady Frances Brandon), Lady Jane Grey and her sisters, were certainly -at Hunsdon[87] on more than one occasion, and when the two families -were in town there was, doubtless, constant visiting between them. It -must be remembered that the Duke of Norfolk, being uncle-by-marriage -to the King, was also uncle to the Lady Frances’s mother, Mary Tudor, -the royal Queen-Duchess of Suffolk. Little Lady Jane must often have -sat perched on Surrey’s knee and listened with delight as he whispered -in her ear those tales of fairy enchantment he himself loved so well. -Owing to her tender age, Jane may never have been told the details of -the closing scenes of her gallant kinsman’s life, but she must surely -have noticed that on a certain day in January 1547-8 the curtains of -her father’s house were drawn, as for a family in mourning; that her -parents moved about with pale and saddened faces; and that the servants -stirred noiselessly and spoke under their breath. The shadow lay -everywhere, and the various chronicles of the period afford abundant -proof that there was a genuine sorrow felt in the city on the day of -Surrey’s death. - -And there is yet another link between Lady Jane Grey and the unhappy -Surrey. The name of her kinswoman, Elizabeth Fitzgerald, the “fair -Geraldine,” must ever be associated with that of the poet-Earl, for -she is as indissolubly connected with him as is Laura with Petrarch, -or Leonora with Tasso. A daughter of Oge, Earl of Kildare,[88] by his -wife, the Lady Elizabeth Grey, daughter of the first Marquis of Dorset, -the fair Fitzgerald was a not distant cousin to Lady Jane Grey, and -there were but a few years between them. She was born in Ireland, -probably at Maynooth Castle, somewhere in 1528, and was brought to -England whilst yet an infant. In 1533 her father died in the Tower, -broken-hearted at the news that his son, whom the Irish cherished as a -patriot and the English hated as a rebel, had been captured and brought -to London. A few days after his father’s decease, the young man was -hanged at Tyburn with some seventeen other Irishmen. Henry VIII appears -to have pitied the widowed Lady Kildare, who was reduced to the verge -of starvation after her husband’s death. A small pension was granted -her, and her children were dispersed among the leading families of the -aristocracy, to receive an education worthy of their rank. Elizabeth, -“the fair Geraldine,” an extremely beautiful child, was placed under -the guidance of the Princess Mary.[89] It was probably in the year -1542, whilst attending Her Highness on a visit at Hunsdon, that she -first fell under the notice of Surrey, who, though already married, -became desperately enamoured of her. The young lady cannot have been -more than fourteen or fifteen at this time, but in those days this was -quite a marriageable age. We have Surrey’s own word for it that it was -at Hunsdon he first beheld the “fair Geraldine”-- - - “Hunsdon did first present her to mine eyen: - Bright is her hue, and Geraldine she hight. - Hampton me taught to wish her first for mine; - And Windsor, alas! doth chase her from my sight. - Her beauty of kind; her virtues from above. - Happy is he that can obtain her love!” - -They appear to have met again at Hampton Court, and we seem to have -evidence that the “fair Geraldine” yielded to some extent to her -suitor’s prayers. They danced together, no doubt, in the Great Hall, -which still delights us with its lofty beauty and rich arras. They sat -side by side in the oriel windows, or romped among the flower-beds -of the palace garden. But the lovely Irish girl, true to her race, -was chaste as snow, and when Surrey’s ardour grew too hot for modest -endurance, he was firmly repulsed. One thing is quite certain, -that “Geraldine” was very beautiful, with Irish sea-green eyes[90] -and glorious fair hair. She seems otherwise to have been a very -matter-of-fact young lady, who presently bestowed her hand on the rich -old Sir Anthony Browne.[91] After his death, in 1548, she re-entered -the household of her royal mistress, and as the Lady Frances and her -daughter paid several visits to their cousin, Princess Mary, in 1551, -Jane Grey must often have seen the _bella ma fredda innammorata_ of -poet Surrey. After Queen Mary’s death the “fair Geraldine” consoled -herself with a second husband, in the person of Clinton, Earl of -Lincoln. An account of her funeral still exists, according to which -sixty-one old women walked in the procession, each wearing a new suit -of clothes and carrying a loaf of bread, their number recording the -fact that the lady they mourned had reached sixty-one years at the time -of her decease. - -The Duchess of Richmond seems ultimately to have repented to some -extent of her wickedness. At any rate, her father left her £500 in his -will--a considerable sum of money in those days--in acknowledgment of -the expense and trouble she had borne to obtain his liberation, and of -her care of her brother’s children. She died of the plague in 1556. - -It is curious that Surrey’s children should have been placed under his -sister’s charge, since their mother, an eminently respectable woman, -was living, and they were with her at the time of their father’s -death. She was, however, a Catholic, whereas the Duchess had for some -years past rather ostentatiously proclaimed herself a Protestant. -Somerset’s religious opinions may have had something to do with this -transaction, concerning which there is a strange legend. Three days -after the Earl of Surrey’s execution, Foxe, the martyrologist, was -sitting in St. Paul’s Cathedral, pale, haggard, and almost dying of -misery and starvation. Presently a gentleman approached him and placed -a considerable sum of money in his hand, bidding him be of good cheer, -for that “luck was coming to him at last.” A few days later Somerset -appointed him tutor to the children of the late Earl of Surrey, then -under the charge of their aunt, the Lady of Richmond. Notwithstanding -his ardent Protestantism, Foxe was never able to completely detach the -future Duke of Norfolk from the older faith; but he gave his pupil a -sound and virtuous education, and won his enduring affection. This Duke -shared his father’s fate; he was beheaded, in the reign of Elizabeth, -for espousing the cause of Mary Stuart. From him the present Duke of -Norfolk is descended in a direct line. - -The Countess of Surrey resided for many years at Kenninghall, but, -as usual in those days, she presently took a second husband, in the -person of Mr. Thomas Steyning, of Woodford, Suffolk, most likely her -steward or secretary. She lived to an advanced age, and is buried in -Framlingham Parish Church, under the elaborate monument she erected to -the memory of her husband, whose remains, however, are by some believed -to be still lying in the interesting church of All Hallows’, Barking, -near the Tower, where they were certainly interred immediately after -his decapitation. - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -HENRY VIII - - -On the night of Wednesday, 27th January 1547, Henry Tudor lay dying on -that huge fourpost bedstead which Andrea Conti, an Italian traveller -who visited Whitehall a few years after the King’s death, described as -“looking like a High Altar,” so costly were its hangings of crimson -velvet and cloth of gold, so dazzling its rich embroideries.[92] -The vast apartment was hung with rare Flemish tapestry glistening -with gold thread; the furniture, of carved oak and inlaid ebony, was -upholstered in glorious Florentine brocade. Curtains of “red velvet on -velvet” draped the numerous windows overlooking the Thames, and the -Eastern carpets that covered the floor muffled the sound of footsteps -cautiously moving about the mighty couch. - -The once puissant and magnificent Henry VIII, King of England, -France, and Ireland, and Defender of the Faith, was now a mass of -deformed flesh, eaten up and disfigured by a complication of awful -disorders--gout, cancer of the stomach, rheumatism, ulcers, and dropsy. -So swollen were the miserable man’s hands, arms, and legs that he could -only move with great pain, and then only with the aid of a mechanical -contrivance. But his immense head tossed restlessly from side to side -and he groaned piteously, often praying those about him to cool his -parched lips with a drop of water. Though little over fifty-six years -of age, the dying monarch’s hair had turned quite white, and his -beard, formerly so well trimmed, had grown scant and straggling. His -steel-grey eyes looked as small in proportion to the broad, bloated -face as those set in the elephant’s enormous mask, but they still -retained their ophidian glitter.[93] - -The dying King had been unusually irritable throughout the weary day. -At times indeed he was delirious, but on the whole his mind remained -fairly clear. At about six o’clock in the afternoon he awakened out of -a deep sleep or lethargy and asked for a cup of white wine, which was -given him. Presently he wandered again,--the result, perhaps, of the -draught of wine,--and shouted, “Monks, monks!” imagining, so it would -seem, that he saw cowled forms hovering about his bed. Three times, -too, and very distinctly, he cried out the name “Nan Boleyn.” After -that he kept his eyes fixed on a certain spot near his bedside, where, -it may be, his fancy showed him the menacing wraith of his murdered -wife. This outburst of feverish excitement was followed by a lull, and -presently the King grew calmer and fell into a profound slumber. - -The principal persons about the death-bed were the Earl of Hertford -and his brother, Sir Thomas Seymour; Henry’s Chief Secretary, Sir -William Paget; and his Master of the Horse, Sir Anthony Browne, the -only non-schismatic present. The physicians in attendance upon the King -were Dr. Wendy and Dr. Owen, who had brought the Prince of Wales[94] -into the world, and who subsequently assisted at the death-beds of -Edward VI[95] and Mary. With them was Dr. John Gale,[96] the King’s -surgeon-in-ordinary, who had waited upon Henry and his army when -in France. Notwithstanding the number of priests attached to the -Chapel Royal, there were no clergymen in the room. The Catholic party -afterwards declared they had been purposely kept out of the way lest -the King, whose hatred of the Papacy was purely political, might -recant and make a death-bed submission to Rome. The elimination of -the clerical element from the death-chamber is significant, and we -have no certainty as to whether the King, who clung so tenaciously to -the theory of the Church as to her Last Sacraments, ever personally -received them. - -Another very remarkable fact is that neither in the State Papers nor -in any other contemporary accounts of the death of Henry VIII is there -any mention of the Queen’s presence at this time. Her Majesty had -certainly been her husband’s assiduous nurse until early in January, -but after that we hear no more of her, and except for one or two hints -to the contrary in documents connected with the household effects of -the King, we might almost conjecture she had left the palace before -the King passed away. The _Spanish Chronicle_, introduced to English -readers by Martin Hume, which contains a great deal of what would now -be called back-stair gossip, informs us, however, that Katherine Parr -was summoned to the King’s bedside the day before he died, and that “he -thanked her for her great kindness to him,” adding that he had “well -provided for her.” The good Queen, falling on her knees, burst into -such loud sobbing that she had to be removed and conveyed back to her -apartments. From the same source we learn that Princess Mary saw her -father three or four days before the end, and received his blessing. Of -these statements there is no confirmation in the English State Papers; -they are confirmed, however, by documents in the Simancas archives -and in a pamphlet published at Valladolid some three years after -Queen Mary’s death entitled _La Muerte de la Serenissima Reyna Maria -d’Inglaterra_ (Valladolid, 1562).[97] - -The last we hear of Katherine Parr as Queen-Consort is in a letter -addressed to her from Hertford on 10th January by her stepson, Prince -Edward, in which he thanks her for a New Year’s gift.[98] - -If we trust the _Acts and Monuments_, there is direct evidence that -Henry VIII deliberately omitted Gardiner’s name from his testament. In -the afternoon of the day before his death, Sir Anthony Browne asked -him directly if “My Lord of Winchester was left out of His Majesty’s -will by negligence or otherwise?” He was kneeling at the moment by -the King’s bed and endeavouring to recall to him the Bishop’s long -services. The broad face of the dying King turned towards him, and he -said angrily, “Hold your peace. I remember him well enough, and of good -purpose have I left him out; for surely if he were in my testament -and one of you, he would cumber you all and you should never rule -him, he is of so troublesome a nature.” If this be a truthful account -of the scene, there can be no doubt that Henry realised the omission -of Winchester’s name from the will, which would imply a truckling to -the Seymour faction; for there was now no one left to oppose their -influence or expose their intrigues. - -Between seven and eight in the evening of 27th January, Sir Anthony -Denny, who had been watching his master very closely, thought he -perceived signs that the end was approaching. Stooping over him, he -whispered into the dying ear a message especially dreadful to one who, -like Henry, held the mere mention of death in horror, warning him -that his hour was very near, and that “it was meet for him to review -his past life and seek God’s mercy through Jesus Christ.” The King, -although in great agony, evidently understood what Denny had said, -and is reported to have answered that he would suffer no ecclesiastic -near him but Cranmer, who was immediately sent for. The Archbishop -was at Croydon, but, being an excellent horseman, he galloped up to -London, and reached Whitehall about one o’clock in the morning of -Thursday, 28th January.[99] He found the King almost speechless but in -full possession of his faculties, and exhorted him, in a few words, to -repent him of his sins and “to place his trust in Christ only.” Henry -pressed the Churchman’s hand, and muttering the significant words, “All -is lost!” immediately expired. - -So passed into eternity Lady Jane Grey’s great-uncle and the most -extraordinary of all our kings. Even at this date it is impossible -to define his true character, for whereas, on the one hand, his -cousin Pole, who knew him well, likened him unto Nero and Tiberius, -that painstaking historian Froude has endeavoured to prove him a -well-intentioned man, whose political and whose domestic troubles -especially were not of his own making, but the result of circumstance -and of Court intrigues beyond his control. Between these two -appreciations the truth doubtless lies. Henry VIII was beyond question -a wonderful being--in whom were reflected, nay, absorbed, all the good -and evil qualities of the subjects whose very Church he contrived to -dominate. With all his treachery, his lust, and his cruelty, he may -well have been a necessary evil, a tool in the guiding Hand that has -shaped the destinies of the British Empire. He tore down the last -vestiges of the Middle Ages; and if the light so suddenly admitted was -too dazzling for the eyes that first beheld it, in due time it mellowed -into the slowly developed liberty and progress that have placed our -country at the forefront of civilisation. Our eighth Henry was the -tyrant who inadvertently forced open the gate whereby Freedom was to -enter. - -Much as we loathe his sensuality and his cruelty, his personal -extravagance that emptied the overflowing treasury left by his father -and led him to debase the coin of the realm in order to replenish it, -much as we may deplore his iconoclasm that destroyed a thousand abbeys, -priories, and noble churches and dispersed the art treasures of ages, -as Englishmen we still entertain a surreptitious liking for Bluff King -Hal. His magnificent appearance and the Oriental side of his nature, -his six wives, his fantastic and gorgeous pageants, his outbursts of -bad language, his masterfulness, his love of art and music, all appeal -to the imagination and help us to convert a monarch, a very weak and -poor specimen of humanity, who really had much of the vile criminal -about him, into a hero of romance, and cast over his strange career -something of the legendary glamour that so fascinates all students of -the reign of the illustrious daughter who inherited so many of his good -and evil qualities and carried on much of his chosen policy. To King -Henry we owe the formation of our Army and the creation of our Navy. He -abused his Parliament, but he was its first and greatest organiser. He -shaped it to his own will; and it eventually shaped itself to the will -of the nation. - -Earlier in the evening of that momentous 27th of January Hertford and -Paget had spent slow hours pacing up and down the long corridor outside -the King’s chamber, and consulting as to what it would be best to do -as soon as the monarch was dead. Parliament, then in session, had been -busy with the alleged treasonable transactions of the Duke of Norfolk, -now lying in the Tower under sentence of death. His Grace, therefore, -was one of the only three members of the Privy Council absent from the -death-chamber: the other two were Dr. Thirlby, Bishop of Westminster, -then resident Ambassador at the Court of Charles V; and Dr. Nicholas -Wotton, Dean of Canterbury, recently dispatched on a diplomatic mission -to France. Gardiner, whose name had been erased from the Council list, -had lately returned from Brussels, and must have been communicated with -at once, for to him were eventually entrusted all the arrangements for -the late King’s obsequies. An improvised Council was held immediately -after Henry’s death, and decided that the event should be kept a -profound secret until the Prince of Wales was brought to London. This -was cleverly managed by putting all the immediate attendants in the -King’s private apartments under oath; and the multitudinous household -in the outer rooms performed its usual vocations as though Henry, who -had long been absent from his general courtiers’ sight, were still -alive. The sentinels were changed, and everything at Whitehall went -on with clockwork regularity, as if nothing unusual had happened. At -about four o’clock in the morning of 28th January Hertford and his -brother, Thomas Seymour, stole out of the palace, took horse, and -galloped towards Hertford, where the young heir was then residing. By -an oversight--or was it done purposely?--Hertford put in his pocket the -key of the coffer in which the King’s will was kept, and Paget had to -ride out into the dark after him to obtain possession of it. At about -dawn the Seymours were joined by Sir Anthony Browne, an accession which -greatly elated them, for he was one of the most important leaders of -the Catholic party. They reached Hertford[100] a little after daybreak, -and the boy Edward was instantly roused from his slumbers. They did -not at once inform him of his father’s decease, but rode with him to -Enfield Chase, where his sister, the Princess Elizabeth, was residing -with her governess, Mrs. Ashley. Here they broke the news to both of -the dead King’s children, who burst into tears, the Princess Elizabeth -holding her young brother’s hand the while. The company stayed all -Sunday at Enfield, their suite being in the meantime reinforced by a -numerous bodyguard, attended by which they started on the following -morning for London, the boy-King riding on a milk-white palfrey between -Lord Hertford and Sir Anthony Browne. As the procession passed through -the villages on its way to London, the inhabitants were informed of -King Henry’s death. We have proof, however, that it was not known in -the metropolis on the Sunday. On that day the Grey Friar’s Church, -which had been closed for some years and converted into a wine-vault, -was restored to public worship by order of the late King, and his -“munificence and generosity” were fulsomely eulogised by the preacher, -who, however, never alluded to the sovereign’s demise. Towards evening, -the fact that the King was dead began to circulate among the upper -classes, and next morning it was pretty generally known all over London. - -At three o’clock on the Monday afternoon King Edward VI entered the -capital through Aldgate, where he was met by the Lord Mayor and a great -assembly of the nobility and gentry. Cranmer greeted him at the Bridge -and read him an address, after which he was conducted in state to the -Tower, being only fairly well received by the populace. Meanwhile, his -father’s body, still at Whitehall, after being “spunged,” cleaned, -disembowelled, and embalmed with spices, was exhibited, covered with a -silken garment, to the great nobility. This done, it was sealed up in -a leaden coffin and brought down into the Privy Chamber, where it lay, -“with all manner of lights thereto requisite, having divine service -about him with Masses, obsequies, and prayers,” until 3rd February, -when it was conveyed into the Chapel Royal, where Mass was said between -nine and ten in the morning. - -The _Chapelle Ardente_ was hung with black cloth and with banners of -St. George and England. Eighty huge silver candlesticks with tall wax -tapers in them were ranged on either side of the catafalque. On the -Tuesday, and for five following mornings, Norreys stationed himself -at the entrance to the chancel and cried out at intervals to the -congregation, “Of your charity pray for the soul of the most high and -mighty Prince Henry VIII, our late Sovereign Lord and King.” Watch was -kept day and night by the chaplains and gentlemen of the Privy Chamber. -Then began the saying of Masses for the benefit of the King’s soul, and -these were “as numerous as they were on the occasion of the funeral of -his father, Henry VII.” They were continued until the 13th February. -Tens of thousands of Masses were said throughout the country, both in -the capital and the provinces, in the cathedrals as well as in the -parish churches.[101] The ritual was everywhere absolutely Latin. In -London Gardiner was the celebrant at High Mass each day, assisted by -the Bishops of Durham, London, Ely, St. David’s, Gloucester, Bangor, -and Bath. Archbishop Cranmer was present but did not officiate. Low -Masses were said in the chapel at Whitehall, at an altar erected at -the foot of the catafalque, from four o’clock in the morning until -ten, when High Mass was chanted, the Marquis of Dorset acting as chief -mourner. In the evening there were Vespers for the Dead and Dirge and -“a great attendance of noblemen and gentlemen mourners.” The Queen and -the King’s nieces, the Marchioness of Dorset and her daughters, the -Ladies Jane and Katherine Grey, the Lady Eleanor Brandon, Countess of -Cumberland, the Lady Margaret Lennox, the Duchess of Richmond, the -Duchess of Suffolk, and all the great ladies[102] of the Court, were -present, not only at High Mass, but at countless other Masses in the -Chapel Royal. They were, however, not in the body of the Chapel, but -in an upper gallery overlooking it--mourning cloaks being provided for -them out of the Wardrobe. - -Queen Katherine may have left the palace somewhat hurriedly,[103] for -in the inventory taken immediately after the King’s death there is an -account of the seals being on one chamber described as full of female -attire of the most sumptuous description, presumably belonging to -the Queen, who certainly left behind her the jewels given her by the -King to wear at the reception of M. d’Annebault, the French Envoy--an -oversight that gave rise to terrible subsequent dissensions between -Sir Thomas Seymour and his eldest brother. - -Lord Chancellor Wriothesley dissolved Parliament early on Monday, -1st February, in a neatly turned speech declaring that “their most -puissant master was dead.” The eventful news was received with every -demonstration of sorrow, some members even bursting into tears, or -pretending to do so. Then followed the reading of that portion of the -King’s will which concerned the Royal Succession. - -By this famous testament[104] Henry provided that in case Edward died -childless, and Henry himself had no other children by his “beloved -wife Katherine or any other wives[105] he might have hereafter,” King -Edward was to be succeeded by his eldest sister Mary; and if she in -her turn proved without offspring, she was to be succeeded by her -sister Elizabeth. Failing heirs to that princess, the crown was to -pass on the same conditions to the Lady Jane Grey and her sisters -Katherine and Mary Grey, daughters of the King’s eldest niece, the -Lady Frances Brandon, Marchioness of Dorset. In the eventuality of the -three sisters Grey dying without issue, the throne was to be occupied -successively by the children of the Lady Frances’ younger sister, the -Lady Eleanor, Countess of Cumberland. The Scotch succession was set -aside, from no personal ill-will, however, to Henry’s eldest sister, -the Dowager Queen of Scotland, Margaret Tudor, for he left her daughter -a handsome legacy. Henry most probably omitted the name of the young -Queen of Scots as heiress to the throne, and gave his preference to the -daughters of his two nieces, because, although at war with the Regent -of Scotland, he still hoped that the betrothal of his grand-niece, -Mary Stuart, then only six years of age, to his son Edward might be -arranged, and thus eventually bring about the desired union of the two -crowns in a natural manner. Moreover, there was the religious question -to be considered. The Regent, Mary of Guise, was an ardent Papist, -using all her influence, both in England and in Scotland, to thwart the -English King’s anti-papal policy. - -Henry VIII mentioned Queen Katherine in the following eulogistic -manner: “And for the great love, obedience, chastity of life, and -wisdom being in our forenamed wife and Queen, we bequeath unto her -for her proper life, and as it shall please her to order it, three -thousand pounds in plate, jewels, and stuff of household goods, and -such apparel as it shall please her to take of such as we have already. -And further, we give unto her one thousand pounds in money, and the -amount of her dower and jointure according to our grant in Parliament.” -Henry appointed the Earl of Hertford Protector of the Realm during the -minority of his son, and mentioned as his colleagues all those persons -who were interested in keeping him in power in order to share it with -him. Gardiner’s name was omitted, as already stated. The provisions of -the will opposed a serious obstacle to the Earl of Hertford’s ambition, -for they made him fifth in order of precedence, thus placing him on a -footing of equality with other executors; recognising no claim arising -out of his kinship to the young Prince. Sir Thomas Clere declared -that the original will was stamped, a fact which inclined so careful -a writer as Mr. Pollard to conclude that the idea that a stamped will -was illegal must have flashed across somebody’s mind, and suggested the -hasty drawing up of another, for the King to sign in autograph. The -form now in the Record Office is doubtless this second one. It displays -no trace of a stamp, and the two signatures at the beginning and end -are not sufficiently uniform to have been impressed mechanically. In -the last the up-strokes are very unsteady, and on comparing them with -other signatures of Henry VIII one is justified in thinking that both -were forged. It must not be forgotten, however, that the King was very -ill, and failing; his hand may well have trembled.[106] - -In those days the funeral of a sovereign and the coronation of his -successor took place almost simultaneously, occasionally with strange -results, considerable confusion arising as to the arrangements for -the two ceremonies: the sombre preparations for the obsequies of King -Henry, for instance, clashed weirdly with the festivities organised -for the accession of his son. Matters became so confused at last that -Bishop Gardiner found himself obliged to appeal to “My Lord of Oxford’s -Players,” who were already at Southwark preparing to act a pageant and -a comedy. It would be more decent, His Lordship pointed out, to sing -a solemn Dirge for their master than to perform a merry play, and he -besought them to desist until after the King’s funeral. - -In the end the Bishop had his way, and the grandeur of Henry’s -obsequies suffered nothing from the counter-attractions of the “green -men,” “morris dancers,” and “mountain for the gods,” which were among -the items promised by the players, who produced their performance in -the hall of the ex-monastery of Blackfriars immediately after Edward’s -coronation--doubtless to their own satisfaction and that of the public, -albeit they seem to have had hard work to get the necessary cash for -their “properties” out of Sir William Carwarden or Carden, the official -in charge of such matters, to whom they had to frequently apply for -payment.[107] - -On Monday, 31st January, the young King entered London, and passed -direct to the Tower, where, in accordance with traditional etiquette, -he was to remain in semi-seclusion until after his coronation. The next -day, Tuesday, 1st February, the late King’s executors assembled in the -great hall of the Tower, and having heard the will read from beginning -to end, took the oath for the King, and Hertford[108] was proclaimed -Protector during the coming minority. On 4th February the Protector -proceeded in state to Westminster Hall, where he assumed the offices -of Lord Treasurer and Earl Marshal, rendered vacant by the attainder -of the Duke of Norfolk. He subsequently relinquished his post as Lord -Great Chamberlain to John Dudley, Viscount de Lisle, who in his turn -surrendered his place as Lord High-Admiral to Sir Thomas Seymour. - -On Sunday, 13th February, High Mass was again sung in the Chapel Royal -by Gardiner, assisted by the Bishops of London and Bristol, and the -royal coffin was removed “from the Chapell to the Chariot; over the -coffin was cast a pall of rich cloath of gold, and upon it a goodly -ymage like to the Kyng’s person in all poynts, wonderfully richly -aparrelled with velvet gold and precious stones of all sorts, holding -in ye right hand a Sceptre of gold, in the left hand the ball of the -world with a crosse; upon the head a crown imperial of inestimable -value, a collar of the Garter about the neck and a garter of gold about -the leg, with this being honourably conducted as aforesaid, was tied -upon the said coffin by the Gentlemen of his Privy Chamber upon rich -cushions of cloath of gold and fast bound with silk ribands to the -pillars of the said Chariot for removing.” It seems, however, that this -image was not quite complete, for it had presently to be removed and -“touched up.” - -The gorgeous funeral procession, which is said to have been four miles -long, left the Chapel Royal, Whitehall, at about eleven o’clock on 14th -February for Sion _en route_ for Windsor. The weather was very fine, -and immense crowds lining the streets, people of every class, holding -lighted candles. Over a thousand “lights,” or torches, were held by -the mourners who preceded or followed the hearse containing the King’s -body and upon which was placed the waxen image already described. -This hearse was drawn by eight black horses emblazoned with the Arms -of England and of the house of Tudor, and surrounded by noblemen and -knights in mourning robes, some on horseback and others on foot, -holding lights and banners, images of saints, and other glistening -devices and symbols. The procession passed through the streets of -London by Charing Cross, Knightsbridge, Hammersmith, Chiswick, and -Brentford, and, owing to its enormous length, did not reach Sion until -twilight. It is gratifying to note that the vast assemblage of nobles -and gentry was plentifully supplied with refreshments, wine, and beer -throughout the whole of these very elaborate and costly obsequies, to -the tune of about £10,000 of our money. - -At Sion the coffin stood all night within the ruined walls of that -erstwhile monastic house which had been the prison of Katherine Howard, -the second of Henry’s murdered consorts. The ravages of ruin to be -seen there were now hidden by hangings of fine black cloth and by two -great altars blazing with lights and jewels. By a curious coincidence, -the body arrived at Sion on the day after the fifth anniversary of -the Queen’s execution, a fact which lends additional horror to the -following story, related in a contemporary document now in the Soane -Collection: “The King’s body rested in the ruined Chapel of Sion, -and there, the leaden coffin[109] being cleft by the shaking of the -carriage, the pavement of the church was wetted with Henry’s blood. In -the morning came plumbers to solder the coffin, under whose feet, I -tremble while I write it,” says the author, “was suddenly seen a dog -creeping and licking up the King’s blood. If you ask me how I know -this, I answer, William Greville, who could scarce drive away the dog, -told me so, and so did the plumber also.” - -The coffin had most likely been abandoned by the mourners, who had -retired to rest for the night, and probably some gaseous explosion led -to this uncanny incident, the report of which greatly increased the -superstitious terror in which the late King’s name was held. Thus was -fulfilled, so the people said, Friar Peyto’s denunciation from the -pulpit of Greenwich Church in 1553, when that daring friar compared -Henry to Ahab, and told him to his face “that the dogs would in like -manner lick his blood.” - -This horrible occurrence, if it really took place, does not seem to -have made any very deep impression on Bishop Gardiner, for no more -fulsome sermon was ever preached than that delivered by him at Windsor -on 16th February. He took for his text, “Blessed are the dead who -die in the Lord,” and, enlarging on the virtues of the late monarch, -lamented the “loss both to high and low by the death of this most good -and gracious King”; for whom, Sir Anthony Browne declared, “there was -no need to pray, for he was surely in Heaven.” Queen Katherine Parr, -the King’s nieces, the Lady Frances, Marchioness of Dorset, and the -Lady Eleanor of Cumberland and their daughters and other noblewomen -attended the obsequies at Windsor from a closet or chamber looking into -the chapel, much such a one as Queen Victoria used in the Chapel Royal, -Windsor, on similar occasions. - -Some weird stories of supernatural apparitions were circulated all over -London, especially among the Catholics. The “old King” had appeared, -wreathed in flames, to an ex-Carthusian friar. Folks at Windsor had -beheld him fleeing along the battlements and corridors of the castle, -blazing like a meteoric ball; and he had even, so it was rumoured, paid -a warning visit to his widow in the still hours of darkness. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -CONCERNING THE LADY JANE AND THE QUEEN-DOWAGER - - -The will of Henry VIII conferred upon the houses of Seymour and Grey -a towering position in the State which naturally brought forward -into extraordinary relief the hitherto ignored name of Lady Jane. -A few weeks earlier she was but the eldest daughter of the rather -weak-minded Marquis of Dorset, a man whom no one seems to have held -in any great consideration, notwithstanding his royal alliance and -rather showy past career as a soldier under Henry VIII; to-day she -was almost as prominent in the matter of the succession as the King’s -two daughters, Mary and Elizabeth, both of whom could easily be set -aside by an ambitious faction: the elder on account of her religion, -the younger on that of her somewhat doubtful legitimacy. It is not -surprising, therefore, that the intrigues which were to culminate in -the ruin of the unfortunate Lady Jane began almost immediately after -the accession of her cousin, Edward VI; for it was at this time that -the newly made Lord Sudeley, desiring to possess “two strings to his -bow,” embarked in a most imprudent intrigue to obtain possession of the -person of the Marquis of Dorset’s daughter, who, as the reversionary -heiress of England, was justly regarded by both parties as a most -valuable asset. The intermediary employed in this transaction was -one William Sharington, a gentleman in Seymour’s confidence, who was -his equal in the conducting of tricksome intrigues: it will become -apparent as we proceed that whenever Sudeley had any particularly -difficult and dangerous matter to deal with, he invariably got some -subordinate to share the danger with him. One morning, very soon after -King Henry’s death, Sharington appeared at Dorset Place, Westminster, -to open negotiations with the Marquis about the transfer of his -eldest daughter into Sudeley’s charge. He began by informing Dorset, -apparently one of the most credulous of mortals, that the Admiral, as -uncle to the King, “was like to come to great authority, and was most -desirous of forming a bond of friendship with him.” On the following -day Sharington returned, and after assuring the Marquis that “the Lord -High-Admiral was very much his friend,” insinuated that “it were a -goodly thing to happen if my Lady Jane his daughter were in the keeping -of the said Lord Admiral.” He said he had often heard his master say -“that the Lady Jane was the handsomest lady in England and that the -Admiral would see her placed in marriage much to his (the Marquis’s) -comfort.” - -“And with whom will he match her?” inquired Dorset. - -“Marry,” replied Sharington, “I doubt not but you shall see he will -marry her to the King, and fear you not, he will bring it to pass, and -then you shall be able to help all the friends you have.” - -After this visit the Marquis held a consultation with the Lady Frances, -which resulted in his accepting a personal interview with Lord Sudeley. - -Thomas Seymour does not appear to have had any fixed London abode in -his bachelor days, but probably lived, on occasion, as Surrey did, in -what we should now call chambers, somewhere in the Strand. But when he -became Baron Sudeley and Lord High-Admiral, he conceived it incumbent -upon him to live in a style commensurate with his increased rank, and -solicited a suitable mansion from his brother, the Protector. Somerset -forthwith filched Bath House, Strand, from Bishop Barlow, and presented -it to his brother. This house, which must not be mistaken for Bath -House, Holborn, was built in the fourteenth century and considerably -enlarged and embellished in the beginning of the sixteenth; it was -one of the finest mansions in London, and, with its gardens, occupied -the whole space now covered by Arundel, Norfolk, and Suffolk Streets, -Strand. The mansion stood on the approximate site of the present Howard -Hotel. It commanded an extensive view of the Thames, and there was an -orchard extending to the Strand.[110] - -To Seymour Place, Strand, therefore, rode my lord of Dorset, to -find Sudeley walking in his garden. The two gentlemen held a most -confidential conversation, in the course of which Sudeley persuaded -Dorset not only to hand the wardship of the Lady Jane over to him, but -to send for her then and there, and allow the young girl to take up her -abode under the roof of one of the most notorious profligates of an -exceedingly degenerate Court. - -The Lady Jane did not arrive at Seymour Place _in formâ pauperis_. She -was attended by her governess, Mrs. Ashley, by four waiting women and a -number of male servants of various degrees. Sudeley’s household was at -this time ruled over by his mother, the Dowager Lady Seymour. Since the -death of her husband, Sir John Seymour, in December 1536, this lady had -kept house for her younger son, who brought her for that purpose either -from Hertford or from a suburban house on a site now crossed by Upper -and Lower Seymour Street, Portman Square. - -There is some unexplained mystery connected with Lady Seymour which -the present writer does not pretend to have fathomed. No explanation -is discoverable of the strange fact that the mother of a Queen and the -grandmother of a King of England seems to have been almost ignored by -her son-in-law Henry VIII, by her young grandson Edward VI, by her -own son the Protector, and indeed by all the great people with whom -her high position must have brought her into contact. Her name is not -once mentioned in connection with that of her daughter, Jane Seymour, -after she became Queen. She did not figure at the christening of the -baby Edward, and did not present the customary gifts offered by near -relations on such occasions. She has left no correspondence, and there -is only one allusion to her in the Household Books of Henry VIII, -and none at all in those of Edward VI, which contain some reference -to almost every lady of importance of the period, as receiving or -presenting gifts from or to the sovereign, either personally or through -attendants. We only know that her banner of arms figured, close to that -of her daughter, Queen Jane, at the obsequies of Henry VIII and Edward -VI; and that Henry, in 1537, during the year of his marriage with Jane -Seymour, when he raised his brother-in-law Edward Seymour to the rank -of Baron Beauchamp, granted him a pension of £1100 per annum, out of -which he was to pay his mother an annuity of £60[111]--but beyond the -papers connected with this pension there is only one other existing -document in which her name figures, and this deals with an incident -that arose after her death, in 1551, when her grandson the King was -induced by the Privy Council, and by her own son, the Duke of Somerset, -to countermand the wearing of official mourning for her. Beyond the -fact that Lady Seymour was by birth a Wentworth, and therefore highly -connected, and that in one of his letters to Lady Jane’s mother Seymour -represents his own as a fitting person to take the young girl under -her maternal care, Lady Seymour may be said to have lived and died -as much ignored as though she had been a woman of no birth and no -importance.[112] - -Of the sort of life lived by the Lady Jane during the weeks she spent -at Seymour Place we know nothing, but from the alacrity with which she -consented to return there at a later period we may feel justified in -believing she was very happy under the charge of the mysterious Lady -Seymour and her erratic and wilful son. Miss Strickland says, but -without naming her authority, that Lady Seymour was one of the earliest -Englishwomen of rank to adopt the tenets of the Reformation. If this -was the case, Lady Jane Grey probably met at her house some one or -other of the numerous foreign Reformers who began to invade England -shortly after the death of Henry VIII. It is, however, likely that -Sudeley undertook the charge of this young lady at the instigation -of Katherine Parr, and that whilst at Seymour Place her education -was continued under the direction of the scholarly Miles Coverdale, -afterwards Bishop of Exeter, who had been appointed chaplain to the -Queen-Dowager. There is some little resemblance between the handwriting -of this divine and that of Lady Jane, which leads one to think he had a -considerable share in directing her studies at this period. - -If the Dorsets imagined they were doing themselves and their daughter a -service by placing her under the guardianship of Thomas Seymour, they -made a terrible mistake, for this incident was certainly at the root -of that fatal animosity between the two brothers which led up to one -of the most appalling tragedies in our history. In the first place, -it revealed to Somerset that Sudeley was fighting for his own hand, -and further, entirely upset the Lord Protector’s domestic schemes and -arrangements. Both Somerset and his wife had been very intimate with -the Marquis and the Marchioness, his royal consort, and the young -Earl of Hertford,[113] their eldest son, was a constant visitor at -Westminster and at Bradgate. He was an exceedingly handsome youth, -described by Norton, his tutor, as “singularly like his father,” who, -judged by his portraits, was one of the finest-looking men of his day. -So fond was the Lady Frances of the young Earl that she would call -him “her son,” and undoubtedly looked on him as a welcome suitor for -her eldest daughter; and if there was any love romance in Lady Jane’s -brief life, it was certainly in connection with this youth, and not -with Guildford, whom she eventually married, but whom she slighted -rather than loved. The Somersets, moreover, had made up their minds -that if the proposed marriage between Mary Stuart and Edward VI came -to nothing, Edward should be contracted as soon as possible to their -youngest daughter, the very pretty and highly accomplished Lady Jane -Seymour.[114] Under these circumstances it may well be imagined that -the Duke and Duchess were not only furious when they learned that Lady -Jane Grey was already comfortably installed under their brother’s roof, -without their knowledge and consent, but firmly resolved that the young -lady should see as little of her cousin the King as possible. - -Brother Thomas had yet a greater surprise and vexation in store for -Somerset and his Duchess, and even for King Edward VI himself, than -the matter of the wardship of Lady Jane Grey. He was, if the truth is -to be honestly told, about the most extraordinary scamp of his time. -Physically he eclipsed his elder brother, the Protector, himself -considered a very handsome man. In addition to a fine figure, Thomas -possessed beautiful features, just escaping the long thin nose which -characterised his brother’s face and ruined Queen Jane’s pretensions -to beauty. He was dark, with a full beard, a ruddy complexion, -and full brown eyes. In a word, a very fine fellow indeed, and -exceedingly attractive to the fair sex, who found it hard to resist his -blandishments, a cruel fact of which he was apt to boast. He danced -to perfection, was first in all sports, could turn pretty verses when -it suited him--and even godly ones, on occasion. His love of dress -was proverbial, and in that brilliant Court of Henry VIII Sir Thomas -Seymour never failed to hold his own for extravagance and magnificence. -Like his brother Somerset, he could be kindly when it suited his -purpose, and liberal enough to his inferiors when he desired to create -a good impression. He seems to have even been a dutiful son, for, as -we have said, his mother lived with him to the end of his life, and he -spoke well of her. - -These comparative virtues were outweighted by his evil qualities, for -not even in that age of rascality and of wickedness in high places did -there exist a greater ruffian than this seemingly polished gentleman. -Thomas was one of those men who are born without a conscience.[115] -Henry VIII had not long been dead and the elder Seymour scarcely -proclaimed Protector of the Realm when Sudeley began to realise that -his own part at the Court of his nephew, Edward VI, must be quite -secondary unless he could forthwith contract some royal alliance and -thereby make his position equal to his brother’s. So it fell out that, -before the late King’s body was cold, Thomas Seymour had made up his -mind to marry one of the royal princesses; and ere it was buried -he had offered his hand to the elder of the King’s widows, Anne of -Cleves. That cautious Princess promptly refused the dubious proposal, -preferring her independence and present comfort to the probable -sacrifice of a handsome income paid by the State for the poor pleasure -of espousing a cadet of the house of Seymour. Nothing daunted by this -refusal, the undismayed suitor aimed higher yet, and offered his hand -and heart to Princess Mary, who thanked him, in a courteous letter, for -the honour he paid her, and assured him that she had not the slightest -intention of changing her state, especially so soon after her father’s -death. Baffled again, my Lord of Sudeley now addressed himself to the -youthful Princess Elizabeth, who, according to Leti, answered him in a -most becoming manner, reminding him that her father was just dead, and -that it would ill become her to think of marriage at such a moment or -for at least two years after so sad an event. She had not, she said, -had time to enjoy her maidenhood, and wished to do so for that period -at least, before embarking on the stormy seas of matrimony. Elizabeth’s -letter, if she really wrote it,--one can never quite trust Leti, though -he lived near enough to the time to have access to papers and documents -long since destroyed,--was a model of _finesse_ and good taste. - -The rejected, but undejected, Seymour now turned his attention to his -old love, Katherine Parr, whom, as we know, he first courted when -she became the widow of Lord Latimer. He must have been a good deal -in her company in the last months of King Henry’s life, and on her -own admission she had not lost any of her old love for him; for in a -letter, written presumably within a fortnight of the late King’s death, -she says, “I would not have you think that this, mine honest good will -towards you to proceed from any sudden motion of passion; for, as truly -as God is God, my mind was fully bent the other time I was at liberty -[that is, after the death of Lord Latimer], to marry you before any -man I know. Howbeit God withstood my will therein most vehemently for -a time, and through His grace and goodness made that possible which -seemed to me most impossible; that was, made me renounce utterly mine -own will and follow His most willingly. It were long to write all the -processes of this matter. If I live, I shall declare it to you myself. -I can say nothing, but as my Lady of Suffolk[116] saith, ‘God is a -wonderful man.’” In March, after Henry’s death, the Queen removed to -Chelsea Manor, a mansion which Henry had built as a nursery for his -children and settled on her as a dower-house. Princess Elizabeth had -joined her within a few days for the purpose of finishing her education -under the auspices of the learned Queen. At the very time, therefore, -that Seymour was intriguing to secure possession of Lady Jane Grey, -he was clandestinely spending his evenings with Katherine Parr either -at Whitehall or, later, when she finally removed with her household -to Chelsea, at the Manor House, coming there by a lane that led from -the Bishop of London’s house up a path which, until a few years ago, -was still in existence and associated by tradition with the names of -Katherine Parr and Thomas Seymour. Some authorities assert that the two -were secretly married about three weeks after the King’s death, and -that the Lord Admiral prolonged his visits, not leaving his wife till -dawn, when she would let him out by the garden wicket, and then steal -back to her room unobserved (at least, so she hoped).[117] According -to Edward VI’s _Journal_, however, the marriage was not officially -celebrated until May, and it was certainly not made public before the -end of June 1547. The intrigues of Lord Thomas to induce the young -King, his nephew, to sanction his marriage with his stepmother began -by his poisoning the King’s mind against his brother Somerset, and, -taking advantage of the Protector’s absence in Scotland, he did all -in his power to make himself agreeable to Edward VI by lending him -considerable sums of money. Somerset kept the royal lad very short of -petty cash, so that at times he had none to distribute to such folk -as strolling musicians, servants who brought him presents from his -relatives, and other persons who had obliged him. Seymour, who had -isolated the King, employed a man named Fowler as intermediary between -himself and Edward.[118] Flattered and cajoled by his uncle Thomas and -well disposed by his natural affection to his stepmother, the poor -little King was at length induced to write a letter advising the Lord -Admiral to marry the Queen-Dowager. This extraordinary missive, which -is still extant, was penned a few days after Edward had received a -very curious epistle from his stepmother, then on a visit to him at -St. James’s Palace, in which she had dilated upon her extraordinary -affection for the memory of his late father. The letter was written in -Latin, and the young King’s answer was in the same dead language. The -King’s letter is full of advice, which comes oddly from a lad not yet -ten to a woman verging upon forty. He hopes to do what is acceptable in -her sight because of, firstly, “the great love you bear my father the -King, of most noble memory; then your good-will towards me; and lastly, -your godliness, and knowledge and learning in the Scriptures. Proceed, -therefore, in your good course; continue to love my father, and to show -the same great kindness to me which I have ever perceived in you. Cease -not to love and read the Scriptures, but persevere in always reading -them; for in the first you show the duty of a good wife and a good -subject, and in the second, the warmth of your friendship, and in the -third, your piety to God.”[119] Very soon after writing this letter -he wrote another to Her Majesty, this time in English, in which he -assured her that, far from being vexed with her for marrying his uncle, -he promised to aid her in the hour of need, should the alliance prove -offensive to those who were in power. - -In June the marriage was made public. The indignation of the Duke and -Duchess of Somerset knew no bounds. They had been greatly angered -over the matter of Lady Jane Grey, but no words could express their -exasperation at what they were pleased to consider their brother’s -fresh exhibition of “indecency and wickedness.” The first practical -expression of their wrath was the sequestration of the jewels the -Queen had left behind at Whitehall after King Henry’s death. She had -applied for them several times, and now wrote in a more determined -strain; only, however, to receive a haughty refusal and the startling -information that the jewels belonged to the Crown, whereas they really -were a personal gift to her from the King at the time of the visit of -the French Envoy M. d’Annebault. These jewels were never returned to -Katherine Parr--a matter which roused the Lord Admiral’s wrath to a -culminating pitch. “My brother,” he said, “is wondrous hot in helping -every man to his right save me. He maketh a great matter to let me have -the Queen’s jewels, which you see by the whole opinion of the lawyers -ought to belong to me, and all under pretence that he would not the -King should lose so much, as if it were a loss to the King to let me -have mine own!”[120] - -Then came another unpleasant incident, in the course of which the -Queen-Dowager was subjected to unfair treatment on account of her -marriage. Somerset determined to force her to lease her favourite -manor of Fausterne to a friend of his named Long. Katherine refused -point-blank to receive this gentleman as a tenant, especially at -a ridiculously low rent, and in a letter to her husband expressed -her scornful indignation at the “large” offer for Fausterne which -his brother had made her. Yet in the end she was obliged to accept -Somerset’s terms. Fausterne passed from her hands into those of Long, -and was never restored to her. - -It is not surprising that she felt a little “warm,” as she expresses -it, at the manner in which the Somersets handled her. Her position had -been recognised by the King and Parliament, and yet her brother-in-law -and his wife refused to acknowledge her right to precedence: the -Duchess of Somerset declared that she was herself as good as Queen, -since she was the consort of the King’s Protector, “who was virtually -the head of the Realm.” Whenever Katherine went to Court, if the -Duchess of Somerset chanced to be present, there was sure to be -trouble. According to Lloyd, the Duchess not only refused to bear up -the Queen’s train, but actually jostled her so as to pass first. “So -that what between the train of the Queen, and the long gown of the -Duchess, they raised so much dust at Court, as at last put out the -eyes of both their husbands, and caused their executions.” Heylin says -the Duchess was accustomed to inveigh against her royal sister-in-law -in her coarsest manner. “Did not King Henry VIII marry Katherine Parr -in his doting days, when he had brought himself so low by his lust -and cruelty that no lady that stood on her honour would venture on -him? And shall I now give place to her who in her former estate was -but Latimer’s widow, and is now fain to cast herself for support on a -younger brother? If master admiral teach his wife no better manners, I -am she that will.” - -Historians who, for political and religious purposes, have exaggerated -the virtue and accomplishments of Edward VI, and endowed Lady Jane Grey -with charms and gifts which that modest young lady never possessed, -have woven a legend around her and Edward VI which would lead the -uninitiated to believe that she was the constant sharer of his -juvenile tasks and pastimes, whereas in reality it was only in the -last few months of his life that she became in the least prominent at -his Court. Immediately after his birth and the death of his mother -Prince Edward was handed over to the care of Lady Brian,[121] formerly -governess to his two sisters, by whom she was greatly beloved and -respected, and also to that of his dry nurse, Mrs. Sybilla Penn.[122] -His infancy was spent at Chelsea Manor House and at the country seats -of Ampthill and Oatlands. In these places he was frequently visited -by his sisters Mary and Elizabeth, and presumably also by his little -cousins of the house of Grey; but when he attained his sixth year, in -accordance with the peculiar views of his father on the subject of -education, all female influence was withdrawn from him, although Lady -Brian continued to preside over his household. A number of very young -noblemen were selected to be his constant companions and playfellows. -Among them were his cousins, the two sons of Brandon, Duke of Suffolk; -the Lord Edward Seymour, afterwards Earl of Hertford; and his great -friend, the one being he seems to have really loved, young Barnaby -Fitzpatrick, sometimes mentioned by the Swiss Reformers as Earl of -Ireland.[123] His principal tutors were the extremely Protestant Dr. -Richard Cox, who became Dean of Westminster in 1549 and subsequently, -in Elizabeth’s reign, Bishop of Ely; the learned Sir John Cheke,[124] -Provost of King’s College, Cambridge, and his first schoolmaster; -Sir Anthony Cooke; M. Jean Bellemain, his French master; and Roger -Ascham, who taught him caligraphy. He also received lessons in the art -of writing in the Italian or Roman type, which most nearly resembles -the modern, from Dr. Croke, who had taught this art at an earlier -period to the young Duke of Richmond and Queen Katherine Parr. Dr. -Christopher Tye was his music master; and Philip Van Wylder taught him -to play upon his father’s favourite instrument, the lute. Lady Jane was -certainly not among his circle of intimate associates, which did not -even include his two sisters, although the Lady Mary was at one time -officially appointed his guardian, and Elizabeth passed the greater -part of the year 1546 with him at Hatfield. So little intercourse had -he with his sisters after his accession to the throne that he actually -only met Princess Mary three times, and Elizabeth five. As to Lady -Jane, he scarcely ever saw her, unless indeed she spent a few days with -him at Whitehall some weeks before his death. As soon as the Somersets -were thoroughly acquainted with the true motive that had induced the -Dorsets to part with their daughter, they took every precaution to -prevent its accomplishment; and so little was the Lady Jane seen at -the Court of King Edward that she is only once casually mentioned by -that monarch in his _Journal_ as being present at the great functions -arranged in 1550 in honour of the Dowager of Scotland when she passed -through London on her way to her northern dominions; and this was at -the time that Northumberland was in favour and Somerset in disgrace. - -On Thursday, 18th February 1547, the temporal Lords assembled at the -Tower in their robes of estate to witness a solemn and significant -ceremony. The young King having ascended his throne, and the officials -of his Court taken their allotted positions about him, the doors were -thrown open, and Edward Seymour, Lord Protector and Earl of Hertford, -was led from the Council Chamber and conducted before His Majesty. -Garter bore his letters-patent, the Earl of Derby his mantle, the Earl -of Shrewsbury his rod of gold; my Lord Oxford carried his cap of estate -and coronet. The Lord of Arundel bore the sword, and walked immediately -before the Protector, who was supported by the young Duke of Suffolk -and the Marquis of Dorset. After the usual ceremonies, Hertford knelt -and was invested by his royal nephew, who put on the mantle, girded on -the sword, placed the coronet upon his uncle’s head, and delivered him -his rod of gold. Then the trumpets sounded, and the Herald proclaimed -Edward Seymour to be no longer Earl of Hertford, but now and hereafter -Duke of Somerset. - -After the Protector came the Lord William Parr, Earl of Essex, brother -to the Queen-Dowager, who was created Marquis of Northampton and of -Essex. Then appeared John Dudley, Lord de Lisle, who had not assumed -full importance at that time, but who was presently to become the -protagonist of the ominous tragedy already in preparation. The future -father-in-law of Lady Jane Grey, and the Nemesis of Somerset, was a -man of splendid presence, exceedingly tall, with regular and majestic -features, rendered even more striking by his long beard and sweeping -moustache. He entered led by the Earls of Derby and Oxford, and was -presently created Earl of Warwick. Dudley was followed by Wriothesley, -who was raised to the peerage as Earl of Southampton.[125] Immediately -after him came the majestic Sir Thomas Seymour, whom the King created -Baron Seymour of Sudeley, at the same time delivering to him his patent -as Lord High-Admiral of England. Sir Richard Rich, Sir John Sheffield, -and Sir William Willoughby followed in succession and were created -barons by the same names they had borne as knights. When the elaborate -ceremony was over, a grand banquet, at which the King was not present, -was offered to the new peers in the Tower. His Majesty, who was far -from strong, had fainted from fatigue, and no wonder!--the function had -lasted from seven in the morning till nearly midday! - -In the evening of the same day (18th February) three of the handsomest -men of the English Court--Somerset, Sudeley, and Warwick--rode with a -small escort from Whitehall through the Strand to Baynard’s Castle, the -residence of Sir William Herbert, Queen Katherine’s brother-in-law, one -of the wealthiest men in England, served by not less than a thousand -men, who wore his liveries. Here these three gentlemen were hospitably -entertained at supper. There was much to talk over, and the party, -elated by the honours so recently showered upon its members and heated -by Herbert’s good wine, became “right merry”--little dreaming that -within two years’ time Somerset would condemn his own brother Thomas to -death, and that a few months later Warwick, as Duke of Northumberland, -would sign the death-warrant of Somerset, only to be beheaded in his -turn for high treason a year or so later by Queen Mary’s command. -The Marquis of Dorset may have been of the company, and his presence -would add an additional note of tragic significance--for Warwick was -to become the direct cause of the deaths both of Lady Jane and of her -father! - -King Edward, in the meantime, remained at the Tower until his official -progress thence to Westminster for his coronation. Although Somerset -and his brother were in office, and the Marquis of Dorset in great -favour with them, it is not probable that his cousin, the Lady Frances, -or her daughters were brought to see him. His boyish Majesty was left, -according to custom, in complete isolation, seen and influenced alone -by his uncles, the Seymours, and by his numerous tutors (for even after -his accession his lessons were continued with curious punctuality), so -that, what with State functions and his education, the unfortunate lad -had very little or no time for physical exercise or recreation. - -On 19th February His Majesty rode from the Tower in the usual -procession to Westminster before the coronation which formed a part of -our regal ceremonial until the reign of James I, when it was omitted on -account of the plague. Edward, garbed in silver, with a white velvet -waistcoat and a cloak slashed with Venetian silver brocade, embroidered -with pearls, cantered on a milk-white pony under a white silk canopy -edged with silver. On either side of him rode his two uncles, the Lord -Protector and the Lord High-Admiral, whilst Cranmer, dumbly riding with -the Emperor’s Envoy, went between him and the Venetian Ambassador. They -passed through streets gay with tapestry and cloth of gold; whilst -at the Conduit in Cornhill white and red wine ran free for the people -to drink at their will, and children dressed as angels sang a quaint -greeting:-- - - “Hayle, Noble Edward, our Kynge and soveraigne, - Hayle, the cheffe comfort of your communaltye: - Hayle, redolent rose, whose sweetness to reteyne, - Ys unto us all such great comodity, - That earthly joy no more to us can be.” - -At the Standard in the Chepe an erection, “like unto a tower,” and -hung with cloth of gold, was surmounted by trumpeters, who, after a -flourish, recited the following poetic (!) effusion:-- - - “Ye children that are towardes, sing up and downe, - And never play the cowardes to him that weareth the crowne, - But always doo your care his pleasure to fulfyll, - Then shall you keep right sure the honour of England still. - Sing up heart, sing up heart, - Sing no more downe, - But joy in King Edward that wereth the crowne.” - -Outside the Metropolitan Cathedral there was an acrobatic display: “An -argosine [Ragusan] came from the batilment of Saint Poule’s Church, -upon a cable, beyng made faste to an anker at the deane’s doore, liying -uppon his breaste, aidyng himself neither with hande nor foote, and -after ascended to the middes [middle] of the same cable, and tumbled -and plaied many pretie toies [tricks], wherat the Kyng and other of the -peres and nobles of the realme laughed hartely.” In Fleet Street the -King was met by Faith, Justice, and Truth, the first holding a Bible -conspicuously in her hands: each of these damsels recited a long poem -in His Majesty’s honour. Temple Bar having been “new painted in dyvers -colours,” was garnished with cloth of arras and standards and flags, -and seven French trumpeters “blew sweetly” to the singing of an anthem -by a group of children. The customary banquet was served in the Great -Hall, Westminster, and was attended by Archbishop Cranmer, most of the -bishops, the ambassadors, and envoys, the nobility, the Lord Mayor, -aldermen, and sheriffs. - -King Edward stayed at Westminster Palace until the coronation, which -took place on the following Sunday in Westminster Abbey. On account of -the King’s poor health, the service was slightly abridged, otherwise -the old Catholic form was throughout adhered to; for though Cranmer -preached a sermon in refutation of Petrine claims and urged the young -monarch to abolish “idolatry,” he celebrated High Mass, and the -incongruous function concluded with the King’s “offering,” as had -always been done in Catholic times, at St. Edward’s shrine! After the -coronation there were public jousts and tournaments; and the King and -Court attended at Blackfriars those very performances by the “players” -which had roused the ire of Bishop Gardiner and had been postponed at -his request.[126] We may be certain that the Marchioness of Dorset -witnessed the procession and coronation, together with her two elder -daughters, Jane and Katherine, from some place of vantage set apart for -the ladies of the royal family, who, however, took no active part in -either the procession or the actual ceremony, it not being customary -for ladies to be officially present at the coronation of a bachelor -King. - -Notwithstanding that Edward VI is always connected in the popular mind -with Protestantism, and notwithstanding Cranmer’s attack on “Popery” -at the coronation, for quite eighteen months, if not two years, after -Henry VIII’s death the Church in England remained exactly as he left -it. True it is, that the first Book of Common Prayer was issued in -1548, but, on the other hand, Mass was said daily in the Royal Chapel -(Low Mass every day and High Mass on festivals) for the first two or -three years of Edward’s reign; an MS. account book of “the Treasurer -of the Chamber” in the Trevelyan Papers reveals the fact that the -boy-King himself heard Mass almost daily until 1549. There is every -reason to believe that Mass continued to be said or sung in the parish -churches also until the same year; certainly the old feasts were still -observed for the first two years of King Edward’s reign, especially in -London. These feasts were much more numerous than those retained by the -Established Church; there were the first three days in Easter Week, -Corpus Christi,--when there was the usual procession with the Host -through the streets,--the “Days” of St. John, SS. Peter and Paul, St. -Mary Magdalen, St. James the Apostle, the Annunciation, the Nativity, -the Conception, and the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary, All -Hallows’ Day, All Souls’ Day, St. Edward Confessor, Christmas Day, and -the three following holy-days. High Mass of the Holy Ghost was said -in St. Stephen’s Chapel when Parliament met for the first time after -Henry’s death, the King and both Houses attending in State. All the -same, things ecclesiastical were not as they used to be; there was in -different churches much diversity in the matter of details--one priest -would use incense, another not, and so on. In 1548, however, Compline -was sung in English and the Litany of the Saints also in the vernacular. - -So soon as the news that King Henry was dead was authenticated -abroad, an army of foreign Reformers--Swiss, German, French, and -Italian--poured into England, as a secure refuge from the persecution -they endured in their respective countries. These worthies held -the most varied opinions, some even casting doubt on the Divinity -of Christ, and the Lutherans hating the Calvinists as cordially -as they both detested the Papists. The Londoners in general, who, -when not Catholics, were mostly schismatics and ever jealous of -foreigners, did not relish this sudden invasion; but the leaders of -politics and religion in England welcomed the Reformers with open -arms, even overlooking their doctrinal shortcomings for the sake -of their hatred of “the Scarlet Lady.” Some of them--for instance, -Bucer, Peter Martyr, and perhaps Paul Fagius--were awarded chairs -at the Universities; whilst others, such as John ab Ulmis, Conrad -Pellican, Oswald Geisshaüsler (better known as Myconius), Bullinger, -Martin Micronius, Bartholomew Traheron, John Stumphius, Christopher -Froschover, Bernardine Ochinus, Peter Bizarro of Perugia,[127] etc., -were received into the houses of some of the aristocracy to teach -their children “the new learning.” The Marquis of Dorset, as already -noted, welcomed these foreign Reformers with enthusiasm, and we shall -presently learn more concerning his relations with them. He did not -confine his intercourse to a mere empty display of hospitality, but -kept up a regular correspondence with many of them after their return -to their homes. Letter-writing seems, indeed, to have been a passion -with the Reformers, and their voluminous correspondence, arranged, -translated, and published by the Parker Society,[128] throws much -valuable light on their private characters, their politics, and their -singular theological opinions. It is mostly addressed to their brethren -in Basle, Zurich, Geneva, and Strasburg, or to their English patrons. -According to some authorities, there were from ten to twenty thousand -foreign adherents of the “new learning”--or as we might still better -say, new learnings, so many and diverse were their opinions--in England -during Edward VI’s reign, but the former figure is the more likely to -be correct. Very many of these learned men scattered themselves abroad -again when the Catholic reaction set in under Mary; but doubtless a -few remained, whose descendants to this day worship in the Église -Reformée Française, l’Église Protestante Suisse, the Dutch Church, and -in the other foreign Protestant churches which are sprinkled over the -metropolis, but whose congregations were materially increased after the -Revocation of the Edict of Nantes. - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -THE QUEEN AND THE LORD HIGH-ADMIRAL - - -At the time of the much-discussed clandestine marriage between Thomas -Seymour and Katherine Parr, the Princess Elizabeth was a precocious -girl of fifteen, not beautiful, but tall for her age, well developed, -and of elegant figure. The aquiline features, which age was to harshen, -were softened at this early period by the roundness of youth; and the -brilliant complexion stood in no need of the artificial assistance to -which the Queen so freely resorted in her later life. The splendid -auburn hair--its colour may have owed something to a touch of -henna--considerably heightened charms not the least striking of which -were a pair of small but black and penetrating eyes, inherited from -her mother, Anne Boleyn.[129] Unmindful of the fact that a girl of -fifteen is not precisely a baby, the Queen had encouraged the Admiral -to romp with “our Eliza” in the garden and even in her bedroom. Seymour -was notoriously devoid of any sense of delicacy or chivalry, and -there can be very little doubt that the object of his play with his -illustrious stepdaughter was to kindle a passion which might serve his -purpose in case the Queen, already advancing in pregnancy, should die -in childbirth--a not improbable contingency, considering her age and -the fact that she had never borne a child before. At a much later date -Mrs. Ashley, the Princess’s governess, deposed as follows before the -Privy Council: “At Chelsea Manor,[130] after my Lord Thomas Seymour -was married to the Queen, he would come many mornings into the said -Lady Elizabeth’s chamber before she was ready, and sometimes before she -did rise, and strike her familiarly on the back, and so go forth to his -chamber, and sometimes go through to her maidens and play with them. -And if the Princess were in bed, he would put open the curtains and bid -her good morrow, and she would go further in the bed. And one morning -he tried to kiss the Princess _in_ the bed and I was there, and bade -him go away for shame. At Hanworth, for two mornings, the Queen was -with him, and they both tickled my Lady Elizabeth in her bed. Another -time, at Hanworth, he romped with her in the garden, and cut her gown, -being of black silk, into a hundred pieces; and when I chid Lady -Elizabeth, she answered, ‘She could not strive with all, for the Queen -held her while the Lord Admiral cut the dress.’ Another time, Lady -Elizabeth heard the master-key unlock, and knowing my Lord Admiral -would come in, ran out of her bed to her maidens, and then went behind -the curtains of her bed and my Lord Admiral tarried a long while, in -hopes she would come out.” Upon Mrs. Ashley’s begging the Admiral to -be more circumspect, because his tomfooleries were giving the Princess -a bad reputation, he answered, with an oath, “I will tell my Lord -Protector how I am slandered; and I will not leave off, for I mean no -evil.” “At Seymour Place,” continues Mrs. Ashley, “when the Queen slept -there, he did use awhile to come up every morning in his night-gown -and slippers. When he found Lady Elizabeth up and at her book, then he -would look in at the gallery-door, and bid her good morrow and so go -on his way; and I did tell my Lord it was an unseemly sight to see a -man so little dressed in a maiden’s chamber, with which he was angry, -but left it. At Hanworth, the Queen did tell me ‘that my Lord Admiral -looked in at the gallery-window, and saw my Lady Elizabeth with her -arms about a man’s neck.’ I did question my Lady Elizabeth about it, -which she denied, weeping, and bade us ‘ax all her women if there were -any man who came to her, excepting Grindal.’ [This gentleman was her -tutor.] Howbeit, methought the Queen, being jealous, did feign this -story, to the intent that I might take more heed to the proceedings of -Lady Elizabeth and the Lord Admiral.”[131] Mr. Ashley, husband of the -above deponent, and also in Princess Elizabeth’s service, concurred -in his wife’s opinion that the Admiral was going too far, and that -the Princess was “inclined” towards him, for whenever the Admiral was -mentioned “she was wont to blush to her hair-roots.” That Elizabeth -herself was alarmed is proved by the fact that she told Parry, her -cofferer, “that she feared the Admiral loved her but too well, and that -the Queen was jealous of them both; and that Her Majesty, suspecting -the frequent access of the Admiral to her, came upon them suddenly -when they were alone, he having her in his arms. The Queen was greatly -offended, and reproved Mrs. Ashley very sharply for her neglect of duty -in permitting the Princess to fall into such reprehensible freedom of -behaviour.” The scandalous conduct of her husband at last roused not -only the jealousy but the apprehensions of Queen Katherine. She feared -some misfortune might befall the Princess at her tender age, and felt -that in such a case the blame very naturally, and not unjustly, would -be cast on her; and she would be generally regarded as the author of -her stepdaughter’s ruin. Very quietly, therefore, Her Majesty suggested -the departure of the Princess, who was forthwith sent back to Hatfield, -attended by her governess and servants. Elizabeth seems to have borne -her late hostess no ill-will on account of this banishment, and a few -months later we see her affectionately concerned about Her Grace’s -health, and greatly rejoiced at the news that she had been safely -delivered. Evidently a letter from the Admiral, received some days -before the event, had assured her the expected child would be a boy, -and it must have been on receiving this expression of opinion that the -Princess indited the following quaint epistle to her stepmother:-- - - “Although Your Highness’s letters be most joyful to me in absence, - yet, considering what pain it is for you to write, Your Grace - being so sickly, your commendations were enough in my Lord’s - letter. I much rejoice at your health, with the well liking of the - country, with my humble thanks that Your Grace wished me with you - till I were weary of that country. Your Highness were like to be - cumbered, if I should not depart till I were weary of being with - you; although it were the worst soil in the world, your presence - would make it pleasant. I cannot reprove my Lord for not doing your - commendations in his letter, for he did it; and although he had - not, yet I will not complain of him, for he shall be diligent to - give me knowledge from time to time how his busy child doth; and - if I were at his birth, no doubt I would see him beaten, for the - trouble he hath put you to. Master Denny and my lady, with humble - thanks, prayeth most entirely for Your Grace, praying the Almighty - to send you a most lucky deliverance; and my mistress [Mrs. Ashley] - wisheth no less, giving Your Highness most humble thanks for her - commendations. Written, with very little leisure, this last day of - July.--Your humble daughter, - - ELIZABETH” - -The phrase, “If I were at his birth, no doubt I would see him beaten, -for the trouble he hath put you to,” is as quaint as any metaphor in -Shakespeare. This letter was dispatched some six weeks before the -Queen’s confinement. About the same time Katherine received a friendly -missive from the Princess Mary, congratulating her on the rumour she -hears concerning her good condition, and assuring her she will pray -Almighty God to help her in her hour of hope and danger. - -The unpleasant rumours as to the behaviour of “my Lord Admiral” and -Elizabeth were soon well known all over London, and caused much -spiteful gossip. It was currently reported that when the Princess -left the Queen’s house she had betaken herself to some out-of-the-way -dwelling at Hackney, where a mysterious infant had been born.[132] -This story was so generally believed that it had an echo even during -the great Queen’s reign. In the twenty-first year of Elizabeth (1579), -a youth who appeared at Madrid asserted himself to be the Queen’s son -by the Lord Admiral, and was accepted as such by the Spanish King and -Court. The Lord Admiral certainly made a great impression on the young -girl’s heart, for long after her accession, Elizabeth, very reticent, -as a rule, concerning events connected with her childhood and youth, -would, in the privacy of her closet, confide to the ladies she admitted -to her intimacy that “the Lord Admiral had been the only man she had -ever loved; and the handsomest she had ever seen.” - -Perhaps the departure of Princess Elizabeth left the Queen more leisure -to look after her other charge, the Lady Jane Grey, who had been -removed from Seymour Place to the Manor House, Chelsea. Katherine, -on account, it may be, of the restlessness sometimes observed in -ladies in her condition, moved about a great deal during this period. -Sometimes she addresses her letters from Hanworth, sometimes from -Oatlands. Then, as political events rendered her husband’s position -less and less secure, she determined to retire to Sudeley Castle, -Seymour’s lately acquired seat in Gloucestershire, and to lie-in there. -The journey from Hanworth must have been a troublesome one for a woman -in her state of health. She travelled with her husband, Lady Jane -Grey,[133] Lady Tyrwhitt, six other ladies, and two chaplains. She -herself was in a waggon, comfortably lined and cushioned, no doubt, -and with every possible precaution to ensure her comfort, but the -roads were atrocious, and the journey lasted six days. Yet the weary -traveller’s patience must have been amply rewarded, for Sudeley Castle -in those days was one of the most splendid houses in England--a gem -of Gothic architecture, furnished in the most sumptuous style. The -Queen’s apartments had been fitted up with as much magnificence as -she would have enjoyed if she had still been Queen-Consort of England -and about to present the realm with an expected heir. Her bedchamber -was hung with costly tapestry, specified, in an inventory still -preserved at Sudeley, as consisting of “six fair pieces of hangings -illustrating the history of the Nymph Daphne.” The bed had a tester -and curtains of crimson taffeta, with a counterpoint of silk serge. -There was another bed for the nurse, hung with “counterpoints of -imagery to please the babe”--probably some stuff such as was common in -those days embroidered with animals, birds, and little men. The outer -chamber had been arranged as a day nursery, and was hung with “a fair -tapestry” representing the twelve months of the year. In it was set a -“chair of state” covered with cloth of gold--all the other seats were -stools--and a bedstead with tester curtains and rich counterpoints, or -counterpanes, as they are now called. There is still a lovely oriel -window of Tudor architecture at Sudeley popularly called “the nursery -window,” but this cannot be the window of the nursery that was prepared -for Katherine Parr’s babe, for the inventory distinctly says “carpets -for _four_ windows in the nursery.” This other “nursery window” looks -out upon one of the most lovely scenes in England--the chapel where -Katherine Parr sleeps in peace after her chequered life, the garden in -front of it, while beyond, the lovely green of the famous woods of St. -Kenelm soften into the haze of the distant horizon. - -Lady Jane’s room, beyond Queen Katherine’s, was also splendidly -furnished, and adorned with tapestries representing the history of St. -Catherine. The bed was hung with blue silk, and a large piece of Turkey -carpet[134] covered the floor. - -Queen Katherine’s life at Sudeley must have been very quiet and -peaceful. Local tradition tells us that she was wont, with her young -charge and her ladies, to visit the poor and take an interest in her -gardens. Divine service according to the rites of the Church of England -was said regularly twice a day in the beautiful chapel by one of her -chaplains, Coverdale or Parkhurst, and sermons were preached at least -three times a day. The Lord Admiral’s ostentatious absence from these -pious exercises was a matter of great vexation to the Queen, and gave -rise to a report that his Lordship was an atheist.[135] - -The return of the Lord Protector from his campaign in Scotland boded no -good for the Lord Admiral; the brothers had a bitter quarrel, and on -this occasion it was that Seymour departed with the Queen for Sudeley. -Edward had been writing to Somerset, calling him “his dearest uncle” -and saying that he was well pleased with his many victories, and on -the warrior’s return the Admiral found himself quite driven into the -shade. However, about a month before the Queen’s confinement, he made -a hurried journey to London, hoping to induce the young King to write -a letter complaining of the treatment his younger uncle and the Queen -were receiving from the Protector. Edward was easily persuaded to write -the letter, but before the plot was thoroughly matured it was betrayed -to the elder Seymour, and Thomas, arrested by the Lord Protector’s -order, was taken before the Council to answer for his behaviour. -Threatened with imprisonment in the Tower, he made a sort of submission -to Somerset, and a hollow reconciliation took place, the Protector -adding a sum of £800 per annum to Sudeley’s appointments in the hope -of conciliating his unruly brother, who hurried back to Sudeley, where -he felt himself comparatively safe; for so long as the Queen lived he -could defy his foes, his wife’s great rank and the well-known affection -entertained for her by the boy-King sufficing to screen him even from -the vengeance of the infuriated head of the house of Seymour. - -On 30th August 1548 Queen Katherine bore the infant for whom such great -preparations had been made. The parents had fondly hoped it would -be a boy, but, alack! it was a puny girl, destined to be a child of -misfortune. She cost her mother her life, and grew up to suffer the -bitter pangs of poverty and neglect. - -My Lord Sudeley, who had been consulting fortune-tellers and palmists -about the expected child, was bitterly disappointed, for they had -predicted the birth of a son. This did not prevent him from writing -a very flattering account of his infant daughter to his brother the -Protector. The Duke had quite recently sent his brother a very severe -letter complaining of his intrigues; but the birth of the child seems -to have had a softening effect, and the following letter was far more -friendly, containing a courteous message to the Queen, and continuing:-- - - “We are right glad to understand by your letters that the Queen, - your bedfellow, hath a happy hour; and, escaping all danger, hath - made you the father of so pretty a daughter. And although (if it - had pleased God) it would have been both to us, and (we suppose) - also to you, a more joy and comfort if it had, this the first-born, - been a son, yet the escape of the danger, and the prophecy and good - hansell of this to a great sort of proper sons, which (as I write) - we trust no less than to be true, it is no small joy and comfort to - us, as we are sure it is to you and to her Grace also; to whom you - shall make again our hearty commendations, with no less gratulation - of such good success. - - “Thus we bid you heartily farewell. From Sion, the 1st of Sept. - 1548.--Your loving brother, - - “E. SOMERSET” - -It is a curious fact that the child was born on 30th August, and -that Somerset’s letter is dated the 1st of September, proving that -communication was much more expeditious in those days than we are apt -to imagine. - -Lady Tyrwhitt, who attended on the Queen, has left a very touching -account of her last hours.[136] Everything seems to have gone well -until about six days after the child’s birth, when the Queen suddenly -became delirious, and conceived a great dread and a burning jealousy -of her husband. Lady Tyrwhitt says that “two days before the death of -the Queen, at my coming to her in the morning, she asked me ‘Where I -had been so long?’ and said unto me ‘that she did fear such things -in herself, that she was sure she could not live.’ I answered as I -thought, ‘that I saw no likelihood of death in her.’ She then, having -my Lord Admiral by the hand, and divers others standing by, spake -these words, partly, as I took, idly [that is, “in delirium”]: ‘My -Lady Tyrwhitt, I be not well handled; for those that be about me care -not for me, but stand laughing at my grief, and the more good I will -to them, the less good they will to me.’ Whereunto my Lord Admiral -answered, ‘Why, sweetheart, I would you no hurt.’ And she said to -him again, aloud, ‘No, my lord, I think so’; and immediately she -said to him in his ear, ‘But, my lord, you have given me many shrewd -taunts.’ These words I perceived she spoke with good memory, and very -sharply and earnestly, for her mind was sore disquieted. My Lord -Admiral, perceiving that I heard it, called me aside, and asked me -‘What she said?’ and I declared it plainly to him. Then he consulted -with me ‘that he would lie down on the bed by her, to look if he -could pacify her unquietness with gentle communication,’ whereunto -I agreed; and by the time that he had spoken three or four words to -her, she answered him roundly and sharply, saying, ‘My Lord, I would -have given a thousand marks to have had my full talk with Hewyke [Dr. -Huick or Huycke[137]] the first day I was delivered, but I durst not -for displeasing you.’ And I, hearing that, perceived her trouble to -be so great, that my heart would serve me to hear no more. Such like -communications she had with him the space of an hour, which they did -hear that sat by her bedside.” - -Little Lady Jane Grey was no doubt near the afflicted Queen throughout -these trying scenes; but she would almost certainly have been excluded -from the bedchamber when the Queen’s condition became alarming. Just -before the end Katherine seems to have rallied, for on 5th September -she was able to make her will, leaving everything to her husband, -and “wishing it had been a thousand times more, so great was her -love for him.” The witnesses to this will were Dr. Huycke, already -mentioned, and Dr. Parkhurst, afterwards Bishop of Norwich, both men -of unimpeachable integrity, who would not have signed the document if -there had been anything illegal about it. Katherine Parr died on 7th -September, the second day after the date of her will and the eighth -after the birth of her child. She was in her thirty-sixth year, and -had survived Henry VIII just one year, six months, and eight days. Her -funeral took place at Sudeley Castle, according to the rites of the -Church of England, on Friday, 8th September, and was the first royal -funeral so celebrated in England. Dr. Coverdale was the officiant at -the Queen’s burial. A procession was formed of “conductors” (_i.e._ -leaders) in black, gentlemen, Somerset Herald, torch-bearers, Lady Jane -Grey, acting as chief mourner, her train borne by a young gentlewoman, -then more ladies and gentlemen; finally, “all other following.” The -Lord Admiral, according to custom, did not attend his wife’s funeral. -The ritual was somewhat curious, and is described in the following -terms in an MS. entitled “A Booke of Buryalls of Trew Noble Persons,” -now in the London College of Arms:[138] “When the corpse was set within -the rails, and the mourners placed, the whole choir began and sung -certain psalms in English, and read three lessons; and after the third -lesson, the mourners, according to their degrees and that which is -accustomed, offered into the alms-box.... Doctor Coverdale, the Queen’s -almoner, began his sermon ... in one place thereof he took occasion to -declare unto the people ‘how the offering which was there done, was -(not) done anything to benefit the corpse, but for the poor only; and -also the lights, which were carried and stood about the corpse, were -for the honour of the person, and for none other intent nor purpose’; -and so went through with his sermon, and made a godly prayer, and the -whole church answered and prayed with him.... The sermon done, the -corpse was buried, during which time the choir sung the _Te Deum_ in -English. And this done, the mourners dined, and the rest returned -homewards again. All which aforesaid was done in a morning.” - - - - -CHAPTER X - -THE LADY JANE GOES TO SEYMOUR PLACE - - -All Thomas Seymour’s schemes and conspiracies and political and -domestic intrigues were brought to nought by his wife’s death, and -he swiftly realised that the danger of his position was immeasurably -increased by her decease. She had been an effective barrier between -himself and his foes, for nothing could persuade the King to consider -her otherwise than with great affection, as one of the only two persons -he really loved (his young companion Barnaby Fitzpatrick being the -other). Sudeley was now, metaphorically speaking, at sea in a storm, -and seeking safety in any port he could discover. For a few days his -troubles seem to have dazed him. He may, indeed, have loved his wife -and have sincerely mourned her. There is not the slightest reason -to believe that there was any solid foundation for the accusations -brought against him of having ill-treated and even poisoned the Queen. -A few weeks before her death, on the contrary, he swore, with one of -his horrible oaths, that if any man “speak ill of his Queen in his -presence, he would take his fist to his ear, be he of the lowest or of -the highest.” After his wife’s death, Sudeley was at first inclined to -break up his household and throw himself once more into public life. -He even went so far as to dismiss some of his servants, and returned -to Hanworth, the late Queen’s dower-house in Middlesex, taking Lady -Jane and her attendants with him. Hence he wrote to Dorset to say that, -broken-hearted as he was at the departure of the Queen, his wife, he -could not keep the Lady Jane any longer,[139] and begged him to send -for her. By 17th September, however, he seems to have cheered up -considerably, for he dispatched another letter to Bradgate, which runs -as follows:-- - - “My last letters, written at a time when, partly with the Queen’s - Highness’s death I was so amazed that I had small regard either - to myself or my doings, and partly then thinking that my great - loss must presently have constrained me to have broken up and - dissolved my whole house, I offered unto your Lordship to send my - Lady Jane unto you whensoever you would send for her, as to him - that I thought would be most tender on her. Forasmuch, since being - both better avised of myself, and having more deeply digested - whereunto my power [_i.e._ property] would extend; I find, indeed, - that with God’s help, I shall right well be able to continue my - house together, without diminishing any great part thereof; and, - therefore, putting my whole affiance and trust in God, have begun - anew to stablish my household, where shall remain not only the - gentlewomen of the Queen’s Highness’s privy chamber, but also - the maids that waited at large, and other women being about Her - Grace in her lifetime, with a hundred and twenty gentlemen and - yeomen, continually abiding in the house together. Saving that now, - presently, certain of the maids and gentlewomen have desired to - have license for a month or such thing, to see their friends, and - then immediately to return hither again. And, therefore, doubting - lest your Lordship might think any unkindness that I should by my - said letters take occasion to rid me of your daughter, the Lady - Jane, so soon after the Queen’s death, for the proof both of my - hearty affection towards you, and my good-will to her, I am now - minded to keep her until I next speak with your Lordship, which - should have been within these three or four days if it had not been - that I must repair to the Court, as well to help certain of the - Queen’s poor servants with some of the things now fallen by her - death, as also for mine own affairs, unless I shall be advertised - from your Lordship to the contrary. My lady my mother shall and - will, I doubt not, be as dear unto her [_i.e._ Lady Jane] as - though she were her own daughter; and for my part I shall continue - her half-father, and more, and all that are in my house shall be as - diligent about her as yourself would wish accordingly.”[140] - -To this letter Dorset replied as follows, in a particularly fine -specimen of the strange orthography of those days:-- - - “My most hearty commendations unto your good lordship not - forgotten. When it hath pleased you by your most gentle letters to - offer me the abode of my daughter at your lordship’s house, I do - as well acknowledge your most friendly affection towards me and - her therein, as also render unto you most deserved thanks for the - same. Nevertheless, considering the state of my daughter and her - tender years, wherein she shall hardly rule herself as yet without - a guide, lest she should, for lack of a bridle, take too much the - head, and conceive such opinion of herself, that all such good - behaviour as she heretofore hath learned, by the Queen’s and your - most wholesome instructions, should either altogether be quenched - in her, or at the least much diminished, I shall, in most hearty - wise, require your lordship to commit her to the governance of her - mother, by whom for the fear and duty she oweth her, she shall most - easily be ruled and framed towards virtue, which I wish above all - things to be most plentiful in her; and although your lordship’s - good mind, concerning her honest and godly education be so great, - that mine can be no more; yet weighing that you be destitute of - such one as should correct her as a mistress, and admonish her as a - mother, I persuade myself that you will think the eye and oversight - of my wife shall be in this respect most necessary.” - -Then follows a mention of the proposed scheme for uniting the Lady Jane -to the King; and the letter concludes thus:-- - - “My meaning herein is not to withdraw any part of my promise to - you for her bestowing; for I assure your Lordship, I intend, God - willing, to use your discreet advice and consent in that behalf - and no less than mine own; only I seek in these her tender years, - wherein she now standeth, either to make or mar (as the common - saying is), the addressing [the forming] of her mind to humility, - soberness, and obedience. Wherefore, looking upon that fatherly - affection which you bear her, my trust is that your lordship, - weighing the premises, will be content to charge her mother with - her, whose waking eye in respecting her demeanour, shall be, - I hope, no less than you as a friend and I as a father would - wish. And thus wishing your lordship a perfect riddance of all - unquietness and grief of mind, I leave any further to trouble your - lordship. From my house at Bradgate, the 19th of September.--Your - lordship’s to the best of my power, - - HENRY DORSET”[141] - - (Endorsed) - - “To my very good Lord Admiral: give this.” - -With this precious epistle was enclosed another, from the Lady -Frances:-- - - “And whereas,” says she, “of a friendly and brotherly good will - you wish to have Jane my daughter, continuing still in your house, - I give you most hearty thanks for your gentle offer, trusting, - nevertheless, that, for the good opinion you have in your sister - (Lady Frances herself), you will be content to charge her with her - (_i.e._ charge Lady Frances with Lady Jane), who promiseth you, not - only to be ready at all times to account for the ordering of your - dear niece [Lady Jane], but also to use your counsel and advice on - the bestowing of her, whensoever it shall happen. Wherefore, my - good brother, my request shall be, that I may have the oversight - of her with your good will and thereby shall have good occasion to - think that you do trust me in such wise, as is convenient that a - sister be trusted of so loving a brother. And thus my most hearty - commendations not omitted, I wish the whole [or holy] deliverance - of your grief and continuance of your lordship’s health. From - Bradgate, 19th of this September.--Your loving sister and assured - friend, - - FRANCES DORSET”[142] - - (Endorsed) - - “To the right Honourable and my very - good Lord, my Lord Admiral.” - -It will be noted that the Lady Frances evinces a quite sisterly -affection for the Lord Admiral, adopting him as her brother; and her -daughter, therefore, was to be considered as his niece. - -After this correspondence, the Lady Jane was returned to Bradgate, -whither she proceeded with a semi-regal escort consisting of not less -than forty persons, including Mr. Rous or Rowse, controller of the Lord -Admiral’s household, and Mr. John Harrington, afterwards prominent at -Queen Elizabeth’s Court. On taking their leave of the young Princess, -these gentlemen assured her that all the maids at Hanworth were -expecting her back again. The wily Dorsets themselves had, indeed, made -up their minds she should return, though in their heart of hearts they -had something besides Lady Jane herself in view. It was somewhere about -20th September that Lady Jane arrived at Bradgate. On or about the 23rd -of that month the Marquis and his spouse journeyed to London, where -they met Sir William Sharington,[143] Seymour’s _âme damnée_, and the -Lord High-Admiral himself. These gentlemen had a very secret business -to discuss, the nature of which must now be described. The Dorsets, -not then wealthy people, were deep in debt. Now Seymour was known to -be rich, for, in addition to his own fortune, he had just inherited -that of the Queen, and, so far, his brother had given no signs of any -intention of confiscating it. The Dorsets, therefore, intimated to -Sharington that he would do well to make Sudeley understand that if -he desired to renew his guardianship of the Lady Jane, he must agree -to give her parents £2000, £500 to be paid down at once, on account. -It should be here remarked that Sudeley, by voluntarily relinquishing -the care of the Lady Jane Grey, had given up his guardianship, which, -by the custom of those times, gave him more than parental rights over -her. It was his desire to renew his official charge that enabled the -Dorsets to make this extraordinary proposal to sell him their child -for what in those days was considered a large sum of money. When the -game was up and Sudeley in prison, the Dorsets threw the blame of this -transaction on everybody but themselves. The Lord Admiral, asserted -Lady Jane’s father in his deposition before the Privy Council, “was -so earnestly in hand with me and my wife, the Lady Frances, that in -the end, because he would have no nay, we were content that Jane -should return to his house.” Indeed, Sudeley, not content to treat -so important a matter only through the medium of Sharington, himself -appeared at Dorset’s town house and interviewed the Marquis, who -admitted in the above-mentioned deposition that, “At this very time and -place he renewed his promise unto me for the marrying of my daughter to -the King’s Majesty, and he added, ‘If I may get the King at liberty, I -dare warrant you His Majesty will marry no other than Jane.’” - -Whilst Sudeley was thus pretending, if nothing more, that he was -able to marry Jane to the King, could he but get possession of her, -the Marquis of Dorset was inditing a letter to the Lord Protector -which contained a passage referring to some negotiations he was -conducting with His Highness for the marriage of Lady Jane to the Earl -of Hertford, Somerset’s eldest son! “Item, for the maryage of your -graces sune to be had with my doghter Jane, I thynk hyt not met [meet] -to be wrytyn, but I shall at all tymes avouche my sayng.” Dorset’s -cunning must have nearly matched Sudeley’s! Young Hertford was the -lad mentioned in the papers of the time of Queen Mary as “contracted” -to Lady Jane Grey: in later years he married her sister Katherine. -Jane probably made his acquaintance in her childish days, when the -Seymours lived at Whitehall and she was in residence at the “Bluff -King’s” Court under the wing of Katherine Parr. Hertford was also one -of the band of young noblemen selected as companions for Prince Edward -under the tutelage of the learned Dr. Cheke; and probably had many a -romp with Jane, then a merry little girl. Later on he paid one or two -visits to Bradgate, the Lady Frances conceiving such a strong affection -for him that she was wont to call him her son. Here again the young -people must have been much together, and their childish friendship may -have inspired the Marquis of Dorset with the idea of uniting them in -marriage. However that may be, he certainly got as far as corresponding -with Somerset--though in the profoundest secrecy--about the matter. -Was his caution due to a fear of displeasing Sudeley? What is more -than probable is that the Lord Admiral got wind of the scheme, and -that his desire to get Jane away from her father and his own brother -and nephew was at the bottom of his readiness to pay so heavy a price -to resume her guardianship, for which object he used the likelihood -of her marriage with the King as a bait to catch the Marquis--who was -eventually “jockeyed” by both the Seymours, for no marriage with either -the King or Hertford ever took place. - -Whilst Seymour was personally negotiating with the Marquis, the task -of persuading the Marchioness fell to Sharington. “Sir William -[Sharington] travailed as earnestly with my wife,” says Dorset, “to -gain her good-will for the return of our daughter to Lord Thomas -Seymour as he [probably Seymour is meant in this case] did with me; so -as in the end, after long debating and ‘much sticking of our sides,’ we -did agree that my daughter Jane should return to him.”[144] - -Their bargain with the Admiral struck, the Dorsets hurried back to -Bradgate, whence they incited the dispatch of the following ingenuous -letter:-- - - “To the Right Honourable and my singular good lord, the Lord - Admiral. - - “My duty to your lordship, in most humble wise remembered, with - no less thanks for the gentle letters which I received from you. - Thinking myself so much bound to your lordship for your great - goodness towards me from time to time, that I cannot by any means - be able to recompense the least part thereof, I purpose to write - a few rude lines to your lordship, rather as a token to show how - much worthier I think your lordship’s goodness, than to give worthy - thanks for the same, and these my letters will be to testify unto - you that, like as you have been unto me a loving and kind father, - so I shall be always most ready to obey your godly monitions and - good instructions, as becometh one upon whom you have heaped so - many benefits. And thus fearing I should trouble your lordship too - much, I most humbly take leave of your lordship.--Your most humble - servant during my life, - - “JANE GRAYE” - - (Endorsed) - - “My Lady Jane, the 1st of Oct. 1548.” - -With this letter the Lady Frances sent Sudeley another, in which she -again calls him her “very good lord and brother”: Jane considers him as -“a loving and kind father,” and her mother signs herself, “Your assured -and loving sister, Frances Dorset”--most friendly! - -It was near Michaelmas when the Lord Admiral, with a numerous retinue, -including several ladies, arrived at Bradgate to carry the girl back -with him to Hanworth. Traces of his return journey may be found in -papers preserved in the Public Library at Leicester, which inform us -that “beer, cold meat, and ale was provided by the Mayor for my Lady -Jane and her escort, proceeding from Bradgate with the Lord Thomas -Seymour, to London.” Sudeley brought the £500 with him and gave it to -the father who, for the sake of filthy lucre, had not scrupled to hand -over his young daughter to a notorious profligate. Thomas treated the -matter jovially, saying “merrily” he would take no receipt for the -money, for “the Lady Jane herself was in pledge of that”; the Marquis, -on the other hand, sought to endue the affair with a more respectable -appearance by declaring the cash was “as it wer for an ernst peny of -the favour that he [Sudeley] wold shewe unto him [Dorset].” To our -eyes, there is, and can be, but one redeeming feature in the whole of -this sordid transaction--the fact, proved by sufficient evidence, that -Lady Jane Grey whilst under the Lord Admiral’s roof was treated not -only with respect, but with much kindness, and that, even allowing for -the fact that letters such as that already quoted were inspired by her -parents, she seems to have been genuinely attached to both Sudeley and -his mother. - -Had Thomas Seymour contented himself with achieving eminence in any -one legitimate direction--the Navy, for instance--he might have -succeeded in winning both fame and honour. But he lacked the clearness -of judgment and power of reticence necessary to carry any one of his -more nefarious schemes to completion, and so ended in pitiable failure. -Whilst his brother was away fighting in Scotland, he had striven, and -with some success, to ingratiate himself with the young King. To this -end, as we have seen, he lent him various sums of money. He seized -every opportunity of belittling and even calumniating his brother, the -Protector, openly accusing him of conspiring against Edward’s liberty, -all of which the poor little King was only too eager to believe; for -Somerset, with his puritanic views, had not made the boy’s existence -very pleasant to him, persistently treating him as a little old man, -and suppressing all those amusements and sports which lads, even sickly -lads, love so dearly. It is said that, on one occasion, when he came -upon the King and Barney Fitzpatrick playing cards, he seized them in -a fury and threw them into the fire. He had striven, in a word, to make -Edward look at life as he saw it himself, through smoked Calvinistic -glasses that robbed it of all brightness. - -The Duchess of Feria relates that Queen Mary once told her Edward VI -had confessed to her that he was very tired of sermons--not to be -wondered at, since the poor child had to hear one at least daily on -some dogmatic controversy or other, and these dull homilies often -lasted a good two hours. In fact, the royal lad was bored and “prayed” -to death. For more than a year after his accession to the throne he was -compelled to hear a daily Mass, celebrated according to the old rites -but with the Epistle and Gospel said in English. Interpolated into -this Latin service was the inevitable lengthy sermon preached by men -well known for their Reforming zeal, such as Canon William Barlow of -St. Osyth’s, in Essex, who became Bishop of Chichester in Elizabeth’s -reign; Dr. John Taylor; Dr. Redman, a violent opponent of the doctrine -of Transubstantiation; Dr. Thomas Becken; Dr. Giles Ayre, a bitter -enemy of Gardiner; and the extremely Protestant Dr. Latimer. John Knox, -who came to London in 1551, also preached before the King; but by that -time the Mass had been replaced by the services of the first Book of -Common Prayer. Knox was in a very bad temper with the Protector at the -time of his visit, and accused him of paying more attention to the -building of his new house in the Strand than to his (Knox’s) sermons. -As time went on, poor Edward had to listen to controversies in which -Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, Ridley, Bishop of Rochester, and -“that most zealous Papist,” Heath, Bishop of Worcester (afterwards, -under Mary, Archbishop of York), “debated and disputed” on such grave -subjects as Transubstantiation, the Intercession of Saints, Worship of -the Virgin, Prayers for the Dead, Purgatory, etc., and attend sermons -preached in the courtyard of Whitehall Palace, where Gardiner delivered -his last discourse on papal supremacy, which sent him to the Tower. -Contemporary evidence shows exactly how the audience was grouped round -the improvised rostrum built close to the walls of the palace, so -that the King might hear the preacher from an open window, where he -generally sat, notebook in hand, in the company of the Lord Protector, -and of Dr. John Cheke, his tutor. Aged people of both sexes were ranged -on benches close to the palace, whilst the general congregation, -standing, filled up the courtyard. The learned Nicholas Udall often -sat at a desk under the pulpit, taking shorthand notes of the sermon, -and by his means many of the more notable of these orations have been -preserved to this day. John Knox preached his last sermon before Edward -VI from the pulpit at Whitehall Palace. At many, if not at most, of -these pious exercises Lady Jane Grey, her mother and sister must have -assisted, for it was expected that all the great ladies of the Court -should attend; and consequently, in one or two old engravings of these -interesting functions, we behold them, wearing their “froze pastes” or -coifs, seated in rows, looking exceedingly sanctimonious, not to say -bored. There are numbers of young children among them, one or two of -whom have evidently fallen into a deep sleep. - -Edward, extremely delicate from his birth, slightly deformed, with one -shoulder-blade higher than the other, weak eyes, and occasional attacks -of deafness, suffered terribly, we are told, from headaches, a fact -which causes little surprise, considering the number of sermons he was -forced to attend. The Lord Admiral, during the brief time he held the -King’s favour, altered all this. The sermons were reduced, the sports -and pastimes multiplied. No wonder, then, that of his two uncles Edward -VI preferred Thomas to Edward! - -Hardly was Lady Jane installed at Seymour Place, whither she was -removed from Hanworth as soon as the weather grew cold, than her -guardian set himself to weave not one but half a dozen fresh intrigues. -Once more he planned to marry the Princess Elizabeth, or, failing her, -a little later on, his young ward, Lady Jane. He even endeavoured -to open a fresh correspondence with the Princess, and met with some -success; but the astute damsel made him a very politic response. -However impressed she may have been by the Admiral’s good looks, she -was well aware that he had compromised her once, and was resolved -there should be no second edition of the Chelsea business. Yet she -had the imprudence to send his Lordship letters through her servants, -and, thus encouraged, the Admiral began to make minute inquiries as to -her fortune and the management of her affairs. He also endeavoured -to find out the amount of the fortunes owned by Lady Jane Grey and -Princess Mary, and, in short, of all the marriageable ladies of the -royal family, not excluding Anne of Cleves. A report of these inquiries -coming to the knowledge of John Russell, the Lord Privy Seal, that -functionary thought it his duty to look into the matter, and seized an -opportunity when riding with the Admiral through the streets of London -to ask him his object point-blank. As they rode past Westminster Hall, -Russell turned to Seymour, saying, “My Lord Admiral, there are certain -rumours bruited of you which I am very sorry to hear.” - -“What rumours?” demanded Seymour. - -“I have been informed,” replied Russell, “that you mean to marry either -the Lady Mary or the Lady Elizabeth, or else the Lady Jane.” - -Sudeley remained silent, and his interlocutor proceeded: “My Lord, if -ye go about any such thing, ye seek the means to undo yourself, and all -those that shall come of you.” - -Sudeley, shaking his head, denied ever having had any such intention; -he “had no thought of such an enterprise.” And so, for the time being, -the conversation dropped. But a few days later, when the Lord Admiral -was again riding with his Lordship, he said to Russell, “Father -Russell, you are very suspicious of me; I pray you tell me who showed -you of the marriage that I should attempt, whereof ye brake with me the -other day.” - -Russell answered, “I will not tell you the authors of the tale, but -they be your very good friends”; and he advised Seymour “to make -no suit of marriage that way”--meaning with Elizabeth or Mary, or -eventually with Lady Jane. - -Nothing daunted, Seymour replied, “It is convenient for them to marry, -and better it were that they were married within the realm than in any -foreign place without the realm; and why might not I, or another man -raised by the King their father, marry one of them?”--in allusion to -the fact that Henry VIII had passed a law legalising the marriage of a -Princess of the Blood with a subject. - -Russell warned him honestly, “My Lord, if either you, or any other -within this realm, shall match himself in marriage either with my Lady -Mary or my Lady Elizabeth, he shall undoubtedly, whatsoever he be, -procure unto himself the occasion of his undoing, and you especially, -above all others, being of so near alliance to the King’s Majesty.” -Then, bearing in mind the Lord Admiral’s love of money, Lord Russell -straightway asked, “And I pray you, what shall you have with either of -them?” - -Here Seymour was on his own ground: “He who marries one of them shall,” -he said, “have three thousand pounds a year.” - -“My Lord,” responded Russell, “it is not so, for ye may be well assured -that he shall have no more than ten thousand pounds in money, plate, -and goods, and no lands; and what is that to maintain his charges and -estates who matches himself there?” - -“They must have three thousand pounds a year also,” said the Lord of -Sudeley. - -Thereupon Russell lost his temper, and with some strong expressions -retorted “they should _not_.” - -Seymour, likewise with an oath, asserted “that they _should_, and that -none should dare to say nay to it.” - -Russell answered that he, at least, dared “say nay” to the Lord -Admiral’s greed, “for it was clean against the King’s will.” And so -they parted. - -These inquiries about the royal ladies’ fortunes became known to the -Protector, possibly through Russell, and thus the whole intrigue was -brought to light. - -Lady Jane at Seymour Place and in the possession of the Lord Admiral -was already a stumbling-block in the way of Somerset’s own matrimonial -schemes for his own son, and the discovery of the underhand manner in -which Thomas had endeavoured to supplant him in the King’s affections -goaded the elder man to fury. But Sudeley had grown reckless, and he -openly defied his all-powerful brother, and vaunted his determination -to oust him at any cost from his high seat.[145] He boldly set about -ingratiating himself with the yeoman class, which was embittered -against Somerset on account of his exactions; and Dorset, now his -willing tool, also strove to secure a following among the farmers and -gentlemen, on bad terms with the existing Government. The ladies of -the Court, who hated the arrogant Duchess of Somerset, were flattered -into a friendly feeling for the Lord Admiral and what he was pleased -to consider his just cause. To keep up his influence, he had secretly -bought over a hundred manors and stewardships, and he had arranged -with his scoundrelly friend, Sharington--who, to save his skin, turned -traitor--to secure sufficient ammunition and arms to store Holt -Castle, to which fortress he intended to convey the King. Thanks to -this man’s frauds on the Bristol Mint, my Lord of Sudeley got together -money enough to raise an army of 10,000 men. In addition to all this, -he was in league with no less than four distinct gangs of pirates or -privateers, and had established a sort of dépôt for stolen property -in the Scilly Isles, whither the cargoes of sea-plundered vessels -were taken to await removal to London. Here, then, was an array of -crimes and treasons enough to hang any man, even if he was the Lord -Protector’s brother! One fatal day Thomas made the egregious mistake of -approaching Wriothesley on the subject of obtaining the Protectorship. -He told him Dorset and Pembroke were on his side. “Beware what you are -doing,” replied Wriothesley gravely; “it were better for you if you -had never been born, nay that you were burnt quick alive, than that -you should attempt it.” Sudeley, somewhat dashed by this rebuff, next -sought the Earl of Rutland, and spoke to him in much the same impudent -and imprudent fashion. Rutland, when his visitor departed, went -straight to Wriothesley and told him what he had learnt. Both agreed to -reveal all they knew of the conspiracy to the Council. Several meetings -were held to inquire into the matter; and at length Somerset summoned -his brother to appear before him. Sudeley sent a flat refusal. Early in -the forenoon of 17th January 1549 Sir Thomas Smith and Sir John Baker -proceeded to Seymour Place, and there arrested the Lord Admiral, who -was conveyed by water to the Tower, after a passionate leave-taking -with his aged mother.[146] - -To Lady Jane the trial and subsequent execution of her guardian must -have been a matter of intense and painful interest. She was still -his guest at Seymour Place when he was arrested, and she must have -witnessed the tragic parting of the unhappy mother from the son so -remorselessly torn from her aged arms to meet his doom. Whatever his -crimes and faults, the Lord of Sudeley had been a good son, and the -old Lady Seymour mourned him deeply till she died of her sorrows, on -18th October in the following year. She was buried with scant pomp. The -King, her grandson, and his Court did not even put on the customary -mourning, on the plea that black gowns did not really signify respect -to the dead, who were best remembered in the hearts and prayers of -those who survived them--certainly not a popular or contemporary -belief, for on the day following Lady Seymour’s death two State -funerals were celebrated with all those honours which were denied to -the remains of the grandmother of the reigning sovereign. There was -probably a political motive at the back of this want of respect, which -may perhaps be ascribed to the evil influence of Warwick, who, in his -desire to humiliate the Somersets, refused the honours due to the -corpse of the Protector’s mother. - -Meanwhile, the destruction of Thomas Seymour was being prepared with -skill and secrecy. Whilst the foredoomed Admiral had been boasting all -over London of his immense influence, his foes, now that he was in -their power, subtly compassed his ruin by buying witnesses against him -and securing the goodwill of his numerous and venomous enemies. They -had long been spreading a rumour that he had poisoned the late Queen -Katherine in order to make an even higher alliance with one or other of -the heiresses to the throne. His scandalous proceedings with regard -to the Princess Elizabeth at Chelsea and Hanworth, and the unbecoming -manner in which he had regained possession of Lady Jane, were brought -up against him. Lady Tyrwhitt, one of the bedchamber ladies of the late -Queen his wife, was called to give certain damaging evidence, pointing -to a strong suspicion that Seymour had not only been most unkind to the -deceased lady, but had actually poisoned her food during the last few -days of her life, and set up the fever which carried her off within a -week of her child’s birth. Lord Latimer stated that Seymour, when Queen -Katherine had prayers said in his house morning and afternoon according -to the order of the Reformed Church, would get out of the way, and -swear on his oath that “The Book of Common Prayer was not God’s work -at all.” There was a merciless raking up of misdeeds, true or false, -of the man’s earliest youth--as, for instance, “that, in 1540, a woman -who was executed for robbery and child-murder had declared that the -beginning of her evil life was due to her having been seduced and -desolated by Lord Thomas Seymour.” The Dorsets were summoned from -Bradgate to give evidence in the matter of the wardship of their -daughter, and other witnesses were fetched from different parts of the -kingdom to give damaging testimony.[147] - -During, though not at, Seymour’s trial, Elizabeth was subjected to a -private inquiry at Hatfield, and personally asked whether Mrs. Ashley -had encouraged her to marry the Admiral. This she declared she had -never done, adding that she did not believe Mrs. Ashley had said the -things attributed to her. The Princess also wrote the Lord Protector -a letter, dated from her house at Hatfield, saying she had learned -that vile rumours regarding her chastity were in circulation, and that -people had even gone so far as to spread abroad that she was confined -in the Tower, being with child by the Lord Admiral. The story, she -protested, was an outrageous slander, and she demanded that she might -be allowed to proceed to Court to disprove these evil reports. On this -momentous occasion, Elizabeth, considering her youth, displayed no -small amount of sagacity and also of that leonine spirit for which -she was afterwards celebrated. When confronted, however, with Mrs. -Ashley’s written evidence, she blushed to the roots of her hair, and, -abashed and breathless, returned the letter with trembling hands to her -inquisitors. Curiously enough, Elizabeth does not seem to have resented -Mrs. Ashley’s outspoken condemnation of her conduct with the Lord -Admiral. On the contrary, hearing of her arrest, she set to work to -save her from the clutches of the law, declaring the lady had been in -her service many years, and had exerted herself diligently to bring her -up in learning and honesty. - -Elizabeth told Sir Robert Tyrwhitt, who was sent by the Council to -examine her on the subject of her intimacy with the Lord High-Admiral, -“that voices, she knew, went about London that my Lord High-Admiral” -should marry her, but added, with a smile, “It is but London -news”--evidently London was as much a centre of gossip in those days as -now. A little later she asserted that “she did not wish to marry him, -for she who had had him [meaning Katherine Parr] was so unfortunate.” - -It would appear that Lady Browne (Surrey’s “fair Geraldine”) was also -a friend of Seymour’s, and that he went to her and asked her to break -up her household and come to stay with the Princess Elizabeth, so that -she might keep him posted as to what was going on in that Princess’s -circle. This the lady had agreed to do, but she was prevented by the -sudden illness and death of her old husband, the famous Master of the -Horse, Sir Anthony Browne. Parry, Elizabeth’s comptroller, seems also -to have favoured the Lord Admiral, although it was mainly owing to him -that the revelations concerning his mistress’s conduct with Seymour -were made public. On one occasion, when Parry was advising the Admiral -to leave off his attempt to court the Princess, he replied that “it -mattered little, for, see you, there has been a talk of late that I -should marry the Lady Jane,” adding, “I tell you this merrily--I tell -you this merrily.” - -As for the said Admiral, all the world now turned against him, -excepting the late Queen’s brother, the Marquis of Northampton, his -other brother-in-law, Lord Herbert, and his deceased wife’s two -cousins, the Throckmortons, one of whom wrote the following homely -lines on the wretched man’s piteous plight:-- - - “Thus guiltless he through malice went to pot, - Not answering for himself, not knowing cause.” - -No better proof can possibly be quoted in his favour, so far as the -accusation of his having murdered Katherine Parr is concerned, than the -fact that his wife’s closest connections remained his only friends in -his trouble. - -Still Thomas Seymour stood out boldly for his innocence. He did not -deny his flirtation with Elizabeth; it was a mere romp between a man -and a child, with no harm in it beyond such as his enemies chose to -impute. But the poor man’s foes proved too much for him, and on 23rd -February he was brought face to face with his accusers, and condemned -by the Council without hearing or defence. The King, his nephew, seems -to have made some effort to save him, but the Council forced the boy -to sign the fatal warrant, which he delivered with a trembling hand, -the tears standing in his eyes, and this despite the fact that the -reference to Seymour’s death in the King’s _Journal_ contains not a -word of regret. Seymour had done him, personally, no great ill, and -appears to have shown him kindness on more than one occasion. Cranmer, -who ever ran with the hare and hunted with the hounds, hastened to -affix his signature to the document ordering the Admiral’s execution, -and this, as Hume observes, “in contravention of the Canon Law, and in -sheer spite.” The Bishop of Ely informed Seymour that his earthly life -was shortly to be ended, and a Catholic priest was sent to confess him; -but he is said to have refused these ministrations, as well as those of -a Protestant clergyman. He contrived, according to Latimer, to write -letters to the Princesses Mary and Elizabeth denying the accusations -against him, which letters he hid between the leather of one of his -servants’ shoe-soles. Suspected of serving his master too well, the -poor faithful creature was arrested, the letters discovered, and the -unfortunate man hanged without trial. - -Without entering into any controversy as to the magnitude of Thomas -Seymour’s guilt, it may be admitted, in fairness to his brother -of Somerset, that, if the misdemeanours of a personal character -attributed to Sudeley rest on the gossiping evidence of women, the -graver charges of collecting stores of arms, raising an army to strike -a blow against his brother, and unscrupulously attempting to obtain -funds even through pirates and notorious swindlers, do in a measure -justify the severity of his punishment and excuse the infliction of an -apparently unnatural and fratricidal sentence of death. Somerset, with -all his faults, had a high sense of justice and of the responsibility -of his exalted office. His brother had offended not only as an ordinary -subject of the realm, but as a trusted servant of the nation, and his -treason and unscrupulous abuse of his position were beyond all pardon. -The voice of nature was stifled in the heart of the statesman, and thus -the Duke, with a tolerably clear conscience, signed a death-warrant -which must at the time have cost him a pang of horror and which has -since branded him as a merciless fratricide.[148] - -The Lord of Sudeley’s rage against the Council, his brother, and his -enemies in general, when he heard himself condemned, knew no bounds and -admitted of no Christian forgiveness or resignation. He cursed them -one and all with every terrible oath his tongue could utter. He was -beheaded on Tower Hill on 20th March 1549, six months and some days -after the death of Queen Katherine Parr. His demeanour on the scaffold -caused great scandal: he refused to listen to the pastor deputed to -minister to him, and the attendants had much difficulty in forcing -him to kneel to receive the fatal stroke. He wrestled hard with the -executioner, who, being a strong man, hurled him down on the scaffold -and struck off his head at last, after a cruel hacking, due to his -desperate struggles. - -For nearly a week after the death of the Admiral, Lady Jane remained -alone with her attendants in the desolate house in the Strand. Then -her father, Lord Dorset, came to London to take her back with him to -Bradgate. - -On the Sunday after the execution, Hugh Latimer preached a sermon at -Paul’s Cross which for bitterness and uncharitableness has never been -surpassed. “This I say,” he remarked, “if they ask me what I think of -the Lord Admiral’s death, that he died very dangerously, irksomely, and -horribly.” “He shall be to me,” he furiously exclaimed, “Lot’s wife -as long as I live. He was a covetous man--a horrible covetous man. I -would there were no mo’ in England. He was an ambitious man. I would -there were no mo’ in England. He was a seditious man--a contemner of -the Common Prayer. I would there were no mo’ in England. He is gone. I -would he had left none behind him.” - -The worst charge that posterity can bring against Somerset is not that -he signed his brother’s death-warrant, but that he seized the dead -man’s estates and even his wearing apparel, and despoiled his orphaned -child, the infant daughter of Katherine Parr.[149] - -Princess Elizabeth learnt the death of the courtier she “loved most” -with a composure singular for so young a lady, simply remarking that he -was over clever--“a man of the greatest wit and the least judgment.” - - - - -CHAPTER XI - -THE EDUCATION OF LADY JANE - - -The extraordinary revival of letters in Italy, France, and Germany at -the close of the fifteenth century did not fail to influence English -education, and especially that of high-born women. In this department -the exclusively classical culture then in vogue, which barred many -subjects now held of far greater importance, would undoubtedly be -deemed unpractical and excessive for women nowadays. Modern literature, -however, was then in its infancy, and apart from the classics there -was little to read but crude if noble poetry, and some historical, -theological, and legendary works of a very primitive sort. These soon -palled, whereas, to the cultured mind, the classic authors presented, -then as now, an ever-varying and delightful fund of information and -amusement. Science, in the modern acceptation of the word, was in -its infancy, and, in the opinion of the most learned persons of the -day, the secrets of theology and Nature, and those of art as well, -were embodied in the works of the ancients, and above all in the -Holy Scriptures. A knowledge of Greek and Latin was thus supposed to -give the key to all science. It was the fashion, too, for princesses -and women of noble birth to be, or to pose as being, learned; and -notwithstanding the political and religious convulsions of the reign of -Henry VIII, a number of English ladies of the highest rank, following -the example of their French and Italian sisters, devoted their leisure -to studies usually left nowadays to that class of pedantic females -whom we somewhat scornfully dub “blue-stockings.” This practice was -not confined to women who had embraced the Reformed tenets. Many -Catholics,--the daughter of Sir Thomas More and her learned friend, -Margaret Clement, for instance,--deeply versed in studies of this -description, enjoyed the dialogues of Plato, and may have laughed -over the scorching epigrams of Martial and the stinging satires of -Juvenal in the original, and even recognised their applicability to the -society of their own times. Most of the women who surrounded Lady Jane -Grey were pedants, and even her shallow-hearted mother had presumably -acquired a fair knowledge of classical literature. - -But it was not till the young girl returned to Bradgate, after the -death of Thomas Seymour, that the system of “cramming,” which was -to give her, at the age of seventeen, a reputation as a marvel of -erudition, began in grim earnest. - -Dorset, who had been summoned to London to attend the trial of his -quondam friend, the Admiral, as a witness against him, retired to -Bradgate in some despondency after its fatal termination. He and -his wife felt they had been wasting their time over Thomas Seymour; -they were conscious, too, that they were living under a cloud, -for the revelation of their pecuniary interest in the transfer of -their daughter to so notorious a scamp had produced a most damaging -impression on the public mind. But the failure of their plans had not -quenched their ambition. They took their luckless child back with them, -and straightway set about preparing her to occupy the towering position -they felt assured she would sooner or later be called to fill. - -Her education was forthwith entrusted to the celebrated Aylmer, a -native of Leicestershire, whom Elizabeth made Bishop of London, to -reward him for his scathing answer to John Knox’s pamphlet, _The First -Blast of the Trumpet against the Monstrous Regiment_ [_i.e._ regimen = -régime or government] _of Women_. Aylmer, at this time a good-looking -man in his early thirties, was, so Bacon tells us, engaged as tutor to -the daughters of the Marquis of Dorset at Bradgate. The new preceptor -was in close correspondence with the Genevan Reformers, and it must -have been through him that Jane became acquainted with the celebrated -Bullinger and with John ab Ulmis, better known as Ulmer, a learned but -destitute Swiss Calvinist, who visited Bradgate as early as the summer -of 1550. He mastered the English language, and having been sent to -pursue his studies at Oxford at the Marquis of Dorset’s expense, he -spent his summer vacation at Bradgate, giving lessons in Greek and -Latin to Lady Jane and her younger but less talented sister, Lady -Katherine, and together with John Aylmer and Dr. Harding the Rector -of Bradgate, superintended her classical and theological education. A -somewhat crafty young man was Ulmer, skilled in the art of flattery, -and much addicted to repaying solid benefits by empty compliments. He -it was who urged Bullinger, his master, to dedicate his book, _The -Holy Marriage of Christians_, to the Lord Marquis of Dorset, a rather -venturesome act, seeing this nobleman was publicly credited with -bigamy![150] Bullinger also presented the Marquis and the Lady Jane -with a copy of his book, dedicated to Henry II of France, on Christian -Perfection, for which the latter wrote to thank him in her father’s -name on 12th July 1551. Her epistle is written in Latin, and may have -been suggested and even edited by Aylmer: it also contains a Biblical -quotation in Hebrew. The following extract from it gives a fair idea of -how this child of fourteen addressed one of the most learned men of his -time:-- - - “From that little volume of pure and unsophisticated religion, - which you lately sent to my father and myself, I gather daily, as - out of a most beautiful garden, the sweetest flowers. My father - also, as far as his weighty engagements permit, is diligently - occupied in the perusal of it: but whatever advantage either of - us may derive from thence, we are bound to render thanks to you - for it, and to God on your account; for we cannot think it right - to receive with ungrateful minds such and so many truly divine - benefits, conferred by Almighty God through the instrumentality - of yourself and those like you, not a few of whom Germany is now - in this respect so happy as to possess. If it be customary with - mankind, as indeed it ought to be, to return favour for favour, - and to show ourselves mindful of benefits bestowed; how much - rather should we endeavour to embrace with joyfulness the benefits - conferred by divine goodness, and at least to acknowledge them with - gratitude, though we may be unable to make an adequate return! - - “I come now to that part of your letter,” continues Lady Jane, - “which contains a commendation of myself, which as I cannot claim, - so also I ought not to allow; but whatever the Divine Goodness may - have bestowed on me, I ascribe only to Himself, as the chief and - sole author of anything in me that bears any semblance to what is - good; and to Whom I entreat you, most accomplished sir, to offer - your constant prayers in my behalf, that He may so direct me and - all my actions, that I may not be found unworthy of His so great - goodness. My most noble father would have written to you, to thank - you both for the important labours in which you are engaged, and - also for the singular courtesy you have manifested by inscribing - with his name and publishing under his auspices your Fifth Decade, - had he not been summoned by most weighty business in His Majesty’s - service to the remotest parts of Britain; but as soon as public - affairs afford him leisure he is determined, he says, to write to - you with all diligence.” - -Here follows an urgent request for a scheme for the study of the Hebrew -language. She concludes:-- - - “Farewell, brightest ornament and support of the whole Church of - Christ; and may Almighty God long preserve you to us and to His - Church!--Your most devoted - - “JANA GRAIA”[151] - -Besides these visitors, the Lady Frances appears to have been the -friend and patroness of a learned Protestant, Nicholas Udall, the -famous stenographer. She was even guardian to his daughter, for a -letter from her to Cecil still preserved at Hatfield begs she may be -relieved of this responsibility, as the young lady is about to be -married. - -Late in the autumn of 1549, within six months of Seymour’s execution, -the celebrated Roger Ascham came on a visit to Bradgate. He too has -been described as tutor to Lady Jane, but this is a mistake; he was -preceptor to the Princess Elizabeth. As one of the leading lights of -his time, he was already well known to the Marquis of Dorset, and -passing through the neighbourhood on his way to attend Rutland and -Morysone on an embassy to Charles V, conceived it his duty to pay his -respects to the great man’s family. - -Walking through the beautiful park at Bradgate, on his way to the -Hall, the visitor came upon the Marquis and his lady, with all their -household, out hunting. When the cavalcade halted to greet him, Ascham -inquired for the Lady Jane, and was told she was at home in her own -chamber. He begged leave to wait upon her, a favour readily granted, -and found her in her closet “reading the _Phædon_ of Plato in Greek, -with as much delight as gentlemen read the merry tales of Boccacio.” -Much surprised, he asked the young student “why she relinquished such -pastime as was then going on in the park for the sake of study?” - -With a smile, Jane replied, “I think all their sport in the park is but -a shadow to that pleasure I find in Plato. Alas! good folk, they never -felt what true pleasure means.” - -“And how attained you, madam,” inquired Ascham, “to this true knowledge -of pleasure? And what did chiefly allure you to it, seeing that few -women and not many men have arrived at it?” - -[Illustration: ROGER ASCHAM’S VISIT TO LADY JANE GREY AT BRADGATE - -AFTER THE PAINTING BY J. C. HORSLEY, R.A.] - -“I will tell you,” replied Lady Jane, “and tell you a truth which -perchance you may marvel at. One of the greatest benefits that God -ever gave me, is that He sent me, with sharp, severe parents, so gentle -a schoolmaster [Aylmer]. When I am in presence of either father or -mother, whether I speak, keep silent, sit, stand or go, eat, drink, -be merry or sad, be sewing, playing, dancing, or doing anything else, -I must do it, as it were in such weight, measure and number, even as -perfectly as God made the earth, or else I am so sharply taunted, so -cruelly threatened, yea, presented sometimes with pinches, nips and -bobs and other things, (which I will not name for the honour I bear -them), so without measure misordered, that I think myself in Hell, -till the time comes when I must go with Mr. Aylmer, who teacheth me so -gently, so pleasantly, and with such pure allurements to learn, that -I think all the time of nothing whilst I am with him [that is to say, -“the time passes pleasantly when I am with him”]. And when I am called -from him, I fall to weeping, because whatever I do else but learning is -full of great trouble, fear, and wholesome misliking unto me. And this -my book, hath been so much my pleasure, and bringing daily to me more -pleasure and more, that in respect of it, all other pleasures in very -deed be but trifles and troubles to me.” - -Poor solitary little girl! We of this matter-of-fact age can but feel -more of pity than admiration, as down the long vista of four and a half -centuries we picture her sitting alone, poring over the _Phædon_--dull -reading, one would imagine, for a child, even to one so harried by the -ill-temper of her weak father and her sharp-tongued mother, “whether -she stood still or moved about, was merry or sad, sewed or played,” -that she felt herself “in Hell” until Mr. Aylmer called her to her -studies! - -Ascham’s story throws a very unpleasing sidelight on the conduct of -Lady Jane Grey’s parents and their harsh treatment of the child, and -proves, moreover, the sort of forcing system to which she was being -subjected. Ascham tells us that he mentions this interesting interview, -which he introduces into his _Schoolmaster_, because it was the last -time he ever saw “that sweet and illustrious lady,” and also as a -protest against the exceeding severity of the teaching of those times. -It is curious to note, as her historian, Howard, observes, that whilst -her parents were handling her like a froward child, this extraordinary -young lady was in active correspondence with such famous men as Ascham, -Conrad Pellican, Bullinger, and Sturmius, who all treated her with the -respect due to a grown-up woman of uncommon sagacity and experience. -The only explanation of this fact is the supposition that these -worthies, foreseeing Lady Jane might possibly occupy the throne, and -anxious to promote the cause of the Reformation in every possible way, -may have placed her on a higher pedestal than her immature talents -deserved. They certainly flattered her father, of whom they spoke and -wrote as being well-nigh apostolic in zeal and sanctity, and a marvel -of light and learning to boot. - -At the age of fourteen, then, Lady Jane was fairly conversant with -Latin and Greek,[152] and with or without the aid of a dictionary -managed to derive some entertainment from Plato. But when we are told -that she had mastered Hebrew, and at the age of seventeen was forming -the acquaintance of “the tongue of Chaldea” and “the language of -Arabia,” we are inclined, with Sir Harris Nicolas, to be sceptical. -Her Greek and Latin may have been, and very likely were, thoroughly -mastered. Several letters in these languages are attributed to her and -are possibly of her own unaided composition, but even in these we note -that her style and phraseology in many cases closely resembles that -of Demosthenes or Cicero, whom she evidently imitated. In one of her -letters, written on 12th July 1551, to Henry Bullinger, she says, “I -am beginning to learn the Hebrew tongue,” and asks him to give her a -method whereby she may pursue her course of study in that language to -the greatest advantage. Bullinger sent the plan, and in another letter -she thanks him and says she will enter upon the study of the Hebrew -language in the method which he so clearly directs. As this letter is -dated July 1552, and her brief career ended in the following year, -her proficiency in the language of the prophets was probably not very -considerable. - -That poor Jane Grey was “crammed” there can be no question, and the -wonder is her weak health did not collapse altogether under the strain. -The figurehead of a party she was to be, however, and it was necessary -that extravagant reports of her learning should be spread throughout -her own country and among the Protestants in foreign lands. - -Lady Jane Grey at this period, surrounded by learned men and women -so much older than herself, appears strained, even artificial, but -later, in her culminating misery, she displays a dignity, a sweetness -of nature, and a pious sincerity which render her worthy of her fame. -Her few compositions which have come down to us, most of them written -during the last days of her life,--her prayer, for instance, the letter -to her sisters, and the lines which, according to tradition, she -scratched on the walls of her cell,--are full of feeling, and lead us -to regret that so fine a nature should not have been spared to adorn -mature womanhood as perfectly as its unaffected simplicity graced her -short maidenhood. Yet there was a strain of obstinacy and even of -coarseness in Jane’s character which leads one to think that after all -she might, had she remained Queen, have displayed in later life many of -the less pleasing peculiarities of her Tudor ancestors. - -A very curious letter, written to Lady Jane Grey by Ascham early in -1552, while he was still at the Court of Charles V, throws considerable -light on the subject of her studies; it has also led some authorities -to imagine the learned man had actually fallen in love with his fair -pupil. “In this my long peregrination, most illustrious lady,” says -he, “I have travelled far, have visited the greatest cities, and have -made the most diligent observations in my power on the manners of the -nations, their institutions, laws, and regulations. Nevertheless, there -is nothing that has raised in me greater admiration than what I found -in regard to yourself during the last summer, to see one so young and -lovely, even in the absence of her learned preceptor, in the noble hall -of her family, in the very moment when her friends and relatives were -enjoying the field sports, to find, I repeat--oh, all ye gods!--so -divine a maid, diligently perusing the _Phædon_ of Plato, in this more -happy, it may be believed, than in her royal and noble lineage. - -“Go on thus, O best adorned virgin, to the honour of thy country, -the delight of thy parents, the comfort of thy relatives, and the -admiration of all. Oh, happy Aylmer! to have such a scholar, and to -be her tutor. I congratulate both you who teach and she who learns. -These were the words to myself, as to my reward for teaching the most -illustrious Elizabeth. But to you too I can repeat them with more -truth, to you I concede this felicity, even though I should have to -lament want of success where I had expected to reap the sweetest fruits -of my labours. - -“But let me constrain the sharpness of my grief which prudence makes -it necessary I should conceal even to myself. This much I say, that I -have no fault to find with the Lady Elizabeth, whom I have always found -the best of ladies, nor indeed with the Lady Mary, but if ever I shall -have the happiness to meet my friend Aylmer, then I shall repose in his -bosom my sorrows abundantly. - -“Two things I repeat to thee, my friend Aylmer [Aylmer was evidently -at Bradgate at this period], for I know thou wilt see this letter, -that by your persuasion and entreaty the Lady Jane Grey, as early as -she can conveniently, may write to me in Greek, which she had already -promised to do. I have even written lately to John Sturmius, mentioning -this promise. Pray let your letters and hers fly together to us. The -distance is great, but John Hales will take care that it shall reach -me. If she even were to write to Sturmius himself in Greek, neither you -nor she would have cause to repent your labour. [The “neither you nor -she” points clearly to collaboration.] - -“The other request is, my good Aylmer, that you would exert yourself -so that we might conjointly preserve this mode of life among us. How -freely, how sweetly, and philosophically then should we live! Why -should we, my good Aylmer, less enjoy all these things, which Cicero, -at the conclusion of the third book, _De Finibus_, describes as the -only rational mode of life? Nothing in any tongue, nothing in any -times, in human memory, either past or present, from which something -may not be drawn to sweeten life! - -“As to the news here, most illustrious lady, I know not what to write. -That which is written of stupid things, must itself be stupid, and, as -Cicero complains of his times, there is little to amuse or that can be -embellished. Besides, at present, all places and persons are occupied -with rumours of wars and commotions, which, for the most part, are -either mere fabrications or founded on no authority, so that anything -respecting Continental politics would neither be interesting nor -useful to you. - -“The general Council of Trent is to sit on the first of May,” continues -Jane’s correspondent, “Cardinal Pole, it is asserted, is to be the -president. Besides there are the tumults this year in Africa, their -preparation for a war against the Turks, and then the great expectation -of the march of the Emperor into Austria, of which I shall, God -willing, be a companion. Why need I write to you of the siege of -Magdeburg, and how the Duke of Mecklenburg has been taken, or of that -commotion which so universally, at this moment, afflicts the miserable -Saxony? To write of all these things, I have neither leisure, nor would -it be safe; on my return, which I hope is not far distant, it shall be -a great happiness to relate all these things to you in person. - -“Thy kindness to me, oh! most noble Jane Grey, was always most grateful -to me when present with you, but it is ten times more so during this -long absence. To your noble parents, I wish length of happiness, to you -a daily victory in letters and in virtue, and to thy sister Katherine, -that she may resemble thee, and to Aylmer, I wish every good that he -may wish to Ascham. - -“Further, dearest lady, if I were not afraid to load thee with the -weight of my light salutations, I would ask thee in my name to salute -Elizabeth Astley, who, as well as her brother John, I believe to be -of my best friends, and whom I believe to be like that brother in all -integrity and sweetness of manners. Salute, I pray thee, my cousin, -Mary Laten, and my wife Alice, of whom I think oftener than I can here -express. Salute, also, that worthy young man Garret and John Haddon. - -“Farewell, most noble lady in Christ. - - R. A.” - - “Augustæ” - - “18th January, 1551” - -When we consider that this letter was addressed to a girl who was not -yet fifteen years of age, making due allowance for the high-flown style -of the times, we can only conclude that there was some politic motive -for a mode of address so injudicious in its flattery, so fulsome and so -extravagant even for that age of courtly adulation. - -Lady Jane Grey spent the better part of the years 1550-1551 and 1552 at -Bradgate, improving her mind by hard study, and patiently submitting -to the “nips” and petty tyranny of her mother. At one time she seems -to have commenced the study of such music as was then in vogue. This, -Ascham promptly assured her was a frivolous occupation, unworthy of -a godly maiden. In a very curious letter, dated 23rd December 1551, -Aylmer writes from London to Bullinger concerning the Lady Jane, -begging him to write to her direct and seek to influence her to give up -practising music so zealously. - - “It now remains for me,” writes the worthy Reformer, “to request - that, with the kindness we have so long experienced, you will - instruct my pupil in your next letter as to what embellishment - and adornment of person is becoming in young women professing - godliness. In treating upon this subject, you may bring forward - the example of our King’s sister, the Princess Elizabeth, who goes - clad in every respect as becomes a young maiden; and yet no one is - induced by the example of so illustrious a lady, and in so much - Gospel light, to lay aside, much less look down upon, gold, jewels, - and braidings of the hair. They hear preachers declaim against - these things, but yet no one amends her life. Moreover, I would - wish you to prescribe to her (the Lady Jane) the length of time - she may properly devote to the study of music. For in this respect - also, people err beyond measure in this country, while their - whole labour is undertaken, and exertions made, for the sake of - ostentation.” - -We can see by this letter, presumably written with a view to the great -object all these men kept in their hearts,--that of influencing Jane in -the event of her becoming Queen,--that they were endeavouring to make a -narrow-minded bigot of her, and it is equally certain that the Princess -Elizabeth was just then playing the part of the discreet and modest -maiden. It is very amusing to find this wily Princess, whose reputation -was already the reverse of good, held up as an example to innocent Jane -Grey. The unhappy child was not even to practise on her virginals in -peace, or dress as she chose, but to follow the example of Elizabeth, -forsooth! Could Ulmer and Pellican have seen in a vision the three -thousand dresses and the sixteen hundred wigs which were to adorn the -wardrobe of the lady they were setting up as a model to their simple -music-pupil! Even in matters of religion, Elizabeth at this early stage -of her career showed a remarkable discretion, neither siding with nor -offending either party. She was a pious Catholic in the company of her -sister Mary, and an equally edifying Protestant at the Court of her -brother, Edward VI. - -In June 1551, after a lengthy absence, the Dorsets returned to their -town mansion. They came to London for the purpose of examining the -vast estate which the Lady Frances had inherited from the two sons -of her father, Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, by his fourth wife, -Katherine Willoughby. These two brothers died at Bugden Hall, Cams., of -the sweating sickness, within four hours of each other, and the bulk of -their wealth, excepting the Duchess’s dower, fell to the Lady Frances, -whose husband, in September of the following year (1552), was raised -to the rank of Duke of Suffolk. The Dorsets now lived very sumptuously -in London, and with a view, perhaps, of pleasing the King and pushing -forward the interests of the Lady Jane, whom they still fondly hoped -would become Queen-Consort, they invited a number of English and -foreign Reformers, at this time living in exile in London, to their -house. - -The Marquis, who was an enthusiastic admirer of Conrad Bullinger, had -on more than one occasion exhorted him to correspond with his daughter, -Lady Jane. In a letter addressed to that eminent Reformer in December -1551, he says: “I acknowledge myself also to be much indebted to you -on my daughter’s account, for having always exhorted her in your godly -letters to a true faith in Christ, the study of the Scriptures, purity -of manners, and innocence of life, and I earnestly request you to -continue these exhortations as frequently as possible.” - -A letter of another Reformer--namely Ab Ulmis--gives us some -interesting glimpses of the Reformation movement in England. He says: -“You will easily perceive the veneration and esteem which the Marquis’s -daughter entertains towards you, from the very learned letter she has -written to you. For my own part, I do not think there ever lived any -one more deserving of respect than this young lady, if you regard her -family; more learned, if you consider her age, or more happy if you -consider both. A report had prevailed, and has begun to be talked of by -persons of consequence, that this most noble virgin is to be betrothed -and given in marriage to the King’s Majesty. Oh! if that event should -take place, how happy would be the union and how beneficial to the -Church.... Haddon, a minister of the Word, and Aylmer, the tutor -of the young lady, respect and reverence you with much duty and -affection. It will be a mark of courtesy to write to them all as soon -as possible. Skinner is at Court with the King. Wallack is preaching -with much labour in Scotland,” and so on. Ascham, in a letter to -Sturmius, describes Jane as excelling in learning Lady Mildred, Cecil’s -accomplished wife. She is, says he, the most learned woman in England. -“I hear you have translated the Orations of Æschines and Demosthenes -into Latin. I pray you dedicate the work to this peerless lady.” - -These and other letters still extant prove, if proof were needed, -that Aylmer, Ulmer, and Ascham, assisted by Pellican, Sturmius, and -Bullinger, were at this time hard at work, preparing their future Queen -and patroness for the position they fondly hoped she would one day -occupy. Hales, too, was assisting them,--“Club-footed Hales,” as he -was called--an English lawyer who had visited Switzerland and adopted -the tenets of the Geneva sect; he is described as “fanatical, learned, -and ill-tempered.” He was a frequent visitor at Suffolk House and -Bradgate, and in after times was much involved in the troubles of poor -Lady Katherine Grey, Jane’s youngest sister. Further quotation from -these letters is unnecessary; they are all written in the same style -of pedantic flattery, and throw more light on passing events than most -people would imagine, although the epistolary literature of this period -is verbose, and as a rule uninforming. We can imagine, however, that -the meetings at Suffolk House were exceedingly picturesque, and many -will marvel that only one painter of note, M. M. P. Comte, has ever -given us a picture of the youthful Lady Jane Grey seated among the -doctors of the Reformed faith, in the noble Gothic hall of a mansion -second to none in the old city for its architectural magnificence.[153] - -The monotony of Jane’s life of close study was frequently interrupted -by long journeys on horseback, or in cumbersome waggons, to pay -various country visits. Late in 1551, the Greys established, for some -reason or other, a close intimacy with the Princess Mary, and this -notwithstanding their religious differences. With increase of wealth -and station, Jane’s parents became more worldly than ever. Perceiving -that Edward VI, who began to show signs of consumption, might not live -long, and that the Crown might after all pass to her Catholic Grace, -they wisely considered it prudent to be on the right side of a lady who -was probably destined to become their sovereign. Accordingly they paid -the Princess as many as four visits in a single year. - -In the summer of 1551, Jane came very near losing her mother, Duchess -Frances, who fell ill of a violent fever. The sick lady, who was at -Richmond, sent for her daughter Jane from Bradgate, “to help nurse -her.” Suffolk describes her illness in the following quaint terms -in a letter explaining her absence from Court addressed to the Duke -of Northumberland’s secretary, Cecil, whom he styles his “cousin -Cycell”: “This shall be to advertise you, that my sudden departure -from Court was for that I have received a letter of the state my wife -was in, and I assure you she is mo’ like to die than not. I never saw -sicker creature in my life. She hath three sicknesses, the first is -a hot burning nague [ague] that doth hold her four and twenty hours, -the other is the stopping of the spleen, the third is hypochondriac -passion. These three being enclosed in one body, it is to be feared -that death must needs follow.” But it did not “follow”; by the -beginning of October, the Lady Frances was better, and in November she -was sufficiently convalescent to attend the entry into London of the -Scottish Queen Regent, Mary of Guise, and be present at the festivities -consequent on that rather unexpected royal visit. - -Early in November 1551, Jane appeared at King Edward’s Court for -the first time, and took a prominent part in these merry-makings. -The Scottish Queen-Regent, Mary of Guise, had recently arrived at -Portsmouth from France, on her way to the dominions of her unfortunate -daughter, Mary, Queen of Scots, and wrote begging the English King’s -licence to pass through his dominions. This was readily granted; and a -pressing invitation to visit the Metropolis was sent to the Regent, and -willingly accepted. On 2nd November, she proceeded by water to Paul’s -Wharf, and thence rode in great state through the City. She lodged in -the Bishop of London’s house, where she was entertained with regal -hospitality, and, according to Stowe’s _Annals_, was supplied with -“beefs, muttons, veales, swans, and other kinds of poultry meates, with -fuell, bread, wine, beare, and wax.” - -The first interview of King Edward VI with the Scottish Queen took -place on 4th November, at Westminster Palace. She rode in her chariot -from the City to Whitehall, attended by the Lady Margaret Douglas, -cousin to the King, and Countess of Lennox, the Duchesses of Richmond -and Suffolk, the Lady Jane Grey, and many other noble ladies, including -the Duchess of Northumberland. - -The Queen and the King dined alone together; but the Duchess of -Suffolk, the Duchess of Northumberland, and the Lady Margaret Lennox, -together with the Ladies Jane and Katherine Grey, dined, we are told, -in the Queen’s hall, and were sumptuously entertained. Neither the -Princess Elizabeth nor the Princess Mary attended these festivities. -They were not in favour at this time and had not been invited. - -The banquet must have taken place at the hour we usually devote to -luncheon, for at four the Queen, having visited the galleries and -state apartments of the Palace, then considered “show places,” left -Westminster, and, accompanied by her escort of nobles and ladies, rode -once more through the City to her lodgings in the Episcopal Palace. - -On the following day (5th November), she made a solemn progress through -the City, riding from St. Paul’s, through Cheapside and Bishopsgate, to -Shoreditch, whence she took the high road for her own dominions. She -was accompanied by a great train of nobility, among them the Duchess of -Suffolk and her daughter, the Lady Jane Grey, and that fateful Duke of -Northumberland who was destined to bring ruin on the unfortunate Jane -and her father. Northumberland had in his train one hundred horsemen, -of whom thirty were gentlemen clad in black velvet, guarded with white, -and wearing white hats with black feathers. - -As soon as this state visit, mentioned with considerable delight by -King Edward in his _Journal_, was over, the Lady Frances and her -daughters returned to Bradgate. - -In the middle of November the Ducal party set out again for Tylsey, -the seat of Suffolk’s young cousin and ward, the heir of Willoughby -of Woollaton. From here they went on a visit to Princess Mary. A very -curious MS. account book, still in the possession of the Willoughby -d’Eresby family, shows that, on 20th November 1551, “ten gentlemen came -from London to escort my Lady Frances’s grace to my Lady Mary’s grace, -and they all left Tylsey after breakfast, the Lady Frances, accompanied -by her daughters, the Lady Jane, the Lady Katherine and the Lady Mary, -and repaired to my Lady Mary’s grace.” Whilst on this visit to Princess -Mary, who was then at her town house, the former Priory of St. John -of Jerusalem, in Clerkenwell, the Dorset family received handsome -gifts, as appears from the Princess’s expense book: “Given to my cousin -Frances beads (_i.e._ ‘rosary’) of black and white, mounted in gold”; -“To my cousin, Jane Grey, a necklace of gold, set with pearls and small -rubies.” In return, the Lady Jane presented Mary with a pair of gloves. - -In the first days of December, the two younger daughters returned to -Tylsey, but the Duchess and Lady Jane stayed on in London, for the -Lady Jane, we are told, remained with the Princess at her house in -Clerkenwell. - -On 16th December, the Duke came to Clerkenwell to escort Jane and her -mother back to Tylsey. There they seem to have spent a merry Christmas -in the company of the Lords Thomas and John Grey. The Duke of Suffolk, -in honour of his young wards the Willoughbys, and in their name, threw -open the gates of Tylsey to all such of the county gentry as chose to -seek hospitality within them. A company of players was ordered from -London, together with a wonderful boy, who “sang like a nightingale,” -besides a tumbler and a juggler. These were presently supplemented by -another band of players, belonging to the Earl of Oxford, who acted -several pieces. Open house was kept until 20th January 1552, when the -whole family proceeded to Walden, to spend some days with the Duke’s -sister, Lady Audley,[154] whose husband, Lord Audley, or Audrey, was -created Lord Chancellor by Henry VIII and presented with the house -and property of the London Charterhouse, as an acknowledgment of his -infamous treatment of Anne Boleyn. The record of the doings at Tylsey -is in an account book kept by “old Mr. Medeley,” husband of the heiress -of Willoughby’s grandmother and a trustee. This book was lent to Miss -Agnes Strickland, who says--in her _Tudor and Stuart Princesses--Lady -Jane Grey_--that Medeley “kept a very thrifty notation of all that -was spent in ‘man’s meat’ and ‘horse’s meat’ on these journeys; -likewise the payments of the players who were to assist in spending -the Christmas with the ‘godliness and innocence’ dwelt upon with such -unction” by Suffolk and by the Reformers.[155] After the visit to -Walden, the Lady Frances and her brood went back to Tylsey for about a -week, at the end of January 1552. - -These cross-country journeys, even if sometimes broken by two or three -days’ stay in one place, must have been extremely fatiguing to so -young and delicate a girl as Lady Jane. The Duke of Suffolk and the -Lady Frances being of the blood royal, travelled with a great escort, -as many as a hundred to a hundred and fifty horsemen, scouts, etc., -preceding and following their horses and waggons, otherwise called -“chariots.” If the weather was fine, equestrian travel was exceedingly -pleasant: the canter through the leafy lanes, the midday picnic under -the greenwood tree, and the evening meal in some picturesque inn, -full of Shakespearean character, the bustling, bowing and curtseying -host and hostess, the rustic waiters and grooms, the flicker of -lamp and candle light, the glowing wood fire, the sanded floor, the -shining pewter, and the savoury baked and roasted meats, all combined -to make up a scene of primitive comfort, entirely absent from the -great and sumptuous hostelries of our own time, in which luxury often -predominates over more solid qualities of entertainment. But when -pouring rain turned the ill-kept roads into quagmires, when the nipping -airs of autumn and winter whistled through the skeleton branches of -the trees, or the snow lay feet thick on the ground, and the keen -wintry winds whistled over the frozen rivers and streams, then must -the welcome glow cast by the crackling fires within the inn parlours -have made them, however humble, appear so many havens of celestial -refuge to the Lady Frances, her husband, her daughters, and her -merry men and women. Since there were no other means of locomotion -in those days, a specially swift and steady steed, or a particularly -well-cushioned waggon, must have been considered with much the same -sense of satisfaction as we bestow now on a new type of motor-car or -a specially well-appointed railway train. Our immediate forbears were -by no means dissatisfied with the old stagecoaches that transported -them from one end of the kingdom to another in a week or ten days; -sailing in luxurious airships which will have so reduced the bulk of -the globe that from being “a vastie sphere” it will have become a mere -overgrown orange--“from London to Rome in less than an hour; London -to New York in three!”--our descendants will try to imagine how it -was ever possible for us to travel by train and motor--so slow and -uncomfortable! And thus we and our civilisation may presently come to -be looked upon with the same sort of good-natured disdain we now bestow -upon the social conditions and travelling arrangements of the days of -“My Lord à Suffhoke.” - -It may well be that all this hard riding in bad weather and the -unwonted dissipations of Christmas at Tylsey proved too much for Lady -Jane, for in February 1552, Ab Ulmis writes to his friend Bullinger: -“The Duke’s daughter has recovered from a severe and dangerous illness. -She is now engaged in some extraordinary production, which will -very soon be brought to light, accompanied with the commendation of -yourself. There has lately been discovered a great treasure of valuable -books: Basil on Isaiah and the Psalms in Greek, ... Chrysostom on the -Gospels, in Greek; the whole of Proclus; the Platonists, etc.... I -have myself seen all these books this very day. The Duke of Suffolk, -his daughter, (the Lady Jane), Haddon, Aylmer, and Skinner, have all -written to you.”[156] - -These literary treasures were probably found in several parcels of old -books purchased about this time by the Marquis from an Italian merchant. - -In March 1552, Lady Jane, then at Bradgate, sent Bullinger’s wife a -present of gloves, and a ring. A month later, Ulmer returned from -Switzerland, whither he had been sent on a mission, and brought with -him a letter from Conrad Pellican, which Jane immediately answered. In -Pellican’s _Journal_, still preserved at Zurich, we find the following -marginal note: “June 19th, 1552-3, I received a Latin letter, written -with admirable elegance and learning, from the most noble virgin, Lady -Jane Grey, of the illustrious house of Suffolk.” This letter is lost. - -Early in July 1552, Lady Jane went with her parents to Oxford,[157] -and, almost immediately afterwards, repeated her visit to Princess -Mary, now at Newhall--a visit fraught with much evil, if we may believe -the accounts which have come down to us, from, it must be admitted, -rather suspicious sources; that is to say, from Aylmer and Ascham, both -eager to represent Jane as even more Protestant than she really was. - -Newhall Place, Princess Mary’s chief country seat, had formed part, -in days gone by, of the possessions of Waltham Abbey, and had been -exchanged with Sir John de Shadlowe by the monks in the reign of Edward -III for three other properties. Its most illustrious occupant in -pre-Reformation times had been the unfortunate Margaret of Anjou. After -her capture by the Yorkists it was confiscated by the Crown, and was -eventually granted by Henry VII to Bottler or Butler, Earl of Ormond, -who fortified the mansion and enlarged it. It passed, as a dower, to -Sir Thomas Boleyn, grandfather of Queen Anne Boleyn, and he exchanged -it with Henry VIII, who took a great fancy to the place, and changed -its name to Beaulieu. The monarch stayed here on one occasion, at -least, with Anne Boleyn, so that Mary Tudor may have found a few of the -personal belongings of her mother’s chief foe, when she took possession -of the house which Henry bestowed on her towards the end of his reign. -She made it her favourite abode, principally on account of its gardens, -which are often mentioned in the Household Books of the period, as -supplying the royal palaces of London with fruit and vegetables--the -cherries and grapes being considered particularly fine. Elizabeth, who -did not care for Beaulieu,--its association with her mother and sister -must have been painful to her,--presented it to Radcliffe, Earl of -Suffolk. He sold it to “Steenie,” Duke of Buckingham, who let the place -fall into such ruin that its value so decreased that Cromwell was able -to buy it for “five shillings and no more!” - -In Mary’s day it was still a fine old Gothic mansion of the -ecclesiastical type, with three lofty towers and a magnificent hall, -containing a huge chimneypiece and a broad staircase leading to the -upper apartments. In the chapel was that famous window made at Dort -in Flanders by order of Henry VII, and now the chief ornament of St. -Margaret’s, Westminster. The furniture at Newhall, the inventory of -which is still extant, was extremely magnificent, and included many -sets of costly tapestries, hangings of velvet and Florentine brocades, -Turkey carpets and inlaid bedsteads and chairs. The chief artistic -treasure of the house, however, was a superb portrait of Mary herself -by Holbein, and another of the King her father by the same great -painter. These two portraits remained at Newhall until the beginning of -the seventeenth century, when we lose trace of them, but the portrait -of Mary is not improbably the one now in the possession of the Duke of -Norfolk, and that of King Henry, that which is in the possession of -Lord Leconfield at Petworth House. - -A state visit to Newhall must have been conducted on similar lines -to such a function at Sandringham or Windsor in our times, being a -singular mixture of extreme simplicity and extreme stateliness. The -Princess herself, who, had her life been cast in a less exalted -sphere, would have been a kindly woman, had a deep hearty voice and a -cheery welcome, which endeared her to all who approached her; yet an -observation made by Lady Jane Grey to Lady Wharton proves that every -time anyone passed before her Grace, they made obeisance by falling on -one knee, as if she had been the Host on the altar. Meals were served -somewhat after the French fashion: a very light breakfast at what we -should consider an unearthly hour--six in summer, seven in winter--a -heavy dinner at eleven, and supper at eight. All sorts of sports and -pastimes--hawking, tennis, horse-riding, hunting--served to pass -the intermediate time, and in the evenings there was card-playing, -boisterous games, and dancing. Before retiring for the night, prayers -were said, and a loving cup full of spiced wine was passed round, the -Princess putting her lips to it before passing it, with a blessing, to -her guests. We may take it for granted that during the visit of the -Marquis and Marchioness, notorious Protestants, religious controversy -did not enter into the conversation at Newhall. To do her justice, Mary -at this time at least was very free from bigotry; two of her favourite -ladies, Lady Bacon and Lady Brown, were Protestants, and her friendship -for the imprisoned Duchess of Somerset and her daughters never failed -so long as she lived--and yet the Duchess was an ardent “Gospeller.” -That the Princess enjoyed a little “flutter” at cards is proved by her -household books, and as the Marquis was an excellent card-player, no -doubt “Ombre”--a game introduced into England by the Spaniards whilst -Katherine of Aragon was Queen--served to pass the evening, together -with “Gresco,” “Mountsaint,” “Newcut,” and “Lansquenet.” Lady Jane and -her little sisters may have joined in the romping game of “Trump,” a -noisy round game like our “Old Maid,” in which, on the appearance of -a certain card, everybody slapped their right hand on the table and -cried out “Trump!” those who failed to do so paying a trifling fine. -“Gleke,” a primitive sort of whist, was also greatly in fashion; and at -this game, we may be sure, the Lady Frances was prudent enough to lose -fairly large sums to her august cousin, whose hot Spanish temper was -apt to be ruffled when the tide of fortune turned against her. - -It was during this visit that the Princess Mary presented the Lady -Jane with a rich dress, and Jane, willing to practise some of the -precepts which she had received from Zurich, asked the lady by whom -her cousin sent the gown, what she was to do with it? “Marry,” replied -the lady, “wear it, to be sure!” “Nay,” replied the Lady Jane, “that -were a shame, to follow the Lady Mary, who leaveth God’s Word, and -leave my Lady Elizabeth, who followeth God’s Word.” This anecdote was -recorded by her tutor, Aylmer, long years after this world had closed -on Jane--at a moment, in fact, when Elizabeth did not thank him at all -for reminding her subjects of the Puritan style she had affected in her -youth. Another incident, which may be more certainly placed during this -Newhall visit, shows the cousins at issue on those points of belief -then so hotly debated. Lady Wharton, a fervent Catholic, crossing the -chapel with Lady Jane Grey when service was not proceeding, made her -obeisance to the Host as they passed the altar. Lady Jane asked “if the -Princess were present in the chapel?” Lady Wharton answered that she -was not. - -“Then why do you curtsey?” demanded Jane. - -“I curtsey to Him that made me,” replied Lady Wharton. - -“Nay,” retorted the Lady Jane, “but did not the baker make him?” - -Lady Wharton repeated this remark to the Princess, “who never after -loved the Lady Jane as she did before.” - - NOTE.--The London residence of the parents of Lady Jane Grey was, - in her early days, the house in Whitehall overlooking the Thames - and known as Dorset Place; but, after the death of the two sons - of the Duke of Suffolk, the Lady Frances inherited Norwich House, - Strand, which Henry VIII had confiscated from the Bishops of - Norwich, and exchanged with his brother-in-law for Suffolk Place, - Southwark, which he converted into a mint. Norwich House now became - generally known as Suffolk House. Here the Greys lived in great - state, possibly abandoning their other residence in Whitehall for - the larger and more sumptuous residence. The Lady Frances, after - the execution of her husband, sold Suffolk House to the Percys and - it presently became known as Northumberland House, and, altered - from a Tudor to a Jacobean mansion, it remained a prominent feature - of London street architecture until early in the second half of - the last century, when it was pulled down for the improvements at - Charing Cross. - - - - -CHAPTER XII - -JOHN DUDLEY, EARL OF WARWICK - - -Immediately after the execution of Thomas Seymour, John Dudley steps -forward on the lurid stage of this history. If Seymour was a rascal, -Dudley, son of a rascal, was even worse. Divested of his magnificent -habiliments and picturesque surroundings, this man was a far meaner and -more sordid ruffian than was ever my Lord of Sudeley--more devilish in -his cunning and, if anything, more unscrupulous. - -John Dudley was the son of that notorious Edmund Dudley who, under -Henry VII, had remorselessly plundered the public coffers, and so -earned the execution which fell to his lot in the first years of Henry -VIII’s reign--on 28th August 1510, to be precise. In common justice, -it is fair to say that this Dudley of evil repute was highly esteemed -by his most illustrious contemporary, Sir Thomas More; and we may -believe him to have been much calumniated, like many other men of his -time. Dugdale says Edmund Dudley was the son of a carpenter,[158] and -the assertion is somewhat supported by the fact that although he was -born twenty years before the death of the Lord Dudley whom he asserted -to be his grandfather, that gentleman would never acknowledge him. -His real patronym was Sutton, but he assumed that of Dudley after his -acquisition of the ancient castle of that name, and the expulsion of -its rightful owner, who fled abroad. On the gates of the Castle, Edmund -affixed his own arms, together with those of the ancient houses of -Someries and Malpas, from which he claimed descent. He was at one time -Sergeant-at-Law and at another Speaker of the House of Commons, and -married Lady Elizabeth, daughter and heiress of Edward Grey, Viscount -Lisle, a collateral of the great house of Grey, and the same young -lady to whom Charles Brandon was contracted and who, as we have seen, -refused to carry out her side of the engagement. - -The John Dudley of these pages was born about 1502, the eldest of three -brothers, who, after their father’s ignominious death, were placed -under the guardianship of Sir Edward Guildford. The latter fought -valiantly to obtain some part of the father’s ill-gotten property for -his wards, and their possessions were further increased at the death of -their mother, a considerable heiress. Being a handsome, dashing young -fellow, the father’s bad reputation was soon forgotten, and his gay -son John, as Viscount Lisle, was a prominent figure at Court in the -last half of Henry VIII’s reign. In his early years he was a good deal -in France with Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, the Lady Frances’s -father, who knighted him at Vian, in Normandy. John Dudley’s wife, Jane -Guildford, whom he married when he was a mere lad, contrived to absorb -his affections so completely that his domestic life was remarkably -respectable. She was a very beautiful woman, and part heiress of his -former guardian, Edward Guildford, Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports. -She bore him a numerous and handsome family, and her behaviour in -clinging to her husband during his hour of danger, and making desperate -efforts to save him, was rare at this strange period. With all her good -qualities, however, she was cordially disliked by Lady Jane Grey, whom -she treated with consistent harshness. - -As Viscount Lisle,[159] John Dudley worked his way up legitimately -enough until he was nominated Lord High-Admiral and Master of the Horse -(1542) to Henry VIII. Although at heart a Catholic, he sided with the -Seymours against the Howards, and thus--for ambition’s sake--came to -be numbered among the chiefs of the Protestant party at Edward VI’s -coronation, and was then created Earl of Warwick. His ambition was now -well fired--he must become _aut Cæsar, aut nullus_, and this he could -only achieve by ousting the two Seymours and taking their place. Like -most of his contemporaries, he was essentially an opportunist--_un -arriviste_, as the French would say. For some years he worked like a -rat in the dark, waiting his opportunity: first he nibbled at Thomas -Seymour’s good fame--what there was of it!--and then cunningly set -brother against brother. Patiently, subtly, he gnawed on till he -saw Thomas ascend the scaffold; then he promptly undermined Edward -Seymour’s credit with King and people. His aim was to become Lord -Protector himself, to reach at supreme power by fair means or foul. - -[Illustration: JOHN DUDLEY, DUKE OF NORTHUMBERLAND - -FROM AN ENGRAVING BY G. VERTUE] - -Soon after the death of his brother, Thomas, Somerset began to totter. -The Admiral’s execution had produced a bad effect. Hardened as men were -in those ferocious times, there were yet certain ties of consanguinity -which might not be violated with impunity; and so, although -Elizabeth did write to her sister Mary, that “had the brothers met, -the Lord Admiral would have been saved,” it was none the less the hand -of Cain that signed his death-warrant. The people said so openly. They -had not forgotten the dreadful carnage that had marked Edward Seymour’s -return, through Scotland into England, on the occasion of his first -Scotch expedition.[160] - -If the horrors perpetrated by Somerset himself during that expedition -were execrable, those committed with his knowledge and connivance in -the same forlorn country under Edward VI were even more atrocious. That -“varmint” Lennox, the husband of the Lady Margaret, niece of Henry -VIII, was his chief agent. Reeking corpses of men, women, and little -children marked the passage of the English troops to and from the -Border lands. Thus the Lord Protector’s reputation in the North was of -the worst--“his very name stank of blood.”[161] - -Dudley had not, therefore, so much difficulty as might be thought in -undermining his formidable rival’s position, towering though it was. In -many ways, Somerset had proved himself a failure, and he had already -lost much of his popularity, even among Protestants, who were none too -sure of his loyalty--was he not the friend of Mary and the avowed enemy -of Elizabeth? By the large Catholic party he was, of course, entirely -and heartily detested. - -He was not a Calvinist, although he maintained an active correspondence -with Calvin, but a Church of England man of the “Low Church” -description, a hater of ecclesiastical ritual and formality, and, -incidentally, a born iconoclast. The statement that no man or woman was -persecuted or burnt for religious opinions under his rule, is hardly -exact. There are more ways than one of killing a dog--or of persecuting -an opposing faith. True, the fires of Smithfield were quenched for -the time being, but Catholics and Anabaptists were made to feel they -were outside the law, and the prisons were crowded with men and women -of those persuasions, and of every social grade.[162] The cathedrals -and parish churches were cleared of their sacred images, their plate, -their rood-lofts, and their art treasures; even their frescoed -walls were whitewashed. Stained glass was smashed, because it bore -“idolatrous pictures,” and replaced by plain glass or horn. Even dead -men’s tombs were overthrown, and the bodies cast “into filthy ditches -and fields beyond the city.”[163] In a word, the artistic treasures -of centuries were within a few months dispersed, destroyed, or sold -to a throng of Jews, who flocked to England to seize so splendid an -opportunity. Somerset pulled down three or four episcopal palaces, the -beautiful North Cloister of St. Paul’s Cathedral, and the Churches -of St. Mary-le-Strand and St. John’s, Clerkenwell, for the sake of -their building materials, which he used for his own new and almost -royal residence in the Strand. He gave orders for the demolition of -St. Margaret’s, Westminster, and but for the angry protests of the -indignant parishioners, his command would have been obeyed. There -was another cause of discontent, which has been much neglected -by historians, namely, the doctrinal changes, which necessarily -greatly altered outward observances, much to the disgust of the older -generation, who saw the destruction of the cherished traditions of a -thousand years, and the desecration of their most sacred social usages. -Their pageants, pilgrimages, and processions were now paralysed; and it -was an offence deemed worthy of imprisonment, ay, even of burning, to -pray for the dead, or to retain the rosary the dying mother had given, -with her last blessing, on her death-bed. - -The average Englishman is apt to think of the Sixth Edward’s reign -as an era of peace and plenty, during which, to the applause of the -entire nation, the Book of Common Prayer was formulated by Cranmer, -and the churches emptied of “hated and idolatrous images and symbols.” -In reality, it was one of the most disastrous epochs in the whole -of our history. Froude, in a passage of uncommon brilliance, sums -up the appalling effect, after a lapse of fifteen years, of Henry -VIII’s dissolution of the monasteries and hospitals. With singular -vividness he depicts the extreme misery to which the lower orders -were reduced; the high roads and country lanes rendered dangerous -by hordes of starving and half-naked men and women, who a few years -previously had been in fairly comfortable circumstances, earning a -living wage from the now banished masters of abbeys and priories. -Now the poor wretches roved in fear and trembling, begging food and -shelter; or, driven desperate by want, committing deeds of violence. -Dr. Latimer, in his _Royal Sermons_, puts his unfailing finger on the -right spot when he remarks that “the misery the people were enduring -was entirely due to the new order of things. My father,” he continues, -“was a yeoman who lived comfortably, educated his children, served -the King, and gave to the poor, on a farm the rent of which has been -increased fourfold since, so that his successor in the farm has -become a pauper in consequence.” Then, turning upon the Seymours, -the Pagets, and others of their kind, who had enriched themselves -out of the ecclesiastical spoils, he thundered: “I fully certify you -as extortioners, violent oppressors, engrossers of tenements and -lands, through whose covetousness villages decay and fall down; and -the King’s liege people, for lack of sustenance, are famished and -decayed.... You landlords, you rent-raisers, I may say, you step-lords, -you unnatural lords, you have for your possessions yearly too much! -The farm that was some years back from £20 to £40 by the year, is now -charged to tenants at from £50 to £100.... Poor men cannot have a -living, all kinds of victuals are so dear. I think, verily, that if it -thus continue, we shall at length be obliged to pay twenty shillings -for a pig. If ye bring it to a pass the yeomen be not able to put their -sons to school, ye pluck salvation from the people, and utterly destroy -the realm.”... “In those days,” he says in another sermon, “they [the -monks] helped the scholars. They maintained and gave them living. It is -a pitiful thing to see schools so neglected; every true Christian ought -to lament the same. To consider what has been plucked from abbeys, -colleges, chantries, it is a marvel that no more is bestowed upon this -holy office of salvation.... Scholars have no exhibition. Very few -there be who help poor scholars, or set children to school to learn the -Word of God, and make provision for the age to come. It would pity a -man’s heart to hear what I have of the state of Cambridge.... I think -there be at this day [1550] one thousand students less than were within -twenty years, and fewer preachers.” - -The enclosure, too, by their new owners, of the vast tracts of lands, -which had formerly belonged to the abbeys and priories, for the -purpose of cattle rearing, instead of corn growing--as hitherto--(wool -being at a premium) had thrown thousands of agricultural labourers -out of employment; and soon the large cities, London, Bristol, and -York, were crowded with poor creatures seeking work, only to meet -with flat refusal from the citizens, who were angered and alarmed by -so considerable an addition to that pauper population whose hapless -descendants still form the bulk of the very appropriately styled -“Submerged Tenth” of our times. This rapid increase of an undesirable -class soon resulted in a marked debasement of the lowest orders, and so -bad did the state of morals in the capital become, that Ridley, Bishop -of London, preached more than one sermon on the subject, and, in a -book entitled _The Lamentation of England_, gives a hideous picture of -the rising tide of “immorality, crime, drunkenness, hatred and scorn -of religion and its ministers amongst the people.” Domestic chastity -was held at a discount and reviled, and adultery was so common, even -in the highest ranks, that the Privy Council spoke of bringing the -question of prohibitive measures before Parliament. The Protector -himself had set aside his first wife, Catherine Ffoliot, although she -had borne him a son, on no valid pretext, legal or otherwise, in order -to marry the higher born Anne Stanhope--the temper of this Stanhope -lady was so peppery that he went in fear and trembling, and this led -his contemporaries to say “he had got rid of a dove to saddle himself -with a scorpion.” Henry, son of William, Earl of Pembroke, divorced -Katherine, daughter of Henry, Duke of Suffolk (Lady Jane’s younger -sister), to marry Mary, daughter of Sir Henry Sydney. The Earl of -Northampton, Katherine Parr’s brother, divorced Anne, daughter of the -Earl of Essex, when he married Lord Cobham’s daughter Elizabeth. Even -Lady Jane Grey’s own legitimacy was disputed; and the matrimonial -adventures of her grandfather Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, have already -been mentioned. - -The wickedness of the upper classes[164] spread downwards, and, coupled -with intense poverty, made “London worse than Babylon of old.” - -Well might honest old Latimer cry out to the King, in one of his most -interesting sermons (preached in 1550 at Paul’s Cross), “For the love -of God take an order for marriage here in England.” Cecil also protests -against the prevailing looseness of morals: “Sacrilegious avarice -ravenously invaded Church livings, colleges, chantries, hospitals, -and places dedicated to the poor, as things superfluous. Ambition and -emulation among the nobility, presumption and disobedience among the -common people, grew so extravagant, that England seemed to be in a -downright frenzy.” Hear Bishop Burnet also on the same subject: “This -gross and insatiable scramble after the goods and wealth that had been -dedicated to good designs, without applying any part of it to promote -the good of the Gospel, and the instruction of the poor, made all -people conclude that it was for robbery and not for reformation that -their zeal made them so active. The irregular and immoral lives of many -of the professors of the Gospel gave their enemies great advantage -to say that they ran away from confession, penance, fasting, and -prayer, only to be under no restraint, and to indulge themselves in a -licentious and dissolute course of life. By these things, that were but -too visible in some of the most eminent among them, the people were -much alienated from them; and as much as they were formerly against -Popery, they grew to have kinder thoughts of it, and to look on all -the changes that had been made, as designs to enrich some vicious -characters, and to let in an inundation of vice and wickedness upon -the nation.” To stem this rising tide would have been a task for a -great statesman; Somerset was not a great statesman, for, though many -of his intentions were good, his methods were primitively violent. He -thought himself capable of repressing the inevitable result of the evil -wrought by Henry VIII and his followers by force of arms, and by laws -which, even in those days, chilled men with horror. To put down the -vagabondage in the country districts,--a consequence of the disbanding -of the great crowd of abbey retainers,--he signed a decree whereby “Any -man or woman found suspiciously near any house, or wandering by the -highways, or in the streets of any city, town, or village, for three -days together, without offering to work, or running away from their -labour, may be brought by the master, or any other person, before two -justices of the peace [these] having the power of the statute law to -exercise the said power by burning into his or her breast with a hot -iron the letter V, and to adjudge him or her to be the slave of the -informer, to have and to hold the said slave to him, his executors or -assigns, for the space of two years, only giving the said slave bread -and water.” The “slave” was to be made to work by blows or chains. In -the event of his disappearing for the space of fourteen days without -leave, he could be punished by chaining up and beating, “and if he [the -owner of the slave] chose to prove the fault by two witnesses before -the justices, they shall cause such slave to be marked on the forehead, -or the ball of the cheek with a hot iron, with the sign of an S, that -he may be known for a loiterer, and [the justices] shall adjudge the -runaway to be the said master’s slave for ever.” The penalty of a -second escape from slavery was death by hanging “from the nearest tree, -if violent.” Any one was permitted to take children between five and -fourteen years of age from any wanderer, whether they were willing or -not, and if the child ran away from his master the latter had the power -“to keep and punish the said child in chains, or otherwise, and use him -or her as his slave in all points,” up to the age of twenty at least. -The master of a grown-up slave had the right, under section 4 of this -law, “To let, set forth, sell, bequeath, or give the service of such -slaves to any person or persons, whatsoever.” The law further empowered -an owner of slaves “to put a ring of iron about his neck, arm, or leg, -for a better knowledge and surety of keeping him.” Aiding a slave to -escape was punished by the forfeiture of ten pounds by the person so -doing. These and other evils too numerous to detail helped to fan the -flame of popular discontent. - -Presently the counties began to rise, the people of Devonshire and -Cornwall flew to arms to vindicate the rights of conscience. They -would have back the religion which their forefathers had held for a -thousand years. They demanded that the “Six Articles” should be put in -force. The men of Cornwall refused the Book of Common Prayer, because, -they alleged, they could not speak English, and could not understand -it, while they were accustomed to the Latin Mass, which they had been -trained from infancy to comprehend. Down into the West went Lord -Russell (“Swearing Russell”), dispatched by the Lord Protector. He -behaved “more like a wild beast than a human being”--as abominably as -Lennox in Scotland. Hooper, who went with him to preach to the rebels, -describes his massacres as “the most horrible butcheries of brave men -that ever did happen in this world.” Russell’s dispatches do not in -any way minimise the horrors he perpetrated, and “our men,” he says, -“are daily supplied with large numbers of sheep and fowl from the -places where the farmers and squires forfeited such property by their -obstinate adherence to the Popish Mass, and other superstitions.” Some -three thousand men and several hundreds of women are said to have -suffered death in the fight for freedom of conscience in Devonshire. -The central counties rose too, and there were terrible riots in -Gloucestershire, Wiltshire, Derbyshire, and Huntingdonshire. - -But it was in Norfolk that the grandest demonstration against the -tyranny of the central Government occurred. It commenced at Aldborough, -and at first seemed a matter of little consequence; but the rumours -of what had happened in Kent, where new enclosures had been broken -down, greatly inflamed the people from one end to the other of the -eastern counties. There was little of the religious element in the -revolt, although two-thirds of the people, at least, still adhered -to the old faith, but now religious differences were set aside, and -Catholics and Protestants stood shoulder to shoulder in the fight for -what we should call liberty. At first the mass of the people were -without a leader, but they soon found one in the person of an honest -tanner, named Robert Ket.[165] It fell out on the 6th July 1549, at -Wymondham, near Norwich, where many folk were watching, on a small -stage erected in the market-place, a sort of “mystery,” that the -actors touched sarcastically upon the leading events and scandals of -the day. Ket, who was present, leapt on to a barrel, and delivered a -rough and ready oration on burning topics, every word of which told, -and roused the enthusiasm of his audience to a very delirium. In a -surging, motley crowd, his hearers followed him from Wymondham to -Mousehold Heath, near Norwich, a desolate sweep of country commanding -glorious views, immortalised in later times by a Crome or a Vincent. -Hereabouts, on an elevation, grew a stalwart oak, beneath which Ket and -his men encamped, and where he held Courts of Justice, of Common Pleas, -Chancery and King’s Bench, “even as in Westminster Hall.” With a high -and generous sense of freedom, he allowed the orators, not only of his -own, but of the opposition party, to harangue the multitude from this -tree of liberty, which was now called “the Oak of Reformation.” The -venerable tree had become a rostrum, and all who had anything to say -scrambled into it. Aldrich, Mayor of Norwich, preached thence against -the iniquities of Somerset’s rule. Clergymen and priests, parsons -and ex-monks, made a rough pulpit of it. Matthew Parker, afterwards -Archbishop of Canterbury, climbed into its branches one day, and -harangued the mob “on the unwisdom of their attempt,” and the ruin they -were sure to bring on themselves and their families. He would have done -better to hold his peace; no one listened to him. So great was the -crowd on Mousehold Heath, it looked on occasions like a surging sea of -heads, and sometimes, as in Hyde Park in our times, separate groups of -lecturers and hearers formed at a distance from the tree. - -Suddenly, on July 31st, a glittering figure bearing the Royal Arms of -England, rode into the midst of Ket’s camp--his white horse sheathed -like himself in steel, a plume of white feathers nodding on its head. -In a loud voice the man in the “coat-of-arms” proclaimed a free -pardon to all present in that multitude, if they “would depart to -their homes.” Some, weary of the business and only seeking an excuse, -turned their backs on the oak, and trudged citywards; but Ket and the -larger mass held their ground, saying they wanted no pardon, having -committed no offence--they only craved justice, and that was the -right of every Englishman. They were true subjects of the King, they -said, and had done him no harm--all they needed was justice, justice! -Turning his back on the tanner and the ancient oak, the glittering -herald scattered the people right and left, as he galloped away across -heath and common, dissolved into the mist like a meteor. When he had -vanished, Ket, fearing a treacherous surprise, called his merry men -together, and marched into Norwich, where they once more encountered -the royal messenger, who again offered them his master’s pardon. Ket -replied as disdainfully as ever, and the gorgeous official departed, -whilst the rebels, having seized all the arms and ammunition they -could find, returned to their camp on Mousehold Heath. To Court sped -the herald, and the Protector, alarmed at the turn of events, sent a -force of fifteen hundred horsemen, under the Marquis of Northampton, -and some Italians led by a _condottiére_ named Malatesta, against the -malcontents. These troops entered Norwich, but Ket and his men were -able to drive both Northampton and the Italian out of the city, in a -fight in which “fell Lord Sheffield and several gentlemen; so that now, -blood being up on both sides, the town was set fire to and plundered.” -Hearing this news, the Protector ordered another army of eight -thousand men, two thousand of whom were Germans, who were on their -way to Scotland under the Earl of Warwick, to turn southward, march -on Norwich, and disperse the rebels. After some resistance, Warwick -entered the city, only to be so fiercely assailed on every side that it -was as much as he could do to hold his ground. Ket galloped off towards -Dossingdale; but Warwick’s troopers came after him, and 3500 of his -men were cut to pieces. Yet another massacre followed, in which many -of the royal forces were killed. Ket was captured at last, and hanged -without ado, on the walls of Norwich Castle, his brother William (who -had been a black monk of the Hospitallers of St. John)[166] was swung -from the steeple of Wymondham Church, and nine of the ringleaders of -the rebellion were hanged on the “Tree of Reformation.” In the course -of this expedition, Warwick saw enough to convince him that every town -and village, farmstead and cottage, from the borders of Cambridge to -the sea, was a hotbed of rebellion, and that the names of Somerset and -Warwick had become loathed bywords. - -Such a state of internal strife, combined with foreign defeat, made up -an aggregate of confusion which only a statesman of the highest genius -could attempt to quell. Somerset, a man of indifferent education, even -if of the best intentions, was quite unequal to the task. His natural -defects of character--his love of power and money, his contempt for the -ancient traditions of the country, his hatred of the religion of his -ancestors, his prejudices and his inveterate habit of scheming, now -began to occupy the malicious attention of his enemies, who felt the -time for striking the decisive blow, which should crush his power for -ever, was drawing nigh. - -Their plans were served by Warwick’s reception in London as a -conquering hero, recognised by the metropolis as a successful and able -leader. His ambitious views were well seconded by old ex-Chancellor -Wriothesley, who had a personal grudge against Somerset, and who now -took up his would-be rival as a promising instrument for his revenge. -Durham House presently became the rendezvous of a great number of the -older nobility, who were discontented with the new régime; and here -they plotted and schemed, with one great object in their hearts--the -overthrow of Somerset and the exaltation of Warwick. The Londoners, -too, were against the Protector. Boulogne had been lost mainly through -his blundering policy, and the French war had been notoriously -unsuccessful. Moreover, when Warwick demanded extra pay for some two -hundred soldiers who had assisted in quelling the Ket rebellion, and -other risings, Somerset, unconsciously playing into his enemy’s hands, -refused the request, and the mercenaries, naturally incensed against -the Protector, held themselves ready to aid Warwick without compunction. - -Realising in some measure--especially after the defection of Pembroke -and Winchester to Warwick’s party--that, unless he made some effort, -his position would soon become altogether untenable, Somerset -metaphorically entrenched himself and his family behind the person -of the King at Hampton Court, and thence began to defy Warwick and -his followers, so that, about September 1549, the Court of England -was divided into two distinct camps--Warwick and the Council at Ely -Place, Holborn; the Protector and the principal members of his party, -Cranmer, Sir John Thynne, his secretary, Sir Thomas Smith, Cecil, -Paget, and Petre, at Hampton Court, where King Edward was held in a -state bordering on captivity. Then Somerset set to work to limit the -power of his sovereign as much as possible, so as to have him on his -own side in the struggle with Warwick, which was now beginning in -earnest. On the ground that Warwick was bribing the Court lackeys to -spy on the King, the royal attendants at Hampton Court were removed and -replaced by Somerset’s own men. No one could approach His Majesty’s -person save through the Protector. A stop was put to all those games -and sports in which the little King delighted, on the score of his -health, and the lad was made to feel himself so completely a prisoner, -that he alludes sadly to the matter in his “Diary.” Meanwhile the Duke -himself assumed almost regal rank, styling himself “By the Grace of -God Lord Protector of the Realm, Highness”; using a prayer in which he -is described as being “called by Providence to rule”; addressing the -French King as “brother,” a title hitherto exclusively employed by the -anointed monarch; and, as a climax, offending the nobility by taking -a seat in the House of Lords above his peers. In October, he issued a -proclamation, commanding all the King’s loyal subjects “to repair with -all haste to His Highness at His Majesty’s Manor of Hampton Court, -in most defensible array, with harness and weapons, to defend his -most royal person, and his entirely beloved uncle the Lord Protector, -against whom certain have attempted a most dangerous conspiracy. And -this do in all possible haste. Given at Hampton Court the 5th day of -October in the 3rd year of his most noble reign.”[167] Hundreds of -copies of this document were distributed all over London; and Lord -Edward Seymour, the Protector’s son, was dispatched with letters in the -King’s name to Lord Russell and Sir William Herbert, who were still -in the West, stamping out the rebellion, commanding them to hasten -to the aid of the King and himself, with all the troops they could -muster. These worthies, who would seem to have had personal grievances -against Somerset,[168] promptly threw in their lot with Warwick’s -party, promising assistance, and sending to Bristol for cannon for -that purpose. Somerset now set the printing-presses to work to -distribute thousands of handbills, calling on townsfolk and villagers -to rise and “protect the King and the Lord Protector,” “because he -[the Lord Protector] is the friend of the poor and the enemy of their -oppressors.” The Lord Mayor and Corporation were also commanded to -dispatch a thousand men to Hampton Court, and the Lieutenant of the -Tower received orders to close the gates of that fortress and refuse -admission to members of the Council. On 5th October, Petre was sent -to London to interview Warwick and the Council. He found them at Ely -Place; but as Petre, thinking all lost, did not return to Hampton -Court, the Protector never got any answer to his message. At the same -time, the Council sent letters to the chief nobles throughout the -country, demanding their aid and dilating on Somerset’s misdeeds. -Within a few days, the Lord Mayor, the Aldermen, and the Lieutenant -of the Tower had all turned traitors to the Protector, and promised -Warwick their support. - -Hampton Court, put into a state of defence,[169] assumed the aspect -of a fortress; the moat was filled up, the gates were fortified, -and every battlement and tower was made ready in case of danger. -Five hundred suits of armour were brought out of the armoury for the -palace servants, much to the delight of King Edward, who watched the -preparations. A vast crowd assembled round the palace, and in the -neighbourhood; and the Protector, hoping that a sight of the King might -rouse it to loyalty, led him into the Base Court, where the soldiers -were drawn up to receive him. The stricken youth[170] appeared, leaning -heavily on his uncle’s arm, with Archbishop Cranmer, Paget, and Cecil -behind him; the heralds sounded their trumpets, and as the flare of the -torches--for it was an autumn evening--flashed on their armour, the -troops greeted his sickly Majesty with three times three cheers. From -the Base Court the King and his escort passed over the stone bridge -across the moat in front of the great gate, where a motley throng was -gathered. Presently silence was obtained, and gradually the mumble of -many voices was hushed, as the young King’s feeble tones struck on the -still evening air, asking humbly, “I pray you be good to us and to -our uncle.” Then Somerset made a speech, pleading in such stupid and -selfish fashion for himself and the King that the rude crowd listened -with impatience, and gave no cheers when he had finished. Mortified and -disappointed, the Protector and the King turned their backs on the mob, -and silently re-entered the palace. The people round Hampton Court were -more bitter against Somerset than he imagined. Their grievance was not -abstract and national, but local; they could not forget that it was -Somerset who, in the first year of King Edward’s reign, had dechased -Hampton Court Chase. - -Seeing himself unable to inspire the people with anything like -enthusiasm for their sovereign (or for himself), Somerset determined -on more vigorous action, and on 7th October, the King, despite his -“rewme,” was hurried to Windsor, at nine or ten o’clock at night. -Thence the Protector wrote to the Council, asking what had become of -Petre, and why no answer had been vouchsafed to his message, adding, -“that if any violence was intended to the King’s person, he would -resist till death.” Negotiations by letter continued for some days, -and there was even an interview on 12th October at Windsor, between -Warwick’s group and the Protector. On the following day, a number of -charges were promulgated against Somerset, and the once all-powerful -“Lord Protector of these Realms” was arrested and confined for the -night in Windsor Castle. Next day he was conducted to the Tower, -whither most of his adherents and associates in the Hampton Court -adventure had preceded him; and he had the mixed pleasure of being -received _en route_ by his quondam friend the Lord Mayor, who had -lately turned traitor to his cause. Meanwhile Edward, very glad, no -doubt, to be rid of so austere and troublesome an uncle, returned from -Windsor to Hampton Court, and appointed Warwick Lord Great Master and -Lord High-Admiral. So far, John Dudley’s plot had prospered. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII - -THE FALL OF THE HOUSE OF SOMERSET - - -In the earlier stages of his struggle for power, when he felt himself -insecure with the Protestant party, Warwick had endeavoured to secure -Catholic support by promising the old religion a satisfactory amount -of freedom; but no sooner was he safe in his saddle, during Somerset’s -imprisonment (1549-50), than he became its inveterate enemy. The -Protector had made an effort to liberate Gardiner, but Warwick kept -him more closely confined than ever. During the new ruler’s term of -office, the internal disorders of the country continued as acute, in -every detail, as under Somerset’s régime; all military works fell -into decay, no new ships of war were built, fortifications came to a -standstill, and many troops were disbanded. The coinage was debased, -though the Protector had worked hard to improve it; the tribunals were -as corrupt as at any period. To ensure the passing of his vigorous -religious measures, and carry on his administration, Warwick “packed” -both Parliament and Council with his own staunchest followers. It was -almost a piece of good fortune for him when Somerset was released -from the Tower, for so great was the general dissatisfaction with his -administration that he would probably have been overthrown in his turn. - -[Illustration: EDWARD SEYMOUR, DUKE OF SOMERSET - -FROM AN ENGRAVING AFTER THE PAINTING BY HOLBEIN] - -During the winter of 1549-50, Somerset, confined in the gloomy old -fortress, was striving to retrieve his tottering fortunes. His -first move was to sign (in December) a confession of “his guilt, -presumption, and incapacity.” Early in January 1550, a bill, brought -before Parliament and passed in both Houses, promised him his life, -on condition that he forfeited his estates to the King, gave up his -positions, and paid a fine of £2000 a year in land. He attempted to -appeal against the extent of the forfeiture, but the Council grew so -menacing that the fallen Protector, with visions, it may be, of -Tower Hill and the block before his eyes, thought it best to pocket -his grievance. So on 2nd February he wrote to the Council expressing -his gratitude to the King for sparing his life and treating him so -leniently. According to a letter from Ab Ulmis to Bullinger, dated from -Oxford, 4th December 1551, Warwick generously made an effort to save -the Duke by imploring him in court to throw himself upon the mercy of -the King, which he did. On the 4th of that same month he was released, -after giving a bond of £10,000 as a guarantee of good behaviour, and -on the peculiar conditions that he should not go more than four miles -away from the Council, nor yet come to the meetings unless summoned; -further, if the King went near the palace at Sheen or Somerset’s own -house at Sion (in one or other of which two places he was to abide), -the former Protector was to depart instantly. The Duke’s full pardon -was given on 16th February. At the same time, all those who had been -imprisoned with him were released, after being mulcted in heavy fines. - -Immediately after his liberation Somerset joined the Court at -Greenwich, and was shortly afterwards made a Privy Councillor! Indeed, -before many months were over he had regained his former position and -influence over the King so completely that Warwick considered it safer -to become, at least publicly, reconciled to him. For this purpose -he arranged a marriage between John, Viscount Lisle,[171] his own -eldest son, and the Lady Ann Seymour, Somerset’s eldest daughter. -This marriage took place on 3rd June (1550) at the royal palace at -Sheen, and in the King’s presence. On the following day occurred yet -another aristocratic wedding, also attended by His Majesty, that of -Warwick’s third son, Sir Robert Dudley, afterwards famous as the Earl -of Leicester of Elizabeth’s reign, with that renowned heroine of -romance, Amy Robsart. Sir Walter Scott, in his _Kenilworth_, falls -into the error--unless, indeed, he wilfully disregarded facts for the -sake of artistic effect--of placing the scene of this marriage in -Devonshire, and of describing it as clandestine. On the contrary, it -was quite an open affair, mentioned by King Edward in his _Diary_ in -the already quoted entry for 4th June 1550, relating to the cruel sport -of duck-pulling. The King seems to have attended this wedding, but he -was too ill to be present at the far more important marriages of his -two cousins three years later. About this time, the summer of 1550, the -ex-Protector’s forfeited lands were restored to him, and he was allowed -to reconstitute his household as in the past. - -In February 1550 a proposal was brought before Parliament for the -restoration of Somerset to the office and title of Lord Protector, and -was only quashed by the prorogation of that body. He seemed in a fair -way of regaining his old position of power, and the Dorsets, thinking -no doubt that it would be well to be on friendly terms with him, -began to bethink themselves once more of the old project of marriage -between their eldest daughter, Lady Jane Grey, and young Hertford, who -had once been on such intimate terms in their family circle that, as -we have seen, the Lady Frances had on more than one occasion called -him her “son.” She now wrote to Cecil[172] referring to some service -Somerset had rendered her--this may have been her reason for reviving -the matrimonial project--and stated incidentally that she much desired -a match between his (Somerset’s) son and her daughter, but “that she -wished to let the parties have their free choice.” Somerset does not, -however, appear to have approved of the plan, for there is no evidence -that he did anything now to further it, and when it was originally -proposed he had allowed the matter to fall into abeyance. It is not at -all improbable that the lady’s letter, if communicated to him, put him -on his guard against traps such as the wily Dorsets might set for him -and his son. The incident is not devoid of interest, as demonstrating -how the Dorsets never ceased their intrigues and matrimonial schemes, -and also how even Warwick’s best friends were none too sure of his -eventual success, now his rival was again at large. The Dorsets were -evidently anxious to have a foot in each camp; but this time they -failed, and ended by falling back on Northumberland’s youngest son as a -husband for the much-enduring Jane. - -Meanwhile, Warwick was contemplating, by no means complacently, the -honours and favour heaped upon the rival for whose ruin he was only -awaiting some favourable opportunity. His first chance of proving -his unvarying hatred of the Protector came on 15th October of the -year 1550, on the occasion of the death of the aged Lady Seymour. -This event placed her son, as we have already seen, in a quandary--a -State funeral, such as was due to the King’s grandmother, would have -enabled Warwick to accuse him of a fresh assumption of regal dignity; -a private funeral, on the other hand, might be maliciously construed -into disrespect shown to the sovereign. Wherefore Somerset consulted -the Council as to what should be done. The reply, as already mentioned, -was that a State funeral was not at all necessary, nor even any formal -Court mourning, since such observances served “rather to pomp than to -any edifying,” an opinion peculiar to the Council, for in the preceding -August a State funeral (that of Lord Southampton) had been organised -with all possible “pomp.” This denial of the honour due to Lady -Seymour’s remains did not, of course, proceed from any idea of economy -or Puritanism, but merely from the Council’s desire to insult Somerset -and his family. It was an opportunity neglected, for if Seymour had -insisted upon a State funeral, the events of the following year might -have been anticipated, and the accusation of usurping regal honours -brought against him at once. Another curious fact in connection with -this funeral is that Somerset--a shining light amongst Reformers--wrote -to ask Gardiner to “offer up Mass for the health of his mother’s soul -after her death” (!)[173] - -Another method adopted by Warwick was that already employed by Sudeley -in his struggle with his elder brother, of spreading calumnies against -his rival through the agency of a third person, and ensuring their -reaching the King’s ears. After a time these tales began to make their -impression on his juvenile Majesty, though Somerset, for his part, was -working hard to recover the King’s favour entirely, and consolidate -his own position. Rich, the Lord Chancellor, an infamous traitor, -gave him his aid and acted as his spy, keeping him informed of every -movement made by Warwick and his party. One of Rich’s letters on this -subject, addressed merely “To the Duke,” was handed by mistake to the -Duke of Norfolk, next to Warwick, Somerset’s bitterest enemy; thus -each opponent had some idea of his adversary’s plans. Still, so subtle -was Warwick’s work that there was no movement against Somerset visible -enough to justify him in taking open measures; there was nothing for it -but to bide his time, and do his best, meanwhile, to ingratiate himself -with the King. In public, the rivals appeared the best of friends, and, -to maintain this pleasant fiction, Somerset, on 11th October 1551, -attended what must have been a painful ceremony to him--the investiture -of Warwick with the title of Duke of Northumberland in the Great Hall -of Hampton Court.[174] The mortification caused by this evidence of his -rival’s growing power, a power he could not openly attack, must have -been bitter indeed. - -Side by side with Northumberland’s intrigues, the national discontent, -of which we have already given instances, and which had been -intensified by Northumberland’s brief term of office, was a potent -factor in the eventual ruin of the Protector: for we may be sure -Somerset’s enemies took good care to father Northumberland’s misrule -on his rival. It would be useless for our purpose, though easy indeed, -to cite further and numerous instances of the universal disorder into -which the realm had fallen. Suffice to say that the England of this -period strongly resembled France under the Directory. Everything was -upside down. The faith of the people had received a staggering blow, -from which it would take nearly a hundred years to recover, and then -only in a measure, for to this day the masses of the lowest class of -the people of England remain in terrible darkness, alike indifferent to -influences religious and moral. In the reign of Henry VII, and in the -first years of Henry VIII, no hale man or woman dreamt of missing Mass -on a Sunday: under Edward VI, Latimer complained that the churches were -deserted, and Gardiner describes the lower classes as gradually falling -into a state of paganism. This relaxation of religious observance -influenced the popular morals, and in every class the domestic habits -of the country were most disreputable. So bad was the condition of -things, in fact, that Northumberland and his party came to realise that -Somerset’s worst enemy was himself; in other words, that the general -discontent and misery arising from his maladministration--or, to be -just, in some cases from causes over which he had no control--furnished -a more powerful argument against him than the spiteful inventions -of his opponents. They must have felt confident that any blow they -struck at him would meet with little or no opposition, but rather with -encouragement from the people, who had turned the cold shoulder on his -appeal at Hampton Court some two years previously. - -Accordingly, on 16th October 1551, the Duke of Somerset was suddenly -re-arrested in the Council Chamber[175] at Hampton Court, and taken -to the Tower to await his trial on charges made against him to -Northumberland by Sir Thomas Palmer, “a brilliant but unprincipled -soldier.” Palmer asserted that Somerset and his friends had plotted -to raise the North of England against Northumberland; that he had -intended to secure the Tower, to incite the populace of London to -revolt, to seize the Great Seal, with the aid of the City apprentices, -and, finally, to murder the Duke and his principal supporters at a -supper in Lord Paget’s house. There would seem to have been but little -truth in these charges; Northumberland at a later date, at any rate, -confessed that they were fabrications, and Palmer, before his death, -described them as the products of Northumberland’s fertile imagination. -This second trial of the Lord Protector took place on 1st December in -Westminster Hall. The judges were seven and twenty peers, amongst -them all the prisoner’s enemies--Northumberland, Northampton, and -Pembroke, with the Marquis of Winchester as President. The business -was conducted with the unfairness which distinguished nearly all the -political trials of this period; no witnesses for the prosecution were -produced in person, but their depositions were read. The indictments -accused Somerset of plotting to lay hands on Northumberland and others, -to seize the Great Seal and the Tower, and to deprive the sovereign of -his kingly power; he was also charged with having incited the citizens -of London to rebel against the King. The official indictment made no -mention of his supposed intention of assassinating Northumberland; -neither was Paget, in whose house it was alleged the murder was to have -taken place, ever tried for his share in the plot. This melodramatic -accusation would, in fact, seem to have been entirely dropped at the -last moment. Somerset, who denied the charges, was acquitted of treason -on the first count, but found guilty on that of felony for inciting -the citizens to revolt. There is ample evidence that he never did -anything of the kind. Winchester, a few months back his enthusiastic -ally, pronounced the death sentence on the unhappy man. Its effect upon -him was sudden and staggering. He became pale, and fell upon his knees -before Northumberland, Northampton, and Pembroke, who turned their -backs whilst he besought the people to pray for him and his family. And -so he was ordered back to the Tower to prepare for death. The count -of treason not having been proved, the axe did not face the prisoner -on the way back to his cell, and “the people, supposing he had been -clerely quitt, when they see the axe of the Tower put downe, made such -a shryke [shriek] and castinge up of caps, that it was heard into the -Long Acre beyonde Charing crosse.”[176] This must have cheered him -greatly. He may have thought and hoped that the people loved him still. - -King Edward is said to have expressed considerable anxiety on his -uncle’s account, but his distress did not prevent him from indulging, -according to his own statement, notwithstanding his delicate health, in -exceptionally riotous Christmas festivities.[177] The popular joy over -his acquittal on the charge of treason proved fatal to Somerset, for it -convinced Northumberland more than ever of the necessity of destroying -his rival. Holinshed sarcastically informs us that “Christmas being -thus passed and spent with much mirth and pastime, it was thought now -good to proceed to the execution of the judgment against the Duke of -Somerset.” Notwithstanding the frequency of such events, the execution -of so great a nobleman produced a considerable impression throughout -London. Though every precaution was taken to prevent the assembling of -an unusual crowd, Tower Hill was black with people long before dawn on -22nd January 1552, the day of doom. The vast assembly had gathered in -the expectation of the Duke’s reprieve rather than of his death. There -was an extraordinary muster of halberdiers, men-at-arms, sheriffs and -their officers. At eight o’clock Somerset was brought forth. He faced -the axe manfully, knelt down and said his prayers, and then, rising -to his feet, made a speech. Unlike most of his peers, he did not deny -with his last breath the religion he had helped to promulgate; there -was nothing he regretted less, said he, when on the brink of his bloody -fate, than his endeavours “to reduce religion to its present state, -and he exhorted the people to continue steadfast in the Reformation -principles, and thereby escape the wrath of God.” Just as he was -about, according to custom, to take formal leave of the crowd, great -confusion was caused by the arrival of a body of soldiers with bills -and halberds, who had received orders to attend the execution. Arriving -late, these men dashed towards the scaffold, and their onrush, combined -with some noise as of thunder,--“a great sound which appeared unto many -above in the element as it had been the sound of gunpowder set on fire -in a close house bursting out,”--terrified the mob, and an awful panic -ensued: spectators standing on the edge of the Tower moat lost their -balance and fell into the water, and not a few were trampled underfoot -and others broke their necks. Presently, in the midst of the hubbub, -during which Somerset was left so unguarded that, it is said, he might -easily have escaped, Sir Anthony Browne was seen riding towards the -spot. The mob, somewhat recovered from its consternation, imagined he -was bringing a reprieve, and shouted, “A pardon, a pardon!” casting -their caps and cloaks into the air. But Sir Anthony brought no message -of mercy with him. The doomed Duke had been standing quietly on the -edge of the scaffold, watching the turmoil. He too, when he heard the -shouts of “Pardon!” imagined his nephew had remembered him; but he soon -realised his error. The hectic colour which for a moment had flushed -his cheeks with the gleam of hope faded as, in a ringing voice, he -concluded his interrupted speech; and that done, he bestowed his rings -on the headsman, said a few words to the Dean of Christchurch, bared -his neck, knelt on the straw, and laid his head on the block. Another -instant and the axe had fallen. Edward Seymour, Duke of Somerset and -first Lord Protector of England, was buried in the Church of St. -Peter-ad-Vincula within the Tower on the north side of the choir, -between the coffins of the Queens Anne Boleyn and Katherine Howard; the -funeral rites were those of the Church of England, as then constituted, -“but hurried and simple as for a pauper.”[178] - -The character of Edward Seymour has been the subject of much -discussion; but it would seem fair to seek a _via media_ between -the over-severe condemnation of some historians and the exaggerated -praise of others. If we cannot exalt him to the high pedestal upon -which he has been set by Mr. Pollard, we need not fall into the error -of degrading him to the low level assigned him by eighteenth-century -historians. Somerset must not be judged by modern standards. If the -balance of good and evil in his character is considered, and we -contemplate him by the light of the middle sixteenth century, we -may even come to share the opinion of a large section of the London -populace of his day--mostly those of the Protestant party, be it -said--who looked on him as an admirable and God-fearing man,[179] -who did his best to free the people from much of the superstition, -oppression, and injustice from which it suffered. His faults, his -ambition and lust of power, were very human; and the evils of his -administration were largely due to the condition to which Henry VIII’s -misrule had reduced the country. The age in which he lived was very -unpropitious to statesmen and leaders of men, for, no matter how -intelligent they might be, some rival lurking in the shade was sure to -be ready to trip them up and take their place at the first opportunity. -On the whole, Somerset seems to have worked for what he believed to be -the interests of his King and the good of the Protestant religion, to -which he was consistently faithful. His domestic life was clean, and in -an age of place-hunters and libertines Edward Seymour was one of the -most respectable men. Neither entirely mediocre nor altogether great, -the Duke of Somerset may be described as _un grand homme manqué_--one -who just missed greatness. - - * * * * * - -NOTE.--A long letter from a Reformer named Francis Burgoyne, written -from London to John Calvin on 22nd January 1552, gives a most detailed -account of the Duke of Somerset’s execution, and an analysis of his -character which is of great interest. He says: “Hence arise our tears, -hence arises the all but universal distress, that on this very day, -about 9 o’clock, the Duke of Somerset of pious memory, when hardly -any person looked for or suspected such an event, was led out publicly -to execution. I myself was not present at the sight ... but many of -my friends related to me what they had seen and heard.” Then follows -a long account, given to Burgoyne by Utenhovius, of Somerset’s last -speech, continuing that “he spake all this ... with a look and gesture -becoming the firmness of a hero, and the modesty of a Christian; (they -say) that he was splendidly attired, as he used to be when about to -attend upon the King, or to appear in public on some special occasion; -that he gave the executioner some gold rings which he drew from his -fingers, together with all his clothes; only to a certain gentleman, -the Lieutenant of the Tower of London ... he gave his sword and upper -garment. What weeping, and wailing, and lamentation, followed upon the -death of this nobleman, it is as difficult to describe as to believe. -It is stated by some persons who belong to the household of some of the -Councillors ... that by the Royal indulgence the capital punishment had -been remitted, with a free pardon, while the Duke was yet in prison, -and that whole Council sent to inform him of it more than once; but -when he rejected with contempt the grace that was offered to him, (I -know not whether in reliance on his own innocence, or on the favour of -the King and some other parties, or on his own influence, and wealth, -and rank, or on some other delusive persuasion), the whole Council -were at length so irritated by this conduct, that they determined that -they would no longer endure that excessive arrogance of the man.... -It is quite evident, in my opinion, that the deceased nobleman, like -other men, was not without his faults, and those perhaps more grievous -than could be passed over by God without punishment in this life.... -This man was endowed and enriched with most excellent gifts of God -both in body and mind, but is not that the best gift, that God has -chosen the light of the Gospel to shine forth by his instrumentality -throughout this Kingdom.... I do not now mention how God had so exalted -him, from being born in a private station, that as the late King’s -brother-in-law, the brother of a Queen, the uncle of the present King, -he had no one here superior to him in any degree of honour, and then -especially, when appointed Lord Protector of the Realm, he was all -but King, or rather esteemed by everyone as the King of the King.” -Burgoyne then passes to the subject of Somerset’s religion: “During -almost the whole time when we were both of us here, he had become so -lukewarm in the service of Christ as scarcely to have anything less -at heart than the state of Religion in this country. Nor indeed did -he retain in this respect anything worthy of commendation, excepting -that, as far as words go, he always professed himself a Gospeller when -occasion required such acknowledgement.” “It is notorious to every -one in this Kingdom,” he continues, “that he was the occasion of his -brother’s death, who, having been convicted on a charge of treason -which no one could prove against him by legal evidence, and of which -when brought to execution he perseveringly denied the truth, was -beheaded owing to his information, instigated by I know not what hatred -and rivalry against his brother.... In fine, that very act, for which -he was last of all thrown into prison, was both unworthy of a Christian -such as he professed himself to be, and also sufficiently shews that -the most part of the crimes which I have laid to his charge, have -their foundation in truth. For he was himself the head and author of a -certain conspiracy against the Duke of Northumberland, lately called -the Earl of Warwick, whom he pursued with the most unrelenting hatred, -as having been foremost in depriving him of the rank of Protector, -and being himself regarded from that time by the King’s Councillors -as occupying that office; the Duke of Somerset, I say, gained over -some accomplices in this conspiracy even from among the Council itself -(who are now in prison awaiting the King’s pleasure respecting them), -by which it was agreed among them, that on the Duke of Northumberland -being dispatched (together with any of his friends who should oppose -their views) either by violence, or in secret, or in any other way, -they should place the entire administration of the Kingdom in their own -hands, but that the Duke of Somerset should be invested with the chief -authority, or even be restored to the order of Protector.” The writer, -after saying that “at his death he manifested some favourable marks of -Christian penitence,” concludes: “Two reasons are present to my mind -which increase my regret; one of them is, that we have lost so great a -man, and one who was not so entirely corrupted but that there remained -some hope both of his reformation, and also that the interest of the -Gospel would in any case be advanced by his authority and protection, -since there is certainly the greatest scarcity and want of such -characters in this country.”[180] - - - - -CHAPTER XIV - -THE LADY JANE MARRIES THE LORD GUILDFORD - - -The execution of the Duke of Somerset left the stage clear for -Northumberland, who was now all-powerful.[181] More cunning than his -predecessor, he avoided offending the nation by assuming the title of -“Protector,” and rousing his colleagues’ jealousy by styling himself -“Highness.” Little cared he whether he sat on the King’s right hand or -on his left, so long as his young sovereign obeyed him implicitly--on -this point he was resolved. His ambition was sordid enough: he had no -care for the people, but a great deal for his own advancement to wealth -and power; and his wife and children were as greedy and ambitious as -himself. He had flattered the Catholics, and if Princess Mary had been -younger, and willing to marry one of his sons, the religious history -of England might have been different. Somerset had always entertained -a friendly feeling for Mary, who was kind to his wife, while he -hated Elizabeth; Northumberland loathed both Henry VIII’s daughters -equally. Almost his first act on entering office, nominally as Great -Master of the Household or Lord High Steward, but virtually as Lord -Protector of the Realm, was to annoy Mary by opening up the question -of her chaplains, and her right to have Mass said in her private -chapel--a blunder which nearly resulted in a war with the Emperor, her -cousin, to whom the Princess appealed. Then he lent Cranmer a hand in -persecuting the Anabaptists. The fires of Smithfield flared up once -more. Joan Bocher, and Peter of Paris a Dutchman, were put to death, -though Cranmer found it hard to get Edward VI to set his hand to the -warrant for Joan’s execution. With great alacrity, then, Northumberland -pushed on Somerset’s iconoclastic vandalism, till he made our glorious -cathedrals and churches as bare as meeting-houses. Shiploads of holy -images, chalices, pictures, and painted windows were carted out of the -churches, defaced, destroyed, or sold, and carried abroad, even as far -as Constantinople, where a cargo of “imaugys” from England fetched a -high figure among the Catholics of Pera and Galata. So wanton was the -destruction of Church linen at this time that the citizens, disgusted -at seeing it burnt at the street corners, petitioned Northumberland to -hand it over to the hospitals. - -The Catholics, perceiving they had gained nothing in return for the -help they had given Northumberland, retired into obscurity, to wait -for better days; whilst the Reformers acclaimed the zeal of a man who -fought so fiercely against the faith in which he eventually elected -to die. It presently occurred to the Lord High Steward that the young -King was failing fast. The servants about the Court saw death in the -boy’s pale face and shrunken form, and heard its stealthy advance -in his feeble voice and hacking cough. To curry favour for himself, -Northumberland allowed the dying monarch greater freedom than he had -hitherto enjoyed. Sports and pastimes were arranged for his amusement, -and if we may believe his _Journal_, he enjoyed them after his own -fashion. Nobody had been so kind to him since his uncle Thomas’s death! -But sports and pastimes could not galvanise the attenuated lad into -fresh vigour, and he grew worse every day, watched with anxious eyes by -Northumberland and Suffolk, and above all by Cranmer, whose hopes were -concentrated in him. - -Since his accession to great wealth the Duke of Suffolk had gradually -abandoned Bradgate for London and fixed his family’s abode at -Sheen,[182] in the abbot’s buildings of the once opulent Carthusian -monastery, which he had adapted as a private residence.[183] Here -the Suffolks resided towards the end of the year 1552 and during the -early part of the momentous year 1553. The house, a large and noble -structure, with a long Gothic gallery running from end to end, stood -close to the venerable palace built by Edward the Confessor. It was -supposed to be haunted--the place was often disturbed after dark by -the sound of footsteps, the rustle of ghostly garments, and the mutter -of unearthly voices; but the most ghastly incident of all was one -which struck sudden terror into the hearts of the Duke and Duchess as -they paced the gallery in the gloaming. All at once a skeleton hand -and arm thrust itself from the wall, and brandished in their faces a -sword, or, as some said, an axe, dripping with blood. It should be -remembered that the Lady Frances was now in possession of nearly all -the Carthusian property in and about London, which had been granted by -Henry VIII to her father, Charles Brandon, and which she had lately -inherited from her stepbrothers; and this spectre may have been -contrived by some friend of the exiled Brotherhood to impress on the -Duchess and her brood the sacrilegious origin of this wealth, which -certainly did not bring them good luck. - -Nearly opposite to this uncanny residence stood Syon or Sion House, -an ancient Bridgetine convent which had been presented at the -Dissolution to the late Duke of Somerset, and which his rival, the Duke -of Northumberland, had filched from his widow. As the scene of the -most dramatic event in Lady Jane Grey’s short life, it still retains -considerable historical interest; but although much of the old convent -is standing, the cloisters and other portions have been hidden under -the plaster and stucco of an exceedingly ugly structure of the debased -Victorian villa type.[184] - -Northumberland, although he had not yet evolved the scheme of -marrying his only bachelor and youngest son to Jane Grey, none the -less considered the amity of the Suffolks too valuable an asset to -be neglected. At this time Northumberland’s power and certainly his -secrets were largely shared by his ally, the Duke of Suffolk, who never -took any initiative or made a step in any direction without the consent -of his all-powerful friend, who knew him to be a “weakling.”[185] - -[Illustration: SUPPOSED PORTRAIT OF LADY JANE GREY, FORMERLY IN THE -COLLECTION OF COL. ELLIOTT, AND NOW AT OXFORD UNIVERSITY - -FROM AN ENGRAVING AFTER THE PAINTING BY HOLBEIN] - -Northumberland, it would seem, did not at first intend Guildford for -Lady Jane Grey, but for the Lady Margaret Clifford, whose right to -the throne was at this time considered less disputable, she being -Henry VIII’s own grand-niece, eldest daughter of the Lady Eleanor -Brandon, the younger sister of the Duchess of Suffolk. Born after -the nullification of Charles Brandon’s marriage with Lady Mortimer, -her legitimacy was indisputable, whereas the enemies of the Suffolks -were busily engaged about this time (1552) in spreading a report that -Jane was illegitimate, her mother, the Lady Frances, having come -into the world during the lifetime of the said Lady Mortimer. This -insinuation was probably made by Lady Powis, Brandon’s eldest daughter -by his second wife, Anne Browne. At one moment this matter of Lady -Jane’s illegitimacy came very near saving her life, but Queen Mary, -to whom the matter was represented, refused, it is said, to take such -a possibility into consideration, out of respect for the memory of -her aunt, the Queen-Duchess of Suffolk, whose marriage would have -been invalidated if this assumption had been proved. Among Catholics, -however, Lady Jane’s legitimacy was much disputed, and the Lady Eleanor -prudently refused to encourage any great intimacy between her daughter -and Northumberland’s son; she and her family, indeed, kept themselves -in the background as much as they possibly could. At last, even though -the boy-King had been induced to take an interest in the projected -marriage, and had written both to Northumberland and to the Earl of -Cumberland on the subject, the Duke altered his mind, and in 1553, with -the casual fashion of those days, having decided to marry Guildford -to the Lady Jane, he “offered” the Lady Margaret Clifford to his own -younger brother, Sir Andrew Dudley.[186] - -Perhaps that which finally decided Northumberland to abandon his first -project was the unguarded and compromising language used by a certain -Mrs. Huggones, a former servant of the widowed Duchess of Somerset. -This good woman’s tongue having been loosened on one occasion by -too liberal potations--the conversation is said to have taken place -during supper--openly lamented the Duke of Somerset’s misfortunes -(the incident occurred about August 1552), called the young King an -unnatural nephew, and vivaciously remarked she wished she “had the -jerking of him.” She added that Lord Guildford Dudley was to marry the -daughter of the Earl of Cumberland, the match having been planned by -the King, and finally, “with a stoute gesture,” she cried, “have at the -Crown, with your leave.” Further, she used “unseemly saiyenges, neither -meet to be spoken, nor conseyled of any hearer.” Sir William Stafford, -in whose house at Rochford, in Essex, the affair apparently occurred, -wrote to the Privy Council an account of these injudicious remarks. On -8th September, Mrs. Huggones was arraigned before Sir Robert Bowes, -Master of the Robes, and Sir Arthur Darcy, Lieutenant of the Tower, -acting for the Privy Council. She denied what had been said of her, -and expressed great admiration for Northumberland. “And, moreover, she -being examined of the last article concerning the marriage of the Lord -Guildford Dudley with the Earl of Cumberland’s daughter, she deposeth -that she heard it spoken in London (but by whom she now remembereth -not) that the King’s ma^{ty} had made such a marriage, and so she told -the first night that she came to Rochford to supper, showing herself to -be glad thereof, and so she thought that all the hearers were also glad -at that marriage.”[187] Maybe the fact that her daughter was becoming -the subject of popular gossip was another incentive to the proud Lady -Eleanor to place obstacles in the way of Northumberland’s proposal.[188] - -There is no evidence that any of the Reformers visited the Suffolks -at Sheen, but it is probable they did so, for the success of the -Northumberlands’ scheme depended on the zeal of Lady Jane for -Protestantism being kept at fever heat; and we may therefore conclude -her Reforming friends were frequent guests at the ex-monastery. - -The foreign Reformers were at this time very active all over England. -Cranmer was particularly engaged with them, sending the smartest -among them to lecture at Oxford and Cambridge, and inviting the great -Melanchthon, and even Calvin himself, to visit England and preach, -although the religious opinions of both were very different from his -own. He even proposed to Calvin the formation of a sort of Protestant -œcumenical council in London in opposition to the Council of Trent. -In March 1552, he wrote to Calvin: “Our adversaries are now holding -their Council at Trent for the establishment of their errors. Shall we -neglect to call together here in London a godly synod for restoring and -propagating the truth?” - -There is nothing in Reformation correspondence so interesting or so -curious as the _Zurich Letters_--no writings so rich in details and -revelations. The tone of these old letters, of Melanchthon, Calvin, -Cranmer, Hooper, Conrad Pellican, Œcolampadius, Hilles, Hales, Gualter, -Fagius, Stumphius, Ab Ulmis, Bullinger, Bucer, etc. etc., is strangely -modern. It is easy to imagine oneself to be reading the documentary -evidence of some great modern revolutionary scheme for “the betterment -of humanity.” All these worthies held themselves in a “godly” light -uncommon to the rest of mankind. They, and they only, brandished the -torch of truth, albeit they did not by any means hold identical views -on even the most vital points of Christian faith--but they were as one -when face to face with their common enemy, the Pope, and the religion -he represented, and any blow dealt at Lutheranism was an equal joy -to them. Cranmer would have burnt half of them to cinders for their -“heresies” had they been Englishmen--he sent Anne Askew and Joan Bocher -to the stake for holding “errors” which coincided with those of some -of his foreign friends, Stumphius, Fagius, and Calvin, for instance! -He would have hanged a Briton for stating in plain English his belief -in predestination--but none the less invited over to a synod the -great teacher of that desperate doctrine. These men were, no doubt, -in earnest, and have left some strange details of their doings which -throw floods of light on the history and mentality of the times in -which they lived. They believed themselves to be so many God-appointed -apostles, and addressed each other as “father in Christ,” even -substituting for their common Teutonic names rich-sounding classical -ones--Œcolampadius, Stumphius, Massarius, Utenhovius, Terentianus, -Vadianus, Osiander, Dryander, Ochianus, etc. They would willingly have -suffered death heroically and patiently for what they believed to be -the truth. On the other hand, they could hate like very devils; Mary -to them was Jezebel or Ataliah, Philip, Satan, Pole, a hell-hound, and -the Pope, the Scarlet Whore and worse than the Devil. They could not -speak decently of their adversaries; and it is precisely here that we -see their influence on the youthful Jane--the reason why, if she really -wrote the letter to Harding after his reversion to Catholicism, she -employed a viragoish language unworthy of so gentle a Christian. - -We have no positive proof of how the two families, of Northumberland -and Suffolk, passed their time in the more genial months of the -years 1552-3, when the Thames is pleasantest, especially in the -neighbourhood where they had elected to pitch their respective camps. -The two Dukes and their Duchesses cannot always have been engaged in -political intrigues; they must have given themselves some occasional -recreation, and we may imagine that archery, tennis, and other sports, -dancing, music, and such amusements, were frequently indulged in -at Sheen and Sion, the two state barges incessantly crossing and -recrossing the river, from one mansion to the other. We can picture -the scene on the lawn in front of Sion, down which the handsome -Duchess of Northumberland often went to welcome the Lady Frances and -her daughters as they landed from their barge, leading them, with the -stately ceremony of those days, from the water-gate to the terrace in -front of the former convent, and so into the cloisters along which the -sisterhood of St. Bridget had so often and so recently passed in solemn -procession to their now ruined chapel. And then came the gay romp in -the hall and the merry games of the young folk, in which even the -austere little Lady Jane would condescend to mingle, to the righteous -consternation, doubtless, of her friends from Zurich and Geneva. Here, -too, must have come the handsome Ambrose Dudley, lately married to the -Lady Anne Seymour;[189]--but did that lady visit the house of the man -who had compassed the ruin and death of her father? And here Robert -Dudley, afterwards the famous Earl of Leicester, may have brought his -affianced wife, the fair Amy Robsart of _Kenilworth_ fame. And the Lady -Mary Sidney, Northumberland’s elder daughter, and wife of Sir Henry -Sidney, soon to become the mother of one of the most illustrious men of -the Elizabethan age, no doubt joined the circle with her clever young -husband. In these hours of relaxation, when the dark undertakings to -which the politics of those bloody days forced them were forgotten, -these youths overflowed with animal spirits, and it is more than likely -that Jane and her sister Katherine, and even the little Lady Mary, -romped merrily with their guests. It was a romping age, the good old -healthy country dances were in high favour, and the best performer -was he who could lift his lady highest off the ground, or could cross -his legs twice in a pirouette before he touched the floor again! -Northumberland himself was famous as a dancer of extraordinary elegance -and skill. That the Calvinism in which they had dabbled had not as yet -stirred up Henry of Suffolk and his Tudor consort to a proper pitch -of “godliness” is evident, for a company of players who had enacted -comedies, tragedies, and tragi-comedies at Tylsey in the previous -year, repeated their performances at Sheen in the winter of 1552-3, -and brought a smile, perchance, to the pale lips of the studious Lady -Jane, and evoked a hearty laugh from her materialistic mother, who, for -aught we know to the contrary,--let us hope it was not so!--may already -have begun to allow a certain ginger-headed Master Adrian Stokes, His -Lordship’s Groom of the Chambers, to pay her compliments which a great -Princess and an honest woman ought to have nipped in the bud. Tradition -has it that Northumberland and his colleague of Suffolk often played -a game of chess together, and that Suffolk would wax irritable if -Northumberland won more often than himself. - -No doubt, as soon as the Cumberland affair was broken off, and -Northumberland had decided to marry his son to Lady Jane, Guildford -was thrown as much into the young girl’s society as was possible -in those days of rigid etiquette, when maidens of rank were not -often allowed out of the sight of their parents and governesses. But -there is no record of any love-making between the young folk: on the -contrary, there is plenty of evidence that the girl disliked her -suitor. About a week before the wedding her parents ordered her to -marry the young gentleman, and, according to Baoardo,[190] she at first -stoutly refused, “her heart,” she said, “being plighted elsewhere.” -The Duke harshly reiterated his command and, according to the Italian -chronicler, even struck his daughter several hard blows, whilst the -broad red face of the Lady Frances purpled threateningly. The Duke -told Jane her marriage had been ordained by no less a person than -King Edward himself, and sharply inquired “whether she intended to -disobey her King as well as her father?” Poor Jane, aching from his -blows, could scarcely stammer her reply, “that she could not marry -with Guildford since she was already contracted to another” and that -with her father’s consent,--she doubtless alluded to the young Earl of -Hertford, the late Duke of Somerset’s son. But what could a forlorn -little girl of less than sixteen do, surrounded, as Jane was, by people -whom she believed to be all-powerful? She had been so “nipped and -pinched and bobbed” in her youth for an ill-constructed Latin verse -or a faulty translation of a Greek sentence,[191] that her spirit was -already more or less broken; she gave a reluctant consent at last; -and straightway the two Duchesses began their wedding preparations. -Milliners and haberdashers, glove-makers, embroiderers and Italian -silk merchants flocked to Sion and Sheen to display their gewgaws and -rich stuffs. Let us hope the little bride-elect derived some childish -pleasure from all this finery, the ostentatious display of which -must have thrown her Calvinistic friends into hysterics of righteous -indignation. And thus, long before she went to the Tower and thence -to her unmerited doom, Jane’s life was made a burden to her. Like the -forlorn bride of Lammermoor, she was the victim of cruel parents, and -one only wonders her young mind did not totter under the weight of so -much woe! - -Lord Guildford Dudley was born about 1533, and was consequently not yet -of age, as Queen Mary afterwards remarked to the Imperial Ambassador. -He was in his nineteenth year at the time of his ill-omened marriage. -The Duchess of Northumberland, his mother, was granddaughter of that -Lady Guildford who had been governess to Mary Tudor, sister of Henry -VIII, and to whom occasional allusion is made in early Tudor documents -as “Moder Guildford.” This lady had contrived to offend Louis XII of -France, who packed her off to England the day after he married the -English Princess. Thus the great-grandson of the governess and the -granddaughter of the royal pupil eventually became man and wife. Lord -Guildford Dudley’s case is believed to be the first instance, in this -country, of the bestowal of a family instead of a Christian name at -baptism; in stricter Catholic times it had been illegal to baptize a -child by any name but that of a saint. Guildford was a tall, well-built -youth, of very fair complexion.[192] In contrast with his splendid -colouring and light-brown hair, he had the soft brown eyes which -lend so peculiar a charm to the authentic portraits of his father, -whose darling he was.[193] The Northumberland family was proverbially -beautiful;--Robert, the famous Earl of Leicester and lover of Queen -Elizabeth, was considered the handsomest man of his time. Guildford -Dudley had a second name, James or Diego, received at his christening -from a Spanish[194] nobleman, the famous Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, a -trivial circumstance, apparently, but fatal in its consequences, for, -as we shall see, it was largely a foolishly worded letter from this -godfather that brought Guildford to the block. - -It is uncertain whether Jane’s wedding was celebrated towards the end -of May or in the beginning of June[195] (1553), but the former is the -date generally received. Three marriages occurred on the same day: -the first that of Lady Jane Grey and Guildford Dudley; the second -between Lord Herbert,[196] eldest son of the Earl of Pembroke, and the -Lady Katherine Grey, younger sister of Guildford’s bride; whilst the -third was between Henry, Lord Hastings, eldest son of the Earl of -Huntingdon, and Lady Katherine, the young sister of Lord Guildford -Dudley. On the same day, little Lady Mary Grey, barely eight years of -age, was solemnly betrothed to her equally youthful kinsman, Arthur, -Lord Grey of Wilton. - -Lady Jane Grey’s wedding seems to have been exceptionally magnificent. -Strype tells us that to increase its splendour and solemnity, the -Master of the Wardrobe, Sir Andrew Dudley, had orders to deliver to -the various parties much rich apparel and jewels out of the royal -wardrobe.[197] As the King’s “table diamond” was delivered to the -Princess Mary about this time, it seems probable that she also attended -the wedding. These articles were not new, but consisted of velvets, -brocades, pieces of cloth of gold, of silver, etc., the property of the -late Duke of Somerset and of his Duchess, who was still a prisoner in -the Tower; which had been forfeited to the King, on their attainder. -Thus was poor Jane’s bridal party bedecked with the finery of her -father’s victim, who preceded her by a few months only on the road to -the bloodstained scaffold. The French Ambassador also mentions the -exceptional pomp displayed at this wedding, but gives no details. - -No contemporary account of this particular ceremony is in -existence,[198] but the general custom was for the bride, attired in -a dress highly ornamented with gold and embroidery, her hair hanging -down, curiously waved and plaited, to be led to the church “between -two sweet boys, with bride laces, and rosemary tied about their silken -sleeves.” Before the bride was carried “a fair bride cup, of silver -gilt,” “therein was a goodly branch of rosemary, gilded very fair, and -hung about with silken ribbands of all colours; next there was a noise -of musicians, that played all the way before her.”[199] Then followed a -train of virgins in white, crowned with fresh flowers, with their hair -hanging loose, some bearing bride cakes, and others garlands, adorned -with gold. Last came the bridegroom, splendidly apparelled, with -young men following close behind. There were scarves and gloves, an -“epithalamium” and masques and dances; and “all the company was decked -out with the bride’s colours, in every form and fantasy.” - -When Jane’s marriage took place, the populace, though far from pleased -with the exorbitant pretensions of the Duke of Northumberland, could -not forbear admiring the bridegroom’s extreme beauty of person. The -bride was considered pretty, but small and freckled. She must have -come, in all her bridal bravery, from Suffolk House in the Strand to -Durham House, for it was the custom then, as it is still, for the bride -to start from her paternal roof, and meet the bridegroom at the church -door or even at the altar. The Church of St. Mary-le-Strand having -been destroyed by Somerset, the service was undoubtedly held in the -private chapel of the ex-palace of the Bishops of Durham, then the town -residence of Northumberland. - -Edward VI was too ill to attend the wedding, and there is no direct -evidence that either of the Princesses, his sisters, were present; -though, as we have already said, Princess Mary may have been. Their -absence, however, points to their fear of Northumberland’s sinister -intentions. The young King made his cousin, Jane, and Lady Katherine -Grey some wedding gifts of jewels and plate. - -Burke says in his _Tudor Portraits_, though on what authority he does -not tell us, that on the morning of her fatal marriage, “Lady Jane’s -headdress[200] was of green velvet, set round with precious stones. -She wore a gown of cloth of gold, and a mantle of silver tissue. Her -hair hung down her back, combed and plaited in a curious fashion ‘then -unknown to ladies of qualitie.’ This arrangement was said to have been -devised by Mrs. Elizabeth Tylney, her friend and attendant, who was -with her to the end. The bride was led to the altar by two handsome -pages, with bride lace and rosemary tied to their sleeves. Sixteen -virgins, dressed in ‘pure white,’ preceded the bride to the altar. -Northumberland and his family were remarkable on this occasion for -the splendour of their costumes. We have seen that they were jays in -borrowed plumes. A profusion of flowers was scattered along the bridal -route, the church bells gave a greeting, and the poor received beef, -bread and ale for three days.” - -Ascham reports that the wedding was “conducted much in the old Popish -fashion,” and adds, curiously enough, as a rider to this observation, -that “Northumberland, notwithstanding his pretended zeal for the -Reformation, was a Papist at heart.” He was quite right, as events -proved, though it should be remembered that at this time of transition -the order of the marriage ceremony, unlike that for funerals, had not -yet been formulated according to the Reformed rite. - -Every item in this tragic story would seem predestined to increase -its fateful horror. Part of Jane’s wedding dower was the estate of -Stanfield in Norfolk,[201] which has more than once been associated -with scenes of horror, not the least dreadful being the Rush murder, in -the second half of the last century. This property belonged at one time -to the Robsart family, and was believed by many to be the birthplace of -the fair Amy, Countess of Leicester, who was really, however, born at -Syderstone, an adjacent manor. - -In the letter to Queen Mary, dated August 1553, quoted by Pollino,[202] -and written, according to him, from the Tower, Jane Grey relates the -manner of her existence between her marriage and Edward’s death. “The -Duchess of Northumberland,” she says, “promised me at my nuptials with -her son, that she would be contented if I remained living at home with -my mother. Soon afterwards, my husband being present, she declared -that it was publicly said that there was no hope of the King’s life -(and this was the first time I heard of the matter), and further she -observed to her husband, the Duke of Northumberland, ‘that I ought not -to leave her house,’ adding ‘that when it pleased God to call King -Edward to His mercy I ought to hold myself in readiness, as I might -be required to go to the Tower, since His Majesty had made me heir to -his dominions.’ These words told me off-hand and without preparation, -agitated my soul within me, and for a time seemed to amaze me. Yet -afterwards they seemed to me exaggerated, and to mean little but -boasting, and by no means of consequence sufficient to hinder me from -going to my mother.” Evidently Jane expressed these sentiments very -frankly, for she proceeds: “The Duchess of Northumberland was enraged -against my mother and me. She answered ‘that she was resolved to detain -me,’ insisting, ‘that it was my duty at all events to remain near my -husband, from whom I should not go.’ Not venturing to disobey her, I -remained at her house four or five days.” These days were most likely -spent at Durham House. “At last,” continues Lady Jane, “I obtained -leave to go to Chelsea for recreation” (meaning perhaps change of air), -“where I very soon fell ill.” Her illness was a struggle for life or -death, the suffering so acute as to lead her to imagine she had been -poisoned. The mention of this attack of what we should now call nervous -breakdown, lends an indisputable air of authority to Jane’s letter as -given by Pollino. There was really no earthly reason why anybody should -attempt her life--it was certainly too precious to the Dudleys for -the Duchess, an eminently respectable if an autocratic woman, to wish -to see it prematurely ended. It is well known that this fear of being -poisoned frequently seizes on people in time of distress. - -Chelsea Manor House, which had lately been in the possession of the -Duke of Somerset, had fallen, with other property, into the hands of -Northumberland, and thence he dates certain letters to Cecil and his -other colleagues.[203] Lady Jane apparently preferred going to Chelsea -to stopping at Durham House; and so departed without her husband, -although so recently married. Guildford was not present at the scene at -Sion (on 9th July) when the Crown was offered to his wife, which points -to his having been left in bachelor solitude at Durham House. Possibly -the absence of her mother-in-law from the Chelsea establishment -accounts for the bride’s preference for that suburban residence; and -having married Guildford without entertaining the least affection for -him, she probably did not desire his presence either. - -The pomp and splendour of these nuptials were the last gleam of gaiety -in the reign of Edward VI. A very short time afterwards, the poor young -King grew so pitifully weak that Northumberland thought it was time to -carry his great projects into execution. Otherwise, as he clearly saw, -he and his friends must not expect to continue long in power, or even -in security: all his efforts, his overthrow of Somerset, and the rest, -would be rendered useless if his royally born daughter-in-law was not -named by the King himself as the lawful successor to the throne. - - - - -CHAPTER XV - -ON THE WAY TO THE TOWER - - -The Duke of Northumberland is accused, even by almost contemporary -authorities, of having forged the will of King Edward VI; but, as we -shall presently see, that King never made a will, but left a sort of -tentative document called a “Devise” for the succession, written in -his own hand; though maybe it was suggested or even dictated by the -Duke. By an Act--the XXVIII of Henry VIII, cap. 7--it was enacted that, -failing issue of Queen Jane Seymour, “Your Highness (Henry) shall -have full and plenary power and authority to give, dispose, appoint, -assign, declare, and limit by your letters-patent under your great -seal, or else by your last will made in writing, and signed with your -most gracious hand, at your only pleasure, from time to time hereafter, -the Imperial Crown of this Realm.” Other Acts had recapitulated this; -and King Henry, acting on the same principle, made a will in his -thirty-fifth year, under the terms of which the Crown was to pass, -firstly to his son Edward and his heirs; secondly, to his own heirs -by the then Queen, Katherine Parr, “or any other wife I may have”; -thirdly, to his daughter Mary; fourthly, to his daughter Elizabeth; -fifthly, to the heirs of the body of his niece, the Lady Frances; -sixthly, to those of her sister, Eleanor; seventhly, to the next -rightful heirs, meaning the heirs of his sister, the Queen of Scots. It -was also stipulated that if either of his daughters married without the -consent of the Privy Council, they were to be passed over “as if dead.” - -Both Edward VI and his father seem to have wished for a male successor, -for in the latter’s enactments limiting the succession, all the female -heirs are set aside in favour of their as yet unborn male issue. -King Edward’s “Devise” for the limitation of the succession makes -no allusion to his two sisters, the Princesses Mary and Elizabeth. -On the other hand, in the letters-patent for this limitation of the -succession, which were based on the “Devise,” the Princesses’ claim -is ruled out for three reasons: that they were illegitimate; that -they were of half-blood to the King; that there was a chance of their -marrying foreigners. Besides, as we have said, the King, like his -father, was anxious for a male successor; in fact, this desire is -on the very surface of the “Devise,” wherein much stress is laid on -the “issue masle,” since for the one living male descendant of Henry -VII--that is, Edward himself--there were as many as seven ladies (even -excluding the Scotch line) potential to the English Crown.[204] - -The first limitation decided upon by the young King was to the Lady -Frances’s issue male, born before the King’s death, and, failing them, -the Lady Jane’s issue male. This scheme suited Northumberland, for if -Jane had a son by Guildford the Duke would become the grandfather of -the King of England and proportionately powerful. But as time went -on it became evident that the King was doomed to an early death, and -therefore a swifter and more practical solution of the succession -problem had to be arrived at. The next best arrangement would have been -the nomination of the Lady Frances;[205] Northumberland, however, -could not approve of such a scheme, since it would have placed the -weight of power in the hands of the Duke of Suffolk, her husband. At -last, all plans failing, Edward decided to nominate the Lady Jane Grey -as his successor to the throne--and thereby the Duke gained his point. -The words in the “Devise,” “to the L’Janes heires masles,” were now -changed to “_to the L’Jane and_ her heires masles”: in the copy of -the document bearing the King’s signature which is still extant, it -can be seen that a pen has been drawn through the “s” at the end of -Jane’s name, and the words “and her” have been written above. Thus was -manufactured[206] the ladder by which Northumberland, by becoming the -father-in-law of a Queen, hoped to reach the summit of his ambition. - -Northumberland had a great deal of trouble to get his scheme legalised. -Edward was not unpliable, and indeed attributed Northumberland’s -intense desire to see the “Devise” carried into effect entirely to his -zeal for the Reformed religion; but Archbishop Cranmer, Sir Edward -Montagu, Lord Chief Justice, Sir James Hale, Secretary Cecil and -others, either because they saw through Northumberland or else because -they really had qualms of conscience as to its legality, opposed the -plan, taking their stand on the fact that the nomination of Jane -Grey, being contrary to the older “Statute of Succession,” would be -illegal. Cranmer, as the result of an interview with the King, was -finally converted to his views. Lord Darcy, the Lord Chamberlain, -and the Marquis of Northampton were present at this meeting, much to -the Archbishop’s disgust. “I desired to talk with the King’s Majesty -alone,” says Cranmer, “but I could not be suffered: and so I failed -of my purpose. For if I might have communed with the King alone, and -at my good leisure, my trust was, that I should have altered him from -his purpose; but they (the above-mentioned noblemen) being present, -my labour was in vain. And so at length I was required by the King’s -Majesty himself to set my hand to his will (that is, the scheme for -the succession) saying that he trusted that I alone would not be more -repugnant to his will than the rest of the Council were. Which words -surely grieved my heart very sore. And so I granted him to subscribe -his will, and to follow the same. Which when I had set my hand unto I -did it unfainedly and without dissimulation.”[207] - -Directly Northumberland was satisfied that the young King would -not depart from the decision to which he had forced him, he -summoned Lord Chief Justice Montagu to attend at the Royal Court -at Greenwich, on 11th June 1553, with Sir John Baker, Mr. Justice -Bromley, Attorney-General Gosnold and Solicitor-General Griffin. This -command was the first step towards officially depriving Mary of her -inheritance, and the letter was signed by Secretary Petre, Sir John -Cheke, and strange to relate, by Cecil, which is surprising when taken -in conjunction with his subsequent conduct in the matter. The Lord -Chief Justice, coming into the royal presence, found the King very ill, -lying on a couch, surrounded by Lord Winchester, Lord Treasurer, the -Marquis of Northampton, Sir John Gates, Sir John Palmer, and others. -Raising himself, Edward declared, in the verbose language of the time, -that he had summoned his Council to hear from his own lips that he -had appointed the Lady Jane Grey his heiress, as the Lady Mary might -change her faith, and “his Highness’s proceedings in religion might -be altered.[208] Wherefore his pleasure was that the state of the -Crown should go in such form, and to such persons, as his Highness -had appointed in a bill of articles [_i.e._, the “Devise”[209]] now -signed with the King’s hand, which were read, and commanded them to -make a book thereof accordingly with speed.” Montagu refused to do -this, saying the nomination of Lady Jane would be illegal and against -the already mentioned “Statute of Succession,” which had passed -Parliament. Edward, or rather Northumberland, became so irritable, -that the Lord Chief Justice finally acquiesced so far as to ask for -time to deliberate and consult the laws; whereupon the King gave him -the “Devise” to study, and dismissed all present, Northumberland alone -remaining. On the following day (12th June), Secretary Petre sent for -the Lord Chief Justice to Durham House, Northumberland’s palace in the -Strand, and told him the matter must be executed off-hand. Montagu -immediately went to Ely Place, Holborn, where he found the Council -sitting, but Northumberland absent; which emboldened him to warn the -Council of the exceeding danger of the matter they were about to -approve. “In God’s name, my Lords,” cried he, “think twice what you -do--it will be treason to us all who have a hand in it.” Hardly had he -spoken ere Northumberland, who was, of course, aware of his opposition, -burst, as white as a sheet, into the room like a whirlwind, “before all -the Council there,” says a contemporary account, “being in a great rage -and fury, trembling for anger; and, amongst his ragious talk, called -Sir Edward Montagu traitor, and further said that he would fight in -his shirt [sleeves] with any man in that quarrel.” No one took up the -challenge, and Montagu withdrew in some dismay--thankful, no doubt, -that there had been no actual blows given or received. - -Nothing was signed or done that day, but on the next, Montagu received -a fresh order to repair immediately to Court with the same companions -as before. On arrival at Greenwich, the party was ushered into a -room filled with the notables of the Court, who “looked upon them -with earnest countenance, as though they had not known them, so that -they might perceive there was some steadfast determination against -them”; which treatment, combined with uncertainty as to whether -the all-powerful Northumberland might not persuade the King into -punishing them for not preparing the “book” of the King’s scheme -as he had wished, made the poor gentlemen feel very uncomfortable. -Edward also (on 15th June), received the Lord Chief Justice and his -colleagues haughtily; His Majesty was apparently better, and seated -in his chair. Montagu’s party endeavoured to excuse themselves by -using the same arguments against the scheme of succession as they had -previously put before the Council. They said that, by reason of the -“Statute of Succession,” the plan would be null and void after Edward’s -death; and that the only power which could remove the said Statute -was Parliament, which had made it, and which was not then sitting. -Thereupon the King said he would summon a Parliament, but, all the -same, the drawing up of his scheme must be proceeded with. He further -commanded Montagu to obey his order, and “make dispatch.” At last -Montagu, “in great fear as ever he was in his life before, seeing the -King so earnest and sharp, and the Duke so angry the day before--who -ruled the whole Council as it pleased him, and they were all afraid -of him (the more is the pity)[210] so that such cowardliness and fear -was there never seen amongst honourable men--being an old man and -without comfort, he began to consider with himself what was best to be -done for the safeguard of his life.” Accordingly he agreed to comply -with his sovereign’s command, provided Edward granted him (as a sort -of protection) his commission under the Great Seal, enjoining him to -draw up the instrument of succession, and that a general “pardon” for -having signed it should be made out at the same time. The King acceded -to these terms; and so the letters patent nominating Jane Grey as King -Edward’s successor received the Great Seal on 21st June, and over a -hundred signatures, including those of the Lord Mayor, the Sheriffs of -Middlesex, Surrey, and Kent, the officers of the Royal Household, and -of Thomas Grey, the Duke of Suffolk’s younger brother, were affixed to -the document. It took so long to collect all the signatures that the -work was not finished until the 8th of July, that is, after Edward’s -death. Stowe records the attendance of the “chief citizen” of the -metropolis on that day in the following terms: “The 8. of July the lord -mayor of London was sent for to the court then at Greenwich, to bring -with him six aldermen, as many merchants of the staple, and as many -merchant adventurers, unto whom by the council was secretly declared -the death of King Edward, and also how he did ordain for the succession -of the crown by his letters patent, to the which they were sworn, -and charged to keep it secret.” Sir James Hale, however, refused his -signature with great dignity; Cecil slipped out of the difficulty on -a pretext of sudden illness. Foreseeing, even before 11th June, the -rocks ahead, he wisely retired from Court after a well-acted scene -of simulated faintness, so realistic as to mislead the shrewd Lord -Audley, who, being a great believer in his own prescriptions, sent the -disordered Secretary the following delightful receipt:-- - - “Take a sow-pig of nine days old, and flea him and quarter him, - and put him in a stillatory with a handful of spearmint, a handful - of red fennel, a handful of liverwort, half a handful of red nepe - [turnip], a handful of celery, nine dates clean picked and pared, - a handful of great raisins, and pick out the stones, and a quarter - of an ounce of mace, and two sticks of good cinnamon bruised in a - mortar; and distill it together, with a fair fire; and put it in a - glass and set in the sun nine days; and drink nine spoonfuls of it - at once when you list. - - “A COMPOST - - “_Item._--Take a porcupin, otherwise called an English hedgehog, - and quarter him in pieces, and put the said beast in a still with - these ingredients and boil together; item, a quart of red wine, a - pint of rose-water, a quart of sugar, cinnamon and great raisins, - one date, twelve nepe. Pass the whole through a sieve and drink at - night, a full cup thereof warm.”[211] - -Possibly his Lordship intended this epistle as a fine piece of sarcasm, -for if Cecil was only to partake of the “sow-pig” and raisin remedy -nine days after it was concocted, there was every chance of his dying -or getting well in the interval. - -The fact that so many persons were found to sign the fateful document -is another proof--even if we make allowance for the majority of the -Council being time-servers--that Edward’s “Devise” for the succession, -though evidently suggested and forwarded by Northumberland, was not a -forgery. - -On 6th July[212] (1553), whilst the newly-made bride was peacefully -resting at Chelsea, King Edward VI passed away at Whitehall Palace. -He had been taken out of the hands of his physicians, Drs. Owen[213] -and Wendy, old and trusted Court doctors, and put into those of a -female quack, who soon extinguished the feeble ray of life that still -flickered in his wasted body. An hour before Edward passed away, Dr. -Owen, who had been recalled in a hurry, bent over him, saying, “We -heard you speak to yourself, but what you said we know not?” The weary -lad answered, smiling faintly, “I was praying to God.” A little later -he was heard to murmur, “Lord have mercy upon me, and take my spirit.” -He never spoke again--he was very tired, and needed rest! - -The people had shown their anxiety for Edward’s health by assembling -daily in front of Greenwich Palace to ascertain how he was, and to -convince the mob that he was still alive it had become necessary to -make the royal lad show his sickly person, robed in velvet and ermine, -and his poor wasted face--crowned with the delightful little velvet -cap with the white feathers, so familiar to us in his portraits--at -the window. The received version among all classes was that the King -was being slowly poisoned by the Duke of Northumberland, whom they -also accused of having forged Edward’s “Devise” for the succession -in favour of Lady Jane. The Swiss Reformers, in their letters to -Strasburg and Zurich, did not hesitate to give currency to the report -that Northumberland, whom a few weeks earlier they had called the -“illustrious” and the “noble,” had murdered his nephew. “That monster -of a man,” says John Burcher to Henry Bullinger (letter dated from -Strasburg, 16th August 1553), “the Duke of Northumberland, has been -committing a horrible and portentous crime. A writer worthy of credit -informs me, that our excellent King has been most shamefully taken -off by poison. His nails and hair fell off before his death, so -that, handsome as he was, he entirely lost all his good looks. The -perpetrators of the murder were ashamed of allowing the body of the -deceased King to lie in state, and be seen by the public, as is usual: -wherefore they buried him privately in the paddock adjoining the -palace, and substituted in his place a youth not unlike him.... One -of the sons of the Duke of Northumberland acknowledged this fact. The -Duke has been apprehended[214] with his five sons, and nearly twenty -persons; among whom is master [Sir John] Cheke, doctor Cox, and the -Bishop of London, with others unknown to you....”[215] Burcher does -not tell us which son of the Duke made this confession; nor is there -evidence that any of Northumberland’s boys ever accused their father of -regicide. Besides, Burcher was somewhat addicted to putting his faith -in the reports of untrustworthy people. A few years earlier (in 1549) -he had written Bullinger a letter in which he repeated the sensational -story of an attempt to murder King Edward made by his uncle, Thomas -Seymour, a crime frustrated by the vigilance of the King’s lap-dog, -which seeing the murderer suddenly appear, flew at him and made such -a yelping that the bodyguard was in time to save their sovereign. This -story may or may not be true; but is as unauthenticated as the other. -There is just one point, however, that supports the poison theory; -which is that the young King’s old and competent nurse, Mrs. Sybil -Penn, was suddenly relieved of her duties, and replaced by a woman -who was an acknowledged quack, and declared she could cure the lad by -a sort of faith-healing not unknown in our own times. On the other -hand, Edward was suffering from such a complication of diseases that -there was no reason why Northumberland should have troubled to burden -his soul by hastening an end that would in any case have come before -long.[216] Born of a debauched father and a sickly mother, the “second -Josiah” never throve, and never could have thriven, for he bore in his -puny frame the seeds of early death from his birth. - -[Illustration: EDWARD VI - -FROM AN ENGRAVING BY G. VERTUE] - -King Edward VI lived exactly fifteen years, eight months, and six days. -We can easily believe Strype’s assurance that his wonderful and almost -preternatural sagacity was merely the result of skilful prompting. -He informs us that whenever the young King was about to attend the -Council, Northumberland carefully rehearsed with him both how he -should behave and what he was to say. Yet the boy does not appear -to have been devoid of exceptional intelligence. It may be doubted -whether his affections were very deep; he certainly did not hesitate -to bastardise his two sisters at the bidding of their common enemy. It -has been stated that Lady Jane Grey was devotedly attached to her young -cousin; that there had even been love passages between them. The King’s -youth should mark this report as the veriest gossip. Not a tinge of -affection or regret for her cousin is expressed in any of Lady Jane’s -letters, and we have no proof whatever that she was specially affected -by his early death. There is but little evidence, indeed, of her having -been much in his company, nor any proof that he, on his side, held her -in exceptional esteem. - -Nature added a warning note to the horror of the approaching tragedy. -“Several women were delivered of monsters on the day of the King’s -death, one of an infant with two heads and four feet, and another -of a child whose head was planted in the centre of his body.” The -ghost of Henry VIII was reported to have been seen stalking along the -battlements of Windsor and at Hampton Court and Whitehall--so that -even the supernatural stimulated popular imagination. The hour of the -young King’s death, too, was ushered in by a tempest of such appalling -violence, that heaven and earth seemed to menace the city. A terrible -hailstorm swept over London and its outskirts, and the ruined gardens -and devastated orchards for miles round were heaped with hailstones “as -red as blood.” Cataracts of water deluged the lower parts of the city: -trees were torn up, and the steeple of the church in which the first -Protestant service was held was shattered by forked lightning. The -people, terrified at the universal havoc, believed, when they learnt of -the King’s death, that this storm was the forerunner of fresh disasters -and terrible crimes, and so indeed it proved to be--for the death of -Edward VI was the signal for the outbreak of the long contemplated -revolution so skilfully prepared by Northumberland. - - - - -CHAPTER XVI - -THE LADY JANE IS PROCLAIMED QUEEN - - -No sooner had King Edward VI given up the ghost, than Northumberland -devised a cunning attempt to obtain possession of the person of -Princess Mary, then at Hunsdon. The Duke persuaded the Council to -address a treacherous letter to her, after Edward was actually dead, -but before his decease was divulged to the public, in which they gave -no hint that her brother was dead, and informed her he was only very -ill, and “prayed her to come to him, as he earnestly desired the -comfort of her presence.” Touched by this exhibition of brotherly -affection, Mary fell into the trap, and, returning a loving answer, -started immediately for London; but a timely warning prevented the -whole course of our history being changed. The plot was to seize her -on the high road near the metropolis, and convey her a prisoner to the -Tower. - -A young brother of Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, however, who was in -Northumberland’s service, and in attendance upon him at Greenwich -Palace, was surprised to see Sir John Gates come, on the morning -after the King’s death, to the Duke’s chamber before he was dressed. -They discussed the movements of the Princess, and young Throckmorton -overheard Gates exclaim angrily, “What sir! will you let the Lady -Mary escape, and not secure her person?” Acting upon this hint, he -forthwith galloped to Throckmorton House, where he found his father -and his brothers, together with Sir Nicholas, who had just come to -inform them of the King’s death, of which he had been a witness, and -also of Northumberland’s schemes concerning the proclamation of Lady -Jane. On this the youth related what he had overheard that morning in -Northumberland’s bedroom; and Sir Nicholas, who, although a Reformer, -was none the less loyal to Mary, instantly dispatched her goldsmith, -a trusty servant, who met her at Hoddesden, and informed her both of -her brother’s death and of the danger in which she stood. Even yet she -doubted the genuineness of the warning, and remarked to the goldsmith -that “If Robert[217] had been at Greenwich, she would have hazarded all -things, and gaged her life on the leap.” Sir Robert Throckmorton,[218] -however, arriving on 7th July, confirmed the goldsmith’s message, -and Mary and her retinue, in consequence, left the London road and -struck off into Suffolk, reaching her manor of Kenninghall after a two -days’ hard gallop. Almost as soon as she arrived there, she addressed -the Council a comparatively mild remonstrance, and at the same time -confirmed her claim to the throne. Mary prized the fidelity of the -Throckmortons so highly as to bestow upon the chief of that ancient -house the position of chief-justice of Chester, which act of kindness -he repaid in after times, when Mary was long dead, by praying for her -soul whenever he said his mealtime grace. - -Lady Jane Grey meanwhile remained at Chelsea until she was sent for: -“There came unto me,” she continues in her letter to Queen Mary, “the -Lady Sidney, the daughter of the Duke of Northumberland, who told me -she was sent by the Council to call me before them, and she informed me -that I must be that night at Sion House, where they were assembled, to -receive that which was ordained for me by the King.” - -The two young ladies went that afternoon (9th July 1553) by river from -Chelsea to Sion House, which they reached towards nightfall:-- - - “On arriving at Sion,” writes Lady Jane, “I found no one there. But - presently came the Marquis of Northampton, the Earls of Arundel, - Huntingdon, and Pembroke, who began to make me complimentary - speeches, bending the knee before me, their example being followed - by several noble ladies, all of which ceremony made me blush. My - distress was still further increased when my mother (the Lady - Frances), and my mother-in-law (the Duchess of Northumberland), - entered and paid me the same homage. Then came the Duke of - Northumberland himself, who, as President of the Council, declared - to me the death of the King, and informed me that every one had - good reason to rejoice in the virtuous life he had led, and the - good death he had. He drew great comfort from the fact that, at - the end of his life, he took great care of his kingdom, praying - to our Lord God to defend it from all doctrine contrary to His, - and to free it from the evil of his sisters. He signified to the - Duke of Northumberland ‘that he (the said Majesty of Edward VI), - had well considered the Act of Parliament, in which it had been - already ordained that, whoever shall recognise Mary, or Elizabeth - her sister, as heir to the Crown, were to be considered traitors, - seeing that Mary had disobeyed the King, her father, and her - brother (Edward VI) and was, moreover, a chief enemy to the Word of - God, and that both were illegitimate. Therefore he would not that - she and her sister be his heirs, but rather thought he ought in - every way to disinherit them.’ And before his death, he ‘commanded - his Council, and adjured them by the honour they owed him, by the - love they bore their country, and by the duty they owe to God, - that they should obey his will and carry it into effect.’ The Duke - of Northumberland then added that I was the heir nominated by His - Majesty, and that my sisters, the Lady Katherine and the Lady - Mary Grey, were to succeed me, in case I had no issue legitimately - born, at which words all the lords of the Council knelt before - me, exclaiming, ‘that they rendered me that homage because it - pertained to me, being of the right line,’ and they added, that in - all particulars they would observe what they promised which was, by - their souls they swore, to shed their blood and lose their lives - to maintain the same. On hearing all this, I remained stunned and - out of myself, I call on those present to bear witness, who saw - me fall to the ground weeping piteously, and dolefully lamenting, - not only mine insufficiency, but the death of the King. I swooned - indeed, and lay as dead, but when brought to myself I raised myself - on my knees, and prayed to God ‘that if to succeed to the Throne - was indeed my duty and my right, that He would aid me to govern the - Realm to His glory.’ The following day, as every one knows, I was - conducted to the Tower.” - -Lady Jane’s own version as given above differs materially from the -one of this famous scene of the recognition of Jane as Queen edited -by Foxe; the two are, however, identical in the main facts, but the -bombastic speech put into the mouth of his heroine by the author of -the _Book of Martyrs_ is much less natural than Pollino’s version. -_The Grey Friars’ Chronicle_ corroborates in every particular both -narratives, and adds that, “on 10th July, the Lady Jane came from -Richmond to Westminster by water,[219] whither she came to robe herself -before proceeding to the Tower.” On her way from Westminster, she -stopped at Durham House, her father-in-law’s palace on the Thames, -where she dined. Lady Jane afterwards proceeded by the State barge to -the Tower, where she landed about three o’clock in the afternoon, the -weather being exceedingly fine. - -In the Genoese Archives there is a letter from a member of the Spinola -family,[220] who was then in London, giving details of that day’s -doings:-- - - “To-day [the date is not given, but possibly it figured on - the cover, now lost: it was, of course, 10th July 1553] I saw - Donna Jana Groia [an Italianisation of Grey] walking in a grand - procession to the Tower. She is now called Queen, but is not - popular, for the hearts of the people are with Mary, the Spanish - Queen’s daughter. This Jane is very short and thin, but prettily - shaped and graceful. She has small features and a well-made nose - (_ben fatta ha il naso_), the mouth flexible and the lips red. The - eyebrows are arched and darker than her hair, which is nearly red. - Her eyes are sparkling and red (_rossi_--a sort of light hazel - often noticed with red hair). I stood so long near Her Grace, that - I noticed her colour was good, but freckled. When she smiled she - showed her teeth, which are white and sharp. In all, a _graziosa - persona_ and _animata_ [animated]. She wore a dress of green - velvet stamped with gold, with large sleeves. Her headdress was a - white coif with many jewels. She walked under a canopy, her mother - carrying her long train, and her husband Guilfo [Guildford] walking - by her, dressed all in white and gold, a very tall strong boy with - light hair, who paid her much attention. The new Queen was mounted - on very high _chopines_ [clogs] to make her look much taller, which - were concealed by her robes, as she is very small and short. Many - ladies followed, with noblemen, but this lady is very _heretica_ - and has never heard Mass, and some great people did not come into - the procession for that reason.” - -Queen Jane was received by Sir John Brydges, Lieutenant of the Tower, -and his brother, Mr. Thomas Brydges, Deputy-Lieutenant, and walked -in procession from the landing-place to the Great Hall, a crowd of -spectators lining the way, all kneeling as the new Queen passed. The -Lady Frances, Duchess of Suffolk, to the surprise of every one, carried -her daughter’s train. Pollino informs us that universal indignation was -expressed by the onlookers when they beheld the Duchess-mother, who was -rightful heiress, playing the part of train-bearer to her daughter, -and describes as theatrical in the extreme the obsequious manner in -which the Duke of Suffolk and his consort treated their own child, -kneeling to her and walking backwards before her, “the which was a most -despicable and humiliating sight.” - - * * * * * - -NOTE.--The following is the full text of the celebrated “Devise,” drawn -up by Northumberland and approved by Edward VI. - - _Deuise for the succession._ - - 1. For lakke of issu (masle _inserted above the line, but - afterwards erased_) of my body (to the issu (masle _above - the line_) cumming of thissu femal, as i haue after declared - (_inserted, but erased_). To the L. Fraūceses heires masles (For - lakke of _erased_) (if she have any _inserted_) such issu (befor - my death _inserted_) to the L’Janes (and her _inserted_) heires - masles, To the L. Katerins heires masles, To the L Maries heires - masles, To the heires masles of the daughters wich she shal haue - hereafter. Then to the L Margets heires masles. For lakke of such - issu, To th’eires masles of the L Janes daughters. To th’eires - masles of the L Katerins daughters, and so forth til yow come to - the L Margets (daughters _inserted_) heires masles. - - 2. If after my death theire masle be entred into 18 yere old, then - he to have the hole rule and gouernaūce therof. - - 3. But if he be under 18, then his mother to be gouuernres til he - entre 18 yere old, But to doe nothing w^tout th’auise (and agremēt - _inserted_) of 6 parcel of a counsel to be pointed by my last will - to the nombre of 20. - - 4. If the mother die befor th’eire entre into 18 the realme to be - gouuerned by the coūsel Prouided that after he be 14 yere al great - matters of importaunce be opened to him. - - 5. If i died w^tout issu, and there were none heire masle, then the - L Fraunces to be (regēt _altered to_) gouuernres. For lakke of her, - the her eldest daughters, and for lakke of them the L Marget to be - gouuernres after as is aforsaid, til sume heire masle be borne, and - then the mother of that child to be gouuernres. - - 6. And if during the rule of the gouuernres ther die 4 of us doo - assent to take, use, and repute hym for a breaker of the common - concord, peax, and unite of this realme, and to doo our uttermost - to see hym or them so varying or swarving punisshed with most - sharpe punisshmentes according to their desertes. - - T. CANT T. ELY, CANC WINCHESTER NORTHUBRLAND - J. REDFORD H. SUFFOLK - W. NORTHT - F. SHREWESBURY F. HUNTYNGDON - (PEMBROKE. - E. CLYNTON T. DARCY G. COBHAM - R. RYCHE T. CHEYNE - JOH’N GATE WILL’M PETRE - (JOAN.’ CHEEK - W. CECILL EDWARD MOUNTAGU. - JOHN BAKERE - EDWARD GRYFFYN JOHN LUCAS - JOHN GOSNOLD - - - - -CHAPTER XVII - -THE NINE DAYS’ REIGN - - -As soon as Jane Grey and her escort had entered the royal apartments -of the Tower, the heralds trumpeted, and a few minutes later (it was -close on six o’clock), four of them read the new Queen’s proclamation, -one of the most tedious State documents in existence, and the first in -which a woman claims the title of “Supreme Head of the Church.”[221] -The ceremony of solemn proclamation within the precincts of the Tower -once over, other heralds proceeded for the same purpose to Cheapside -and the Fleet. In Cheapside, a potboy who was heard to disapprove of -the wordy document, and of the expression “bastard” applied to the Lady -Mary, was arrested, and treated after a fashion quaintly described -by Machyn,[222] who says, “there was a young man taken that time for -speaking of certain words of Queen Mary, that she had the right title. -The xj day of July, at viij of the clock in the morning, the young man -for speaking was set on the pillory, and both his ears cut off; for -there was a herald, and a trumpeter blowing; and incontinent he was -taken down, and carried to the Counter; and the same day was the young -man’s master dwelling at Saint John’s head, his name was Sandor Onyone, -and another, master Owen, a gun-maker at London Bridge was drowned, -dwelling at Ludgate.”[223] - -It is curious that the original of this unique proclamation should have -passed into the hands of Cecil, who endorsed it with the significant -words--“_Jana non Regina_.” - -From every point of view, Queen Jane’s proclamation was ill-advised. -It was prodigiously long-winded, even for that period, and the manner -in which it dealt with the claims of Mary and Elizabeth, brutal in -frankness, was well calculated to offend the Catholic Powers, and -cruelly wound the personal feelings of the late King’s sisters. Queen -Mary’s resentment is proved by the stern simplicity of the language -of the death-warrant of Northumberland, Lady Jane, and Guildford, -which allows none of them the vestige of a title. Elizabeth, in later -life, never alluded to her cousin Jane without bitterness. Jane -was, of course, perfectly innocent of the offensive wording of this -document,[224] but it nevertheless bore her signature. The sentence -which infuriated the Princesses ran as follows: “And, forasmuch as the -said limitation of the Imperial Crowne of this Realme, being limited -as is aforesaid to the said Lady Mary and the said Lady Elizabeth, -being illegitimate the marriage between the said King Henry VIII our -progenitor and great uncle, and the Lady Katherine, mother to the said -Lady Mary, and also the marriage between the said late King Henry -VIII and the Lady Anne, mother to the said Lady Elizabeth, being very -clearly undone by sentence of divine, according to the word of God, -and the ecclesiastical laws. The Ladies Mary and Elizabeth are to all -intents and purposes divested to claim or challenge the said Imperial -Crown or any other honours, etc., appertaining thereunto, etc.” - -This proclamation, as well as most of the other official documents -of Jane’s reign, which are generally attributed to Northumberland, -was, we may take it for granted, edited by the celebrated Sir John -Cheke, who entered the Tower at the same time as Lady Jane and was -her Secretary throughout the whole of her nine days’ reign. We have -already mentioned in more than one place this distinguished Greek -scholar, who had been for a time tutor to Edward VI, over whom he had a -great influence, and by whom he was knighted at the same time that the -Marquis of Dorset was elevated to the Dukedom of Suffolk in 1551. At -the period of Jane’s misfortunes he was between thirty-nine and forty -years of age, greatly in favour with his royal pupil, and holding the -office of Clerk to the Council; so that when there was a talk of Cecil -resigning his secretaryship, Cheke was, on 2nd June 1553, appointed -a principal Secretary of State, Cecil however continuing in office; -and on 11th June, Cheke sat in the Council for the first time as -Secretary. It is probable that Northumberland suggested his nomination -to the King, for the express purpose of interesting a diplomat of such -ability in the forthcoming conspiracy to place Jane on the throne. He -was far too high-minded a man to be influenced by pecuniary motives, -but undoubtedly his zeal for the Reformation was such that he desired -the advent of Jane, which meant a continuance of the Reformation, -rather than the coming of Mary, which he fully realised would be -disastrous to it. Cheke’s appointment to the office of Secretary of -State gave great joy to the Reformers, and Ascham, then in Brussels -with our Ambassador, Morysone, wrote him a laudatory letter, in which -he congratulates England, the State, Cambridge, and St. John’s College -on having produced so learned and worthy a man! Great must have been -Cheke’s delight when he beheld Queen Jane, the hope of Protestantism, -actually enthroned in the Tower; and it must have been a consolation -to Lady Jane to have about her so capable and at the same time so -upright a man--one devoted, not only to her personally, but especially -to the cause she represented. Cheke tried to induce the cunning Cecil -to take an active part in the Government; Strype says, “He checked his -brother Cecil who would not be induced to meddle in this matter, but -endeavoured to be absent.” - -Before this, the first day of her reign, came to a close, Jane signed -a letter to William Parr, Marquis of Northampton, Lord Lieutenant of -Surrey, informing him of her entry into the Tower “this day.” After the -usual preamble concerning the death of Edward, the document proceeds: -“we are entered into our rightful possession of this kingdom, as by -the last will of our said dearest cousin our late ancestor ... now -therefore do you understand we do this day make our entry into our -Tower of London as rightful queen of this realm, and have accordingly -set forth our proclamation to all our loving subjects, giving them -thereby to understand ... their duty of allegiance which they now of -right owe unto us ... nothing doubting, right trusty and well beloved -counsellor, but that you will endeavour yourself in all things to the -uttermost of your power, not only to defend our just title, but also -assist us ... to disturb, repel, and resist, the feigned and untrue -claim of the Lady Mary, bastard daughter to our great uncle Henry th’ -Eight, of famous memory.” - -This missive was later on shown to Mary, and increased her resentment -against Jane, whose signature it bore, and also against Northumberland, -who drew up the original draft, though the copy Jane signed was made -by some clerk, perhaps by Sir John Cheke. Cecil was, therefore, wise -to number the composition of this compromising epistle among the -many dangerous offices out of which he contrived to shuffle; for -it is certainly to this letter to Northampton that he refers in his -“Submission,” by the words, “I eschewed the writing of the Queen’s -Highness, _bastard_, and therefore the Duke (of Northumberland) wrote -the letter himself which was sent abroad in the Realm.” The Duke so -fully appreciated the dangerous nature of the document, that later -on he endorsed the clerk’s copy of it with the words, “_Jana non -Regina_”--just as Cecil did with the proclamation.[225] - -All her State duties over, the young Queen supped in state at a -small table on a dais, the Duke of Suffolk on her right, the Duke of -Northumberland on her left, and the two Duchesses opposite to her. She -was indisposed, and retired early, the whole company rising as she left -her seat. - -The following morning (11th July) there was a violent scene[226] -between Jane, her husband, and his mother. So far as can be -ascertained, the marriage had not hitherto gone beyond the stage of -ceremony, and Guildford Dudley and his bride had never lived as man and -wife. The Duchess of Northumberland insisted that this state of affairs -should cease, resolving that “her son should share the new Queen’s bed -and throne, and forthwith assume the title of King Consort.” With this -object, the ambitious parent and her docile son made a sudden incursion -into Jane’s chamber, whilst she was still seated at her toilet. The -Duchess vituperated her daughter-in-law, using coarse and violent -language; the would-be King was noisy and impertinent! But Jane stoutly -refused to grant the latter part of the Duchess’s request. “The Crown,” -she said, “was not a plaything for boys and girls. She could make her -husband a Duke, but only Parliament could make him a King.”[227] On -these words the Duchess burst into a fury, and paced angrily up and -down the floor, swearing her strongest oaths, that her son should be -King, whether Jane would or not. Guildford, who was boyish, began -to cry, and left the room. Jane had to endure another scene of the -most unpleasant description with the Duchess, in the midst of which -Guildford, still sulking, returned. His mother presently caught his -hand and drew him out of the room, saying “she would not leave him with -an ungrateful wife.” - -Thereupon Jane sent for the Earls of Arundel and Pembroke, and asked -their advice. They apparently approved of the line she had taken, and -going to young Guildford, informed him he must on no account leave the -Tower, nor agree to the Duchess’s proposal that he should separate from -his wife, and return with her (_i.e._ his mother) to Sion House. It is -quite probable that if he had done so, his life would have been spared. - -Lady Jane’s account of this stormy interview is as follows: “The Lord -High Treasurer, Winchester,” says she, “brought me the regalia and the -Crown, the which were neither demanded by _me_ nor by any one in _my -name_[228]; he desired to place it on my head to see how it fitted. -This I declined with many protestations; but he said, ‘I might take it -boldly, for that he would have another made to crown my husband with.’ -Which thing I certainly heard with infinite grief, and displeasure of -heart. As soon as I was left alone with my husband I reasoned with him, -and after we had had a great dispute he consented to wait till he was -made King by me and Act of Parliament.” Jane then relates what we have -already said--how she sent for the Earls of Arundel and Pembroke, and -the scene with the Duchess and her threat of carrying Guildford off to -Sion; also how the two Earls were charged to keep Guildford from going -there. “And thus,” concludes the narrative, “I was compelled to act -as a woman who is _obliged_ to live on good terms with her husband; -nevertheless I was not only deluded by the Duke and the Council, but -maltreated by my husband and his mother.” - -Disregarding Jane’s prudent advice, her ambitious young husband -nevertheless did his best to get himself recognised King of England. -In the minutes of a dispatch which must have been written during the -nine days’ reign of his wife, and is addressed to the Duchess-Regent -of the Netherlands by Guildford’s directions, he recalls Sir Thomas -Chamberlayne (English Minister in that country) and desires that “in -all _his_ (Guildford’s) affairs” full credit be given to Sir Philip -Hoby.[229] One of the first acts, therefore, of Jane’s Council was to -nominate Sir Philip, then at Brussels, as successor to Chamberlayne; -this nomination is signed “Jane the Quene.” Jane herself, true -to what she said to her mother-in-law and to Guildford, does not -appear to have recognised her husband as King, for no mention of -him appears in such of her official documents as have come down to -us. All the same, Guildford contrived to get his claims accepted by -some Continental notabilities. On learning of the death of Edward -VI, Sir Philip Hoby and Sir Richard Morysone,[230] the English -Commissioners in Flanders,--who had doubtless been primed beforehand -by Northumberland,--wrote from Brussels to the Privy Council (under -date of July 15th) that “The xiii^h of this presente, Don Diego found -me Sir Phillipe Hobby (Hoby), and me Sir Richard Morysone, walkyne -in our hostes gardene.” This Don Diego Mendoza[231] was a member of -the Spanish administration in the Low Countries, an old personal -friend of the Dudley family, and, as already stated, godfather to -young Guildford, who had, of course, been baptized a Catholic. On the -occasion of this meeting with the Englishmen, the Spaniard, after the -usual condolences on the death of Edward VI, passed to praises of that -monarch’s wisdom in providing England with so good a King, meaning not -“Jane the Quene,” the rightful heiress of the Realm, but Guildford -Dudley.[232] The truth may be that Diego said nothing of the kind, -and that the English diplomats simply put these words into his mouth, -to confirm the Council in its allegiance to Jane, and make it look on -Guildford as the King, by creating an impression that his right to the -throne was admitted by leading men on the Continent. Don Diego Mendoza -told the Commissioners (they said) that his condolences on the occasion -of the death of King Edward and his offers of service “to the kyng’s -majestie” (Guildford) had been retarded, by the advice of the Bishop of -Arras, a member of the Ministry at Brussels. “Therefore says he (_i.e._ -Don Diego, quoted by the Commissioners) do I (feel) sorry that you lose -so good a King, so much do I rejoice that ye have so noble and toward a -_Prince_ to succeed him, and I promise you, by the word of a gentleman, -I would at all times serve His Highness myself if the Emperor (Charles -V) did call me to serve him (_i.e._ “allow me to do so”).” The English -Envoys inform the Council that they told Don Diego “they had received -the sorrowful news (of the death of Edward VI) but the glad tidings -(of the “accession” of Guildford) were not as yet come unto us by -letters”--which was probably true, so far as official intimations of -them went. Upon this Don Diego replied: “I can tell you this much. The -King’s Majesty (Edward VI), for discharge of his conscience, wrote -a good piece of his testament with his own hand, barring both his -sisters of the Crown, and leaving it to the Lady Jane, near to the -French Queen (that is to say, “related to Mary Tudor, Queen of Louis -XII of France”). Whether the two daughters be bastards or not or why -it is done, we that be strangers have nothing to do. You are bound to -obey and serve His Majesty (Guildford Dudley), and therefore it is -reasonable (that) we take him for (_i.e._ “to be”) your King, whom the -consent of the nobles of your country have declared for (“to be”) your -King, and,” he continued, “for my part of all others, I am bound to be -glad that His Majesty is set in this office. I was his godfather, and -would as willingly spend my blood in his service as any subject that -he hath, as long as I shall see the Emperor willing to embrace (His) -Majesty’s amity.” “Don Francisson (Francesco) de Este, general of all -the footmen Itallyanes (Italian Infantry),” the Commissioners add, “is -gone to his charge in mylland (”Milan“), who, at his departure, made -the like offer, as long his master and ours should be friends, which -he trusted should be ever, praying us at our return to utter it to the -King’s Majesty (Guildford), and will (we) humbly take our leave of your -honours.” - -It is obvious that, if Diego de Mendoza ever really used the words -attributed to him in this letter, and did not merely lend his name -to the English Commissioners, he must have been well “coached” by -the Dudleys in what he was to say, though his close connection with -Guildford as his godfather would naturally incline him to credit -anything in his favour. Still, knowing Northumberland and Suffolk’s -deep scheming, one cannot suppose that Mendoza’s enthusiasm for -Guildford’s illegal claim to royal honours and his haste to admit -it was entirely uninspired by outside influences. It is, indeed, a -significant fact that Ascham, a great friend of the Duke of Suffolk, -and very intimate with the inner workings of English politics, who -had been sent abroad as Secretary to Morysone in 1550, was still in -Brussels with that knight in the summer of 1553. It is more than -probable, therefore, that Ascham, being in correspondence with Suffolk, -knew beforehand of the forthcoming elevation of Jane to the throne, -and, on behalf of the Duke, advised Hoby and Morysone as to what they -should say and do when that event took place, and also had an interview -with Don Diego to the same end. We may be certain, however, that -Ascham did not countenance the Catholic side of the question. - -This letter from the Commissioners was not written until 15th July, -and by the time it reached England the political scene had changed. -It damaged Guildford’s position seriously by its revelation of the -schemes of the Dudleys and their party, who, not content with placing -Northumberland’s daughter-in-law on the throne, were also seeking to -crown that nobleman’s youngest son. From certain documents in the -Belgian and Viennese Archives it would appear that Diego de Mendoza -went so far as to address the Emperor directly on the subject of -Guildford’s right to the throne, even assuring him that his godson -would become a Catholic. - -A strong searchlight has been thrown on this hitherto rather obscure -passage in the history of this period by the learned Editor of this -work, in his interesting volume, _Two Queens and Philip_.[233] The -author, it is true, had suspected that Northumberland must have had -some strong foreign support in his audacious attempt to usurp the -throne, ostensibly for Lady Jane, though in reality for his own son, -Guildford, but Major Martin Hume’s researches in the Spanish Archives -have proved beyond a doubt that Charles V was backing him throughout -in his perilous undertaking, and this against the interests of his own -cousin, Mary Tudor. - -The Swiss Reformers, and especially Bocher, doubted the sincerity of -Northumberland’s Protestantism, and it is not at all improbable that he -had promised the Emperor that, should he succeed in placing Guildford -Dudley on the throne and Jane as Queen-Consort, he would veer round to -the Catholic party and re-establish papal supremacy in England. - -The Emperor had sent the Sieurs de Courrières and Renard as Ambassadors -to our Court in the last year of Edward VI. Whether they were deceived -by Northumberland or were genuinely of the opinion that the chances of -Mary’s succession were very remote and that Jane’s party was infinitely -the strongest, we know not, but the Emperor, acting on their advice, -backed Northumberland for all he was worth up to the very day that he -was captured at Cambridge and conveyed a prisoner to London. Bearing -these facts in mind, the almost incredible story which we have just -related concerning Guildford’s attempt to secure the throne for himself -becomes intelligible. - -On the other hand, Northumberland had apparently done nothing to obtain -favour for poor Jane’s own Envoys, sent to announce her accession to -the Courts of Paris and Vienna, for no sooner had those gentlemen -reached the cities in question than they were refused recognition and -turned back. The elder Dudley, selfishness incarnate, cared little for -the dignity of his daughter-in-law, if only his son might be proclaimed -King. - -In the Museum at Hastings there is the impression of a hexagonal seal -which was to have figured on the State documents of “Queen Jane and -King Guildford Dudley.” Under an arched crown, between the initials -“G. D.” (Guildford Dudley)--a striking proof of the extent to which -his claims to the Crown were carried--are two escutcheons, one to -the left bearing the royal arms of England, lions and fleurs-de-lys, -and the other to the right, two animals, probably bears, grappling a -ragged staff, the arms of the Dudleys. Properly speaking, according to -heraldic rule, the royal arms should be on the right and the family -arms on the left. Doubtless the mistake was due to the haste with which -this seal was prepared. Under the escutcheons are the words “Ioanna -Reg,” and on either side the date 1553. The matrix of this seal seems -to have been lost; at least, its present whereabouts are unknown. - -On the 11th of July the Council wrote afresh to the Commissioners (Hoby -and Morysone) telling them of the “signification of our sovereign -lord’s death,” and remarking that, “although the Lady Mary hath been -written unto from us (_i.e._ in answer to her letter of the 9th), yet -nevertheless we see her not so weigh the matter that if she might -she would disturb the state of this realm, having thereunto as yet -no manner apparent of help or comfort but only the connivance of a -few lords and base people: all others the nobility and gentlemen -remaining in their duties to our sovereign lady Queen Jane. And yet, -nevertheless, because the conditions of the baser sort of people is -understood to be unruly if they be not governed and kept in order, -therefore for the meeting with all events, the Duke of Northumberland’s -grace, accompanied with the Lord Marquis of Northampton, proceedeth -with a convenient power into the parts of Norfolk, to keep those -countries in stay and obedience, and because the Emperor’s ambassadors -here remaining shall on this matter of the policy not intermeddle, as -it is very likely they will and do dispose themselves, the Lord Cobham -and Sir John Mason repaireth to the same ambassadors, to give them -notice of the Lady Mary’s proceeding against the state of this realm, -and to put them in remembrance of the nature of their office, which -is not to meddle in these causes of policy,[234] neither directly nor -indirectly, and so to charge them to use themselves as they give no -occasion of unkindness to be ministered unto them, whereas we would be -most sorry, for the friendship, which on our part, we mean to conserve -and maintain. And for that grace the ambassadors here shall advertise -the others what is said to them.... The xi^{th} of July, 1553.” - -This document was followed, next day, by an official letter to the -Commissioners, signed by Jane, and outlining what they were to say to -the Emperor as to the foreign policy to be pursued hereafter:-- - - “TRUSTY AND WELL-BELOVED,--We greet you well. It hath pleased - God of his providence, by the calling of our most dear cousin of - famous memory, King Edward the VI^{th}, out of this life, to our - very natural sorrow, that we both by our said cousin’s lawful - determination in his lifetime, with the assent of the nobility and - state of this our realm, and also as his lawful heir and successor - in the whole blood royal, are possessed of this our realm of - England and Ireland.” - -Then comes a recommendation of the bearer of the letter, a Mr. Shelley; -the confirmation of Hoby’s appointment--“the whole number of our -ambassadors shall there remain to continue to dwell in the former -commission which ye had from our ancestor the King,” and an order -that Hoby shall make this clear to the Emperor, and assure him that -the friendship between England and the Emperor shall be continued as -hitherto. - -Worry, anxiety, and annoyance soon brought on a relapse of the illness -from which Jane had lately suffered. Her pains at last grew so acute -that she again fancied the Duchess of Northumberland had poisoned her. -Possibly this illness accounts for our hearing so little of her doings -during the second, third, and fourth days of her short reign (11th, -12th, 13th of July). “Twice,” she writes, “was I poisoned, once in -the house of my mother-in-law,[235] and afterwards in the Tower; the -venom was so potent that all the skin came off my back.” This idea was -evidently only the result of the fever, which caused the skin to peel. -Trouble had so reduced the poor girl, no doubt, that she fell an easy -prey to the fevers so prevalent in and about the Tower, as long as the -moat remained uncovered. - -On the 11th the Council received a letter from Mary, dated from -Kenninghall 9th July, stating she had heard of her brother the King’s -death, and was surprised that she had not known it sooner, and adding -her intention to cause her right and title to be published, and -proclaimed accordingly. The letter declared the Princess aware of the -Council’s desire to undo her claims, but added that she was willing -to grant pardon, and closed with an order to the Council to have her -proclaimed in the City of London and other places. The Council’s reply -was a masterpiece of “bluff.” It ran as follows:-- - - “MADAM,--We have received your letters (of) the 9th of this - instant, declaring your supposed title ... to the Imperial Crown - of this Realm, and all the dominions thereunto belonging. For - answer whereof, this is to advertise you, that for as much as our - Sovereign Lady, Queen Jane is after the death of our Sovereign - Lord Edward the 6th, ... invested and possessed with the just and - right title in the Imperial Crown of this Realm, not only by - good order of ancient laws of this Realm, but also by our late - Sovereign Lord’s letters-patent, signed with his own hand, and - sealed with the Great Seal of England, in presence of the most part - of the nobles, councillors, judges, with divers other grave and - sage personages, assenting and subscribing to the same. We must, - therefore, of most bound duty and allegiance assent unto her said - Grace, and to none other, except we should, which faithful subjects - cannot, fall into grievous and unspeakable enormities. Wherefore - we can no less do, but for the quiet both of the Realm and you - also, to advertise you, that forasmuch as the divorce made between - the King of famous memory, Henry VIII and the Lady Katherine, - your mother, was necessary to be had, both by the everlasting - laws of God, and also by the ecclesiastical laws, and by the - most part of the noble and learned universities of Christendom, - and confirmed also by the sundry acts of Parliament, remaining - yet in their force, and thereby you justly made illegitimate and - unheritable to the Crown Imperial of this Realm ... you will, - upon just consideration hereof, and of divers other causes lawful - to be alleged for the same, and for the just inheritance of the - right line and godly order, taken by the late King our Sovereign - Lord King Edward the VI, and agreed upon by the nobles and great - personages aforesaid, surcease by any pretence, to vex and molest - any of our Sovereign Lady Queen Jane her subjects, from their true - faith and allegiance unto Her Grace; assuring you, that if you will - ... show yourself quiet and obedient, as you ought, you shall find - us all and several ready to do you any service that we with duty - may.... And thus we bid you most heartily well to fare. - - “Your ladyship’s friends, showing yourself an obedient subject.” - -This document was signed by the following members of the Council: -“Thomas Canterbury, the Marquis of Winchester, John Bedford, Will. -Northampton, Thomas Ely, Chancellor; Northumberland, Henry Suffolk, -Henry Arundel, Shrewsbury, Pembroke, Cobham, R. Rich, Huntingdon, -Darcy, Cheney, R. Cotton, John Gates, W. Peter, W. Cecill, John Cheeke, -John Mason, Edward North, R. Bowes.” Of all the signatories of this -letter, not more than four, if so many, remained true to Jane to the -last! - -[Illustration: LADY JANE GREY, BY WYNGARDE - -THE EARLIEST ENGRAVED PORTRAIT OF HER, FROM A PICTURE SAID TO BE BY -HOLBEIN, NOW LOST] - -On 12th July, the second day after Jane’s entry into the Tower, -the Marquis of Winchester brought her unwilling Majesty a curious -collection of miscellaneous articles of jewellery, the contents of -sundry boxes and caskets, deposited at the Jewel House in the Tower, -and which had belonged to Henry’s six queens. Jane, despite her poor -health, was constrained to examine these things. The caskets contained, -amongst other articles, “A fish of gold, being a toothpick. One -dewberry of gold. A like pendant, having one great and three little -pearls. A newt of white silver” (that is to say, a silver ornament -wrought in the form of a lizard or eft). “A tablet of gold with a white -sapphire and a blue one, a balas ruby, and a pendant pearl. A tablet of -gold hung by a chain with St. John’s head, and flat pearls. A tablet -with our Lady of Pity, engraved on a blue stone. A pair of beads of -white porcelain, with eight gauds of gold, and a tassel of Venice -gold. Beads of gold with crymesy (crimson) work. Buttons of gold with -crimson work. Six purse hangers of siver and gilt” (these were to hang -purses or trinkets to the girdle, like the modern chatelaine). “Five -small agates with stars graven on them. Pearls in rounnels of gold -between pivots of pearls. Pipes of gold. A pair of bracelets of flaggon -chain (pattern), connecting jacinths of orange coloured amethysts. -Many buttons of gold worked with crimson, and in each button set six -pearls. Thirty turquoises of little worth. Thirteen table diamonds set -in collets of gold. An abiliment set with twelve table diamonds” (these -were the borderings of the caps like those of Anne Boleyn, or even of -the round hood which was the fashion that succeeded them). “Forty-three -damasked gold buttons, and a clock or watch set in damasked gold, -tablet fashion,” close the list,[236] but Winchester affirms that he -delivered to Jane, on 12th July, not only these, but the regalia[237] -and other jewels, together with a supply of cash, books, and even -clothes. - -About this date, too, Lord Guildford Dudley was sent a quantity of -the Crown jewels, possibly as an earnest of his future dignity. They -certainly cost him dear! - -A curious inventory exists at Hatfield, of stuffs delivered to “the -Lady Jane Grey, usurper, at the Tower by commandment over and above -sundry things already delivered to her by two several warrants.” -These goods were her own personal property, evidently left by her at -Westminster Palace on the occasion of some visit, of which no record -now exists. The stay in question must have occurred very shortly -before Edward’s death, and the things may have been forgotten in the -confusion attendant upon his last illness. The inventory is endorsed -by Sir Andrew Dudley and Sir Arthur Sturton, deceased, Keeper of the -Palace at Westminster, and was made, according to custom, on the day of -the King’s death, when seals were put on the doors of every apartment -in the royal palaces, not to be lifted till the King’s burial, after -which such articles as belonged to persons in waiting or servants were -delivered, after verification, to their various owners. The list of -goods and chattels belonging to Lady Jane is a very lengthy one, and we -will only make a few quotations, to give a glimpse of the contents of -her wardrobe and her minor possessions:-- - - “Item, a muffler of purple velvet, embroidered with pearls of - damask gold garnished with small stones of sundry sorts and tied - with white satin. - - “Item, a muffler of sable skin with a head of gold with 4 clasps - set with five emeralds, four turquoises, six rubies, two diamonds - and five pearls, the four feet of the sable being of gold set with - turquoises and the head having a tongue made of a ruby. - - “Item, a hat of purple velvet embroidered with many pearls. - - “Item, a hat of black velvet laced with aglets (tags), enamelled, - with a brooch of gold. - - “Item, a cap of black velvet, having a fine brooch with a square - table ruby with divers pictures enamelled in red, black and green. - - “Item, eighteen buttons with rubies. - - “Item, eighteen gold buttons. - - “Item, a helmet of gold with a face, and a helmet upon its head and - an ostrich feather. - - “Item, three pairs of garters having buckles and pendants of gold. - - “Item, one shirt with collar and ruffles of gold. - - “Item, three shirts--one of velvet, the other of black silk - embroidered with gold, the third of gold stitched with silver and - red silk. - - “Item, a piece of sable skin. - - “Item, two little images of wood, one of Edward VI, and the other - of Henry VIII. - - “Item, a dog collar wrought with red work with gold bells. - - “Item, a picture of Lady of Suffolk in a gold box. - - “Item, a picture of Queen Katherine Parr that is lately deceased.” - -This list also contained some articles which must have belonged to -Guildford, for it is not probable that Lady Jane ever possessed “a -sword grille of red silk and gold” or “a Turkey bow and a quiver of -Turkish arrows,” or “a white doublet and hose of silk and velvet.” The -number of clocks contained in this list is very remarkable:-- - - “One fair striking clock standing upon a mine of silver; the clock - being garnished with silver and gilt, having in the top a crystal, - and also garnished with divers counterfeit stones and pearls, the - garnishment of the same being broken, and lacking in sundry places. - - “One alarum of silver enamelled, standing upon four balls. - - “One round striking dial, set in crystal, garnished with metal gilt. - - “One round hanging dial, with an alarum closed in crystal. - - “One pillar, with a man having a device of astronomy in his hand, - and a sphere in the top, all being of metal gilt. - - “One alarum of copper garnished with silver, enamelled with divers - colours having in the top a box of silver, standing upon a green - molehill a flower of silver, the same altar standing upon three - pomegranates of silver. - - “One little striking clock, within a case of letten, book fashion, - engraven with a rose crowned, and _Dieu et Mon Droit_.” - -The articles enumerated were brought to Lady Jane at the Tower, -during her imprisonment, after her brief reign was over, and having -ascertained their agreement with the Inventory, she signed that -document, which was returned, and came into the possession of Cecil, -and now lies, as we have said, among the State Papers at Hatfield. The -fact that the list contains a reference to articles evidently belonging -to Guildford Dudley points to his having accompanied Lady Jane to -Court, and shared his wife’s apartment. Probably the object of the -visit had been to bring Jane under the King’s immediate notice, and -influence him to name her in his will, as his chosen successor. - -It had evidently been decided that the young Queen was not to tarry -long in the gloomy palace prison, for some of the documents drawn up -during the “nine days” have spaces left blank for the insertion of some -other royal residence. Besides, when Jane appointed her brother-in-law, -Lord Ambrose Dudley, to be her palace-keeper at Westminster, in lieu -of his uncle, Sir Andrew Dudley, one of his first wardrobe orders was -for twenty yards of purple velvet, twenty-five of Holland cloth, and -thirty-three of coarser lining to make her robes, “against her removal -from the Tower.” - -On the night of 12th July, according to Machyn, “was carried to the -Tower iij carts full of all manner of ordnance, as great guns and -small, bows, bills, spears, mores-pikes, arnes [harness or armour], -arrows, gunpowder, and wetelle [victuals], money, tents, and all -manner of ordnance, gun-stones a great number, and a great number of -men of arms; and it had been for a great army toward Cambridge;”[238] -in other words, all these things were provided for the use of a great -army, to proceed to Cambridge. These warlike preparations were made -none too soon, for on the following morning, 13th July, news reached -the Tower that the rival Queen was at Kenninghall, on the borders of -Suffolk and Norfolk, and that the men of Norfolk, knights and squires -alike, were scurrying in their hundreds along the dusty lanes, to offer -Mary their lives and service. In brief, the guilty inmates of the -Tower, the would-be rulers of the realm, learnt to their consternation -that throughout the length and breadth of the kingdom the people -were against Queen Jane, and for Queen Mary. The Council was hastily -assembled, and it was at once decided that the Lords Robert Dudley -and Warwick were too young and inexperienced “for such difficulties -as these.” The first proposal was, that the Duke of Suffolk should -leave the Tower, and take command of the troops; but Queen Jane, -alarmed for her own safety, insisted she needed her father, and could -not do without him. His age and bad health were also factors in the -final decision that Northumberland would, after all, be the best man -to send.[239] The Duke left Her Majesty in charge of the Council, and -swore one of his big oaths that when he came back “Mary should no -longer be in England, for he would take care to drive her into France, -or----” He took a passionate leave of his son Guildford, holding him in -a long and tender embrace, pressing his head in his hands, and kissing -him again and again. Did it flash across the father’s mind that he -might never see his darling son again? - -Northumberland ordered the troops he was to command, which were to be -raised by the various noblemen adhering to Jane’s party, to meet him -at Newmarket. He gave a sort of farewell dinner to the Council in the -Tower on the 13th, opening the banquet with a threatening speech to -his guests. “If you do not keep your oath, or if you turn traitor to -Jane,” said he, “God shall [will] not acquit you of the sacred and -holy oath of allegiance, made freely by you to this virtuous lady, the -Queen’s Highness, who by your and our enticement is rather of force -placed therein [_i.e._ “in the position of Queen”], than by her own -seeking and request. But if ye mean deceit, though not herewith but -hereafter, God will revenge the same. I can say no more.” This was -perhaps fortunate, for some of the assembled gentlemen certainly did -“mean deceit.” The Duke concluded by asking the Council to “wish him -no worse speed in his journey than they would have themselves.” One -of the members of that august body replied in the following terms: “My -Lord, if ye mistrust any of us in this matter [the forcing Jane to -become Queen], Your Grace is far deceived; for which of us can wipe -his hands clean thereof? And if we should shrink from you, as one -that is culpable [of having forced Jane to assume the crown], which -of us can excuse himself as guiltless? Therefore herein your doubt -is too far cast.” Northumberland was not offended by these ambiguous -remarks, and merely added, “I pray God it be so. Let us go to dinner.” -When this--as we should imagine--rather gloomy banquet was over, -Northumberland sent a messenger to Jane at the Tower, and received -by his hand his commission as “Lieutenant of the Army.” As he passed -through the Council Chamber on his way to Durham House for the night, -he encountered the Earl of Arundel, “who prayed God to be with His -Grace, saying he was sorry it was not his chance to go with him and -bear him company, in whose presence he could find in his heart to spend -his blood even at his feet; and, taking Thomas Lovel, the Duke’s boy, -by the hand, he added, ‘Farewell, gentle Thomas, with all my heart.’ -Then the Duke, with the Lord Marquis of Northampton, the Lord Grey, and -divers others, took barge and went to Durham Place and to Whitehall, -where they mustered their men.”[240] Next morning, Friday, 14th July, -the Duke and his followers rode proudly forth,[241] with a train of -guns and a body of six hundred men, led by some of the greatest in -the land; such as Lord Edward Clinton, the Marquis of Northampton, -the Earls of Warwick, Huntingdon, and Westmoreland, the Lords Grey -de Wilton, Ambrose and Robert Dudley, Sir John Gates, and a score of -others, equally influential, the majority already tried in war. As -the glittering troop, armed with the motley collection of weapons -brought to the Tower two days before, passed through the city and along -Shoreditch, Northumberland noticed that, great as the crowd was, it -was sullen, no one greeting the troops and their leaders with anything -like enthusiasm. “The people,” he remarked surlily to Sir John Gates, -“press to see us, but no one bids us God speed.” - -On the day her father-in-law left the Tower, only to return as a -condemned prisoner, the Lady Jane--whose occupations from the time -of her stormy interview with her mother-in-law up to this point are -nowhere recorded, except for her inspection of the Crown jewels--signed -a number of letters and documents of considerable importance. She wrote -to the Duke of Norfolk, for instance, demanding his allegiance and -commanding him to come to her Court as Earl Marshal, and confirming -his titles and honours if he proved loyal to her. The original of this -letter is in the possession of Mr. Wilson of Yorkshire. The body of -the document is in Northumberland’s hand, and must have been drafted -some days previously, but the signature is Jane’s. She next signed a -warrant for the appointment of Edward Baynard as Sheriff of Wiltshire -in lieu of our old friend, Sir William Sharington, “lately deceased.” -This curious and little-known document is in the possession of Mrs. -Alfred Morrison, and is exceedingly curious. The body of the text is -in the hand of a Secretary, but the name is in Lady Jane’s handwriting -and the signature is an autograph. Curiously enough, on 6th July Queen -Mary had made the same appointment: later, she issued a proclamation to -the effect that “no document, appointment, payment, or gift of land or -money made by Jane Dudley,[242] usurper,” should be considered valid; -but Baynard’s nomination, however, held good, as we find from the Pipe -Rolls of the County of Wiltshire for 1553. It is strange that Baynard -should have been appointed by both the rival Queens, though this may be -accounted for by the fact that he is said to have been a Wiltshire man -and popular in his neighbourhood. - -Bad news reached London that evening, and before Queen Jane retired to -rest she knew her fortunes were in jeopardy and she herself rapidly -ceasing to be Queen, even in name. Presently a messenger informed the -Council that the men of Bucks, under Lord Windsor and Sir Edward -Hastings, were rising for Queen Mary. Still worse news flew Londonwards -on Saturday, the sixth day of Jane’s disastrous reign. Queen Mary had -been proclaimed at Framlingham and Norwich. Northumberland, perceiving -his weakness, had sent to London for fresh troops, and was himself -speeding as fast as horse could gallop towards Cambridge, which he -reached at midnight. - -So complete and rapid was the collapse of Jane’s cause that even the -most carefully planned precautions taken in her interest ended by -serving her foes. Her partisans, for instance, fearing Mary might -escape by sea, had ordered six men-of-war to cruise off the east coast, -intercept her flight, and bring her back a prisoner. The weather -suddenly became so stormy that the vessels were driven into Yarmouth -Roads just as a body of men was being levied in that town for Mary’s -support. The sailors of the squadron, who had landed, bribed with money -and strong ale to abandon their ships and join the levy, handed over -their vessels to Sir Henry Jerningham, one of the staunchest supporters -of the Tudor Princess, who, being thus supplied by her enemies with -money, ammunition, and a train of artillery,[243] marched forthwith -against Northumberland, who was soon fain to fall back towards -Cambridge, where he fancied himself safe in Trinity College, with his -friends Drs. Sandys, and Parker, and Dr. Bill. As a matter of fact, -his enemies, declared and secret, were as numerous and formidable in -Cambridge as elsewhere; but during the momentary lull which ensued he -flattered himself with false hopes, and plied the Council with demands -for money and men, many of his followers having deserted him at Bury to -join the enemy. Yet all the time Cecil[244] was betraying him at every -point. Nothing can exceed the cunning and treachery he displayed--so -deep and cruel that one cannot but feel some pity for Northumberland, -notwithstanding his many crimes and faults. When Cecil was forced to -order his horsemen to take the field against Mary, he contrived to have -them ambushed and attacked, and thus rendered quite useless to the Duke -and harmless to his opponents. The Council informed Northumberland of -the miscarriage of Cecil’s men; but the letter fell into the hands -of Mary, who inquired of Roger Alford, Cecil’s confidential servant -in attendance on her, why her master, whom she evidently knew to be -playing traitor to Jane, had sent troops against her. Alford, so he -says, “being privy to the matter before (hand), laughed, and told her -[Mary] the matter,”--that Cecil had never intended his men should do -any harm to her cause, but had simply sent them as a “blind” to make -Northumberland think the Council was doing all in its power to send -him reinforcements, and thus spur him forward to his ruin. Under such -circumstances, the Duke’s position soon became desperate. “He would sit -moodily in his chair lost in thought, then starting up, would pace the -room, muttering to himself.” - -Dr. Sandys and several of his friends in Cambridge asked him to sup -with them on the Saturday night, and spoke in a very friendly manner -about Lady Jane. He shook his head, rose from the table, and seated -himself in a vacant chair; remained there a long time in silence, and -in deep depression; and, when his entertainers bade him good-night, -took their hands in his, and begged them severally to pray for him, -“for he was in great distress.” - -Sandys had been appointed to preach before the Duke on the following -morning (Sunday, 16th July). Before retiring to rest, the learned -Doctor, intending to choose a text, took up a Bible, which fell open -at the first chapter of Joshua, the verse that met his eye being, -“All that Thou commandest we will do, and wheresoever Thou sendest, -so will we go.” “Upon which text he preached the next day with such -discretion that he [Northumberland] got not such full advantage of him -as he had hoped.” On the Monday the Duke went with his men to Bury. -Their “feet marched forward, but their minds moved backwards”; in other -words, they were but a half-hearted set, and one by one they deserted -all through the day, hiding behind hedges and in ditches, till when -evening came, the Duke, heart-sore and heavy, rode back to Cambridge -almost alone, “with more sad thoughts than valiant soldiers about hym.” -Realising that all was lost, he bethought him of a dramatic, or rather -theatrical, trick to save himself. He conceived the idea that if he -went to London and fell at the Queen’s feet, she would welcome and -forgive him. Had she not pardoned many rebels? and was he worse than -any of these? - -Presently, considerably cheered by his own but erroneous reflections, -he betook himself, accompanied by the Mayor and Dr. Sandys, to the -market cross, where the crowd greeted him in silence, “more believing -the grief in his eyes, when they let down tears, than the joy professed -by his hands, when he threw up his cap,” full of gold coins, into -their midst. This show of tardy loyalty--produced by the arrival of -the news of Mary’s growing power--having failed in its effect, Slegg, -the Sergeant-at-Arms, accused him of treason, and brought him back a -prisoner to King’s College.[245] - -On the morning of the 21st of July, according to Machyn, the Earl of -Arundel, as treacherous a man as any in that nest of vipers, who, a -week before, had knelt before Northumberland and sworn to shed his -blood for him and for Queen Jane, came rapping at his door before he -was up. The Duke, huddling on a cloak, went out to him, and seeing him -look so threatening, fell on his knees, praying him to be good to him -and merciful. “For the love of God, my lord,” said he, “consider that I -have done nothing but by consent of the Council.” “My Lord Duke,” quoth -the Earl of Arundel, “I am hither sent by the Queen’s Majesty, and in -her name I arrest you.” Whereupon the Duke, rising, said, “I obey; but -I beseech you, my Lord Arundel, have mercy towards me, knowing the case -as it is.” “My good lord,” quoth the Earl, “you should have sought for -mercy sooner. I must do according to the commands that have been given -to me,” and upon this he took the Duke’s sword and committed him in -charge of the guard and other gentlemen that stood by. The miserable -Duke went to breakfast with not much appetite, looking as white as a -ghost and feeling most wretchedly ill. Towards evening, under an escort -of eight hundred men, he left Cambridge with Sir John Gates and Dr. -Sandys--both prisoners--still wearing his red cloak wrapped about him -and suffering agonies from gout in the feet. As night fell, it began -to rain; and down long country roads, under the lowering clouds, went -the weird procession of rough troopers on horseback, footmen with their -pikes, and in their midst the tall, gaunt, grim figure of the Duke, his -soaked and tattered red cloak clinging about his bent shoulders. He is -said to have spent the night in a barn, to be moved on to London the -next day, entering the city early in the morning, 25th July, just as -the shopkeepers were taking down their shutters. His plight must have -been pitiable, for in the streets men, recognising him, jeered at him -as a “Traitor,” threw mud on his red cloak and scowled at him, calling -him Somerset’s murderer, and so scaring him that he was almost thankful -to reach the Tower and its comparative safety. He had gone forth in -proud security, certain of success, sure he was about to punish his -enemies and reward his friends. He came back, cold and miserable, -knowing he had sacrificed his youngest son to his ambition; that the -fate of his other children and of the unhappy Jane hung in the balance; -and that the only friend left him in the world was his faithful wife, -who was at that moment on her knees to Queen Mary, pleading for mercy -and receiving none, her husband’s offence being deemed too great for -pardon. That night surely, in the solitude of his prison in the -Beauchamp Tower,[246] the Duke flung himself on his knees, and prayed -the long-neglected prayers of his childhood, the _Pater Noster_ that -was now said in English, and the _Ave Maria_ that had gone out of -fashion altogether! - -Meanwhile, on Sunday the 16th (the seventh day of Queen Jane’s reign) -there was no rest throughout the whole length and breadth of England; -everywhere the people were rising for Queen Mary. In the streets of -the metropolis there was great cheering and rioting, even bloodshed. -Bonfires were lighted in the streets, and crowds of rough men and -loose women whirled round the lurid flames shouting, “Queen Mary! -Queen Mary!” In the churches, the claims of the rival Queens and rival -Creeds occupied the preachers. At Paul’s Cross, Bishop Ridley preached -against Queen Mary[247] and the Scarlet Woman, and in favour of Jane -and the Reformation. At St. Bartholomew’s, a Catholic priest told his -congregation to kneel down and thank God that the victory was with -Queen Mary; while at Amersham, in Buckinghamshire, John Knox thundered -forth in favour of Queen Jane--but all his eloquence, and that of her -other defenders, was in vain: the people would have Queen Mary, and -Queen Mary only. Late this Sunday night a curious incident occurred. -The Tower had been shut up for the night, when suddenly Jane, dreading -perhaps some unexpected rising, ordered the outer gates to be locked -and the keys carried up[248] to her chamber. Then the guards were -informed that one of the Royal Seals was missing; and Jane had the -lately closed gates unbarred, to send a body of Archers of the Guard -after the Marquis of Winchester, who had left the precincts about seven -o’clock for his house in Broad Street. They found him in bed, forced -him to rise and dress himself, and brought him back about midnight -to the Tower, where, it is said, he had to explain matters to Lady -Jane, who connected him with the loss of the Seal. The whole incident -is somewhat mysterious. Did the poor little Queen fancy Winchester -was contemplating some move like that of Somerset when he practically -assumed the Kingship at Hampton Court? Winchester undoubtedly bore -Jane no particular good-will, and the interview, if it occurred, was -probably somewhat stormy. - -The eighth day of the reign, Monday the 17th, opened with a violent -scene in the early morning between the Duchesses of Northumberland -and Suffolk, who wrangled over Guildford and his Kingship. Poor Jane -was most miserable: her eyes were red with weeping, and she looked -more dead than alive as she endeavoured to calm her belligerent Grace -of Northumberland and reason with her own headstrong and domineering -parent. By this time everything and everybody in the Tower were at -sixes and sevens. No one seemed to know what to do or say. In the -midst of it all came bad news from the country, where the peasants, -notwithstanding the threats of their lords and masters, were refusing -to take arms against Mary. Trouble was drawing unpleasantly near.[249] -On the previous day (Sunday, 16th) some ten thousand of Mary’s -adherents, many of them county notables, had assembled at Lord Paget’s -house at Drayton, and marched to Westminster Palace, which they sacked -of its arms and ammunition, “for the better furnishing of themselves -in the defence of the Queen’s Majesty’s person and her title.” Paget, -whose house was this army’s headquarters, was at this time, be it -observed, amongst the party in the Tower and ostensibly loyal to Jane! -Meanwhile, the people, at one with that section of the nobles who would -have none of poor Jane, were shouting, in London and all over the land, -“God save Queen Mary!”--whilst poor Jane’s name was never heard except -to be scoffed at. The “nine days’ Queen” was now nothing but “a mock.” - -On Tuesday (the 18th) it was patent that the drama--or rather, -tragi-comedy--was drawing to a close. Of all Queen Jane’s Council -only two men, Cranmer and her own father, remained true to her; and -the former left that afternoon for Lambeth and Croydon. Winchester, -Arundel, Pembroke, Paget, and Shrewsbury, to save their necks, had -by this time definitely decided to betray the cause of the girl whom -they had helped to put on the throne--and of these men, two, Arundel -and Pembroke, only nine days before, had knelt before her at Sion -House, protesting their loyalty and belief in her right to the crown! -This day, however, Jane signed an order to Sir John Brydges and Sir -Nicholas Poyntz that those officers should raise forces, “with the -same to repaire with all possible spead towardes Buckinghamshire, for -the repression and subdewing of certain tumultes and rebellions moved -there, against us and our Crowne by certain seditious men.” This order -is now to be seen in the British Museum, Harleian MSS, No. 416, f. 30. - -On Wednesday, 19th July, the short reign ended--“Jane the Quene” became -“_Jana non Regina_.” Yet still there was a flicker of Queendom, for -that morning, information being received from the Lord Lieutenant of -Essex, Lord Rich, that the Earl of Oxford, who was then in Essex, had -thrown in his forces with Mary, Sir John Cheke, Queen Jane’s Secretary -of State, wrote a letter, to which the treacherous Lords of the Council -affixed their signatures, requiring Oxford “like a noble man to remain -in that promise and stedfastness to our sovereign Lady Queen Jane, -as ye shall find us ready and firm with all our force to maintain -the same: which neither with honour, nor with safety, nor yet with -duty, we may now forsake.” This morning, too, commenced the betrayal, -when Winchester, the Lord Treasurer, the Lord Privy Seal, Arundel, -Shrewsbury, Pembroke, Sir Thomas Cheney, Sir John Mason, and Sir John -Cheke waited on Suffolk, as the principal leader in Northumberland’s -absence, and desired leave to depart from the Tower so as to confer -with the French Ambassador about the foreign mercenaries[250] who were -to come over and aid Northumberland[251]--at that moment awaiting -arrest at Cambridge! Their zeal evidently touched Suffolk, who granted -them leave to depart. No sooner had they left the grim fortress behind -them than they proceeded straight to Baynard’s Castle,[252] where, -having sent for the Lord Mayor, they were presently joined by that -dignitary, with the Recorder and some of the Aldermen. The proceedings -of this improvised Council opened with an attack on Northumberland’s -ambition and scheming, delivered by Arundel,[253] and then Pembroke -drew his sword, and cried out, “If the arguments of my Lord Arundel do -not persuade you, this sword shall make Mary queen, or I will die in -her quarrel.” This speech was much applauded, and Mary’s proclamation -was signed by all present. The conspirators then had Mary publicly -proclaimed Queen at the Cross in Cheapside by four trumpeters and -two heralds in their gorgeous coats. This took place about five or -six in the evening--the very hour at which Jane’s accession had been -published nine days earlier! The proclamation in the Chepe concluded, -the Councillors proceeded to St. Paul’s for evensong and the singing -of the _Te Deum_, whilst Cecil,[254] Arundel, and Paget were sent to -pay the Council’s homage to Mary. Now that the people had absolutely -nothing to fear from the broken power of Jane, they gave wild vent to -their feelings. The bells of the city churches, swung with a right -good will, sounded a welcome to the coming reign; bonfires blazed in -every street. One of those attacks of spontaneous feverish enthusiasm -which seize nations from time to time, even in these prosaic days, took -hold of London. Tables were dragged into the thoroughfares, that all -might sit down and drink to the health of her Catholic Majesty. Money -was dispensed freely by the rich; and “the number of cappes that weare -throwne up at the proclamacion wear not to be tould.” Most enthusiastic -and excited of all was my Lord Pembroke, who filled and refilled his -cap with small coin to be scrambled for by the mob. He could afford to -be liberal: he knew Mary would reward him well for his share in her -proclamation. London was a very pandemonium that night. “For my tyme,” -says a contemporary news-letter,[255] “I never saw the lyke and by the -reporte of otheres the lyke was never seen.... I saw myself money was -thrown out at windows for joy. The bonefires were without number; and -what with shouting and crying of the people, and ringing of bells,[256] -there could no one man hear what another said; besides banketyng -[banqueting] and skipping the street for joy.”[257] - -Archbishop Cranmer is said to have been the last of Jane’s Council, -then resident in the Tower, to leave it, which he did in the course -of 19th July, after a sad leave-taking with Lady Jane. His position -in the Janeite conspiracy has been severely criticised by more than -one historian, and by none more than by Lord Macaulay. He had been -instrumental in aiding Northumberland to overthrow Somerset, probably -because he disliked the latter’s Calvinistic tendencies, and regarded -him as a stumbling-block in the way of his proceedings for the -establishment of a more moderate and orthodox Church of England. After -the death of Somerset, the Archbishop became one of Northumberland’s -chief supporters, and, as Macaulay points out, covered himself with -lasting obloquy by his attempt to seduce an innocent girl into a -treasonable career which was to lead to her ruin. In her eyes he was -something more than a political Councillor--an Apostle of the Lord--and -his advice no doubt told with her above that of any one else. The next -time they met, Cranmer was a prisoner on his way to Guildhall,[258] -whither she too was tramping on foot to hear her doom, approved of by -most of the men who had been her chief Councillors, read out before the -multitude of Queen Mary’s friends and supporters. - -There was little joy and much grief within the Tower. Presently a -messenger to Suffolk from Baynard’s Castle came to tell him that the -nobles there assembled required him to deliver up the Tower, and -proceed to the Castle to sign Mary’s proclamation. They also ordered -Lady Jane to resign the title of Queen. Instantly Suffolk abandoned -the unequal struggle; leaving the Lieutenant in charge of the Tower, -he went out, telling his men to leave their weapons behind them. He -himself announced Mary’s accession on Tower Hill, and then, going to -Baynard’s Castle, he signed her proclamation. This done, the wretched -man returned to the Tower to tell his daughter that her Queenship -was a thing of the past. Jane, meanwhile, having promised Edward -Underhill, the famous “Hot Gospeller,” then on duty in the Tower, that -she would act as godmother that day to his infant son, who was to be -christened Guildford, and being herself too ill to attend the baptism, -commissioned Lady Throckmorton to go in her stead. Lady Throckmorton -left the royal apartments and proceeded to St. John’s Chapel (some -say All Hallows’, Barking), leaving Jane surrounded by the insignia -of royalty--the cloth of estate, the throne, and all that marked her -position as Queen. When her ladyship returned, these had all been -removed; for _the_ Queen of England had not yet arrived in London, -and her subject, “Jane, the usurper,” no longer sat on the throne. -During the absence of Lady Throckmorton Suffolk had rushed back to his -daughter. He found her alone in the Council Chamber, seated, forlorn, -under her canopy of State. “Come down from that, my child,” said he; -“that is no place for you.” Then he gently told her all; and gladly -did poor Jane rise and quit her hateful office. For a moment father -and daughter stood weeping, locked in each other’s arms, in the centre -of the deserted hall, through the open windows of which, borne on the -summer air, came the exulting shouts of “Long live Queen Mary!” - -Then, after a pause, Jane Grey spoke four simple words, sublime in -their pathos. “Can I go home?” she asked ingenuously. God help her! -what a world of innocence was in that little sentence, “Can I go home?” -Alack! alas! poor little victim of so much ambition and such damnable -intrigue, there is no more earthly home for thee! - - - - -CHAPTER XVIII - -THE LAST DAYS OF NORTHUMBERLAND - - -All through the night of Queen Mary’s proclamation, Jane Grey was -abandoned in the great fortress to the care of her personal attendants; -and bitter must have been her distress, as she realised the cruel -plight to which the mad ambitions of others had brought her. Everything -helped to heighten her terror--the changed attitude of the guards, -and other Tower officials, who a few brief hours before had treated -her with obsequious deference, and who now marked their loyalty to -Mary by an ostentatious display of scorn for the fallen majesty of the -“Nine Days’ Queen”; the tears of her women, their whispered talk, the -brooding and ominous silence of the palace, broken only by the distant -shouts of revellers, who acclaimed the triumph of her successful -rival, all combined to increase the nervous and hysterical agitation -into which the poor girl’s recent illness had already thrown her. Her -mother, the Duchess, compelled by circumstances beyond her control, -most probably, had left the Tower, and hurried back to Sheen, after -having obtained Queen Mary’s pardon for her husband. The Duchess of -Northumberland, white with horror, and trembling with anxiety for -her wretched husband and children, had likewise departed with her -attendants up the river to Sion: so that of all Jane’s Court none -remained to help and comfort, except her faithful women and servants. -Suffolk’s movements at this time are not quite clearly recorded. That -he retired to Sheen immediately after Mary’s proclamation, appears -certain; and also that, on the 27th July, he was arrested and committed -to the Tower, to be released at the intercession of the Duchess his -wife, on his own bail, on the 31st of the same month.[259] Yet a -contemporary letter, dated August 11th, says: “The Duke of Suffolk is -(as his owne men report) in prison, and at this present in suche case -as no man judgeth he can live.” An explanation of these conflicting -statements may be, that the Duke, when officially released, was for -some days too ill to leave the Tower. - -There is reason to believe that Lady Jane remained in the State -apartments till late in the evening of the 19th July, when she was -transferred to the rooms above the Deputy-Lieutenant’s, recently -vacated by the Duchess of Somerset. The Deputy-Lieutenant of this -period was Thomas Brydges or Bridges, brother of Sir John Brydges, -Lieutenant of the Tower. This last gentleman attended Jane on the -scaffold, in discharge of his duty; but Thomas Brydges figures a good -deal in the narrative of the last months of Jane’s life. There has -been much dispute as to the exact situation of the rooms in the Tower -in which the innocent prisoner was confined, and the absolute identity -of her keeper. But it is now pretty clearly established that the first -period of her detention was not spent, as so often stated, in the Brick -Tower, but in the modernised house of the Deputy-Lieutenant, which -stands next door to the Lieutenant’s or the King’s House. Later--we do -not know the precise date of her removal--she was lodged in a house, -also on the Green, adjacent to the Lieutenant’s dwelling, and which -then belonged to the Gentleman Gaoler, Mr. Nathaniel Partridge.[260] -Earlier historians have denied the existence of Partridge, and even -Harris Nicholas thought he was Queen Mary’s goldsmith; but his -identity is now conclusively proved, and he is admitted to have been -a well-known figure in and about the Tower at this period. He died in -February 1587, and is buried in St. Peter-ad-Vincula in the same vault -as his illustrious guest. During her incarceration, Jane was allowed -to walk in the Queen’s Garden, and “on the hill within the Tower -precincts.”[261] - -Several persons attended on Lady Jane in the Tower, among them -Elizabeth Tylney,[262] “a beautiful young woman of good birth,” Lady -Throckmorton, wife of Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, and “Mrs. Ellen.” Some -light has been thrown upon the identity of the last-named lady by Lady -Philippa de Clifford, Lady Jane’s cousin, whose curious account of her -unhappy kinswoman’s last hours was published in Brussels in 1660; from -this we learn that “Mrs. Ellen, an elderly woman,” was Lady Jane’s -nurse. There were also two waiting-maids, and a lad, in the suite of -the Princess, as we glean from _The Chronicles of Queen Jane and Queen -Mary_. Thus she was no “solitary prisoner,” but served by gentlewomen, -and in comparative comfort. We must, therefore, dismiss the old idea -that Lady Jane Grey was ever relegated to a “dungeon deep,” to pine in -darkness and in loneliness. That she was not fed on bread and water -is proved by the Privy Council records, from which we learn that -ninety-five shillings a week was allowed for her maintenance whilst -in captivity, and twenty shillings for each of her attendants, six in -number--a very handsome allowance in those days, and equivalent, in -modern coinage, to about fifteen times the amount. - -It must be clearly understood that Lady Jane was never even formally -arrested, as were Henry VIII’s Queens. No armed guard took her captive, -after the reading of a solemn warrant. She was simply detained in the -Tower,[263] partly as a hostage for the good behaviour of her father, -and partly to prevent her being once more the tool of those who might -attempt to place her on the throne, and make her the figure-head of a -politico-religious party. Northumberland and his followers had claimed -honours for her which rightly belonged to Mary, and when Mary gained -the upper hand, “Jane the usurper” had, _ipso facto_, to be kept in -retirement. - -There is no trace of any independent movement on Guildford’s part, -during the nine days of his wife’s reign, except to assist his mother -in pushing his “claim” to the throne. Either he sulked, because Jane -had refused to make him King Consort on the day following her entry -into the Tower; or else Northumberland advised him to keep out of the -way as much as possible, so as to escape the blame of having taken -an active part in the usurped administration. Be this as it may, we -have no news of his doings, from the first day or two of the nine -days’ reign, until after its termination, when he was parted from his -wife, and sent to the Beauchamp Tower, whither, on the 25th July, his -brothers, Lord Warwick and Lord Ambrose Dudley, followed him, to be -joined the next day by Lord Robert Dudley. - -Jane’s peaceful seclusion was of very short duration. On the day -following her deposition (20th July), the Marquis of Winchester, -Lord High Treasurer,[264] came to ask for the return of the Crown -Jewels and other articles delivered to her on the second day of her -Queenship. A parcel or so was missing, it would seem, and Winchester, -when he commanded Jane to restore the Crown Jewels, desired she -should also make good the alleged deficiency. Astonished at this -demand, she declared she knew nothing of the missing articles, but -agreed to give up all the money she had in her possession, and on -25th July she consigned to the Treasury an extraordinary assortment -of coins--angels of the reign of Edward VI, gold coronation medals of -Henry VIII and Edward VI, some shillings and half shillings, as well -as some deteriorated coinage of Edward VI, of no value. The whole of -her available assets did not amount to more than £541, 13s. 2d. The -missing valuables, it would appear, had not been returned two months -later, or else Queen Mary had not been informed of their receipt, for -on 20th September she writes to Winchester requesting him immediately -to order Lady Jane to give up the jewels and “stuffs,” which had been -delivered to her “on July 12th,” and which were still missing. The -inventory of these mislaid “stuffs” includes a most curious assortment -of odds and ends, which one would think it hardly worth Queen Mary’s -while to reclaim. First we have a large leather box, marked with Henry -VIII’s broad arrow, containing “two old shaving cloths, and thirteen -pairs of old leather gloves, some of them worn.” Another “square -coffer” missing, and described as being covered with “Naples fustian,” -contained a collection of old Catholic prayer books, rosaries, and -other odds and ends, which had probably remained among the Tower -stores since Katherine of Aragon had last kept court there, and which -were, needless to say, of no use to Lady Jane Grey! The first article -in this collection is the half of a broken ring of gold, perchance -some forgotten love-token. Then comes “a book of prayers, covered -with purple velvet, and garnished with gold. A _primer_ [or Catholic -prayer book] in English. Three old halfpence in silver, seven little -halfpence and farthings. Item, sixteenpence, two farthings and two -halfpence. A purse of leather with eighteen strange coins of silver. A -ring of gold with a death’s head. Three French crowns, one broken in -two. Item, a girdle of gold thread. A pair of twitchers [tweezers] of -silver. A pair of knives in a case of black silk. Two books covered -with leather. Item, a little square box of gold and silver with a pair -of shears [scissors] and divers shreds of satin. A piece of white paper -containing a pattern of gold damask.” The third coffer was “Queen’s -jewels,” and contained chains of gold studded with rosettes of pearl -and other valuables. The fate of this curious collection of gewgaws -is unknown. About the same time, Winchester made an exploration of -the contents of Guildford’s pockets, which resulted in the discovery -that he possessed exactly £32, 8s., in the debased coinage of Edward’s -reign. Miss Strickland, in mentioning this incident, says: “Thus -the prisoners were left entirely without the means of bribing their -gaolers.” This is not the case, for Lady Jane appears to have made a -will (which may still be in existence, though for the time being it has -disappeared) in which she left certain jewels, clocks, and valuables -to her sisters, her women, and her servants, and, strange to relate, a -gold cup or chalice to Queen Mary. Wherefore we may conclude she was -allowed to retain the articles brought her from Westminster Palace, -some of which served, no doubt, to decorate her apartment in the Tower. -We possess no record, unfortunately, of the sort of food provided -for the prisoner and her husband; we can only guess at its nature by -consulting the bills of fare, still extant, provided for the Duchess -of Somerset during her imprisonment in the Tower: from the fact of the -prices of the various dishes being appended, we may conclude that the -wealthier political prisoners were allowed to pay for their meals. Her -Grace’s bill for “dynner” was as follows:-- - - “Mutton stewed with potage viijd. - Beef boiled viijd. - Veale, rost xd.” - -“Suppr” consisted of:-- - - “Slyced beef vjd. - Mutton rost viijd. - Bred xd. - Bere viijd. - Wyne viijd.” - -“Wood, coills (coals) and candull by the weke,” cost “xxd.” - -In the meantime, the Council had retired to Westminster, whence, as -is generally believed, it sent Northumberland orders to disband his -army and await Mary’s pleasure before returning to London; the herald -who bore this order being commissioned to proclaim, in certain places -_en route_, that if the Duke refused to submit he should be arrested -as a traitor. Before this, as we have said (on the 19th instant), -the Earl of Arundel and Lord Paget had been dispatched to offer the -Council’s homage to Mary, bearing with them the following letter--a -good specimen of the barefaced hypocrisy practised on Lady Jane. “Our -bounden duties most humbly remembered to your most excellent majesty, -it may like the same to understand, that we your most humble, faithful, -and obedient subjects, having always (God we take to witness) remained -your Highness’s true and humble subjects in our hearts, ever since the -death of our late sovereign Lord and Master, your Highness’s brother, -whom God pardon; and seeing hitherto no possibility to utter our -determination herein, without great destructions and bloodshed, both of -ourselves and others till this time, have this day proclaimed in your -city of London, your majesty to be our true natural sovereign, liege -Lady and Queen, most humbly beseeching your Majesty to pardon and remit -our former infirmities, and most graciously to accept our meaning which -have been ever to serve your Highness truly, and it shall remain with -all our powers and forces to the effusion of our blood. These bearers, -our very good lords, the Earl of Arundel and Lord Paget, can and be -ready now particularly to declare, to whom it may please your excellent -Majesty, to give firm credence; and thus we do and shall daily pray to -Almighty God for the preservation of your most royal person long to -reign ... from your Majesty’s city of London this ... (19th) day of -July, the first year of your most prosperous reign.” This letter needs -no comment; Paget’s treachery towards his late patron is particularly -diabolical. He seems to have behaved throughout with Mephistophelian -cunning and falseness. There is something absolutely Satanic in the -hypocritical manner in which this letter asserts that the Council -had hitherto had no opportunity to express its “determination” in -the matter of Mary’s right to the Crown--this in the hope of leading -Mary to think it had been acting under compulsion! If Jane’s friends -_had_ succeeded in establishing her on the throne, and Mary had been -killed or driven out of the country, these Councillors, the latter’s -“most humble, faithful, and obedient subjects,” would, no doubt, have -rallied about her rival--provided always it paid them so to do; Mary -being victorious, they saved their necks and kept their positions by -embracing her cause. Like the Vicar of Bray, no matter who was King, -or what were the social and religious conditions of the country, these -gentlemen were resolved to cling to their offices, and accommodate -their opinions and actions to those of the party in power. - -It was about this time that Mary received another abject document of -the same sort--the already quoted “Submission” or _apologia_ of Cecil, -whose conduct throughout had been as tortuous as that of any of Eugene -Sue’s Jesuits. - -A previous chapter has touched upon the singular intrigues of the -Commissioners in Brussels, who conveyed Diego Mendoza’s acclamation -of Guildford, as King of England, to the Council. We must now relate -the sequel. On the 20th July, these gentlemen followed up their letter -of the 15th, by another, stating that they had vainly endeavoured to -obtain an interview with the Emperor, who was exasperated by what had -happened in England, and had even refused to receive Mr. Shelley, -the bearer of the Council’s letter of the 12th July. His Imperial -Majesty held that Jane’s assumption of the Crown would lead to trouble -with France; Mary Stuart, Queen of Scots, at this time consort of -the Dauphin of France, having a claim to the English throne prior -to that of Lady Jane. He does not seem to have approved--or else he -feigned disapproval--of Mary Tudor’s succession, but desired the -matter should be settled by Parliament in accordance with the will of -the English nation. Within a few days, probably, the Commissioners, -hearing of Jane’s downfall, and realising their own danger, promptly -submitted--like the Council at home--to Mary, and enclosed the letter -brought by Shelley in one of their own dated 29th July to the Council -at Westminster, “for that it hath pleased God to call my Lady Mary her -grace to the State and possession of the realm, according to the King’s -majesty her father’s last will and the laws of the realm.” Not quite -sure, however, as to what has taken place, they ask the Council to let -them have all news to date, and desire to know “her maj^{tys} pleasure -what we should do, wherunto we shall conform ourselves most willingly -according to our most bounden duty.... Sir Philip Hoby, etc., to the -Council.”[265] In spite of their forethought, Hoby and Morysone were -recalled by an order of 5th August, their place at Brussels being taken -by Dr. Wootton, Bishop of Norwich; and the fact that in the said order -they are described as “_Mr._” Hoby and “_Mr._” Morysone suggests that -they were in dire disgrace. Most likely their letter about Guildford -rankled in Mary’s mind! Their attempt to shelter themselves behind -a show of loyalty, at all events, was not as successful as that of -the Council at home, but they richly deserved any punishment their -duplicity received; for, like the rest of the Janeite conspirators, -they supported her cause as long as it seemed likely to profit them, -and abandoned it, as if it were plague-stricken, directly the tables -were turned. - -None the less, the Emperor Charles V (who dropped the cause of -Northumberland the moment he perceived that Mary had won the day), -wishing “to show his great love for that Queen his most dear cousin,” -requested the Governess of the Netherlands, Mary, Queen of Hungary, to -entertain the above-named gentlemen, as well as the newly dispatched -Ambassador, Bishop Wootton of Norwich, “to such a banquet as they had -never partaken of before, for such carvings, and sumptuous dishes, and -frequent changing of wines.” The Emperor’s Embassy, which included the -Sieur de Courrières, already mentioned, Simon Renard, and several other -noblemen, was amongst the first of the numerous Envoys sent from all -parts of Europe to congratulate the Queen on her victory, and, as if -to emphasise his affectionate interest in the Royal cousin whose cause -he had so lately abandoned in favour of that of her chief enemy, the -negotiations for the marriage of the Queen of England with the young -widowed Prince, afterwards King Philip of Spain, were pushed forward -with the utmost alacrity. - -The mere idea of a union with her very Catholic cousin inflamed the -imagination of the old maid sovereign with so ardent a passion as to -absorb her whole being, and to bring about the sad catastrophe of her -tragic life. She now “could think and speak of Philip, and of Philip -only.” The most affectionate solicitude was displayed on the part of -Queen Mary for the welfare and comfort of her future Consort, so that -even a special clause was included, allowing him to land at the most -convenient port he should choose, for he was “apt to be very sick on -the sea, and most eager to be on land again.”[266] - -In some way or other Lady Jane must have been kept informed of the -current events and gossip of the day. Some one probably gave her an -account of Elizabeth’s ride through London on 31st July, from Somerset -House to Wanstead, where she joined her sister. The astute Princess -had at first hesitated as to what course she should pursue, but at -last, seeing Jane’s position was hopeless, she made up her mind to side -with her sister, and pass through the City and Aldgate with a numerous -escort. The royal prisoner must have heard of the gay decorations -of the streets, brilliant with flags, and streamers, and splendid -tapestries, and how wild was the popular enthusiasm for Queen Mary. - -The foredoomed prisoners must have received a rude shock on 1st -August, when the monotony of their existence was suddenly broken by -the appearance of the Constable of the Tower, Sir John Gage, and -his officials, who repaired to them severally, and read out to them -the solemn indictments made against them in the Queen’s name. These -indictments--the originals of which will be found in the Baga de -Secretis, pouch xxiii., at the Public Record Office--were dated 1st -August, and had been previously read out and endorsed at Guildhall, -with all due ceremonial, earlier in the day, in the presence of Thomas -White, Lord Mayor of London; Thomas, Duke of Norfolk, Earl Marshal; -the Earls of Derby and Bath; Richard Morgan, Chief Justice of Common -Pleas; and other noblemen and gentlemen, not all of whom were, however, -actually present, but represented by deputies. The first document, -divested of its legal verbosity, declares Lady Jane Grey, Guildford -Dudley her husband, Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Lords -Ambrose and Henry Dudley, guilty of treason, for having seized the -Tower of London,[267] on 11th July; having sought to depose their -rightful sovereign, Queen Mary; and having “acknowledged and proclaimed -Jane Dudley, wife of Guildford Dudley, Esq., of the parish of St. -Martin’s by Charing Cross, Queen of England.” The address is curious, -as it indicates that the town residence of the unfortunate couple was -still Durham House, the Duke of Northumberland’s palace in the Strand. - -The second indictment concerns John, Duke of Northumberland, William, -Marquis of Northampton, Francis, Earl of Huntingdon, and others, for -having, “between the 10th and the 17th July, first of Mary, levied men -at Cambridge to march against the Queen.” - -Yet a third indictment is of even greater historical interest, -and charges Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, as “a false -traitor to the Queen,” with providing arms for twenty men, under -Barnaby Boylot, Walter Morford, and Robert Durant of Westminster, and -dispatching them to Cambridge, in aid of John, Duke of Northumberland. -This proves that the original indictment against Cranmer did not charge -him with heresy, but merely as a political offender. Undoubtedly, as -Macaulay points out, by making himself the accomplice of Northumberland -in endeavouring to overcome the scruples of so amiable a young woman as -Lady Jane Grey, and seducing her into treason, Cranmer committed an act -of most unjustifiable wickedness. - -A little later, in the early twilight of 3rd August, the flickering of -hurrying lights, and the boom of cannon--“the loudest that ever was -heard”--could not fail to apprise the State prisoners in the Tower -that some unusual event was happening, and that the Queen and Princess -Elizabeth had entered its precincts, to prepare for the obsequies of -Edward VI. From her windows Lady Jane noted the flaring torches, -moving hither and thither, in unwonted chambers and courtyards, and -heard the tramp of feet, the heavy tread of the guards, the changing of -sentinels, and the coming and going of the Ambassadors and courtiers -hurrying to pay their homage to the new Sovereign--amongst them, -doubtless, most of those very men who had solemnly sworn allegiance to -herself! - -The Protestant funeral service of Edward VI took place on 8th August, -the King’s body having been removed, on the preceding evening, from -Greenwich to Whitehall. A great number of children in surplices were -gathered together to attend his obsequies in the Abbey, and this -gave a touch of poetry to a ceremony described by Noailles as “a -very shabby one, badly attended, without any lights burning, and no -official invitations sent to the Ambassadors.” Archbishop Cranmer, who -had organised the function, read the plain English service, from the -Book of Common Prayer. Round about the coffin were a great number of -standard-bearers with their standards, conspicuous among them being -those of his mother, Queen Jane Seymour, and of his grandmother, Lady -Seymour, as well as one with a white dragon on a red background, and -yet another with a very large white greyhound, the emblem of the house -of Tudor. All the banners were bowed as the little coffin was lowered -into the vault in Henry VII’s Chapel, and the wands were broken and -cast in upon the lid. Cranmer gave a heavy sigh as he watched it pass -into the gloom, knowing full well that with that little corpse passed -away all his hopes and power--that the vengeance of the Queen whose -mother he had outraged was near at hand. He never officiated again -at any State function; his day was over! Lady Jane heard of this -particular service with considerable pleasure, for it was celebrated -in accordance with her own religious views; but the details of another -ceremony in suffrage of King Edward’s soul, according to the ritual -and doctrine of the Church of Rome, celebrated in the Queen’s presence -in the Royal Chapel of the White Tower, must have pained her not -a little.[268] Mary, in residence in the Tower at this time, had -organised this special Requiem Mass with all permissible pomp and -ceremony, and we may take it for granted that Jane saw from her windows -a good deal of the coming and going of royal personages, officials, and -servants, consequent upon so elaborate a function. Pained indeed must -have been the Reforming Princess to learn that Dr. George Day, the very -Catholic Bishop of Chichester, had been selected to preach before Her -Majesty the panegyric of her very Protestant brother! - -We must now turn our attention to the Duke of Northumberland. Soon -after entering the Beauchamp Tower on 25th July, he collapsed, and -had to take to his bed. The fates were not, indeed, propitious to -Northumberland in this respect, for his health broke down when he most -needed all his physical as well as moral strength to help him through -his tremendous task. Even as far back as 1550, John ab Ulmis, in a -letter to Bullinger, mentioned “the Earl of Warwick’s very dangerous -illness.” He would seem to have never quite recovered from this -attack, for in the following August he was very ill, and again, late -in September 1552, he wrote Cecil that he was “fevrish and unable -to sleep.” In January 1553, Warwick told Petre or Cecil that he was -much alarmed about himself, and feared he was “going to be very ill.” -Throughout the year 1553 he was observed to look pale, and to walk with -difficulty, but his indomitable will held him up, and he was able to do -the work of a dozen men, for his energy was as admirable as its object -was detestable. Northumberland is scarcely a commendable character, but -there is none the less a pathos in the fact that his health was giving -way under the terrible strain that crushed him. He does not deserve -much sympathy, but it is impossible not to pity him in his extremity, -abandoned by every one, a doomed prisoner, his last card played and -lost. To his insane ambition he had sacrificed his youngest and -best-loved son, and the young creature the lad had so recently married, -and now an unnatural death faced him in stark horror. What nights he -must have spent, hopeless and helpless, alone in that prison on every -gate of which the great Italian might have written, _Lasciate ogni -speranza voi ch’entrate_. He knew the Queen hated him with the intense -and unforgiving hatred of a Spaniard. Had he not sided against her -mother, and framed the pitiless and insulting documents he had forced -his helpless daughter-in-law to sign, stigmatising Mary and Elizabeth -as “bastards”? Reflecting on these, and a hundred other offences, he -realised his case was hopeless. So bitterly did the Queen loathe him, -as a matter of fact, that she actually requested Comendone, the Papal -Envoy, to put off his departure for a few days, so as to witness the -execution of her chief foe, and give a personal account of it to the -Pope! - -The trial for treason of John Dudley, Duke of Northumberland, took -place on August 18th in Westminster Hall. The Marquis of Northampton, -and the Earl of Warwick, Dudley’s son, were arraigned at the same -time. Thomas, Duke of Norfolk, sat as High Steward of England; this -was, indeed, one of his last official appearances. He died in the -following year (on 24th August) at Kenninghall. Several of those -men who sat in Jane’s Council, and had only saved their necks by -addressing their hasty submission to Mary, figured at this trial. -Northumberland was very obsequious to his judges, and “protesting -his faith and obedience to the Queen’s Majesty, whom he confessed -grievously to have offended, said that he meant not to speak anything -in defence of himself.” He then demanded of the court, first “whether -a man doing an act by the authority of the Prince and Council, and by -warrant of the Great Seal,[269] and doing nothing without the same, -may be charged with treason for anything which he might do by warrant -thereof?” and secondly, “whether any such persons as were equally -culpable in that crime, and those by whose letters and commandments -he was directed in all his doings, might be his judges, or pass upon -him his death?” The answer returned was that the Great Seal to which -he appealed was not that of the lawful Queen of the realm, but was the -seal of a “usurper,” and as such had no authority; also, that though -some of his judges might be equally guilty with himself, they had no -attainder against them, and therefore were as fit to try him as any -one else, provided the sovereign gave permission. Finding they were -bent on his destruction, the unhappy man pleaded guilty, and besought -the Duke of Norfolk to obtain the Queen’s pardon for him. Following -suit, the Marquis of Northampton and the Earl of Warwick also pleaded -guilty; the former urged, that “after the beginning of these tumults -he had forborne the execution of any public office, and that all the -while he, intent to hunting and other sports, did not partake in the -conspiracy,” whilst Warwick begged the Queen would have his debts paid -out of his confiscated goods. They were both sentenced to death, “to -be had to the place that they came from, and from thence to be drawn -through London unto Tyburn, and there to be hanged, and then to be cut -down, and their bowels to be burnt, and their heads to be set on London -Bridge and other places.”[270] When he heard this horrible sentence of -death, Northumberland asked that, as a nobleman, he might be beheaded, -and “begged that his children might be kindly treated.” He had the -grace also to confess that Jane, so far from desiring regal honours, -was only induced to accept the Crown “by enticement and force”--which -confirms what we have said of her parent’s ill-treatment of her. The -Duke also requested that a “learned divine” might be sent to him; and -that he might have an interview with four members of the Council, “for -the discovery (_i.e._ revelation) of some things which might concern -the State.”[271] What these mysterious “things” may have been, is -now unknown. Lingard says Gardiner and another member of the Council -visited Northumberland in prison, and that the former interceded for -him with the Queen; but there is no documentary evidence as to the -purport of the State secrets the Duke had promised to divulge. - -On the following day, 19th August, four of the chief of those who -had ridden out of London with Northumberland against Mary--Sir -Andrew Dudley,[272] Sir John Gates, Sir Harry Gates, and Sir Thomas -Palmer--were sentenced to death in Westminster Hall. - -Next day Northumberland made a public renunciation of the Protestant -religion, either in the Church of St. Peter-ad-Vincula, or else in the -chapel in the White Tower; the former place is more generally accepted. -Some forty of the principal citizens of London were present; and the -Marquis of Northampton, Sir Andrew Dudley, Sir Henry Gates, and Sir -Thomas Palmer, were also reconciled to the Latin Church at the same -time. The ex-conspirators knelt during Mass, saying the _Confiteor_ -after the celebrant, who was probably Gardiner. When the Mass was -concluded, they one after another asked each other forgiveness, -kneeling as they did so. After this they all went in front of the -altar, where, on bended knees, they confessed to Gardiner, that “they -were the same men in the faith, according as they had confessed to him -before, and that they all would die in the Catholic faith.” Having -received the Eucharist, the Duke turned to the congregation and said, -“Truly, good people, I profess here before you all that I have received -the sacrament, according to the true Catholic faith; and the plague -that is upon this realm, and upon us now, is, that we have erred from -the faith these sixteen years, and this I protest unto you all, from -the bottom of my heart.” Northampton, Andrew Dudley, Gates, and Palmer -made the same statement, and they were all conducted back to their -respective prisons.[273] There can be no doubt, that, if this ceremony -took place in St. Peter’s, Lady Jane must have seen, from the windows -of the Deputy-Lieutenant’s house, the procession of her father-in-law -and his followers on their way to hear Mass, and her grief on learning -that they had abandoned Protestantism was, as we learn from her own -lips, intense. - -The evening of the 21st August, Northumberland was informed by the -Lieutenant of the Tower that he was to die next day, whereupon he wrote -the following abject letter to his brother-in-law and captor, the Earl -of Arundel:-- - - “Hon^{ble} lord, and in this my distress my especial refuge, most - woeful was the news I received this evening by Mr. Lieutenant, - that I must prepare myself against to-morrow to receive my deadly - stroke. Alas, my good lord, is my crime so heinous as no redemption - but my blood can wash away the spots thereof? An old proverb there - is, and that most true, that a living dog is better than a dead - lion. Oh! that it would please her good grace to give me life, - yea, the life of a dog, if I might but live and kiss her feet, and - spend both life and all in her honourable services, as I have the - best part already, under her worthy brother, and most glorious - father. Oh! that her mercy were such, as she would consider how - little profit my dead and dismembered body can bring her; but how - great and glorious an honor it will be in all posterity when the - report shall be that so gracious and mighty a queen, had granted - life to so miserable and penitent an object. Your hon^{ble} usage - and promise to me since these my troubles, have made me bold to - challenge this kindness at your hands. Pardon me if I have done - amiss therein, and spare not, I pray, your bended knees for me - in this distress. The God of Heaven, it may be, will requite it - one day, on you or yours; and, if my life be lengthened by your - mediation, and my good lord chancellor’s (to whom I have also sent - my blurred letters), I will ever owe it to you, to be spent at your - hon^{ble} feet. Oh! my good lord, remember how sweet life is, and - how bitter the contrary. Spare not your speech and pains; for God, - I hope, hath not shut out all hopes of comfort from me in that - gracious, princely and womanly heart; but that, as the doleful news - of death hath wounded to death, both my soule and body, so the - comfortable news of life, shall be a new resurrection to my woeful - heart. But if no remedy can be found, either by imprisonment, - confiscation, banishment, and the like, I can say no more, but, God - grant me patience to endure, and a heart to forgive the whole world. - - “Once your fellow, and loving companion, but now worthy of no name - but wretchedness and misery. - - J. D.”[274] - -It must have cost the haughty Northumberland dear, to write so humble -a supplication; but he was a man of strong domestic affections, and -realised that if he were spared, his children and brothers might also -be saved. But Mary’s hate, thoroughly Spanish in its intensity, was -implacable; and if, as some historians seem to think, the prisoner -hoped to obtain his freedom by returning to the religion of his -ancestors,[275] he made a terrible mistake. The Queen may have rejoiced -that the chances of his eternal salvation were enhanced, according -to her views, by his conversion, but none the less did the outraged -sovereign and woman claim the head of her arch-enemy, and worst -detractor. - -Machyn tells us of a strange incident, in connection with the Duke’s -execution, which tends to prove it was to have taken place on the -21st August, and to have been accomplished by the common hangman. -Says the chronicler in question: “The xxj of August was, by viij of -the clock in the morning, on the Tower hill about XM (_i.e._ “about -ten thousand”) men and women for to have seen the execution of the -Duke of Northumberland, for the scaffold was made ready and sand and -straw was brought, and all the men that belong to the Tower,[276] as -Hoxton, Shoreditch, Bow, Ratclyff, Limehouse, Saint Katherines, and -the waiters [attendants] of the Tower, and the guard, and sheriff’s -officers, and every man stand in order with their halbards, and lanes -made (_i.e._ barriers placed so as to admit of the free passages of -the troops and officials) and the hangman was there, and suddenly they -were commanded to depart.”[277] The fact that the hangman was present -seems to denote that the order, changing the sentence from hanging and -disembowelling, to decapitation, had not yet been made. Northumberland -had given way at his trial to an unusual display of emotional terror, -as the barbarous details of the sort of death to which he was condemned -were read out to him, and probably efforts were therefore made, and -not in vain, to spare him so atrocious an ordeal and substitute the -more merciful and dignified death by the axe. Maybe it was this which -occasioned the postponement of the grim ceremony. - -According to a MS, now in the Brussels Archives, entitled, _Les -événements en Angleterre_, 1553-4, the Duke of Northumberland was -allowed to take a pathetic leave of his youngest son, “whom he pressed -again and again to his breast, sighing and weeping a deluge of tears, -as he kissed him for the last time.” - -The executions of Northumberland, Sir John Gates, and Sir Thomas -Palmer, took place on 22nd August, on Tower Hill. The prisoners were -first delivered over to the Sheriffs of London by the Lieutenant of -the Tower. As soon as the Duke was confronted with Sir John Gates, he -exclaimed, “Sir John, God have mercy on us, for this day shall end -both our lives, and I pray you forgive me whatsoever I have offended, -and I forgive you with all my heart. Although you and your counsel was -a great occasion thereof (_i.e._ “of my troubles”). “Well,” returned -Gates, “I forgive you all, as I would be forgiven, and yet you and -your authority was the original cause of it, altogether, but the Lord -pardon you, and I pray you forgive me.” They then bowed to each other, -and the Duke, who was garbed in “swan-coloured (_i.e._ grey) damask,” -went forward to the scaffold, looking dejected. Bishop Heath, crucifix -in hand, walked with him. On the way, when they were outside the Tower -gates, a woman rushed forward, and waving in his face a handkerchief, -which had been dipped in the blood of Somerset, cried out, “Behold, the -blood which thou did cause to be unjustly shed, does now apparently -begin to revenge itself on thee!” The guards dragged her away, and the -condemned proceeded on their way to Tower Hill. On the scaffold, the -Duke took off his outer cloak, and leaning over the rail, on the east -side, made his farewell speech to the people, of which several versions -exist. He admitted that he had been “an evil liver”; begged the Queen’s -forgiveness, kneeling; alluded to his accomplices, and would not name -them; regretted his religious errors; professed his attachment to -the Catholic Church, asking the Bishop of Worcester, Heath, to bear -witness to his sincerity, to which the prelate answered “Yea”; and -finally, asking all to pray for him, he knelt down, and recited the _De -Profundis_, after which he made the sign of the cross, in the sawdust -of the scaffold, and stooped and kissed it. Then, rising, he bared -his neck, tied the handkerchief over his eyes, and, turning to the -executioner, said he was ready. The fellow, who was lame in one leg, -took good aim--and in a flash, John Dudley, Duke of Northumberland, was -no more. Sir John Gates would not have his eyes bandaged, and died a -fearful death, after three blows from the axe. Palmer was beheaded at -one stroke. Both made lengthy speeches, in which they styled themselves -staunch Catholics. It is said that when the horrible scene was over, -children came and dipped cloths in Northumberland’s blood, to be -preserved as a memorial of him, and this despite his unpopularity.[278] - -A pathetic incident occurred in connection with the burial of the -Duke’s remains. One of his servants, John Cock, sufficiently attached -to his memory to have a care for the whereabouts of his last resting -place, waited upon Queen Mary and prayed her to command that his -master’s head should be given to him. “In God’s name,” answered Her -Majesty, somewhat irate, “take the whole body as well, and give -your lord proper burial.” Acting on this permission, Cock took -Northumberland’s corpse and laid it to rest in the Church of St. -Peter-ad-Vincula, beside the coffin of the Duke of Somerset! - - - - -CHAPTER XIX - -THE TRIAL OF QUEEN JANE - - -The writer of the _Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary_ relates that -he dined with Queen Jane in “Partridge’s House,” on 27th August, and -incidentally mentions her evident resentment at her father-in-law’s -apostacy. This chronicler appears to have been a resident in the Tower, -and a friend of Partridge. He writes: “I dined at Partridge’s house -with my Lady Jane being there present, she sitting at the board’s -end, Brydges, his wife, Sarah, my lady’s gentlewoman and her man, she -commanding Brydges and me to put on our caps [_sic_]. Amongst our -communications at this dinner, this was to be noted. After she had once -or twice drunk to me and bade me heartily welcome, saith she: ‘The -Queen’s Majesty is a merciful Princess; I beseech God she may long -continue, and send His bountiful grace upon her.’ - -“After that we fell to discussing matters of religion, and she asked, -‘What he was that preached at Paul’s on Sunday before----’ [a blank], -and so it was told her. ‘I pray you,’ quoth she, ‘have they Mass in -London?’ - -“‘Yea, forsooth,’ quoth I, ‘in some places.’ - -“‘It may be so,’ quoth she. ‘It is not so strange as the sudden -conversion of the late Duke, for who would have thought he would have -so done?’ - -“It was answered her, ‘Perchance he thereby hoped to have had his -pardon.’ - -“‘Pardon,’ quoth she, ‘Woe worth him. He hath brought me and our stock -in most miserable calamity, and misery by this exceeding ambition. But -for the answering that he hoped for life by turning, though others be -of the same opinion, I utterly am not, for what man is there living, I -pray you, although he had been innocent, that would hope of life in -that case--being in the field against the Queen, in person as general, -and after his taking, so hated and evil spoken of by the Commons, and -at his coming into prison, so wondered at, as the like was never heard -by any man’s time? Who was judge that he should hope for pardon, whose -life was odious to all men? But what will ye more? Like as his life -was wicked and full of dissimulation, so was his end thereafter. I -pray God I, nor no friend of mine, die so. Should I, who am young and -in the flower of my years, forsake my faith for love of life? Nay, God -forbid. Much more he should not, whose fatal course, though he had -lived his just number of years, could not have long continued. But -life was sweet, it appeared, so he might have lived, you will say, he -did not care how. Indeed, the reason is good, for he that would have -lived in chains to have had his life, belike would leave no other means -attempted. But God be merciful to us, for He sayeth, ‘Whoso denieth Him -before man, He will not know him in His Father’s Kingdom.’ - -“With this and much other talk, the dinner passed away, which ended, -I thanked her Ladyship that she would vouchsafe to accept me in her -company, and she thanked me likewise, and said I was welcome. She -thanked Brydges also for bringing me to dinner. ‘Madam,’ said he, ‘we -are all somewhat bold, not knowing that your Ladyship dined before, -until we found your Ladyship there.’” - -A little later, that is, at the end of September and in October, Lady -Jane’s hopes of release may have risen, for Mary had returned from St. -James’s Palace to the Tower, for the Coronation. There is no evidence -that she ever came into personal contact with Lady Jane Grey after the -friendly visit to Newhall in the summer of 1552. If so interesting an -event had taken place, there would surely be some trace of it; some -account, however brief, of the broken words poor Jane’s trembling lips -uttered, when she, the Queen-usurping, and Mary, the Queen-Regnant, -stood face to face. But since there is no contemporary mention of such -a meeting, we must conclude it never occurred, even at this time, when -Jane was awaiting an uncertain fate in one corner of the Tower, while -Mary was receiving the homage of the hypocrite Councillors in its State -chambers. - -A wave of unusual heat swept over England during the summer of 1553, -accompanied by storms of extreme violence. Jane must have felt the -sultriness in her prison, and have gladly accepted the refreshing -walks in the Queen’s garden, which not only brought her amid the last -roses of summer,[279] but into contact with the busy life of the -Palace-fortress, so that she must have seen many of the preparations -for the forthcoming Coronation. It may well have occurred to her that, -had fate been less cruel, all this coming and going might have been in -her honour, and she, instead of the triumphant Mary, might have gone -forth to Westminster, the first Protestant Queen of England. And the -Coronation ceremony itself--surely some gossip told her all about that? -How stately was the procession of 30th September, in which nearly all -the erstwhile ardently Protestant Privy Council of King Edward, now -staunch Papists every one, surrounded the most Catholic Mary, garbed -in their official bravery, and proclaiming themselves more orthodox -than her Papistical Majesty herself; Lord Russell with his big beaded -rosary at his waist--that rosary, which on a famous occasion, hearing -Mary might very likely order his share of the Church lands to be handed -back to the monks, he cast, with a fierce oath, upon the fire! They -must have told the Lady Jane how fair and gracious Elizabeth looked in -her golden chariot lined with crimson, her robes of pale blue velvet -threaded with silver; how Anne of Cleves scintillated with jewels, and -how sixty grand dames, in ruby velvet and ermine, with coronets on -their heads, rode in the gorgeous procession to Westminster. They must -have told her, too, how the charity children, who had sung Calvinistic -hymns a week or so ago, now tunefully invoked the blessings of the -Saints upon their Catholic Sovereign; how the French Ambassador, -Noailles, rode near to the famous Renard, the sly fox who represented -the Emperor, and contributed to bring about Jane’s death; how my Lady -of Sussex carried the Queen’s crown and the Lord Mayor her sceptre; how -the people thought the old Duke of Norfolk looked much changed since he -had last appeared in his official robes; how my Lord Edward Hastings -had been made Master of the Horse, and led the Queen’s milk-white -palfrey; how the Protestant Mrs. Bacon had obtained Cecil’s pardon, -and how Mrs. Barnett, Sir Thomas More’s granddaughter, helped to robe -the Queen; how Gog and Magog had condescended to leave Guildhall and -go to the Tower gates, where they saluted the Queen, and how Gog’s -head had nearly wobbled off his gigantic shoulders; how three thousand -yeomen, in the apple green and white of the House of Tudor, and three -hundred Beefeaters from the Tower, in scarlet and black, had added a -brilliant touch to the sumptuous procession; how there were so many -giants in the wayside pageantry, along the route from the City to -Westminster, that people talked about it as a weird contrast, since -the Queen was of such low stature as to be almost a dwarf; how among -these giants was a colossal angel ten feet high, all clothed in gold -foil, sent by the Florentine merchants to grace a triumphal arch in -Fenchurch Street; and how, in conclusion, Noailles, true Frenchman as -he was, had waxed excited over the splendours of the Queen’s jewels, -and annoyed because Elizabeth walked next to her! And the scene in the -Abbey next day, surely Lady Jane heard all about that?--how Gardiner, -fresh from the Tower, crowned the Queen--which was deemed an ugly -omen, for both Canterbury and York were in prison, and no King of this -land had ever yet been crowned by a mere Bishop! They must have told -the young prisoner how brilliantly the banquet went off; how Dymoke, -hereditary champion of England, rode into the Hall, armed _cap-à-pie_, -and championed the Queen’s right; how, no one taking up the challenge, -the Queen drank to him; how the old Duke of Norfolk, in true mediæval -fashion, rode into the Hall, too, and ushered in the first course -of the elaborate meal; how Anne of Cleves, weighed down with heavy -pearls, rubies and emeralds, sat next Elizabeth, who had precedence of -everybody after the Queen; and how Heywood, the dramatist, had returned -from exile to superintend the revels and masques. All that holiday, -poor Jane’s ears must have ached with the boom of cannon,[280] and the -pealing of bells, and the shouts of the guards and servants, as they -sang and banqueted and drank, and lighted a big bonfire on Tower Hill. -Probably the gossips told her too of the scandals, the tales of petty -intrigues, quarrels, and heart-burnings, the little shames and mortal -sicknesses, which the Muse of History has disdained to record, but -which were of greater interest, one fancies, to the fair prisoner, than -the broader effects of the gorgeous pageant which boded so little good -for her. - -Jane’s parents and friends, were buoyed up with the hope that soon -after her Coronation, Mary would liberate her young cousin, and her -husband; and the Queen, her detractors to the contrary, did make a -strong effort to save Lady Jane Grey and Guildford. When, either -late in July or in August 1553--very soon after Jane’s fall--Renard, -the Imperial Ambassador, had an audience with the Queen (probably -at Newhall or Wanstead), and opened the question as to what was to -become of the little usurper, the Queen answered, “she never could be -induced to have her executed, because three days before she left Sion -House, she had deemed herself to be the victim of intrigues.” Neither, -said she, was Jane the daughter-in-law of Northumberland, because -she had been validly contracted to another person; and had taken no -part in the Duke’s enterprise, and was “innocent.” The wily Renard, -who had formerly backed Jane’s party, but now wished to destroy her, -answered that very probably the contract of marriage had been invented -as an excuse, and that she must at least be kept a prisoner, as her -liberation would give rise to a great deal of trouble and endanger the -Realm, and the Catholic religion. The Queen’s answer was, that Lady -Jane would not be liberated, without every necessary precaution having -been taken to avoid all difficulties. Upon this speech being reported -to the Emperor, he reiterated his advice--given in a letter of 20th -July--that _all_ who were implicated in Northumberland’s plot should be -put to death.[281] - -Noailles, also, spoke to Her Majesty about Lady Jane’s position, and -she repeated that she “intended to spare her.” “After all,” said -she, “the marriage with Guildford is invalid, since she was already -contracted to a youth in the employ of the Bishop of Winchester”--_ung -serviteur de l’Evêque de Wincestre_. Was Hertford ever in Dr. -Gardiner’s employ? Even after she had received the Emperor’s despatch, -crying for vengeance on all the participants in the late usurpation, -Mary wrote, on 29th August, to Dr. Wotton, our Ambassador to France, -“that she would see Jane was kept safe, and that before giving her -liberty, she would see that she was innocuous”; but on 19th September, -the Imperial Ambassadors wrote rather jubilantly that at last the -Queen is determined to execute “the five sons of Dudley and Jane of -Suffolk.” There was still hope, however, for on 5th November, Renard -writes that being at supper with the Venetian Ambassador, he heard it -said that “the four sons of Northumberland, were to be executed, but -that Robert might be pardoned, and that he thought Jane, too, would not -be executed.” This was as it should be, for Robert Dudley was of all -Northumberland’s sons, the least guilty, his share in the conspiracy -being a very light one. We may add that in a letter preserved in the -Corsini Library at Rome, Cardinal Pole says he has lately heard that -Queen Mary was desirous of saving “Lady Jane Suffolk,” as he calls -her. There is not a tittle of evidence that Mary at any time gave it -to be understood, either to Lady Jane or to others, that she would be -pardoned if she embraced the Roman Catholic religion. Religion had -little or nothing to do with the matter; the charge against Jane was, -that she had usurped the throne--treason--and treason to the Queen was -a purely secular offence. The Emperor’s desire for Jane’s death, was -actuated by a fear that if she were set at liberty, she might once more -be used as an instrument against Mary’s legitimate pretensions, since -the late King had named her his successor in his “Devise.” The reason -why the Council shared the Emperor’s opinion, and had urged Mary to -sign Lady Jane’s death-warrant was, that it was anxious to show its -whole-hearted zeal for Mary, and entirely dissociate itself from Jane’s -claims. Let it not be forgotten by those who would blame our severe -judgment of the Council’s behaviour, that the very men who now urged -the Queen to destroy Jane[282] and her husband, and who attended Masses -with the utmost unction, had not only been staunch Protestants a few -months previously, under Edward VI, but Janeites of the hottest during -the first two or three days of Jane’s brief reign. Beset on all sides, -Mary Tudor yielded at last, and, when the sentence had been passed, -reluctantly signed the death-warrant. - -Before that, however, a Writ of _Habeas Corpus_ was issued on the -evening of 11th November, commanding John Gage, Constable of the Tower, -“to bring up [_i.e._ to Guildhall, two days later, for their trial] the -bodies of the accused, to wit, Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury, Jane -Dudley, Guildford Dudley, Ambrose and Henry Dudley.” The document bore -the signatures of Thomas White, Mayor, and Thomas, Duke of Norfolk. - -On 13th November 1553, Jane Grey, Guildford Dudley, Thomas Cranmer, -Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Lords Ambrose and Henry Dudley, -were arraigned at Guildhall for the offences cited in the official -indictment already mentioned. The accused left the Tower on foot -early in the day, in the company of Sir Thomas Brydges. Lady Jane was -attended by her women, and together with her companions in misfortune, -was escorted through the thronged streets by four hundred halberdiers. -She was dressed in a black cloth gown, the cape lined and edged with -velvet. Her coif was of black velvet made like a hood, after the French -fashion; a book bound in black velvet--probably it was a Bible or -prayer book, hung by a chain from her girdle. She held another open in -her hand, on the pages of which she constantly kept her eyes fixed. -Her two women, also dressed in black, walked behind her. Cranmer led -the procession, walking between two gentlemen, and immediately behind, -the Gentleman-Chief Warder, who bore the axe; Guildford, in a black -velvet suit slashed with white satin, followed his wife, and with him -were the two Lords Ambrose and Henry Dudley, though separated from -him by officials and guards. Florio, an Italian writer, who witnessed -Jane’s trial, declares her behaviour to have been most dignified. Even -the ordeal of passing on foot through the densely-crowded streets did -not affect her composure. Within Guildhall there was a great array of -lords, prominent among them the old Duke of Norfolk, who after his -long and enforced absence from official life, once more enjoyed the -privilege of sitting on the Bench as High Steward and Earl Marshal. -His aged eyes had mirrored, not only the State trials of two previous -Queens of England, Anne Boleyn and Katherine Howard, but also the -bloody death of the first-named, whilst his ears had heard the fire -crackling round Anne Askew. - -On entering Guildhall, the prisoners and their attendants and guards -were conducted by an usher with the usual ceremony, to the upper part -of the fine old hall, where Lady Jane, owing to her royal rank, was -granted the privilege of a chair draped with scarlet cloth, and a -footstool; her women stood beside her. Cranmer was placed, according -to regulation, in a railed-off pew or box by himself, which separated -him by a light barrier from the Lords Guildford, Ambrose and Henry -Dudley. The “innocent usurper,” although naturally awed by the stately -dignity of the scene, may have sought among the many faces present -those of not a few she had known all her brief life, and who had even -caressed her in her childhood, or been obsequious to her in her ominous -Queendom. There sat the aged head of the house of Howard; then came -the Earls of Derby, Bath, and Hastings; Sir Richard Morgan, Chief -Justice of the Common Pleas,[283] who sat with the other Judges and -men of law in their furred robes of office; Nicholas Hare, Master of -the Rolls; a little further on, the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs, in their -crimson satins and velvets, and their costly sables and glistening -chains; then, a crowd of noblemen and gentlemen and officials, filling -up nearly the whole of the space at the top of the hall, the body -of which was reserved for privileged persons, whilst the lower part -nearest the entrance was given over to the mob, with difficulty kept in -order by the halberdiers and other guards. The sacred emblems of the -ancient Faith, which had been cast out under Edward VI, were restored -by this time; and before a small altar, on which stood a crucifix, and -six golden candlesticks, the Lord Mayor’s Chaplain opened proceedings, -whilst all knelt, with the “_Veni, Sancte Spiritus_,” and other -prayers in Latin. The reading of the indictments followed, and after -a pause between each, the prisoners were arraigned to plead guilty -or otherwise; but Cranmer, crying out in a loud voice, “Not Guilty!” -the other prisoners also pleaded “Not Guilty!” As the counts of the -indictment were matters of general knowledge, no witnesses were brought -forward on either side, nor were the prisoners cross-examined, nor was -any defence made. A jury, consisting of citizens of Middlesex, was -empanelled and sworn. After an absence of about twenty minutes they -returned, giving as their verdict that the “sufficient and probable -evidence” was in favour of the Queen’s Grace, and that they therefore -returned a verdict of guilty. On this, Archbishop Cranmer, standing up, -reversed his previous plea, and admitted his offence--an example which -was speedily followed by the other prisoners, who one and all pleaded -“Guilty!” Then sentence was pronounced by Chief Justice Morgan, whose -voice is said to have trembled considerably, especially as he came to -that fearful portion of it, in which Lady Jane was condemned to be -burnt alive, or beheaded, “as the Queen shall please.” The luckless -victim heard her doom with sublime meekness and dignity. Cranmer -and Guildford were condemned to be hanged at Tyburn, but a pardon -was extended to the Lords Ambrose and Henry Dudley. Then, after the -recitation of the _De Profundis_, the Court rose,[284] the prisoners -were ceremoniously re-conducted to the door of the hall, and escorted -back to the Tower, in much the same order as that in which they had -come thence--but the axe was reversed; a sign of condemnation which -deeply moved the populace, especially with pity for young Dudley -and his consort. How weary must have been that tramp back to the -fortress, especially to one so young, and in such frail health, as the -unfortunate Lady Jane! To Guildford Dudley, too, the journey must have -been exceeding painful, for he was in the full vigour of early youth; -and the terrible words of the sentence presented to his imagination -that awful final scene with which, like most men of his time, he was -but too familiar. Cranmer must long since have realised that his days -were numbered; but he was as yet mercifully spared the knowledge of the -gruesome nature of the end in store for him. - -There is, however, no indication that Jane and her husband were treated -with any greater severity than hitherto, and Mary, even after the -condemnation, was certainly still unwilling to put her cousin to death. -She might, in fact, have been saved even then from capital punishment, -at all events, if not from imprisonment, if the Wyatt rebellion and -the Duke of Suffolk’s indiscreet behaviour had not given colour to the -opinion entertained by the Emperor and the Council, that Jane’s freedom -and very existence were a menace to Mary’s safety, and compelled the -unwilling sovereign to inflict the utmost penalty of the law. - -In December, Guildford and his brother Robert were “allowed the -liberty of the leads” of the Bell Tower: which most likely means -that they were permitted to walk on the terrace-like space on the -ballium wall between the Bell and the Beauchamp Tower. Cranmer and -Ridley--because they had been “evill of their bodies for want of -ayre”--shared the right of walking in the Queen’s Garden with Lady -Jane, and Ridley even dined with the Lieutenant; but it is unlikely -that either he or Cranmer were allowed converse with Jane Grey, whose -spiritual adviser, we know, was Dr. Feckenham--not Abbot of Westminster -at this time, as generally stated, but Dean of St. Paul’s,[285]--whom -the Queen had expressly delegated to attend on her unfortunate cousin, -in the hope of converting her to the Catholic faith. - -Towards the end of the year 1553, Lady Jane is said to have written -that coarsely violent epistle to Dr. Harding, once her tutor and her -father’s chaplain, which will be found in Foxe’s _Acts and Monuments_, -vol. iii., p. 27. Harding was a most unblushing turncoat; a Protestant -and leading Reformer under Edward VI, under Mary--when his old -patron’s power was broken--his Popish opinions were as extreme as his -Protestantism had been fierce. According to some historians, this -letter is wrongly attributed to Lady Jane, and certainly its wording, -of a vulgar polemic type, has nothing in common with the Christian -forbearance and piety of her undisputed compositions. It is difficult -to believe Jane Grey can have used such expressions as “thou deformed -imp of the Devil,” “sink of sin,” “white-livered milksop,” and even -worse, hurled at Harding by the writer of this virulent epistle, more -likely to have been the production of Hales, that stalwart hater of -“Rome,” than of the gentlest of princesses. - -Christmas must have been a dismal season for the poor prisoners, whose -hopes of pardon were failing, and who realised that the New Year about -to open would be their last on earth. Jane’s thoughts flew back, in -the long dull evenings, to the merry scenes of her Yuletide at Tylsey, -two years previous, and to the cheery games and sports at her father’s -mansion at Sheen, only twelve short months ago! And beautiful Bradgate -with its lovely park, the scenes of her childhood, her happy lessons -with Aylmer, all must have come back to the lonely captive. Before the -New Year was a week old, stirring events were happening in the great -world beyond the Tower walls. The Queen’s early popularity was already -on the wane. Her obstinate determination to marry Philip of Spain -had sore offended her people, who, in the Midland counties, began to -rise openly against the “Spanish match.” The Duke of Suffolk, thanks -to his wife’s intercession, and his own zeal in proclaiming Mary, -had been set free after three days’ imprisonment, and was residing -at Sheen. Bethinking herself that he would make a good leader of her -troops against the rebels, Mary sent for him to take command.[286] The -Queen’s messenger reached Sheen on 25th January 1554, and summoned -the Duke to Court. His answer was, “Marry, I was coming to her Grace. -Ye may see, I am booted and spurred, ready to ride, and I will but -break my fast and go.” He then gave the messenger a present and some -refreshment, and himself departed, accompanied by his brothers, the -Lords John and Leonard Grey,[287]--but instead of going to the Queen -in London, he galloped with some fifty followers into Leicestershire -and Warwickshire, and made an attempt to rouse the population into -open revolt against the Queen’s marriage. That he “proclaimed Jane -in every town he passed through” is not true. He swore he had never -swerved from his loyalty to Mary, and it seems certain that he told -the Mayor of Leicester the Queen was “the mercifullest prince that -ever reigned.” He rebelled against the Spanish marriage and against -that only. The people of the Midlands, however, notwithstanding his -bribes, did not rally to him to any extent--his own men deserted him. -The Earl of Huntingdon took the field against him, and after a defeat -near Coventry, he had to fly for his life. He reached his own estate of -Ashley, and threw himself on the mercy of Underwood, his park-keeper, -who saved him, for a few days, by hiding him in a hollow tree in the -park, where, according to Pollino, he was nearly starved to death. One -of his brothers, who had managed to escape with him, was hidden under a -pile of grass or hay. At last, thanks to Underwood’s treachery and to -the noise made by a dog which persisted in barking at the foot of -the tree where the unhappy Duke was concealed, the two brothers were -delivered up to Warner, Mayor of Coventry, who handed them over to -the Earl of Huntingdon.[288] They were brought to London, and reached -the Tower on 6th February,[289] towards the conclusion of the Wyatt -rebellion. As he passed through London the Duke looked, we are told, -more dead than alive, “pale as a ghost and shivering.” - -[Illustration: QUEEN MARY AT THE PERIOD OF HER MARRIAGE - -FROM THE PAINTING BY ANTONIO MOR IN THE PRADO MUSEUM] - -Some mystery surrounds the motives of Suffolk’s misguided action. He -does not seem to have intended, as has been frequently but wrongly -represented, to reconstruct a party in favour of his daughter, Lady -Jane.[290] Perhaps, after all, he was sincerely incensed at the Spanish -match, fearing it would undo all the work of the Reformation, to which -he was honestly attached. It is presumable, too, that a conspiracy -existed to place Princess Elizabeth on the throne,[291] which, Suffolk -may have hoped, would lead to the release of his daughter and -son-in-law. The result, however, was entirely opposite. The knowledge -of this movement, combined with Wyatt’s rebellion, enabled the Spanish -party to force Mary’s hand and oblige her to put Lady Jane and her -young husband to death.[292] Mary affixed her signature to the “Nine -Days’ Queen’s” death-warrant on the very day which saw Suffolk led a -prisoner into the Tower. - -The terror and anxiety with which Jane received the news of her -father’s arrest and imprisonment may be better imagined than described. -Did she ever see him again? There is no trace of such an interview, -but we possess the MS. of a letter she wrote him on the fly-leaf of -a prayer book. She was certainly very much attached to her father, -but it is significant that she never attempted to see her mother, -nor wrote, nor even alluded to her. And whereas the petitions of the -wives of the Dudleys--including, by the way, that of Amy Robsart, wife -of Lord Robert Dudley--to see their husbands in the Tower, are still -extant, and were readily granted--no document exists to prove that the -Duchess of Suffolk ever made any attempt to visit either her daughter -or her son-in-law in their prison. Perhaps she was otherwise and more -agreeably engaged! - -There was a great commotion and consternation in the Tower during the -Wyatt rebellion, when London presented a spectacle not unlike that of -Paris during certain of the greatest outbursts of the Reign of Terror. -Lady Jane and the other State prisoners, most of whom had attendants, -who, after due ransacking of their persons, were allowed to pass in -and out of the Tower and its wards, were well acquainted with the -details of that extraordinary attempt on the part of a youth of only -twenty-three summers, not to overthrow the legitimate sovereign indeed, -but to prevent her marriage with Philip of Spain, soon to be called -King of Naples. The Queen’s courage in risking her person in defence of -her rights had won the hearts of the people, opposed though they were -to the Spanish alliance, and the Wyatt crusade was, in every sense, a -useless and a foolish one. Never, however, since the tumultuous days -of Jack Cade had London been so disturbed as during the early months -of the year 1554. On 7th February Wyatt and his men were as near the -Tower as Southwark, where they sacked the shops and destroyed Bishop -Gardiner’s library, so that they stood “knee deep among the tattered -leaves of his precious volumes.” Later in the day, when the rioting had -got as far as Charing Cross, so great and shrill was the noise of the -shouts of men and of the cries of frightened women and children, “that -it was heard to the top of the White Tower; and also the great shot -was well discerned there out of St. James’s field.”[293] “There stood -upon the leads there [_i.e._ of the White Tower],” continues the same -Chronicler, “the Lord Marquess [of Northampton], Sir Nicholas Poyns, -Sir Thomas Pope, Master John Seamer and others. From the battle, when -one came and brought word that the Queen was like to have the victory, -and that the horseman had discomfited the tale of his enemies, the Lord -Marquess for joy gave the messenger ten shillings in gold, and fell in -great rejoicing.” - -We may imagine the anxiety of the condemned prisoners in the Tower. -If Wyatt were victorious, they might yet be saved by a change of -administration, that would send Mary flying abroad for her life, and -bring Princess Elizabeth to the throne. Wyatt’s object was to seize the -Tower, but alas! poor man, when he had approached it as near as the -Belle Sauvage Yard, on Ludgate Hill, he collapsed on the bench of a -fishmonger’s shop, was swiftly seized and cast into durance, in that -very fortress whence he hoped to proclaim his victory over “Spanish -tyranny.” The prisoners in the Tower must have heard a hundred tales of -the appalling retaliation practised on the promoters of the rebellion; -of the scores of men hanged in bunches at the street corners[294]; -of the bloody heads stuck on London Bridge, and even in front of the -Queen’s palace at St. James’s. They may even have seen Wyatt and -his fellows enter the Tower. Guildford, too, since he had the same -privileges as Northampton, may have heard the cries of the frightened -populace in those days of hot rebellion, from the leads of the White -Tower, where he was allowed to take the air, and whence he could see -beyond the precincts over on to Tower Hill without. - -Jane may likewise have learnt with considerable distress that the Earl -of Huntingdon and many other Catholic courtiers--all the Spaniards, -for instance--were permitted to attend Mass in the Tower chapel; and -that this, to her, idolatrous ceremony had replaced the plain Communion -service of Edward VI in most of the churches of London, and indeed, -throughout the length and breadth of the kingdom. She must also have -heard with disgust that half London was going in procession nearly -every day, with banners, copes, “imauges,” and lights, praying for fine -weather. - -Unfortunately little is known about the death-warrant of Lady Jane Grey -and her husband. The date of its signature would seem to have been 6th -February--the very day, as we have said, that Suffolk was brought back -a prisoner into the Tower--a confirmation of the statement that it was -his indiscreet action which eventually decided Queen Mary to put Lady -Jane to death. The warrant itself and the text have disappeared. All -we know is that the document unceremoniously described the unfortunate -young couple as “Guildford Dudley and his wife”; and named Friday, 9th -February 1554, as the day of execution. The Queen signed the document -at Temple Bar, whither it was brought by the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs. -How Mary came to be at Temple Bar on this occasion is not clear, but -as Her Majesty is not likely to have performed her dread duty in the -middle of the street, it is probable that the warrant received her -signature in the office of the Duchy of Lancaster, just beyond Temple -Bar. If this is the case, the actual chamber in which the dramatic -event occurred still exists, in the upper storey of the quaint old -house now used as a barber’s shop and recently restored (externally) -to its original condition by the removal of a lath and plaster façade, -dating from the early eighteenth century, which masked the fine Tudor -front that now lends so picturesque a note of mediævalism to modern -Fleet Street. For a long time this chamber was believed to have been -of the reign of James I, but a close examination of the scheme of -decoration revealed the monogram of Prince Arthur, younger brother of -Henry VIII, and from this we may conclude the building to have been -the office of the Duchy of Lancaster, of which this young Prince was -treasurer, and which is known to have stood hereabouts. This is the -origin of the tradition so popular in London a generation ago, that the -house in question was “the palace of Henry VIII and Cardinal Wolsey”; -who may indeed have forgathered there for business purposes, but who -certainly never inhabited the building. - - - - -CHAPTER XX - -THE SUPREME HOUR! - - -To Dr. Feckenham Mary assigned the melancholy task of announcing her -hopeless position to Jane Grey. This duty he performed on 8th February, -the day before that originally fixed for the execution, at the same -time exhorting her to prepare for death. The little victim of great -iniquity is said to have learnt her doom with Christian resignation -and princely dignity. She did not fall into a consternation as -when her accession to the throne was announced to her at Sion, but -listened, dry-eyed, to the worthy prelate’s awful words. The call to -another world was more welcome, doubtless, to her weary spirit than -had been that other summons to an earthly throne. Her life, she told -Feckenham, had long been a living death, and the sooner it ended the -better--“I am ready to receive death patiently,” she said, “and in -whatever manner it may please the Queen to appoint. True, my flesh -shudders, as is natural to frail humanity, at what I have to go -through, but I fervently hope the spirit will spring rejoicingly into -the presence of the Eternal God, Who will receive it.” She pleaded -for her husband; “he was innocent,” she said, “and had only obeyed -his father in all things.” Finally, she expressed her desire to see a -minister of her own religion, and prayed that during her last hours -she might not be troubled by the presence of any Roman Catholic priest -or prelate, since “she had no time for that.” Mary, however, was -resolved that no minister of the Reformed religion should visit her -cousin, but she had made a judicious choice in sending Dr. Feckenham, a -liberal-minded man of the gentlest manners,[295] to minister spiritual -consolation to her. Though the numerous pictures representing the -tragic scene of Jane’s death generally depict Feckenham as a dignified -old man with a long white beard, he was in reality a short, stout, -“comfortable-looking” elderly gentleman, with a close-shaven red -face, and twinkling eyes. A devout Catholic, he desired, no doubt, to -convert his illustrious prisoner to his own faith, and even Pollino, -who must have been well acquainted with all that the Catholic party -had to say on the subject, says that Lady Jane and Feckenham held long -conversations on the subject of the Eucharist, one on which Lady Jane -held distinctly Protestant views: but there is no evidence that, as -some historians allege, she ever engaged in a discussion on matters -of faith and doctrines with Feckenham in a hall of the Tower set -apart for that purpose, and in the presence of an assembly of learned -Catholic prelates and theologians. We may be sure that any controversy -between Lady Jane Grey and Dr. Feckenham, either in the last week of -her life or at any other time, took place in the privacy of her own -apartment. Florio, the Protestant Italian historian, who has written -a life of Lady Jane Grey--concocted out of Foxe’s _Book of Martyrs_ -and other similar works,--prints at the end of his book a dialogue -between Lady Jane and Feckenham on the subject of Transubstantiation, -and this conversation is also given in Harris Nicholas’s _Literary -Remains of Lady Jane Grey_. This is most likely a report dictated by -some one to whom Jane communicated the substance of what passed between -herself and the Benedictine. Dr. Feckenham has left his own account -of what took place, and admits that in the course of several lengthy -conversations with Jane on matters of dogma, by means of which he had -hoped to convert her to Catholicism, he had been deeply impressed by -her gentleness, her dignity, and her evident sincerity. - -Feckenham obtained the respite of three days, generally given in such -cases, and the execution was postponed until Monday, 12th February. On -his informing Jane of what he had done, she is said to have replied, -“Alas, sir! I did not intend what I said to be reported to the Queen, -nor would I have you think me covetous for a moment’s longer life; -for I am only solicitous for a better life in Eternity, and will -gladly suffer death, since it is her Majesty’s pleasure.” Feckenham, it -appears, had misunderstood the phrase, “she had no time for that,” as -meaning that Jane might be disposed to listen to his religious teaching -if allowed more time for its consideration; and had therefore requested -the respite granted by the Council. But she proved no more amenable to -the worthy priest’s arguments on the last day than on the first. - -Lord Guildford Dudley, unlike his stoical wife, received his sentence -with a flood of tears. Of all the victims of this terrible tragedy, he -was, in truth, the most inoffensive. The poor lad had done no harm, -except to obey the instructions of his father and mother--especially -in respect to his foolish attempt at Brussels, which was probably -the real cause of his condemnation--and there was nothing, now that -his father was removed, to be gained by putting him to death. Except -by his marriage, he was not connected with the royal family; he was -therefore not in the line of succession, and his liberation would not -have involved the slightest danger to Queen Mary or her throne. His -execution may be described as a useless murder, even a darker stain on -Mary Tudor and her advisers--the Emperor Charles V, his agent Simon -Renard, and the Council--than that of Lady Jane Grey, who certainly -might have been used again, in the near future, as the tool of some -unscrupulous statesman. Mary, as we have said, was herself perfectly -willing, almost to the last, to spare both Guildford and his wife, but -their chance of pardon was ruined by the Duke of Suffolk’s abortive -rebellion. Had he obeyed Mary’s orders, put himself at the head of her -troops, remained loyal, and defeated the rising in the Midlands, as -Huntingdon eventually did, his children’s lives would doubtless have -been spared by the grateful sovereign. - -The original order, as we have seen, was that Jane and Guildford should -perish together on Tower Hill. Harris Nicholas seems to think the plan -was abandoned because the Council dreaded the effect of the prisoners’ -youth and innocence on the populace. This view has been adopted by -other writers, but the real motive of the change was a matter of -political etiquette. Lady Jane was of the Blood Royal, and therefore -entitled to be executed within the precincts of the Tower, on the Green -where the two Queens of Henry VIII and the old Plantagenet Princess, -Margaret of Salisbury, had been beheaded. Guildford, on the other hand, -on the paternal side of even plebeian origin, could only be decapitated -without the Tower. - -On the evening of the day originally fixed for the execution (Friday, -9th February), Jane wrote the following letter to her father, in which -she herself holds him responsible, through his rashness, for her -death:-- - - “FATHER,--Although it hath pleased God to hasten my death by - you, by whom my life should rather have been lengthened, yet can - I patiently take it, that I yield God more hearty thanks for - shortening my woeful days, than if all the world had been given - into my possession, with life lengthened at my own will. And albeit - I am well assured of your impatient dolours, redoubled many ways, - both in bewailing your own woe, and especially, as I am informed, - my woeful estate; yet, my dear father, if I may without offence - rejoice in my own mishap, herein I may account myself blessed, - that washing my hands with the innocence of my fact, my guiltless - blood may cry before the Lord, ‘Mercy to the innocent.’ And yet, - though I must needs acknowledge that being constrained, and, as you - know well enough, continually assayed; yet, in taking [the Crown] - upon me, I seemed to consent, and therein grievously offended the - Queen and her laws, yet do I assuredly trust, that this my offence - towards God is so much the less, in that being in so royal estate - as I was, my enforced honour never mixed with mine innocent heart. - And thus, good father, I have opened unto you the state in which - I presently stand, my death at hand, although to you it may seem - woeful, yet to me there is nothing that can be more welcome than - from this vale of misery to aspire to that heavenly throne of all - joy and pleasure, with Christ our Saviour: in whose steadfast faith - (if it be lawful for the daughter so to write to the father), the - Lord that hitherto hath strengthened you, so continue to keep you, - that at last we may meet in heaven with the Father, Son, and Holy - Ghost. Amen.--I am, Your obedient Daughter till death, - - JANE DUDLEY” - -Jane probably spent Sunday (10th February) in prayer and meditation; or -perhaps as an unwilling listener to Feckenham’s exhortations. The next -day Gardiner, preaching before the Queen, then at Whitehall, blamed her -for what he considered her leniency. He “axed a boon of the Queen’s -Highness, that like as she had before extended her mercy particularly -and privately, so through her lenity and gentleness much conspiracy and -open rebellion was grown, according to the proverb _nimia familiaritas -parit contemptum_; which he brought then in, for the purpose that she -would now be merciful to the body of the commonwealth, and conservation -thereof, which could not be, unless the rotten and hurtful members -thereof were cut off and consumed.”[296] - -Some communication seems to have reached Jane from her ruined home on -this Sunday, for in consequence of the transports of grief into which -her sister, Lady Katherine, was plunged, she wrote that evening the -following beautiful letter, on the blank pages at the end of her Greek -Testament:-- - - “I have sent you, good sister Katherine, a book, which, although it - be not outwardly rimmed with gold, yet inwardly it is more worth - than precious stones. It is the book, dear sister, of the laws of - the Lord; it is His Testament and last Will, which He bequeathed - unto us wretches, which shall lead you to the path of eternal joy, - and if you, with a good mind, read it, and with an earnest desire - follow it, shall bring you to an immortal and everlasting life. - It will teach you to live, and learn you to die; it shall win you - more than you should have gained by the possession of your woeful - father’s lands,[297] for as if God had prospered him, ye should - have inherited his lands, so if you apply diligently [to] your - book [_i.e._ the Bible], trying to direct your life after it, you - shall be an inheritor of such riches as neither the covetous shall - withdraw from you, neither the thief shall steal, neither yet the - moth corrupt. Desire, sister, to understand the law of the Lord - your God. Live still to die, that you by death may purchase eternal - life; or after your death enjoy the life purchased [for] you by - Christ’s death; and trust not the tenderness of your age shall - lengthen your life, for as soon, if God will, goeth the young as - the old; and labour alway to learn to die. Deny the world, defy the - devil, and despise the flesh. Delight yourself only in the Lord. - Be patient for your sins, and yet despair not. Be steady in faith, - yet presume not, and desire with St. Paul to be dissolved and to - be with Christ, with whom even in death there is life. Be like - the good servant, and even at midnight be waking; lest when death - cometh and stealeth upon you, like a thief in the night, you be - with the evil servant found sleeping, and lest for lack of oil ye - be found like the first foolish wench,[298] and like him that had - not on the wedding garment, and then be cast out from the marriage. - Resist [sin] in ye [yourself] as I trust ye do, and seeing ye have - the name of a Christian, as near as ye can, follow the steps of - your master Christ, and take up your cross; lay your sins on His - back, and always embrace Him; and as touching my death, rejoice as - I do, and assist [perhaps, ‘consider’] that I shall be delivered of - this corruption, and put on incorruption, for I am assured that I - shall for losing of a mortal life find an immortal felicity. Pray - God grant you [and] send you of His grace to live in His fear, and - to die in the love [here is an illegible passage, perhaps made so - by fast falling tears], neither for love of life, nor fears of - death. For if ye deny His truth to lengthen your life, God will - deny you, and shorten your days; and if ye will cleave to Him, He - will prolong your days, to your comfort and His glory, to the which - glory God bring mine and you hereafter, when it shall please God to - call you. - - “Farewell, good sister, put your only trust in God, who only must - uphold you.--Your loving sister, - - “JANE DUDLEY” - -The precious volume containing this letter is fortunately the property -of the nation, deposited in the MS. department of the British Museum. - -In the British Museum[299] there is also a small and beautiful MS. -vellum prayer book, imperfect in one or two pages. Four inches in -length, and nearly two inches thick, bound in red morocco, and richly -ornamented, it contains thirty-five distinctly Protestant prayers. -The catalogue of the Harleian Collection states that it “was perhaps -written by the direction of Edward Seymour, Duke of Somerset and -Protector of England, upon his first commitment to the Tower of London; -and that the last five prayers were added after his second commitment, -which ended in his execution.” On the margin of several pages, not more -than three lines occupying the same leaf, are a series of interesting -autographs. The first of these is in the hand of Lord Guildford Dudley, -and runs as follows:-- - - “Your loving and obedient son wisheth unto your grace long life in - this world, with as much joy and comfort as ever I wish to myself; - and in the world to come, joy everlasting.--Your most humble son - till his death, - - “G. DUDLEY” - -It has been conjectured from this inscription that Guildford presented -the book to his father-in-law, on the occasion of his wedding with -Lady Jane; unless the inscription was addressed to his father, -Northumberland. It is also supposed that the Duke of Suffolk, having -received it from Guildford, left it behind him after his release from -his three days’ imprisonment in the Tower. Others say that Sir John -Gage, Constable of the Tower, gave it himself to his prisoners, so -that they might write something in it for him to keep in remembrance -of them. It was certainly in Jane’s possession for some time, for she -carried it with her to the scaffold; and it contains in her hand, -a solemn farewell to, and prayer for, her father, in the following -terms:-- - - “The Lord comfort your grace, and that in his word, wherein all - creatures only are to be comforted. And though it hath pleased God - to take ij of your children, yet think not, I most humbly beseech - your grace, that you have lost them; but trust that we, by leaving - this mortal life, have won an immortal life. And I, for my part, - as I have honoured your grace in this life, will pray for you in - another life.[300]--Your grace’s humble daughter, - - “JANE DUDLEY” - -Shortly before proceeding to her execution, Jane’s kindly jailor, Sir -Thomas Brydges, begged her to give him something to keep in memory -of her; whereupon she offered him this very prayer book, and at his -request wrote in a third sentence: - - “Forasmuch as you have desired so simple a woman to write in so - worthy a book, good master Lieutenant, therefore I shall as a - friend desire you, and as a Christian require you, to call upon - God, to incline your heart to His laws, quicken you in His ways, - and not to take the word of truth utterly out of your mouth. - Live still to die, that by death you may purchase eternal life; - and remember how the end of Methuselah, who as we read in the - Scriptures was the longest liver that was of a manner, died at the - last. For, as the preacher saith, there is a time to be born and - a time to die; and the day of death is better than the day of our - birth.--Yours as the Lord knoweth as a friend, - - “JANE DUDLEY” - -Finally, at some time or other during her imprisonment, Jane wrote -three further inscriptions on the last page of this book in Latin, -Greek, and English, which run as follows:-- - -The Latin--“If justice is done with my body, my soul will find mercy -with God.” - -The Greek--“Death will give pain to my body for its sins, but the soul -will be justified before God.” - -The English--“If my faults deserve punishment, my youth at least and -my imprudence were worthy of excuse. God and posterity will show me -favour.”[301] - -It was on this, the last Sunday evening of her unhappy life, that Jane -wrote the well-known prayer, which, although quoted in full by Foxe and -Howard, is not now extant in Lady Jane’s own hand, and may therefore, -like several letters, etc., attributed to her, be apocryphal.[302] - -The few details we possess as to the acts of other State prisoners, -implicated in Northumberland’s plot, on the day of their execution, -are lacking in the case of Lady Jane; no record has come to us of how -she slept on her last night of life; of those who were present at her -last mournful meal. However, enough has been reported by contemporary -writers to enable us to reconstruct the events of the later portion of -the day, when the hour of the execution drew near. It is clearly stated -that Lord Guildford Dudley made an attempt to see his wife before his -death, and even informed his guards of his desire to do so. Hearing of -this, Mary sent word, on the very morning of the fatal day, that “if it -would be any consolation to them, they should be allowed to see each -other before their execution.” When this concession was communicated -to Lady Jane she declined it, saying “it would only disturb the holy -tranquillity with which they had prepared themselves for death”; and -unnerve them for the supreme moment. At the same time she sent a -message to Guildford to the effect that such a meeting “would rather -weaken than strengthen him”; that he ought to be sufficiently strong in -himself to need no such consolation; that “if his soul were not firm -and settled, she could not settle it by her eyes, nor confirm it by her -words; that he would do well to remit this interview till they met in -a better world, where friendships were happy and unions indissoluble, -and theirs, she hoped, would be eternal.” But Jane took her stand at -the window of her room to watch her husband pass, a little before ten -o’clock, to his doom on Tower Hill. Sir Thomas Brydges stood by her, -as she waved her hand to Guildford. Burke (_Tudor Portraits_) says, -but without naming his authority, that “like his father and brothers,” -Guildford Dudley, “recanted his supposed Protestantism whilst in the -Tower”; and that “he was attended to the scaffold by two Benedictine -Fathers.” Other and earlier writers do, indeed, declare that Guildford -received Communion according to the rites of the Roman Catholic Church -before his death; but _The Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary_ -makes no mention of this recantation, and clearly says no minister of -any religion attended at Guildford Dudley’s execution.[303] At the -Bulwark Gate of the Tower (its outside entrance), Guildford was met -by Sir Anthony Browne and Sir John Throckmorton, and several other -gentlemen who had assembled to bid him farewell, and with whom he -shook hands “pleasantly.” Here, too, Sir Thomas Offley, the Sheriff -of Middlesex, in accordance with precedent,[304] took charge of the -prisoner. The mob that in those days invariably assembled to witness -such sinister functions, was on Tower Hill in its hundreds, nay -thousands, to see the poor boy beheaded. He looked very handsome, in -his suit of black velvet slashed with dark coloured cloth: his tall -and youthful figure impressed the people most favourably, and a murmur -of sympathy ran through the motley throng. Guildford did not attempt -to make a speech. He knelt down and said his prayers--simple prayers -he had learnt as a child--and, it was said, he shed some tears at the -thought of dying so young. But despite the youth’s natural emotion, -he faced death bravely. He begged the “good people” to pray for him; -took off his doublet himself, unfastened his collar with his own hands, -knelt on the straw, stretched out his graceful limbs, laid his head on -the block; and in an instant, with one stroke of the axe, his spirit -passed into Eternity.[305] His blood-stained corpse, covered with a -sheet, was thrown into a tumbril or handcart filled with straw, and his -head, wrapped in a cloth, was cast at its feet. - -And now a horrible incident occurred. Whether by accident or -design,[306] Jane caught a glimpse of her husband’s mutilated remains -as they were carried into the Tower for interment. We have several -versions of this story: some say she saw the body taken out of the -cart[307] and carried into St. Peter’s Chapel, whilst a passage in -Grafton[308] lends colour to the belief (adopted by many historians, -including Turner and Nicolas) that she met the corpse as she was -herself proceeding to the scaffold. What most likely happened is, that -she was waiting to be summoned by the Lieutenant of the Tower and -the Sheriffs, when she heard the rumbling of cart wheels, and before -her attendants could prevent her, rushed to the window, and beheld -the hideous sight, without, however, it seems, expressing any great -emotion. “Oh Guildford, Guildford!” we are told she exclaimed, “the -antepast that you have tasted, and I shall soon taste, is not so bitter -as to make my flesh tremble; for all this is nothing to the feast that -you and I shall partake this day in Paradise.” - -The direful procession which was to conduct a young and innocent -Princess of the Blood Royal, of barely seventeen summers, to the -foot of an ignominious scaffold, was formed according to established -precedent. But for some unexplained reason, it was nearly an hour late -in starting from Partridge’s house to the place of execution, opposite -the Church of St. Peter-ad-Vincula, where, since that day, countless -pilgrims from the Old and New Worlds have paused to ponder a moment -over the fate of Lady Jane Grey, and have learnt to hate Mary Tudor -with an almost personal detestation. The delay may have resulted from -the state of nervous prostration into which the unfortunate Princess -had been thrown by the sight of her husband’s mangled remains. It would -have been impossible, even in those hard times, to convey the victim -to execution if she had swooned. It was nearly eleven o’clock, then, -before the drums began to beat, and the procession fell into order. - -The morning had dawned grey and misty, heavy clouds veiling the sun -that now and then shone feebly athwart them, but it was fairly fine for -London at that early season, and no rain fell throughout the day. The -bells of St. Peter-ad-Vincula, and of All Hallows’, Barking, tolled at -regular intervals, whilst the grand outline of the White Tower stood -out luminous against the threatening sky, as the dread procession -wended slowly onwards. First, came a company of two hundred Yeomen of -the Guard; then, the executioner, in a tight-fitting scarlet worsted -and cloth garment, displaying the swelling muscles of his chest, arms, -and legs;[309] his face was masked, and his head hooded in scarlet. -Beside him marched his assistant, a rough-looking man, who carried the -axe over his shoulder; then Sir John Brydges, Lieutenant of the Tower, -with Sir Thomas Brydges, Deputy-Lieutenant, and between them Sir John -Gage, Constable of the Tower, with two Sheriffs, in their robes of -office. Lastly, the young prisoner herself, dressed as on the occasion -of her trial at the Guildhall in the same black cloth dress, edged -with black velvet, a Marie Stuart cap of black velvet on her head, -with a veil of black cloth hanging to the waist, and a white wimple -concealing her throat; her sleeves edged with lawn, neatly plaited -round the wrists. Not wearing _chopines_ to increase her height, as -on the occasion of her State entry into the Tower, the people who had -not seen her since were greatly surprised at her diminutive stature. -On her right walked Abbot Feckenham, in his black robe, without a -surplice, and carrying a crucifix in his hand. Behind him came the -Chaplains attached to the Chapel Royal of the Tower. Lady Jane’s -ladies, Mrs. Tylney and Mrs. Ellen, and Mrs. Sarah; two other women -and a man-servant, all in deep mourning, and weeping bitterly, closed -the doleful procession. The route was a short one, and the crowd of -spectators--about five hundred--allowed to be present at the execution, -was silent and respectful. From Partridge’s house to the scaffold, the -Lady Jane continued to read the open Prayer-Book in her hand--it was -that containing the various inscriptions already mentioned--and paid -little or no heed to Feckenham’s pious exhortations, if, indeed, he -made any. - -At the foot of the scaffold stood a jury of forty matrons, who had -been previously called upon to testify that the Princess was not with -child; a rumour that she was in this condition was so widespread -as to be mentioned by Radcliffe--who says, “Lady Dudley was very -brave, considering the condition she was in”--and by Fuller, Pomeroy, -Challoner, and Fox. The presence of these matrons is also mentioned -by Bishop Godwin. There is no record of the presence of the Duke of -Norfolk in his usual seat as Earl Marshal, but no doubt he was there -with Lord Mayor White and several Aldermen, Sheriffs, and noblemen. -Before ascending the three or four steps that led to the scaffold, the -Lady Jane took leave of her ladies, who sobbed bitterly; Mrs. Ellen and -Mrs. Tylney followed her on to the platform, ominously littered with -fresh straw. Here Feckenham, the executioner, and his assistant also -took their stations, with Sir Thomas Brydges. “When she appeared on -the scaffold,” writes a contemporary, “the people cried, and murmured -at beholding one so young and beautiful about to die such a death.” -Nevertheless, though the writer of _The Chronicle of Queen Jane and -Queen Mary_ says “her countenance [was] nothing abashed, neither her -eyes misted with tears,” there can be little doubt but that the long -spell of anxiety had left some trace on Jane’s sweet face. She advanced -to the edge of the scaffold, and in the dead silence spoke in a -distinct voice: “Good people, I am come here to die, and by a law I am -condemned to the same. My offence against the Queen’s Highness was only -in consenting to the device of others, which is now deemed treason; but -it was never of my seeking, but by the counsel of those who should seem -to have further understanding of such things than I, who knew little of -the law and less of the title to the Crown. The part, indeed, against -the Queen’s Highness was unlawful, and so the consenting thereunto -by me; but touching the procurement and desire thereof by me, or on -my behalf, I do wash my hands thereof in innocency before God and in -the face of you, good Christian people, this day,” and therewith she -wrung her hands in which she had her book. Then she continued, “I pray -you, all good Christian people, to bear me witness that I die a true -Christian woman, and that I look to be saved by none other means, but -only by the mercy of God, in the merit of the blood of His only Son -Jesus Christ; and I confess that when I did know the Word of God, I -neglected the same, loved myself and the world, and therefore this -plague of punishment has worthily happened into me for my sins; and -yet I thank God of His goodness that He hath thus given me a time and -respite to repent. And now, good people, while I am living, I pray you -to assist me with your prayers.” - -Lady Jane’s relative, Lady Philippa de Clifford, in her little known -report,[310] adds that, “After a pause, and wiping her eyes, she -(Jane) said in a firmer voice, ‘Now, good people, Jane Dudley bids -you all a long farewell. And may the Almighty preserve you from ever -meeting the terrible death which awaits her in a few minutes. Farewell, -farewell, for ever more.’ Jane, when she had finished speaking, was -much affected, and hid her face upon the neck of the old nurse who -attended her on the scaffold.” This nurse must have been Mrs. Ellen, -into whose arms she threw herself when she first perceived the towering -figure of the masked executioner, garbed from head to foot in scarlet. -Clinging to the aged woman, the poor girl sobbed convulsively. Growing -calmer, after a while, she knelt down, and asked Feckenham what prayer -she should recite--“Shall I say this Psalm?”--probably pointing to -her prayer-book as she did so. “Yes,” answered he; and then, as she -and many of the people knelt, he said the fifty-first Psalm, the -_Miserere_, in Latin, Jane repeating it after him in English. This -done, she rose, and said very courteously to Dr. Feckenham, “God -will abundantly requite you, good sir, for all your humanity to me, -though your discourses gave me more uneasiness than all the terrors -of approaching death.” Bishop Godwin says, “Just before she knelt -down, Lady Jane embraced the venerable prelate and thanked him for his -kindness to her.” She then gave her handkerchief and gloves to Mrs. -Tylney; and turning to Sir Thomas Brydges, said gently, “You asked me -for a parting memory of me,” and handed him the prayer-book which she -had been using and in which she had written her farewells. - -The supreme moment had arrived. Without the assistance of her two -female attendants, who were too completely overcome to assist her, -she untied the collar of her gown. The executioner offered to help -her, but she curtly desired him to desist, and turning to her ladies, -spoke a few words to them. Mastering their emotion, they took off -her outer dress, leaving her in her kirtle, or under gown with -close-fitting sleeves. They also removed her headdress (described by -the old chroniclers as a “frose paste”) and kerchief, giving her at the -same time a handkerchief to tie over her eyes. Then the executioner -knelt and besought her pardon; she replied simply, “Most willingly.” -Now came what was perhaps the most painful episode of the horrible -ceremony--the pause of five minutes “for the Queen’s mercy.” The poor -girl had to stand, with the ghastly preparations for her approaching -death about her, for a space of time which, brief as it really was, -must have seemed an eternity to her, waiting for a clemency she no -longer expected nor desired. But no white wand was waved--there was no -mercy for Jane Grey! The five minutes ended, the executioner motioned -the unfortunate Princess to take her place upon the straw, and she, -noticing the block for the first time, began to tremble a little, and -said, as she knelt down, “I pray you dispatch me quickly,” adding, -“Will you take it off before I lay me down?”[311] “No, madam,” replied -the executioner. With her own hands she bound the handkerchief about -her eyes, and being now in that darkness from which death would soon -release her, lost consciousness of where she was, and groping about -for the block, asked eagerly, “Where is it? What shall I do? Where is -it?” Someone guided her to the fatal spot, and the “Nine Days’ Queen,” -laying herself down with her fair head upon the block, stretched out -her body, and cried aloud that all might hear her, “Lord, into Thy -hands I commend my spirit!”[312] A flash, a thud, a crimson deluge on -the straw-strewn scaffold--and, as the cannon boomed, an innocent soul -was borne towards a Throne more high, and a Justice more sure than -those of Queen or Emperor![313] - -There are several conflicting accounts of what subsequently happened. -The more generally received version is that the body was handed over -to Lady Jane’s women, who reverently placed it in a common deal -coffin, and conveyed it to St. Peter-ad-Vincula, precisely as the -women of Anne Boleyn and Katherine Howard had conveyed the mangled -remains of those slaughtered Queens. But on the other hand, Antoine -de Noailles,[314] the French Ambassador, who had arrived in London -early in the morning, passing that way about three o’clock in the same -afternoon (he was living at Marillac’s old house on the Tower Green), -saw Lady Jane’s half-naked body lying abandoned on the scaffold, and -was amazed at the immense quantity of blood that had poured out of so -small a corpse.[315] Peter Derenzie tells us her remains “were left for -hours half naked on the scaffold streaming with blood, and were placed -in a deal coffin.” It would seem indeed that, in death as in life, -Lady Jane Grey, the moment fortune turned against her, was abandoned -by all those, even by her own mother, who by reason of natural ties -should have rallied round her in the hour of need. Thus after death -her bleeding remains were treated with corresponding neglect; the -puppet which was to have made Northumberland’s fortune was thrown -aside, with none to care for it, when once its purpose failed. This -unusual treatment of the body may not, however, have proceeded entirely -from heartlessness; but from the difficulty and uncertainty as to the -nature of the religious service to be said over the remains of one who, -though born a Catholic, had died a “heretic”; St. Peter’s Chapel having -been lately restored to the Catholics, Jane could not be buried there -without ecclesiastical licence, and to obtain this, Feckenham probably -had to see Queen Mary, or get some sort of “permit” from Archbishop -Heath. But, granting all this, the corpse might, at least, have been -decently covered. The delay as to the burial of Jane Grey’s corpse -may have given rise to the popular report that it was transported to -Bradgate, and interred there. There is no question, however, that the -body was eventually conveyed into the Church of St. Peter-ad-Vincula -and buried in the vault which already contained the mangled remains of -so many of her contemporaries.[316] Many years ago, a very small and -broken coffin was discovered in this vault, containing the remains of -a female of diminutive stature, with the head severed from the body. -The skeleton, which crumbled to ashes immediately it was exposed to the -effect of the atmosphere, was surmised to be that of Lady Jane Grey, -and the dust was enclosed in an urn and placed immediately under the -oval inscription in the chancel above, which records her death. Yet in -Leicestershire, the tradition still persists that the body was brought -to Bradgate late at night, and secretly interred in the parish church. -And with this tradition, of course, is connected the legend of the -coach with the headless occupant, said to appear before the gates of -Bradgate on the anniversary of Lady Jane’s death. - -Thus, in blood and in neglect, ends the tragic story of Lady Jane Grey, -one of the most popular heroines in our history, the helpless victim of -circumstance, and of the soaring ambition of a singularly masterful and -unscrupulous man. - - - - -CHAPTER XXI - -THE FATE OF THE SURVIVORS - - -The Reforming Leaders, who had so flattered Lady Jane Grey when they -saw a chance of her becoming Queen, do not seem to have felt much -concern at her death. In a letter of 3rd April 1554, addressed to -Bullinger, Peter Martyr says, “Jane, who was formerly Queen, conducted -herself at her execution with the greatest fortitude and godliness”; -Burcher, writing on 3rd March 1554 to Bullinger, casually remarks, “I -have heard, too, that the Queen has beheaded his [Suffolk’s] daughter -Jane, together with her husband; that Jane, I mean, who was proclaimed -Queen”; lastly, a less well-known Reformer named Thomas Lever wrote to -Bullinger in the April of 1554, that Jane had been beheaded.[317] As to -the Imperial Ambassadors, Montmorency Marnix, Jehan Schefer, and Simon -Renard, they were one and all jubilant over the death of Lady Jane, her -father, and Northumberland. There was not much sympathy ever expressed -for Lady Jane among the people. No doubt her execution was the main -topic of chatter in all the taverns of London, as well in the little -darksome dens, down by the wharves, where seafaring men congregated, -as in the luxurious hostelries in Cheapside, the Strand, Holborn, and -Westminster, where rich gossips forgathered; but of demonstrative -sympathy there was none. Yet the erection on that fateful Monday of -some fifty gibbets intended for the hanging of the Wyatt rebels did -impress the hardened populace with a sense of horror and anxiety. -It marked the beginning of the reaction against Mary, which set in -violently a few months later on with the burnings in Smithfield, to -blast her name for ever by the fearful epithet of--“Bloody.” - -Let us give a parting glance to the remaining actors in this tragedy. -Jane’s father, Henry Grey, Duke of Suffolk, was brought to trial for -high treason in Westminster Hall on 17th February. The indictment was -for levying war against the Queen, adhering to Sir Thomas Wyatt, in -order to depose the Queen and set the Crown on his daughter Jane; and -having opposed the Earl of Huntingdon when the latter was in command -of the Queen’s forces.[318] The Duke’s defence was, that he had not -attempted to proclaim Jane during his expedition of January 1554, and -had only gone out to rouse the people against the Spaniards, which, -as a peer of the Realm, he claimed he was entitled to do. As to the -accusation of opposing Huntingdon, he answered that he did not know -that nobleman was acting under the Queen’s orders: he also took refuge -behind his brother Thomas, who, he said, had advised him to go into -the country, where he would be safe among his tenants, whereas if he -remained in London he would be sent to the Tower again. This feeble -defence was not accepted; and Henry Fitzallan, Lord Maltravers (Lord -Arundel), the Queen’s Lord Steward, who had brought the record into -court, pronounced sentence of death, as a traitor, on that Henry Grey -who had so greatly injured his sister, Lady Katherine Fitzallan, his -first and neglected wife, from whom he was never legally divorced. He -had his hour of revenge at last! The Duke was “much confounded at his -condemnation”; contemporaries inform us that when he left the Tower he -went “stoutly and cheerfully enough,” but when he re-entered Traitor’s -Gate “his countenance was heavy and pensive.” He had not to wait long -for his _coup de grâce_. On the following Friday (23rd February) he -was brought out of the Tower, between nine and ten in the morning, -to be executed on Tower Hill. He had some trouble with Dr. Weston, -the Roman Catholic priest Mary had appointed to accompany him to the -scaffold. When they arrived at its foot, the Duke refused to listen -to him, and even went so far as to prevent his ascending the steps. -Dr. Weston, however, insisted in the Queen’s name; whereupon, with an -expressive gesture of resignation, Suffolk submitted to his presence, -but the attempt to change his religious convictions failed utterly. Dr. -Weston told him in a loud voice that the Queen forgave him, to which -the Duke replied, “God save her Grace!” and the people murmured, and -some said they hoped he (Weston) would have a like pardon. The Duke -at last made a brief speech, saying simply, “Masters, I have offended -the Queen, and her laws, and thereby I am justly condemned to die, and -am willing to die, desiring all men to be obedient; and I pray God -that this my death may be an example to all men, beseeching you all -to bear me witness that I die in the faith of Christ, trusting to be -saved by His blood only, and by no other (_sic_) trumpery: the which -died for me, and for all men that truly repent and steadfastly trust -in Him. And I do repent, desiring you all to pray to God for me, that -when ye see my breath depart from me, you will pray to God that He -may receive my soul.”[319] After this, kneeling and raising his hands -in supplication to Heaven, he repeated the _Miserere_--the very Psalm -his daughter had said under like circumstances a week or so before. -Then, rising, he continued--also as she had done--saying, “Into Thy -hands, O Lord, I commend my spirit.” Just as he was about to make his -final preparations for death a very human incident occurred. A man -to whom he was deeply in debt stood up and asked him, “Who will now -pay me my money?” “Well,” quoth the Duke, “ask not me now, but go and -see my officers, who will, I doubt not, satisfy you.” On this the man -departed, saying, “God save your soul, Sir!” Suffolk now removed his -cap and neck-cloth, and to the headsman’s usual appeal for forgiveness, -replied, “God forgive thee, and I do; and when thou dost thine office, -I pray thee, do it quickly, and God have mercy on thee.”[320] Lastly, -having tied a handkerchief over his eyes, he knelt down and recited -the Lord’s Prayer aloud, and appealing for mercy to the Throne of -Grace, Henry Grey laid his head on the block, and on the stroke of the -headsman’s axe expired. Suffolk’s body was laid to rest in St. Peter’s -Chapel; but his head, for some reason which has never been explained, -was sent to the Church of the Holy Trinity in the Minories.[321] Here -it was embalmed after a fashion, by being placed in a small vault by -the altar, in the dust of oakwood, which, as it contains a quantity of -tannin, is a strong preservative; and when unearthed about fifty years -ago, it was sufficiently perfect for the mark of a blow made by the axe -above the actual place of severance (rather low on the neck), to be -still visible. Sir George Scharf was greatly struck by the resemblance -between this head and the portrait of Suffolk now at Hatfield and the -copy of it in the National Portrait Gallery. The author has himself -inspected the relic closely, and recognised the resemblance to the -portrait: the exceedingly arched eyebrows and the rather weak chin are -identical: three of the teeth are perfect, the eyes are closed, the -mouth open, the head beardless and bald. - -Lady Jane’s uncle, Lord Thomas Grey, shared the fate of his brother of -Suffolk and of Lord Leonard Grey. At the time of the Duke’s rising, he -attempted to escape to the Continent by way of Wales; but he got no -farther than the borders of the Principality, where he was captured, -according to a contemporary, “through his great mishap and folly of his -man who had forgot his cap case with money behind him in his chamber -one morning at his inn, and, coming for it again, upon examination what -he should be, it was mistrusted that his master should be some such -man as he was indeed, and so he was stopped, taken, and brought up to -London.” Lord Thomas, however, took no very prominent part either in -the rebellion in Warwickshire, or in the previous attempt to establish -Lady Jane on the throne; and it is difficult to understand why he -should have been sacrificed, especially when Lord John Grey, who had -been caught as it were red-handed in hiding with the Duke of Suffolk -at Ashley, was released after two trials.[322] However, the mention of -the Lord Thomas by Suffolk at his trial was distinctly damaging to him; -perhaps also Mary had some personal grudge against him, or his unloving -sister-in-law, the Duchess of Suffolk, who, despite her husband’s -action, was much in favour with Mary, may have prejudiced the Queen -against him. According to Noailles, Thomas Grey frankly avowed his -determination to see Courtney, Earl of Devonshire, King, or to be King -himself. He did not explain how this was to be achieved; but added, -“If I am not King, I’ll be hanged.” He was beheaded instead! This -reference to Courtney gives support to Suffolk’s admission, that the -Wyatt rebellion and his own expedition had for their immediate object -the proclamation of Elizabeth as Queen. Curiously enough, Lord Thomas -Grey, unlike his relatives, always remained a Catholic, and is said to -have asked for a confessor before he died. After being brought to trial -at Westminster on 9th March 1554, as Machyn says: “The xxviij day of -April was beheaded on Tower hill, between ix and x of the clock before -noon, my lord Thomas Gray, the Duke of ‘Suffoke-Dassett[’s]’ brother, -and buried at Allalow’s [All Hallows’], Barkyne, and the head ...” (the -sentence is unfinished).[323] - -[Illustration: THE LADY FRANCIS BRANDON, DUCHESS OF SUFFOLK, AND HER -SECOND HUSBAND, ADRIAN STOKES, ESQ. - -PROBABLY BY CORVINUS. PROPERTY OF COL. WYNN FINCH] - -The Duchess of Suffolk, Lady Jane’s strange and untender mother, did -not, as might have been expected, even in those unfeeling times, go -into retirement after the bloody deaths of her daughter, son-in-law, -husband, and brother-in-law, but within a fortnight, and on the very -day that Lord Thomas Grey was arraigned (9th March 1554, not, as some -writers say, the day he was executed), she married her late husband’s -Groom of the Chambers, a red-haired lad of middle-class origin, fifteen -years her junior, one Mr. Adrian Stokes. She received a reminder of -“the dear departed” on this her wedding-day, in the shape of a demand -to deliver, “unto the Lord-Admiral the Parliamentary robes, lately -belonging to the Duke her husband; or, if she had them not, to let -the Lord-Admiral understand where they remain, to the end he may send -for the same.” This widow of Ephesus was not in the least disturbed -by the message, and after returning the paraphernalia in question, -gaily proceeded with her nuptial preparations! To account for so -extraordinary and apparently heartless a proceeding, we must remember -the position in which the Lady Frances now found herself. She realised -that unless she was married, and that speedily, to some one much -beneath her station, she might be proposed by the Protestant party as -one of its candidates for the succession, and her life and tranquillity -be thus endangered. Her marriage with one who was little better than a -menial[324] rendered this impossible; and besides (she was a Tudor), -she may have been really in love with her red-haired Mr. Stokes. That -Queen Mary did not resent the match is evident, for throughout her -reign the Lady Frances occupied a towering position at Court, with -precedence of all other peeresses, sometimes even of Princess Elizabeth -herself. Her daughters, the Ladies Katherine and Mary Grey, were -appointed Maids-of-Honour to the Queen who had so lately signed the -death-warrants of their father, sister, brother-in-law, and uncles, -and seem to have been very much attached to their mistress. They -probably convinced themselves that the recent tragedies had been purely -political, and not the least domestic or personal. The lives of these -two young ladies were not a jot happier than that of their sister; but -this was due to Queen Elizabeth, who played with them both much as a -cat plays with a mouse, and literally worried them into early graves. -Lady Frances and her youthful husband had their portraits taken the -very year of their marriage, both in one panel; the picture was lately -in the possession of Colonel Wynn Finch. The Duchess appears as a -buxom, puffy-looking dame of thirty-six,--the age given on the margin -of the picture,--whilst her sheepish-looking, ginger-headed husband -is put down as twenty-one. He is represented in a superb costume of -black velvet, edged with ermine and sparkling with jewels. The lady -wears black satin cut somewhat after the fashion of the year 1830. -Her garment is edged with ermine, and she wears two wedding-rings on -the fourth finger of her fat hand, and several handsome chains and -carcanets about her short neck. A close examination of this picture -reveals the extraordinary breadth of the Duchess’s face. Divested of -her feminine head-dress, and with a very little “make up,” she might -easily be the very image of her uncle, King Henry VIII. Lady Jane’s -mother lived happily enough with Mr. Stokes, to whom she bore a -daughter so soon after her marriage--a little under nine months--that -if she had visited her husband in the Tower (which she did not) the -question of her paternity might have been raised. This child, baptized -Elizabeth, died the day it was born. The Lady Frances herself died in -October 1559, leaving most of her fortune--by this time considerably -reduced--to her husband, and very little to her two surviving -daughters. She was buried in Westminster Abbey in great pomp on 5th -December 1559. Elizabeth, out “of the great affection she bore the -Duchess and because of her kinship,” ordered that the Royal Arms should -be borne at her funeral, which was attended by Garter-King-at-Arms and -by Clarencieux. Her monument, still in existence, occupies the exact -site of the shrine of St. Edmund in the chapel of that saint, and -is a fine specimen of the early and best period of Elizabethan art. -The inscription is in old English, and, modernised, runs as follows: -“Here lieth the Lady Frances, Duchess of Suffolk, daughter to Charles -Brandon, Duke of Suffolk and Mary the French Queen; first wife to -Henry, Duke of Suffolk, and after to Adrian Stokes, Esq.” This is -followed by a few lines of high-flown panegyric in Latin. After the -death of his Duchess, Mr. Stokes obtained a new lease of twenty-one -years of “her Highness’s manor of Beaumanor,” in Leicestershire. About -1571 he was returned as M.P. for Leicestershire, and took as his second -wife Anne, relict of Sir Nicholas Throckmorton. Mr. Adrian Stokes died -on 30th November 1586, leaving his brother William as his heir.[325] - -The widow of the once all-powerful Duke of Northumberland spent some -months with her daughter, Lady Mary Sidney, endeavouring to restore her -shattered health and to recover some shreds of the property taken from -her at the time of her husband’s condemnation. It was mainly through -the instrumentality of Don Diego de Mendoza, or “Damondesay,” as she -styles him, whose imprudent conduct had brought such misfortune on -her luckless son, that Philip II was led to solicit the restoration -of a considerable part of the Duchess’s fortune. She also obtained -permission to inhabit the empty Manor House at Chelsea, where she -endeavoured to collect some of the magnificent furniture which had once -adorned the royal mansion, Durham House, in the Strand, recovering, -amongst other things, a set of green curtains shot with gold thread -and certain carved chairs and tables. But peace and shelter, even -combined with a measure of comfort and independence, availed not to -restore her broken health, and on 22nd January 1555 the famous Duke -of Northumberland’s widow died broken-hearted at Chelsea Manor in her -forty-sixth year. Her will is one of the most curious extant. After -declaring it written entirely in her own hand, without the advice of -one learned in the law, she bequeaths to “the Lord Diegoe Damondesay, -that is beyond the sea, the littell book clock that hath the moon in -it, etc.,” and her dial, “the one leaf of it the almanac and the other -side, the Golden Number in the middle.” What would we not give for a -glimpse of this curious little clock or dial? To Sir Henry Sidney she -leaves the gold and green hangings in the gallery at Chelsea; to her -daughter, Mary Sidney, her gown of black barred velvet, furred with -sable; to her daughter, Katherine Hastings, a gown of purple velvet, -and a summer gown; to the Duchess of Alva, her green parrot, “having -nothing else worthy of her”; to Elizabeth, wife of Lord Cobham, a gown -of black barred velvet, furred with lizards. The document ends with the -following quaint directions: “My will is earnestly and effectually, -that little solemnities be made for me, for I had ever have a thousand -folds my debts to be paid, and the poor given unto, than any pomp to -be showed upon my wretched carcase; therefore to the worms will I go, -as I have afore written in all points, as you will answer it afore God; -and you break any one jot of it, your will hereafter may chance be to -as well broken.... After I am departed from this world, let me be wound -up in a sheet, and put into a coffin of wood, and so laid in the ground -with such funerals as pertaineth to the burial of a corpse. I will -at my year’s mind (_i.e._ anniversary of her death) have such divine -service as my executors shall think meet, with the whole arms of father -and mother upon the stone graven; nor in any wise to let me be opened -after I am dead. I have not loved to be very bold afore women, much -more would I be loth to come into the hands of any living man, be he -physician or surgeon.” She was buried in Chelsea Parish Church on 1st -February 1555, two heralds attending the funeral, at which there was a -brilliant display of escutcheons and banners, etc. Her tomb is against -the south wall of the church, and is under a Gothic canopy, supported -by pillars of mosaic. It bears a long inscription, together with -effigies of the Duchess and her five daughters, kneeling: a similar -plate with her eight sons on it has been torn off.[326] - -The Duchess of Somerset, the Protector’s widow, followed the example -of my Lady of Suffolk, and ensured her personal tranquillity by -contracting a _mésalliance_ with Mr. Newdigate, son of that Mr. -Newdigate to whom, as recorded in an early chapter of this work, -Lord Latimer, Katherine Parr’s second husband, used to let his house -furnished. The Duchess had been released from the Tower with other -notable prisoners when Mary first entered its precincts. She was much -beloved by that Queen, who used to address her as “my good Nan,” and -this despite the fact that the Duchess was an ardent Protestant. She -died in her ninetieth year, and was laid to rest under a monument which -is reckoned as one of the finest in Westminster Abbey. - -Katherine, Dowager Duchess of Suffolk, Charles Brandon’s fourth and -last wife and Lady Frances’ stepmother, had followed the prevailing -custom and married her secretary, Mr. Bertie or Bartie, “a gentleman -of fair family and little means.” Her Grace was one of the first -Englishwomen of noble birth to embrace the principles of the -Reformation, and greatly incensed Queen Mary by doing so. This lady’s -mother, Lady Willoughby d’Eresby, was Queen Katherine’s closest friend, -and a staunch Catholic, a fact that probably increased the Queen’s -resentment against the Duchess and her second spouse; and a hint that -he might be arrested on a charge of heresy sent Mr. Bertie flying to -Flanders. He had not the kindness to inform his wife of his intended -flight, and she, feeling herself forsaken and in danger in London, -escaped one foggy morning from her house in the Barbican and followed -in the wake of the truant, whom she found at Wesel, where their famous -son, Peregrine, the brave Lord Willoughby, was born. After Elizabeth’s -accession, the Duchess returned to London with her children by Mr. -Bertie and that gentleman himself. She was favourably received by the -Queen, who saddled her, however, with many unwelcome obligations among -them the custody of her step-granddaughters, the Ladies Katherine and -Mary Grey. The Duchess, who was on friendly terms with Cecil, kept -up a constant correspondence with him; and even after the lapse of -nearly five hundred years, her humorous descriptions of people and -things raise not a smile only, but a hearty laugh--she was, in fact, -considered the wittiest woman of her day. Katherine, Dowager Duchess of -Suffolk, died late in the reign of Elizabeth. - -Queen Jane’s Secretary, Sir John Cheke, was arrested on 27th or 28th -July 1553 (Strype says, “together with the Duke of Suffolk”) and -committed to the Tower. There he remained a close prisoner. On 12th or -13th August an indictment as a traitor was made out against him, which -brought forth a private letter to him from Cranmer, with whom he was -on intimate terms. In this epistle Cheke is described as “one who had -been none of the great doers in this matter [_i.e._ of the accession -of Jane] against her [Queen Mary].” In 1554 Sir John Cheke was, after -his estates had been confiscated, released from the Tower and given a -licence by the Queen to travel abroad,[327] whereupon he made no delay -in getting to Switzerland and thence to Italy.[328] - - - - -APPENDIX - -ICONOGRAPHY OF LADY JANE GREY AND HER FAMILY, ETC. - - -The painted portraits of Lady Jane Grey are exceedingly scarce, and -probably not a single one of them is authentic; on the other hand, very -early and almost contemporary engraved portraits are fairly numerous. -The oldest of these latter is one by E. V. Wyngaerde. It bears a -certain resemblance to the portrait of her grandfather, the Duke of -Suffolk, by Jacobus Corvinus, in the possession of Sir Frederick Cook -at Richmond. Although Wyngaerde engraved it in the middle part of the -reign of Elizabeth, when many persons were still living, the Queen -herself included, who had seen Jane Grey, and who could have set him -right, he attributes the original to Hans Holbein, who died in London -of the plague, according to recent discovery, in 1543, that is to say, -when Jane was but six years old, a fact which renders it impossible for -him to have painted any of the numerous portraits attributed to him of -Edward VI as a lad in his teens, Edward being born in the same year -and month as Lady Jane. The portrait of Jane Grey from which Wyngaerde -engraved is evidently by some other artist who painted in the style -of Holbein, presumably one of his pupils. It must be remembered that -in our own time people are constantly attributing to Gainsborough and -Reynolds portraits they could not have painted, so in the seventeenth -century it was the fashion to attribute every portrait of the early -part of the preceding century to Holbein, whose great name was -remembered, whilst those of his lesser contemporaries were forgotten. - -(2) In the Earl of Stamford and Warrington’s collection there is a very -ancient portrait of Lady Jane Grey, engraved by Lodge. It is not well -painted, but is none the less extremely interesting. The features are -small and delicate. The costume is rich but simple, and the pretty -neckerchief is fastened at the bosom by a bunch of flowers. - -(3) Another frequently engraved portrait of Jane Grey, also attributed -to Holbein, and engraved in George Howard’s _Life of Lady Jane Grey_, -was for many years in the possession of the late Mr. Wenman Martin, of -Upper Seymour Street. The costume is exceedingly rich. - -(4) Probably on account of its excessive prettiness, the celebrated -picture called “Jane Grey,” in the possession of Lord Spencer, at -Althorpe, is likely to remain the most popular likeness of Lady Jane. -It represents a sweet-looking young woman of about sixteen, seated -by a window, reading an illuminated missal. By her side, on a table, -stands a richly chiselled goblet or chalice. The dress is of ruby -velvet, made very plain, and with hanging sleeves of a darker material. -It was engraved in the last century by Dibden, as the frontispiece of -the _Decameron_, a work which certainly has no association whatever -with the poor little “Nine Days’ Queen.” By its general neatness and -vivid colouring, this picture may very reasonably be attributed to -Luca Penni, an Italian and pupil of Raphael, who painted a good deal -in England under Henry VIII, Edward VI, and Mary. There is a very -singular fact connected with this Althorpe picture. The noble Milanese -family of Trevulzio has possessed for many generations an almost -identical picture which has always been known as a portrait of Lady -Jane Grey. A photograph of this picture is in my hands, and certainly -the resemblance between it and the Althorpe picture is remarkable. Lord -Spencer has most kindly afforded me some interesting details connected -with his own picture. “It has been,” he said, “for many generations in -our family, and can be traced as a portrait of Lady Jane Grey as far -back as the seventeenth century.” Some years ago, Lord Spencer took -it down from its place in his gallery, and found on the back of it an -inscription in the handwriting of his grandmother, Lavinia, Countess -Spencer, to the effect that the picture was a portrait of the Lady -Jane Grey, and that what she had written was copied from a much older -inscription, which had been nearly obliterated by time. Lord Spencer -many years ago saw at Milan the picture above-mentioned, and was struck -by its likeness to his own, of which it might have been a copy. Sir -George Scharf, although an authority on portraiture, was apt at times -to have prejudices and to cast doubt on those historical portraits -which have been handed down as authentic for many generations; and -his singular ignorance or rather disregard of the value of costume in -determining the period of a picture often led him into ludicrous errors -of judgment. His reason for discarding the Althorpe portrait of Lady -Jane Grey appears rather unreasonable. He objected to it because a tall -standing goblet or chalice figures conspicuously on the table beside -the lady, such a chalice being, according to him, an attribute of St. -Mary Magdalen, and so, too, is the skull, which is not present in this -picture. However, an extraordinary number of Tudor portraits represent -great ladies with a similar goblet standing beside them. These gold and -silver chalices or cups were a common gift from royal god-fathers and -mothers in Tudor times, and were frequently stolen from the churches. -Lady Jane, we know from the inventories of her effects, had several in -her possession. - -(5) An exceedingly beautiful portrait, said to represent Lady Jane -Grey, is at Madresfield, Lord Beauchamp’s seat in Worcestershire. The -face bears a resemblance to that in the engraving by Wyngaerde, and -the costume is undoubtedly one that Lady Jane might have worn, and -consists of a rich velvet gown, cut square at the neck and filled in -with soft lawn and lace. Her head-dress is very elaborate and graceful. -Her expression is sweet and noble. This picture is wrongly ascribed to -Lucas Van Heere, and is more likely to have been painted by Streete. -Independently of its historical interest, it is a beautiful picture. -On the other hand, its companion, supposed to represent Lord Guildford -Dudley, is absolutely wrong. It represents a tall young gentleman with -strongly-marked features and a vapid expression. It is the costume -that gives the lie to the tradition that it is the portrait of Lady -Jane’s husband, for the dress, with its voluminous ruff, is of the -mid-Elizabethan period, and at least twenty-five years later than the -death of the unfortunate young gentleman it is said to represent; but, -on the other hand, the little velvet cap, with its two plumes, is -certainly of the time of Edward VI. The ruff may have been added at a -later date by an ignorant restorer. - -(6) There is a curious portrait, probably of Lady Jane Grey, in the -possession of J. Knight, Esq., of Chawton House, Alton. - -(7) A very remarkable portrait, called “Jane Grey,” was formerly in the -possession of Colonel Elliot; said to be now in one of the Colleges -at Oxford. It was, however, engraved in 1830, and has lately been -reproduced in colour by Messrs. Graves of Pall Mall. The face is that -of an older person than Lady Jane, but the features are small and -pretty, the expression being rather defiant and world-wise. She wears -a turban-shaped hat of velvet, studded with immense pearls, which was -certainly not in fashion in the days of Edward VI, or even in the -last years of Henry VIII. Here again is an instance of costume giving -the lie to tradition. Lady Jane could no more have worn such a hat and -costume than a lady in 1909 could be painted as wearing the crinoline -and spoon-shaped bonnet of mid-Victorian days. - -(8) The small semi-miniature in the National Portrait Gallery is -wrongly attributed to Lucas Van Heere, who was born in the year of -Jane’s execution, and could therefore neither have painted the portrait -in question nor any one of the numerous likenesses of Queen Mary -ascribed to him, since he was only five years of age when that Queen -died. - -(9) A small portrait called “Jane Grey” is in the possession of Lord -Hastings at Melton Constable, Norfolk. - -(10) “A splendid portrait of Jane Grey” was exhibited at the Derby -Art Exhibition in 1841--mentioned by Howard. It belonged to a Mr. -Harrington, who inherited it from two ancient ladies, the Misses Gray -of Derby, in the possession of whose family this picture had been for -many generations. - -(11) There is a sweetly pretty contemporary Tudor portrait, reputed to -be that of Lady Jane Grey, in the possession of Colonel Horace Walpole, -at Heckfield Place, Hants. - -The Wyngaerde engraving has been frequently reproduced. In the Print -Room at the British Museum there are no less than six variations of it. -There are also engravings, more or less apocryphal, of Lady Jane by -G. W. Krauss and G. C. Schmidt, 1782. - -Engraved and fanciful portraits:-- - -Jane Grey, by G. Smerton, 1824. - -Lady Jane Grey, by G. Buckland, 1776. - -Lady Jane Grey, by Sherwin. - -Lady Jane Grey presenting her prayer-book to Sir Thomas Brydges. -Engraved by Wells. 1786. - -Lady Jane Grey as Queen. By J. P. Simons. - -Lady Jane Grey “From a contemporary miniature at Strawberry Hill,” by -Vertue. (The original is now in the National Portrait Gallery.) - -Lady Jane Grey. From a portrait in the possession of the Marquis of -Buckingham. No name of engraver. She wears a velvet gown open at the -throat to display a double chain with pendant cross. On table, large -gold chalice. - -Paul Delaroche has painted two famous historical pictures, representing -events in the last days of Lady Jane Grey’s life--her farewell to -Guildford and her execution. They have been frequently engraved. - - -PORTRAITS OF LADY JANE’S MOTHER, FATHER, AND GRANDFATHER - -“Frances Brandon, Duchess of Suffolk, and her second husband, Adrian -Stokes” (dated 1554). Small half-lengths of the Duchess of Suffolk -on the left, and Adrian Stokes on the right. She wears a black dress -with tags and jewels, gold-edged ruffs at neck and wrists, black -jewelled hoods, two necklaces of pearls, one with pendants, right hand -resting on cushion and holding glove, left holding ring. He wears a -light-coloured embroidered doublet, black fur-lined surcoat slashed and -with tags, ruffs at neck and wrists edged with pink, chain round neck, -right hand on hip, left holding gloves, sword at his side. Above her -head, _Ætatis_ xxxvi: above his, _Ætatis_ xxi. Dated MDLIV. Panel, 19½ -× 27 in. Probably by Corvinus. This picture was engraved by Vertue. -Colonel Wynn Finch. - -Frances, Marchioness of Dorset. A superb Holbein drawing. H.M. the -King, at Windsor. - -Frances Brandon, Duchess of Suffolk. Miniature. Was lent to the Tudor -Exhibition by Lord Willoughby d’Eresby. - -There are fine portraits of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, in the -National Portrait Gallery, and in the possession of Sir Frederick Cook. -There is also a fine portrait by Corvinus of Henry Grey, Marquis of -Dorset, in the National Portrait Gallery, and another in the possession -of G. P. Boyce, Esq. - -A portrait of Katherine, Baroness Willoughby d’Eresby, and Duchess -of Suffolk, is in the possession of her descendant, Lord Willoughby -d’Eresby. - - -BIBLIOGRAPHY OF LADY JANE GREY - -In literature, Lady Jane Grey has been a popular heroine. She figures -in: _The Tower of London_, by Harrison Ainsworth. _Jane Grey_ (French -novel), by Alphonse Brot. _Lady Jane Grey_, by Philip Sidney. The life -story of Lady Jane is told in _Jeanne Grey_, by Mdme. de Genlis. _The -Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary_. _Lives_ of Lady Jane Grey, by -Howard, Agnes Strickland (in _Tudor and Stuart Princesses_), and Dr. -Harris Nicholas. - -There is a fine elegy of Lady Jane Grey by Sir Thomas Chaloner, one of -the best Latin writers of the reign of Elizabeth, the original of which -is preserved in the Bodleian Library. It is contained in the collection -called the Illustrium, Jan. II. 68. p. 33. - - “Jana luit patriam profuso sanguine culpam, - Vivere Phœnicis digna puella dies. - Illa suit Phœnix, merito dicenda manebat; - Ore placens Venerio, Palladis arte placens. - - Culta fuit, formosa fuit: divina movebat - Sœpé viros facies, sœpé loquela viros. - Vidisset faciem? porterat procus improbus un: - Audisset cultæ verba? modestus era,” etc. - -Lady Jane Grey’s tragic fate has been several times dramatised:--_John -Dudley, Duke of Northumberland_, a tragedy, by Scriptor Ignotus. -London, 1686. _Lady Jane Grey_, by J. W. Ross, 1882. - -Independently of Rowe’s tragedy, _Lady Jane Grey_, there is the German -tragedy of Von Sommer, entitled _Johanna Grey_; and _Jane Grey_, an -opera-epilogue, acted 25th February, 1723, for the benefit of Mrs. -Sterling at Dublin. - -The literary works attributed to Lady Jane Grey are:-- - -1. Four Latin epistles--three to Bullinger, and one to Lady Katherine -Grey. The originals of the first three are preserved at Zurich, the -other is in the King’s Library, British Museum. - -2. Her conference with Feckenham (probably apocryphal), although quoted -by such early writers as Foxe and Florio. - -3. A letter to Harding (doubtful). - -4. A prayer for her own use in prison. - -5. Four Latin verses scratched on her prison walls with a pin. These -will be found on p. 336. - -6. Her speech on the scaffold. - -7. _The Complaint of a Sinner._ - -8. _The Duty of a Christian._ - -9. The annotations in the famous prayer-book. - -10. A fragment of a letter has been recently found, and is printed in -volume vii of the State Papers; Edward VI. Domestic Series. Addenda. - -Hollingshead and Sir Richard Baker state “that she hath wrotten other -things,” but they do not tell us where they are to be found. Several of -her letters, notably the one to Sudeley and the famous letter to Queen -Mary, are not extant in her own handwriting. - -Lady Jane’s fine autograph signature figures on a number of -contemporary documents. It is nothing like so elaborate as that of -Elizabeth, but it is easy to see that the two Princesses received -lessons in Italian caligraphy from the same teacher, probably -Castiglione. - - - - -INDEX - - - Ab Ulmis or Ullmer, John, Reformer, 24, 169; - letters of, 179-80, 185, 186 f.n. - - Anne Askew, birth and marriage, 61; - her preaching, 61; - arrest and recantation, 62; - second trial and condemnation, 63; - racked, 64 and f.n.; - is burnt alive, 66; 72 note - - Anne of Cleves, Queen, 37 and f.n., 38, 39, 59, 312, 313 - - Arundel, Earl of, 7, 128, 251, 261, 275; - arrests Northumberland, 279-80, 283; 284; - proclaims Mary, 285 and f.n.; 295, 305, 349 - - Ascham, Roger, 127, 172; - his story of Lady Jane, 172-3; - his letter to Lady Jane, 175-7; 259; 264-5; - death, 358 f.n. - - Ashley, Mrs., Princess Elizabeth’s attendant, 106; - on Elizabeth’s behaviour with Sudeley, 136 et seq.; 161 f.n.; - 162, 163 - - Aske, Robert, 32 - - Audley, Lady, 184 and f.n. - - Aylmer, John, 67, 169, 170; - letter to Bullinger, 178; - death, 358 f.n. - - - Baynard’s Castle, 284 and f.n. - - Bradgate, Old Manor of, and Park, (Lady Jane’s birthplace), 1-4; - life at, in the olden times, 19-23; 223 - - Brandon, Charles, Duke of Suffolk (Lady Jane’s grandfather), 4; - origin of, 7; - matrimonial peculiarities, marries Lady Mortimer, 7-11; - marries Mary Tudor, Queen of France, 8-9; - goes to France with Henry VIII, 54, 192; - death, etc., 57; 94; - portraits of, 363 - - Brandon, Lady Eleanor, 10, 12, 108, 109, 114 - - Brandon, Lady Frances. (_See_ Frances Brandon, Lady) - - Browne, Sir Anthony, 39, 97 and f.n., 101, 106, 163, 216, 338 - - Brydges, Sir John, Lieutenant of the Tower, 253, 283, 290, - 310, 311, 340 - - Brydges, Sir Thomas, 253, 290, 316, 335, 337; - at Lady Jane’s execution, 340, 341, 343 - - - Carew, Sir Gawen, 84, 86, 88 - - Cecil, William, Lord Burghley, 166-7 f.n., 204, 206, 210; - knighted, 212 f.n.; 237, 240, 241, 244, 257 and f.n., 259-60; - his treachery, 277 and f.n., 278; 285 and f.n.; 296 - - Charles V, Emperor, 56, 263; - supports Northumberland, 265, 267 and f.n.; 268; - abandons Northumberland, 296, 297, 298 f.n.; - urges Lady Jane’s execution, 314, 315 f.n.; 316; 330 - - Cheke, Dr., afterwards Sir John, 127 and f.n.; - knighted, 212 f.n.; 241; - acts as Queen Jane’s Secretary of State, 257 f.n., 258-9; - imprisoned, 281 f.n.; - writes to Lord Oxford and leaves the Tower, 284; - imprisonment, recantation, and death, 358 and f.n. - - Chelsea, Manor House, 137 f.n., 237, 355 - - Council, the Privy, letters of, to the Commissioners in Brussels, - 262 f.n., 266-7; - to Princess Mary, 268-9, 295; - obtains leave to depart from the Tower, 284; - proclaims Mary Queen, 285; - attends St. Paul’s, 285; - retires to Westminster, 294; - its submission to Mary, 295-6; 312; - its treachery to Queen Jane considered, 316 and f.n., 320 - - Coverdale, Dr. Miles, as Jane’s tutor, 119; - at Katherine Parr’s funeral, 145, 146 - - Cranmer, Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury, 54, 65-6, 103-4, 107, - 108, 131, 156, 204, 206; - connection with the Reformers, 227; - his interview with Edward VI about the succession, 240-1; - his conduct towards Lady Jane, 286-7; - the original charge against, 287 f.n.; - indictment against, 299; - at Edward VI’s funeral, 300; - trial of, 316, 317, 319, 320; 321 - - - “Devise” for the succession drawn up, 238-9; - Jane named in, 240; - Council object to, 240-3; - signed, 243; - text of, 254-5 - - Diego de Mendoza, Don, 232, 262 and f.n., 263; - accepts Guildford Dudley as King, 263-4; - probably influenced by Northumberland and the Suffolks, 264; 265; - 355 - - Dissolution of the Monasteries, disastrous effect of, 25-6, 195 - - Dorset, Henry Grey, Marquess of, afterwards Duke of Suffolk (Lady - Jane’s father), 4-5; - marriage of, 11; 14; 94; - negotiations with Sharington and Sudeley about parting with Lady - Jane, 115, 116; 128; 130; - welcomes Reformers, 134; - correspondence with Sudeley about Jane, 149-50; - has fresh negotiations with Sudeley and Sharington for the - purchase of Lady Jane, nature of the affair, 152; - also negotiations with Somerset, 153; - conclusion of negotiations with Sudeley, the money paid, 154-5; - supports Sudeley, 160; 169; - goes to live in London, 179; - letter to Bullinger, 179; - created Duke of Suffolk, 179, 212 f.n.; - goes to Sheen, 223; 224 and f.n.; - social intercourse with the Dudleys, 228-9; - coerces Jane into marrying Guildford Dudley, 230; - gives the Council leave to depart from the Tower, 284; - is ordered to give up the Tower, signs Mary’s proclamation, 287; - announces her downfall to Queen Jane, 288; - his subsequent movements, 289-90; - raises revolt against Mary, his defeat and betrayal, 322-3, 323 - f.n.; - the injury done to Queen Jane’s cause by this revolt, 323-4, 323 - f.n., 324 f.n., 326, 330; 334; - trial and defence, 349; - execution, 349-50; - burial, 350-1; - his head, 351 and f.n., 352 f.n.; - portrait of, 363 - - Dorset, Margaret, Dowager Lady, 5-6 and f.n. - - Dorsets, residences of the, in London, 23-4; - friendship of the Howards for, 94, 95 - - Dudley, Lord Ambrose, 228, 273, 275; - imprisoned, 281 f.n., 292; 298; 316; - trial of, 317, 319; 356 f.n. - - Dudley, Sir Andrew, 225 and f.n., 233, 271, 273, 281 f.n.; - condemnation and recantation, 304 and f.n. - - Dudley, Edmund, 8, 190-1 - - Dudley, Guildford. (_See_ Guildford Dudley) - - Dudley, Henry, 281 f.n., 284 f.n., 298, 316; - trial of, 317; 319; 356 f.n. - - Dudley, John. (_See_ Northumberland, Duke of) - - Dudley, Lord Robert, 23, 209, 229, 275, 292, 315, 320, 324, 356 f.n. - - Durham House, 234, 236, 299, 252 - - - Edward VI, King, birth, 14 and f.n., 52; - never Prince of Wales, 101 f.n.; 103 and f.n.; - learns of his father’s death, 106; - his movements at that time, 106 f.n.; - enters London, 107, 111; - writes to Katherine Parr on her marriage, 123-4; - infancy, 126; - education, 126-8; - little intercourse with his sisters, 128; - Coronation procession, 130-1; - Coronation, 132 and f.n.; - has to hear innumerable sermons, 156-7; - state of his health, is deformed and deaf, 157; - prefers Sudeley to Somerset, 157; - at Hampton Court, 204-6, 206 f.n.; 214; - becomes weaker, 222; - does not attend Jane’s wedding, but makes gifts, 234-5; - his scheme for the succession, 238 et seq.; - names Jane Grey as his successor, 240; - declares his will to the Council, 241, 242-3; - his death, 245 and f.n.; - rumours of his having been poisoned by Northumberland, 246-7, 247 - f.n.; - supernatural visitations, 248; - funeral of, 300; - Masses for, 300 and f.n., 301; - his Great Seal, 302-3 f.n. - - Elizabeth, Princess, 39, 52, 94, 106, 121; - joins Sudeley, 122; - her appearance at fifteen, 136; - her behaviour with Sudeley, 137 et seq., 162-3; - is sent away from Sudeley, 139; - letter to Katherine Parr, 139; - her feelings towards Sudeley, 140; 157; 167; 178; - omitted from the succession, 239; - declared illegitimate, 257-8; - dislikes Lady Jane, 257; - enters London, 298; 312 - - “Ellen,” Mrs., Lady Jane’s nurse, 17, 291, 340, 341, 343 - - England, state of, under Somerset’s protectorate, 195-6 et seq., - 212; - immorality in, 196-7; - slavery in, 198-9 - - - Feckenham, Dr., afterwards Abbot, 321 and f.n.; - announces hour of her death to Lady Jane, 328 and f.n.; - appearance of, 329; 340; 341; 343; 358 f.n. - - Fitzpatrick, Barnaby, 127 and f.n. - - Frances Brandon, Lady, Marchioness of Dorset, afterwards Duchess of - Suffolk (Lady Jane’s mother), 4, 9; - birth and baptism, 11; - marries Henry Grey, Marquis of Dorset, 11; - her appearance, children, etc., 12; 35; 94; 108; 114; 132; - letter to Sudeley, 150-1; 154; - falls ill, 181; 183; - proposes a marriage between Lord Hertford and Jane, 210; - pays homage to Lady Jane as Queen, 251; - enters the Tower with Queen Jane, 253-4; 282; 289; - marries Adrian Stokes, 352; - portrait of, 353, 363; - appearance, gives birth to a child, dies, her monument, 354 - - - Gage, Sir John, Constable of the Tower, 298, 299 f.n., 316, 334, 340 - - Gardiner, Bishop, 39, 54, 58; - endeavours to overthrow Katherine Parr, 67; - Henry’s anger against, 69 and f.n.; - omitted from Henry VIII’s will, 69, 103, 110; 70; 105; 108; 109; - 111; 112; 114; 156; 211; 304; 325; - urges Jane’s execution, 332 - - Gates, Sir Harry, condemnation and recantation, 304 - - Gates, Sir John, 87, 241, 249, 275, 279 f.n., 280, 281 f.n.; - condemnation, 304; - execution, 307-8 - - “Geraldine, Fair,” birth and antecedents, 96 and f.n.; - her beauty, connection with the Earl of Surrey, marriages, etc., - 97; - funeral, 98; 163 - - Greys of Groby, family of, 3-4 - - Grey, Thomas, Marquis of Dorset, 1, 4 - - Grey, Lord Thomas, Lady Jane’s uncle, 183; - signs the “Devise,” 243; - captured and executed, 351-2 - - Grey, Lady Jane, “the Nine Days’ Queen,” birth, 14; - christening, 15 and f.n.; - babyhood and childhood, 16-18 et seq.; 24; 50; 51; - Lady Jane and Prince Edward, 55, 72, 120, 125-6, 128, 247-8; 62; - 67; 68; 70; 94; 97; 108; 109; - effect of Henry VIII’s will on her political position, 115; - goes to Seymour Place, 117; - her life there, 118-9; - proposal of marrying her to the Earl of Hertford, 119, 132, 153, - 210, 230; - life at Chelsea, 140; - at Sudeley Castle, 141 et seq.; - as chief mourner at Katherine Parr’s funeral, 145; - goes back to Bradgate, 151; - letter to Lord Sudeley, 154; - returns to Sudeley’s charge at Hanworth, 155; - goes again to Seymour Place, 157; - returns to Bradgate, 166; - her education, 169 et seq.; - letter to Bullinger, 170-2; - Ascham’s story of, 172-3; - ill-treated by her parents, 173, 230 and f.n., 303; - her knowledge of languages, 174; - appears at Court, 181, 182; - her travels in 1551-2, 183-4; - illness, 185; - makes presents to Bullinger’s wife, 186; - movements in 1552-4, 186, 223 f.n.; - story of, 189; - doubtful legitimacy, 197, 224-5; - coerced into marrying Guildford Dudley, 230; - preparations for the wedding, 230; - date of wedding, 232 and f.n.; - special attire for, 233 and f.n.; - details of the wedding, 233-4, 235; - her dress at her wedding, 235 and f.n.; - her own account of her interview with the Duchess of - Northumberland, 236; - goes to Chelsea and falls ill, 237; - nominated successor to Edward VI, 240; - goes to Sion House, 250-1; - is informed of Edward VI’s will, 251; - homage done her as Queen, 252; - her distress thereat, 252; - proceeds to the Tower, 252; - her entry into the Tower as Queen, her appearance, 253; - proclaimed Queen, 256; - signs documents, 259, 267, 276, 283; - dines in State, 260; - scene with the Duchess of Northumberland, refuses to make - Guildford Dudley King, 260; - receives the Regalia, 261, 270; - her Royal Seal, 266; - falls ill, 268; - list of her property sent to the Tower, 271-3; - makes appointments, 276; - collapse of her cause, 281, 283; - strange incident, sends for Lord Winchester, 282; - Suffolk announces her downfall to her, abandons the Throne, 288; - deserted in the Tower, 289; - her imprisonment, 291, etc.; - relinquishes the Regalia and her money, 292-3; - her will, 294; - indictment against, 298-9; - writ against, 316; - proceeds to Guildhall for her trial, 316-7; - trial and condemnation, 318-9, 319 f.n.; - letter to Harding, 321; - her death-warrant, 326-7; - her death announced to her, 328-9; - postponement of execution, 329-30; - reasons why she was not executed with Guildford, 330-1; - letter to her father, 331; - last letter to her sister Katherine, 332-4; - last writings, 335-6; - inscriptions in her cell, 336 f.n.; - last hours, 337 et seq.; - refuses to see Guildford but watches him go to execution, 337; - sees his bleeding remains, 339 and f.n.; - the execution delayed, 339; - the procession to the scaffold, 340; - Jane said to be _enceinte_, 341; - her last speech, 341-3; - behaviour on the scaffold, prepares for death, 343-4; - last moments and decapitation, 344; - contemporary account of execution, 344-5 f.n.; - treatment of her body after death, 345-6; - burial, 346 and f.n.; - legend about, 347; - portraits of, 359-62; - writings on Jane Grey, 342 f.n., 363-4; - her literary works, 364 - - Grey, Lady Katherine, 10, 17, 18, 108, 109, 119 f.n., 132, 183, 232 - and f.n., 235, 252; - Lady Jane’s last letter to, 332-4; 353 - - Grey, Lady Mary, 10; a dwarf, 17; 18; 109; 183; 233; 252; 353; 358 - - Guildford Dudley, Lord, proposal to marry him to Lady Margaret - Clifford, 224, 226; 229; - birth and antecedents, 231; - appearance, 231; - his portrait, 231 f.n.; - date of his marriage with Jane Grey, 232 and f.n.; - details of the marriage, 234-5; - remains at Durham House, 237; - enters the Tower with Queen Jane, 253; - his endeavours to become King of England, 260, 261-6; - imprisoned, 292; - his money taken from him, 294; - indictment against, 298-9; - writ against, goes to trial, 316-7; - trial and condemnation, 319; 320; 326; - receives his death sentence, 330; - his autograph, 334; - desires to see Lady Jane, 337; - supposed recantation, 337; - goes out to execution, 337-8; - his execution, 338 and f.n. - - - Hampton Court, 43, 44, 47; - Edward VI at, 204-6 - - Harding, Dr., Jane’s tutor and rector of Bradgate, 15, 27, 170, 321 - - Henry VIII, his religiosity, 37; - divorces Anne of Cleves, 37-8; - marries Katherine Parr, 39; - his appearance, 46; - in expedition to France, 54, 55-7; - declines in health, 59; - defeats the plot against Katherine Parr, 67-9; - his will, 69 f.n.; - text of, 109 and f.n., 110, 238, 111; 72; - his last illness, 100-1; - does not receive the last Sacraments, 102; - death, 104; - his body embalmed, 107; - funeral arrangements, 107-8, 111; - funeral procession and sermon, 112-4; - weird occurrence at Sion, 113; - supernatural apparitions of Henry, 114; - effect of his will, 115 - - Hertford, Earl of, son of the Duke of Somerset, proposal to marry - him to Jane, 119, 153, 210, 230; 119 f.n.; 127; 232 f.n.; 315 - - Hoby, Sir Philip, English Ambassador to Brussels, 40, 262 and f.n., - 266, 267-8; - submits to Mary, 296; - recalled, 297; 328 f.n. - - Holland, Mrs. Elizabeth or Bess, 75 and f.n., 85-6; - gives evidence at Surrey’s trial, 89-90; 92; 93; 94; 95 f.n. - - Household, Henry VIII’s, 42 et seq.; - etiquette in, 49 - - Howard, the house of, 73 and f.n.; - feud between the Howards and the Seymours, 73, 76, 81 et seq.; - their relations with the Dorsets, 95-6 - - Huggones, Mrs., 225; - called before the Privy Council, 226 - - Hunsdon, 95 f.n. - - Huyck, Dr., 145 and f.n. - - - Inventory of the Howards’ effects, 92 et seq.; - of the Crown Jewels, etc., delivered to Queen Jane, 270, 293; - of Queen Jane’s own effects, 271-2 - - - Jane Grey, Lady. (_See_ Grey, Lady Jane) - - - Ket, Robert, 200 and f.n.; - his rebellion, 201-2; - captured and hanged, 202; 235 f.n. - - Knox, John, 156, 157, 281 - - Kyme, Thomas, husband of Anne Askew, 61, 63 - - - Latimer, Lord, 32-3; - correspondence with Sir John Russell, 33-4; - dies, 34; 162 - - Latimer, Lady. (_See_ Parr, Katherine) - - - Margaret Clifford, Lady, proposal to marry her to Guildford Dudley, - 224, 226; 225 and f.n. - - Mary of Guise, Queen-Regent of Scotland, 110; - enters London, 181-2 - - Mary, Princess, afterwards Queen of England, 39, 52-3, 94, 102, 121; - the Dorsets and Mary, 181; - visited by the Dorsets, 183; - her feelings towards Lady Jane Grey, 189; 233; - omitted from the scheme for the succession, 239, 241 f.n.; - Northumberland’s intrigues against her and her escape, 249, 250; - declared illegitimate, 258, 259; - her letter to the Council, 268; - risings in favour of, 273-4, 277, 281, 283; - proclaimed Queen, 285; - popular enthusiasm for, 285-6; - affection for Philip of Spain, 297; - enters London, 298; - enters the Tower as Queen, 299; - her hatred of Northumberland, 302, 306; - Coronation, 312-3; - wishes to spare Lady Jane’s life, 314 and f.n., 315-6, 320; - decline of enthusiasm for, 322; - signs Jane’s death-warrant, 327; 337 - - Mary Stuart, Queen of Scotland, 109, 238 - - Mary Tudor, Queen of France, 8; - marries Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, 9; - her children, 9; - dies, 10; - her monument, 11 - - Montagu, Lord Chief Justice, 240, 241, 242, 243, 281 f.n. - - Morgan, Judge, 298; - presides at Queen Jane’s trial, 318; - his career and death, 318 f.n.; - condemns Jane to death, 319 - - Mortimer, Lady. (_See_ under Brandon, Charles) - - Morysone, Sir Richard, English Ambassador, 262, 266; - recalled, 297 - - - Newhall Place, description of, 186-7; - life at, 188 - - Noailles, the de, French Ambassadors, 312, 315, 345, 345-6 f.n. - - Nonesuch, Palace of, 45 and f.n. - - Norfolk, Thomas Howard, third Duke of, 32, 54, 66, 73, 74; - appearance, 74-5; - marriage, 75; - his attempt to reconcile his son and the Seymours, 81 et seq.; - charged with treason and taken to the Tower, 88; - his death-warrant prepared, 92; - release, 92; - dispersal of his lands and wardrobe, 92-3; 105; 298; - death, 302; 312, 313; 316; - attends Lady Jane’s trial, 317; 341 - - Norfolk, Duchess of, is neglected by her husband, 75; - her grievances, 85-6; - gives evidence against her husband, 89; 94 - - Northampton, William Parr, Earl of Essex and Marquis of, 29, 53, 54; - created Marquis, 129; 163; 197; 202; 214; 240; 241; 251; - letter to, 259; 275; 281 f.n.; - indictment against, 299; - trial, 302-3; 304; 325 - - Northampton, Marchioness of, 141 f.n. - - Northumberland, John Dudley, Duke of (previously Viscount Lisle and - Earl of Warwick), 38, 50, 54, 57; - becomes Lord Chamberlain, 112; - created Earl of Warwick, 129; 130; - his antecedents, 190 and f.n., 191; - birth, 191; - goes to France, 192; - his wife, 192; - his intrigues, 192; - successful expedition into Norfolk, 202; - popularity, 203; - becomes Lord Great Master and High-Admiral, 207; - governs badly, 208; - endeavours to overthrow Somerset, 211; - is created Duke of Northumberland, 212; - makes false accusations against Somerset, 213; - attends Somerset’s trial, 214; - position improved by Somerset’s death, 221 and f.n.; - interferes with Princess Mary’s religion, 221 f.n., 222; - social intercourse with the Suffolks, 224, 228-9; - induces Edward VI to nominate Jane Grey as his successor, 239-40, - 240 f.n.; - coerces the Council, 242; - tyrannises over every one, 243 f.n.; - rumours that he had poisoned Edward VI, 246-7, 247 f.n., 315 f.n.; - intrigues to destroy Princess Mary, 249; - informs Jane that she is Queen, 251; - his schemes for changing the State religion, 265; 267; - his farewell dinner, 274-5; - takes command of Queen Jane’s forces against Mary, and leaves - London with them, 275; - sends for reinforcements and retires to Cambridge, 277; - made prisoner, 279; - brought to the Tower, 280; - indictment against, 299; - his bad health, 301; - Mary’s hatred for him, 302, 306; - his trial and condemnation, 302 and f.n., 303; - his recantation, 304 and f.n.; - pathetic letter to Arundel, 305-6; - his sincerity in changing his faith, 306 f.ns.; - his execution postponed and the probable reason, 306-7, 307 f.n.; - leave-taking of Guildford, 307; - his execution, 307-8; - curious account of, 308 f.n.; - burial, 309; - Lady Jane’s opinion of him, 310-11; - his family, 356-7 f.n. - - Northumberland, Duchess of, disliked by Lady Jane, 192; - antecedents, 231; - quarrels with Lady Jane, 236; - does homage to Jane as Queen, 251; - has a violent scene with Queen Jane in the Tower, 260-1; - her bequests to Don Mendoza, 262 f.n.; - pleads for her husband to Mary, 280; - quarrels with the Duchess of Suffolk, 282; 289; - her existence after the Duke’s execution, 355; - death, 355; - her will, 355; - strange last directions, 355-6; - funeral, 356 - - - Owen, Dr. George, 101, 245 and f.n. - - - Paget, Sir William, 101, 105, 106, 213, 283, 285, 295, 358 f.n. - - Palmer, Sir Thomas, 213, 281 f.n.; - condemnation, 304; - execution, 307-8 - - Parr, Katherine, Queen (previously Lady Latimer), birth, 28; - first marriage, 29; - her appearance, 30 and f.n.; - her education, writings, etc., 31; - first dealings, with Henry VIII, 37, 38; - her marriage with Henry VIII, 39; - public opinion on, 39-40; 51-2; - her writings, 53; 54; 59; - her connection and encouragement of Anne Askew, 62, 64, 72 note; - is nearly arrested for heresy, 67-9; - the plot against, 69 et seq.; - at Henry VIII’s death-bed, 102; 108 and f.n.; - mentioned in Henry’s will, 110, 110-11 f.n., 238; - at Henry VIII’s funeral, 114; 119; - her _liaison_ with Thomas Seymour, 121-2; - marriage to Seymour, 123; - indignation of the Somersets at the marriage, 124; - her life at Sudeley Castle, 142; - gives birth to a child, 143; - her last days, 144 et seq.; - makes her will, 145; - death and funeral, 145-6 - - Parr, the family of, 28-9 - - Parr, Sir Thomas, 29, 53 - - Partridge, Nathaniel, Lady Jane’s warder, 290 and f.n.; 310 - - Pembroke, William Herbert, Earl of, 29, 53, 54, 130, 160, 163, 214, - 251, 261, 283, 284, 285, 286 - - Penn, Mrs. Sybel, Prince Edward’s nurse, 126 and f.n., 247 - - Proclamation of Queen Jane, 256 and f.n., 257 and f.n. - - - Reformers, the Swiss and other, 59, 133-5; - their letters, 134, 180, 227; - Lady Jane Grey and the Reformers, 180, 226; - their ways and opinions, 227-8; - their comments on Lady Jane’s execution, 348 - - Religion, in England, return of Catholicism, 74 and f.n., 326; - state of, in the first year of Edward VI’s reign, 133; - under Edward VI, 213; - Northumberland’s schemes anent a change in, 265 - - Renard, Simon, the Imperial Ambassador, 265, 297, 312, 314, 315, - 330, 348 - - Richmond, Mary, Duchess of, Earl of Surrey’s sister, 83-4, 85; - gives evidence against Surrey, 90; - repentance and death, 98; 108 - - Ridley, Bishop, 156, 281 and f.ns., 321 - - Russell, Lord John, Privy Seal, 33 and f.n., 39, 66, 199; - connection with Sudeley, 158-9; 204; 205 f.n.; 284; 312 - - - Sandys, Dr., 277, 278; - preaches before Northumberland, 278-9; 279; 280; 281 f.n. - - Seymour, Dowager Lady, 117-8; - death, 161; 211 and f.n. - - Seymour, Edward, Earl of Hertford, Duke of Somerset, Lord Protector, - 39, 54, 77; - quarrels with the Earl of Surrey, 81; - attempted reconciliation, 82-3; - failure of same, 84; - attends Henry VIII’s death-bed, 101, 105; - after Henry’s death leaves Palace, 106; - appointed Protector, 110; - proclaimed Protector, 111 and f.n.; - assumes the office of treasurer, etc., 111-2; - his intrigues, 119; - indignation at Thomas Seymour (Sudeley’s) marriage, quarrels with - him, 120, 124; - is created Duke of Somerset, 128; - dines with Sudeley and Warwick, 129-30; - quarrels with Sudeley, letter to, 143-4; - unpopular in Scotland, his massacres there, 192-3, 192 f.n.; - unpopular in England, 194-5; - his loose morals, 197; - risings against his maladministration, 199; - takes refuge at Hampton Court, 204; - assumes higher rank, 204; - flies to Windsor, 206; - arrested and sent to the Tower, 206-7; - confesses his guilt, is fined and released, 208-9; - regains his lost position, 209-10; 212; - return of unpopularity, 212-3; - second arrest, 213; trial, 213-4; - sentenced to death, 214; - scene at his execution, 215; - decapitation and burial, 216; - his character considered, 216-7; - contemporary letter about him, 217-20; - his prayer-book, 334 - - Seymour, the family of, 76-7; - feud between the Seymours and the Howards, 81 et seq. - - Sharington, Sir William, 115, 116, 151 and f.n., 152, 154, 160, 161 - f.n., 276 - - Sheen, ex-Priory of, 223 and f.n. - - Sidney, Lady Mary, Northumberland’s daughter, 229; - sent to Jane by the Council, 251; 355; 356-7 f.n. - - Sion House, 224 and f.n.; - life at, 228-9; - homage paid to Lady Jane at, 251 - - Somers, Will, Court jester, 49 and f.n., 50 - - Somerset, Edward Seymour, Duke of. (_See_ Seymour, Edward) - - Somerset, Anne Stanhope, Duchess of, 34, 39, 80; - quarrels with Katherine Parr, 125, 165 f.n.; - imprisoned, 213 f.n.; - her prison fare, 294; - second marriage, friendship for Mary, death, 357 - - Stanfield Hall (Lady Jane’s dower), 235 f.n. - - Stokes, Adrian (Lady Frances Brandon’s second husband), 229, 352, - 353 and f.n., 354; - death, 355 - - Sudeley Castle, in olden times, 141-2; - Jane Grey’s room at, 142 - - Sudeley, Thomas Seymour, Lord, 36, 77, 82; - at Henry VIII’s death, 101, 106; - becomes Lord High-Admiral, 112; - his intrigues to obtain possession of Lady Jane Grey, 115; - his London residence, 116 and f.n.; - obtains wardship of Lady Jane, 117; - his appearance, morals, and early intrigues, 120-1; - endeavours to marry a Princess, 121; - his courtship of Katherine Parr, 121-2; - marriage with her, 123; - gets Edward VI to countenance this marriage, 123; - the marriage made public, 123-4; - indignation of the Somersets thereat, 124; - created Baron Sudeley, 129; 130; - his improper behaviour with Princess Elizabeth, 136 et seq.; - rumours about the same, 140 and f.n.; - intrigues against the Protector, 143, 155; - is arrested but released, 143; - conduct during Katherine Parr’s illness, 144-5; - effect of her death, 147; - writes to Dorset relinquishing Jane, 147-9; - intrigues to again obtain possession of Lady Jane, on payment of - money, and interviews Dorset, 152; - negotiations concluded, 154; - pays for Jane and takes her back to Hanworth with him, 155; - again plots to marry a Princess, 157-9; - tries to obtain the Protectorship, 160; - arrested, 161; - evidence against him, 162; - condemned to death, 164; - beheaded, 165; - sermon on, 166; - fate of his child, 166-7 f.n. - - Suffolk, Katherine, Duchess of, 11, 34, 39, 108, 357-8; - portrait of, 363 - - Suffolk, Duke of. (_See_ Dorset, Marquess of) - - Suffolk, Duchess of. (_See_ Frances Brandon, Marchioness of) - - Surrey, Earl of Surrey (the “Poet-Earl”), 54, 66, 74; - his many talents, 75-6; - appearance, 76; - riotous life, 78; - brought before the Privy Council, 79 and f.n.; - committed to prison, 80; - quarrels with Edward Seymour (then Lord Hertford), 81; - makes impolitic remarks, 83; - again summoned before Privy Council, 85, 86, 87; - his trial, 90-1; - execution, 91; - dispersal of his effects, 93-4; - his children, 98; - his place of burial, 99 - - Surrey, Countess of, 78 and f.n., 93; - second marriage and death, 98-9 - - - Table of the heirs female to the Crown, named in the “Devise,” - 239 f.n. - - Throckmorton brothers, the, 37, 163; - save Mary’s life, 249-50, 250 f.n. - - Throckmorton, Lady, 287-8, 291 - - Tower of London, the, Queen Jane’s entry into, 253; - Queen Jane proclaimed in, 256; - ammunition brought into, 273; - part of it in which Queen Jane was lodged, 281-2 f.n.; - place of her imprisonment in, 290; - seizure of, made a count against Queen Jane, 298, 298-9 f.n.; - Mary’s entry into as Queen, 299; - the Bulwark Gate, 337, 338 f.n. - - Tylney, Mrs. Elizabeth, Lady Jane’s attendant, 291 and f.n.; 235; - 340; 341; 343 - - Tyrwhitt, Lady, 35 and f.n., 62, 67; - her account of Katherine Parr’s last illness, 144-5, 162 - - - Udall, Nicholas, 157, 172 - - Underhill, Edward, his child, 287 - - - Warwick, John Dudley, Earl of. (_See_ Northumberland, Duke of) - - Warwick, John, Earl of, (the Duke of Northumberland’s son), 209 and - f.n., 275, 281 f.n., 292; - trial, 302-3; 356 f.n. - - Wendy, Dr., 67, 101 and f.n., 245 - - White, Thomas, Lord Mayor of London, 298, 316, 341 - - Winchester, William Paulet, Marquess of, 203; - created, 212 f.n.; 214; 241; - brings Jane the Regalia, 261, 270 and f.n.; 282; 283; 284; 292 and - f.n.; 293; 294 - - “Windsor Martyrs,” the, 40 and f.n. - - Wriothesley, Lord Chancellor, 39, 54, 64, 65, 66; - tries to ruin Katherine Parr, 67; - Henry’s anger against him, 68-9; 87; 88; 109; - created Earl of Southampton, 129 and f.n.; 160; 203; 313 f.n. - - Wyatt rebellion, the, 325; - capture of Wyatt, 326 - - -_Printed by_ MORRISON & GIBB LIMITED, _Edinburgh_ - - - - -FOOTNOTES - - -[1] This will be seen conspicuously in my new volume of Spanish State -Papers of Edward VI, now in the press to be issued next year by the -Record Office. - -[2] Antonio de Guaras, a Spanish merchant. This was just before -Somerset’s final downfall. See Spanish Chronicle of Henry VIII. - -[3] “The oak trees there [Bradgate] were pollarded after her [Jane’s] -execution. Some old members of the family remember a watch with a case -made of a hollowed ruby or carbuncle, which is said to have belonged -to Lady Jane. But this, with other relics of Lady Jane, seems to have -disappeared mysteriously some fifty or so years ago.”--Extract from a -letter from Earl Stamford and Warrington, dated 20th November 1907. - -[4] The barony of Ferrers was merged in the Townshend peerage by the -marriage, in 1751, of George, Viscount Townshend, with Charlotte, last -Baroness Ferrers. - -[5] State Papers, Domestic Series, Henry VIII. - -[6] The Priory of Tylsey was dedicated to Our Lady of Sorrows. - -[7] State Papers, Domestic Series, Henry VIII. - -[8] Miss Strickland and other writers on the Grey family state that -Margaret, Marchioness of Dorset, outlived the ruin of her family. This -is an error. She died in September 1541, apparently of the plague. See -State Papers, 1156 and 1489, Domestic Series, Henry VIII. - -[9] This lady is occasionally confounded with Queen Anne Boleyn, who -was never _Lady_ Anne Boleyn. The lady in question, who has proved -somewhat of a stumbling-block to historians, who have frequently -confused her with the Queen, was Anne, daughter of the Earl of Pembroke -and wife of Sir William Boleyn. - -[10] Lady Jane was certainly christened at Bradgate and not at Groby, -which confirms the statement that she was born at Bradgate; for if -she had been born at Groby, her baptism would have taken place in the -parish church of that village. - -[11] There has been some controversy over the date of Queen Jane -Seymour’s death. Bishop Burnet (p. 33, vol. ii.) says it was the -day after Prince Edward’s birth, _i.e._ 14th October; which date is -adopted by Hall (p. 825), Stow (p. 575), Speed (p. 1039), Herbert (p. -492), and Holinshed (p. 944). On the other hand, Henninges (_Theatrum -Genealogicum_, tome 4, p. 105) says it was the 15th; a letter of the -doctors (in Cottonian MSS, Nero C. x. fol. 2), the 17th; Fabian, 23rd -October; King Edward’s own _Journal_, “Within a few days after the -birth of her son, died ...;” and George Lilly (_Chronicle_), twelve -days after--_Duodecimo post die moritur_. However, Cecil’s _Journal_, -a document in the Herald’s Office, and a letter among the State Papers -dated Wednesday, 24th October, give the 24th October as the date of the -Queen’s death. This is in agreement with the statement in the _London -Chronicle during the Reigne of Henry VII and Henry VIII_ (Camden Soc., -from Cottonian MSS, Vespasian A. xxv. fol. 38-46), which clearly says -that “On Saynt Edwardes eve Fryday in the mornyng (12th October), was -prince Edward boorn, the trew son of K.H. the viii. and quene Jane -his mothur in Hamton Corte. His godffathurs was the deuke of Norfock, -and the deuke of Suffocke, and the (Arch) Bisschop of Caunterbery; -and his godmother was his owne sister, which was dooughter of quene -Kataryn a fore sayd. On Saynte Crispyns eve Wensday (24th October), -dyid quene Jane in childbed, and is beryid in the castelle of Wynsor.” -She was not, however, buried until 12th November. Dorset followed the -procession from Hampton Court to Windsor, riding close to the Princess -Mary, who was her stepmother’s chief mourner. - -[12] Jane Grey was evidently given the name of Jane in compliment to -Queen Jane Seymour, who must have been still living at the time of -the child’s birth. The name Jane, a variant of Johanna and Joan, is -exceedingly rare in pre-Reformation times. The lady who very likely -acted as godmother was her paternal aunt, Lady Cicely Grey. - -[13] This method of baptizing infants is still practised in the -Archdiocese of Milan. - -[14] These ceremonies, which are extremely ancient and essentially -Roman Catholic, are even now carried out in Italy, Spain, and Portugal. - -[15] The prefix _the_ before the title Lady was considered in the -sixteenth century equivalent to “Princess”; “the Lady Elizabeth,” “the -Lady Mary,” and so forth. “Royal Highness” was not in use, and royal -ladies were addressed as “Your Grace.” - -[16] An old cookery book of the sixteenth century in the possession of -the author contains the following “crafte to make Ypocras”: “Take a -quarter of red wyne, an unce of synamon, and half an unce of gynger: a -quarter of an unce of greynes and of longe pepper, wythe half a pound -of sugar: broie all these not too smalle, and then putte them in a bagg -of wullen clothe (made therefore) with the wyne, and lette it hange -over a vessel tylle the wyne be runne thorow. It is presumed that the -wyne should be poured in boiling hot, else it would gain little of the -spicy flavour.” - -[17] Dorset, when he became Duke of Suffolk, incurred the censure of -the Reformers under Edward VI for his sinful encouragement of players -and other like “vagabonds.” - -[18] In Lent and Advent, and during Passion and Rogation weeks, meat -was only served once a week. - -[19] Sir Thomas Carden’s account for sums disbursed for the household -expenses of Anne of Cleves in 1552 gives us a curious insight into the -manner and expense of lighting a gentlewoman’s house in the middle of -the sixteenth century. Anne was residing at a manor at Dartford, and -Sir Thomas supplied her with “35 lb. of wax lights, sixes and fours to -the lb. at 1s. per lb.; 100 prickets [or candles to be stuck on an iron -spike] at 6d. per lb.; staff torches 1s. 4d. per doz., and of white -lights, 18 doz. at 9s. per doz.”--Losely MSS, edited by A. J. Kempe. - -[20] This detestable game is still a favourite in parts of Cuba, but -generally with a goose substituted for the duck. The writer saw it -“played” there in 1879. - -[21] The fact that this house was the Dorsets’ usual town residence -is proved by the Marquess’s distinctly stating that Seymour, when he -fetched away Jane Grey, came to him “immediately” after Henry VIII’s -death “at my house in Westminster.” - -[22] Coaches, properly so called, were introduced into England in 1601. - -[23] “The gentlewomen in cloak and _safeguards_.”--Stage directions to -the _Merry Devil of Edmonton_. - -[24] Strype’s _Memorials_. - -[25] Queen Katherine Parr was buried in the chapel at Sudeley Castle, -which fell into ruins late in the seventeenth century. The monument -having become much dilapidated, the then Vicar of Sudeley (1786) had -the curiosity to open it and examine the condition of the body, which -was found to be in a perfect state of preservation. The corpse measured -5 ft. 3 in.; the coffin, 5 ft. 10 in., the width being 1 ft. 4 in. in -the broadest part, and the depth 1 ft. 5½ in. The Queen must therefore -have had a very slight figure. The body was fully dressed in a Court -costume of the period of cloth of gold and velvet; there were untanned -leather shoes upon the feet. The profusion of light golden hair was -quite remarkable. Of course several locks of it were snipped off and -preserved as relics, one of them being still exhibited at Sudeley. -Another lock of Katherine Parr’s hair was in the possession of Lord -Bennet, who showed it to the author. It was very bright in colour and -exceedingly curly. In 1805 the remains of Katherine Parr were again -disturbed, and it was then discovered that an ivy berry had fallen -into a fissure of the skull, taken root, and twined round the head a -verdant coronet. For the last time the remains were touched in 1842, -when they were removed with reverential care by Messrs. William and -John Dent, who had become possessors of Sudeley Castle, and placed in a -handsome monument, having above it a noble figure of the Queen, which -is still one of the chief ornaments of the exquisitely restored chapel -of the ancient castle--a veritable treasure-house of Tudor relics--now -so pleasantly associated with the Dent family. For these notes on the -remains of Katherine Parr the writer is personally indebted to the late -Miss Elizabeth Strickland, who so long survived her sister Agnes, and -to an interesting pamphlet on Sudeley Castle by Dr. Richard Garnett. - -[26] The MS. of this poem is contained in a little volume bound in -black morocco. Though evidently contemporary, some doubts have been -expressed as to its authenticity, but a marked allusion to the writer’s -position as a Consort of Henry VIII is supposed to be a sufficient -guarantee as to the identity of the royal poetess, not to speak of the -evidence of her handwriting. - -[27] He is the gentleman with the beautiful saint-like head and angelic -expression in the splendid series of drawings by Holbein at Windsor. - -[28] This Mr. “Nudygate” or Newdigate’s son became in due time -secretary to Anne Stanhope, Duchess of Somerset, and her second husband. - -[29] British Museum, Vespasian, F. xiii. 183, f. 131. - -[30] Lady Denny was the daughter of Sir Philip Champernoun of Modbury, -Devonshire, and wife of Sir Andrew Denny, Privy Councillor and Groom of -the Stole to Henry VIII. Her husband predeceased her on 10th September -1549, and she herself died on 15th May 1553. - -[31] Lady Fitzwilliam was the daughter of Sir W. Sidney and wife of Sir -William Fitzwilliam of Milton, Northamptonshire, Master of the King’s -Bench. Sir H. Gough Nichols, however, thinks she was more probably the -widow of that Sir William’s grandfather, Sir William Fitzwilliam of -Milton and Alderman of London, who died in 1534. In this case she would -have been the daughter of Sir John Ormonde and granddaughter of Anne -Cooke, the learned daughter of Sir A. Cooke by his first wife, Anne -Fitzwilliam. - -[32] Lady Tyrritt or Tyrwhitt was not, as Miss Strickland says, the -daughter of Katherine Parr’s first husband, but through her husband, -Lord Robert Tyrwhitt of Leighton House, the cousin seven times removed -of that gentleman. She was the daughter of Sir Gerald Oxenburgh of -Sussex. - -[33] This Countess of Sussex was Anne, daughter of Sir Philip Calthorpe -and second wife of Henry, Earl of Sussex. She was sent to the Tower in -April 1552 on a charge of witchcraft, and for having said that a son of -Edward IV was yet living. Lodged in the Lieutenant’s apartments, she -was liberated by order of the Duke of Northumberland in the following -September, after six months’ imprisonment. In all probability the -offence of which this lady was accused was merely that of having -predicted the young King Edward VI’s early death. - -[34] There were some very curious rumours circulating in London -concerning the divorce of Anne of Cleves. Cranmer granted the divorce -on the plea that the Queen was still _virgo intacta_; but “two honest -citizens” (letter from Chapuys to Charles V) “were arrested on 9th -December 1541 on a plea that they published particulars of Queen -Katherine Howard’s inchastity, and said ‘the whole thing was a judgment -of God,’ and that the lady of Cleves was the King’s real wife; and that -she was in the family way by the King, notwithstanding rumours to the -contrary. That it was not true the King had not behaved to her like a -husband; and that she was gone away from London and had had a son in -the country last summer.” - -[35] Robert Testwood was a chorister belonging, with Marbeck, to the -Chapel Royal, Windsor. Parsons was a priest, and Henry Filmer was -a tailor. Marbeck, who is said to have had a very fine voice, was -a fairly well-educated man, who at the time of his arrest had made -some progress with a translation of Calvin’s works. Testwood was a -well-known ribald jester who had frequently turned the anthem into -ridicule, and on more than one occasion had been caught singing lewd -words while the rest of the congregation were chanting the right ones. -He was arrested for smashing the nose of a statue of the Virgin; -Parsons was condemned for blasphemy; and Filmer for speaking ill of the -Host. He had said that if Transubstantiation were true, he had eaten -“twenty Gods” in his time. - -[36] The Royal Household was considerably reduced by Somerset in the -first year of Edward VI, but in Elizabeth’s day it was again augmented -in every department, and was the most terrible and disastrous legacy -the great Queen bequeathed to her Stuart successor. The only other -example of such an extraordinary plethora of Court officials and -retainers is to be found at the Court of France under Louis XIV and -Louis XV’s unhappy successor, and they were a great factor in bringing -about the Revolution. - -[37] Harl. 1419. The above account of Henry’s palaces and their -contents is taken from this important MSS: the Household Expenses, -State Papers, Royal Society’s Papers, _temp._ Henry VIII, and from the -very curious Trevelyan Papers, Camden Society; also from that admirable -work, _The History of Hampton Court Palace_, by Ernest Law, M.A. - -[38] These tapestries were duplicates of those still preserved in the -Vatican, the cartoons for which are at the South Kensington Museum. -They remained in Whitehall till the death of Charles I, when they were -sold to Don Alfonso de Cardenas, and passed at his decease to the house -of Alva, which in turn sold them to Mr. Peter Tupper, who brought -them to England in 1823; in his house they remained until they were -resold to Mr. William Trall. In 1863 they were exhibited at the Crystal -Palace, and came very near destruction in the fire which devastated the -Tropical Department. Their subsequent fate is unknown, but as recently -as 1889 the writer saw two of the series in a shop in Wardour Street. -In 1890 a series of finely painted cartoons, evidently by Raphael -and his pupils, representing scenes from the Acts of the Apostles, -identical with these, came from Russia, and were exhibited by the late -Mr. Martin Colnaghi and afterwards sold to an American financier. - -[39] The Palace of Nonesuch stood near the site of the old manor house -and the village church of Chuddington, near Cheam, in Surrey. Henry -VIII obtained possession of the manor as a hunting-seat in 1526 by -exchange, and erected a magnificent structure of freestone, having -a central gate-house and being flanked by lofty towers crowned with -cupolas in the form of inverted balloons, which gave the building a -decided Oriental appearance. The writers of the sixteenth century are -profuse in their laudations of this royal residence, and speak in the -most glowing terms of its beautifully furnished apartments, which -contained works of art worthy of ancient Greece or of Rome, and of its -lovely gardens, its orchards stocked with the choicest of fruit trees, -and its extensive park laid out in avenues ornamented by artificial -fountains. Its luxuriousness and beauty soon acquired for the new -palace the proud appellation of “Nonesuch.” Henry VIII never quite -completed it, but in Mary’s reign it passed to the Earl of Arundel, who -carried out the original intentions of its founders. Queen Elizabeth -frequently resided at Nonesuch, but whether as guest or tenant is -uncertain. Charles II presented it to the Duchess of Cleveland, who -completely demolished the palace and disparked the lands. - -[40] Possibly the “Virgin of the Rocks,” now in the National Gallery. - -[41] At the Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg. - -[42] Lately in the possession of the Duke of Norfolk, and now belonging -to the nation. - -[43] Windsor Castle. - -[44] There were several of these allegorical “tables,” one or two of -which survive to this day in ancient contemporary engravings. - -[45] Among the astronomers was the learned Nicholas Crager. William -Parr was also a student of astronomy. The State Papers contain some -mention of astronomical instruments purchased for him. Needless to say, -this “astronomy” was really only astrology under another name. - -[46] Will Somer, or Somers, Court Jester to Henry VIII, and apparently -continued in that office by Edward VI, was originally in the service -of Richard Farmer, Esq., of Easton Newton, Northampton. This gentleman -was, in consequence of his having sent two groats and some articles of -clothing to a priest convicted of denying the King’s supremacy, found -guilty of a _præmunire_ and deprived of his estates. The distress to -which his former master was thereby reduced attracted the attention of -Will Somers, who during the King’s last illness availed himself of his -privileged position to let fall certain remarks concerning him, which -so worked upon the King’s mind that Henry was induced to restore to -Mr. Farmer what remained of his estates. Will Somers was an excellent -musician and had a very fine voice. - -[47] This sort of slavish homage excited the sarcasm of the -Ambassadors. Soranzo, the Venetian Envoy, tells us he once saw Princess -Elizabeth kneel five times before venturing to address her brother -Edward. - -[48] The household inventories of the Queen’s rooms contain mention of -innumerable pillows and cushions richly covered with silk and satin, -and also of costly counterpanes. This Oriental custom of using soft -pillows may have been introduced into England by Katherine of Aragon. -In England as in Spain the Sovereign only was allowed a chair. - -[49] Political influence of this period no doubt seconded the good -offices of Queen Katherine in favour of Princess Mary. Her cousin the -Emperor was no longer an enemy, but an ally. - -[50] This is the beautiful letter beginning _La nemica fortuna_, -which, although written by an English princess, is, in its way, a very -masterpiece of Italian epistolary literature. It may have been written -under the auspices of the famous Baltazar Castiglione, who taught -Elizabeth the Italian language. - -[51] After her accession Queen Mary ordered this work to be recalled. - -[52] State Papers, Domestic Series, Henry VIII, 1544-5. Lord Parr of -Horton died in 1545. - -[53] Some very interesting particulars unknown to English historians -of the siege of Boulogne and of the sojourn of Henry VIII, Suffolk, -Surrey, and their merry men in Picardy, will be found in _Les Archives -de la Ville de Boulogne_; _Histoire de la Ville de Montreuil-sur-Mer_, -by F. Leplon; _Memoires de Martin de Bellamy_ (Michaud, Paris, 1838); -_Inventaire de l’Histoire de France_, by Le Comte Jean de Serre; in -a very curious little volume entitled _Le Château d’Hardelot_; also -in _Notre Dame de Boulogne_, by l’Abbé Haignere, published by Hamain, -Boulogne-sur-Mer, 1898; and in the _Spanish Chronicle of the Reign of -Henry VIII_, translated by Major Martin Hume. - -[54] Full particulars of the reasons for and the progress of this -disagreement will be found in vol. viii. of the _Spanish State Papers -of Henry VIII_, vols. vii. and viii., edited by Major Martin Hume. - -[55] See for evidence of this fact a curious document included in the -Notes to the _Journal_ of Edward VI, who himself informs us that his -father drove away anybody who appeared before him in mourning. - -[56] Speed. - -[57] See Privy Council Papers, 1546. - -[58] Anne Askew’s “Narrative.” It is but fair to the reputation of both -Rich and Wriothesley to state that Anne herself admits that she sat -talking with both for two hours immediately after the torture, which -she could not possibly have done if it had been very severe. - -[59] The text of the full confession of Mrs. Askew will be found among -the State Papers for 1545, Nos. 390, 391. - -[60] This scene must have taken place, not at Windsor, as stated by -Foxe, for Henry never was there after the early spring of 1546, but at -Hampton Court. The allusion to his striking Gardiner’s name out of his -will must refer to some of the many wills he made before his last (in -December of the same year). In this Gardiner’s name was not struck out, -but simply omitted. - -[61] Dr. Thirlby’s name was not omitted in the last will, but he was -absent abroad at the time of the King’s death. - -[62] See Note at the end of this Chapter. - -[63] This curious fact, that the unorthodox if not heretical King -actually communicated at the same time as the orthodox Ambassador, is -one of the most significant incidents in the story of this singular -period of religious disquiet. - -[64] Among the members of the house of Howard who were prisoners in the -Tower at this time were Agnes, Dowager Duchess of Norfolk, the Lord -William Howard and his wife and sister, the Countess of Bridgewater, -and Lord Thomas Howard, Surrey’s younger brother, who was imprisoned -for marrying Henry’s niece, the Lady Margaret Douglas, without the -royal consent. - -[65] For an account of these processions see Machyn’s Diary (_The -Diary of Henry Machyn_, edited by John Gough Nicholas, F.S.A., Camden -Society, pp. 63, 107, etc. Also note, p. 399). - -[66] The Lord Mayor, who was at the arraignment of Queen Anne Boleyn, -afterwards said that he “could not observe anything in the proceedings -against her, but that they were resolved to make an occasion to get rid -of her”--thus corroborating the opinions of Sir Thomas Wyatt and other -witnesses. - -[67] When quite a lad, the Duke married the Princess Anne Plantagenet, -youngest daughter of Edward IV and sister to Queen Elizabeth of York. -By this royal alliance he became uncle-by-marriage to Henry VIII. Anne, -Duchess of Norfolk, died of consumption in 1512, and shortly afterwards -her widower married again. - -[68] This lady was the second daughter of the unfortunate Duke of -Buckingham, who was executed on a public charge of combined sorcery and -treason, in the first years of Henry VIII’s reign. - -[69] Elizabeth Holland was the daughter of John Holland of Redenhall, -Norfolk, chief steward and afterwards secretary to the Duke of Norfolk. -Her mother was a Hussey, niece of Lord Hussey of Sleaford, beheaded for -the part he took in the Pilgrimage of Grace. - -[70] Sir John Seymour, father of Queen Jane, was a man of note in his -day. He was born in 1474, and was a doughty soldier, fighting well at -the sieges of Terouenne and Tournay, and at the Battle of the Spurs. On -his return to England he was appointed Sheriff of Wells, Dorset, and -Somersetshire. In 1515 he obtained the Constableship of Bristol Castle. -His wife, Margery Wentworth, was the daughter of Sir Henry Wentworth -of Nettlestead, Suffolk, whose grandfather married a granddaughter of -Hotspur (Henry Percy), and was thus descended from Edward III. Sir John -Seymour died in 1517. - -[71] Realising the suddenness of their rise to power, Hayward says of -the Seymour brothers (_Life of Edward VI_, p. 82) that “their _new_ -lustre did dim the light of men honoured with ancient nobility.” - -[72] Little is known of William Pickering except that he was a boon -companion of Lord Surrey. See _Courtships of Queen Elizabeth_ by Martin -Hume. - -[73] Holbein’s fine sketch of Lady Surrey shows her to have been -distinctly “homely” but extremely intelligent-looking. - -[74] An examination of the Privy Papers shows that Surrey was -originally brought before the Council on a charge of eating flesh on -days of abstinence--a grave offence, and one against the law, but at -that period of frequent occurrence, since no less than nine joiners -had been a few days previously arrested and severely reprimanded, and -even heavily fined, for the offence of eating meat in public on Friday. -Surrey pleaded guilty, but in extenuation declared he had received -an ecclesiastical dispensation. With regard to the second charge, of -riotous conduct, he declared himself deserving of punishment, but threw -himself on the mercy of the Court, alleging, in extenuation of his -misdemeanour, his youth and hot-blooded disposition. He is said to have -written an abject apology; but, though the letter is extant, it is not -in his handwriting, and may therefore be a forgery. The occurrence took -place on the night of 21st January 1544. - -[75] M. Edmond Bapst, _Vie de Deux Gentilhommes Poètes du Temps de -Henri VIII_. - -[76] Surrey, in his metrical “Satire,” makes use of the same whimsical -excuse for shooting with a bow through citizens’ windows. Says he:-- - - “This made me with a reckless brest, - To wake thy sluggards with my bow; - A figure of the Lord’s behest, - Whose scourge for synne the Scriptures shew.” - -[77] This ball was, it appears, given for the purpose of conciliating -the Seymours and at Surrey’s express request. It must have been a -picturesque function, with its rich costumes, its splendid but rather -roughly expressed profusion and hearty welcome. Just such a ball as -this old Capulet gave on that ever-memorable night when Juliet first -met her Romeo. Was it to dance the _Volta_ or the _Salta_ with him that -Surrey invited the angry Countess? These, the two most fashionable -dances of the period, had been but recently introduced from France and -Italy. The latter resembled, and very closely too, our modern waltz, -only in the _Salta_ the gentleman lifts the lady from time to time an -inch or so from the ground, as in the German hop waltz. - - “Yet there is one, the most delightful kind, - A lofty jumping, or a leaping round, - When arm in arm, two dancers are entwin’d, - And which themselves, in strict embracements bound - And still their feet, an anapest do sound; - An anapest is all their music’s song - Whose first two feet are short, the rest are long.” - - _Sir John Davies’ Orchestra._ - -See also for an account of the _Volta_, the _Orlando Furioso_ of -Boiardo, book xv. stanza 43. These two dances, the _Volta_ and the -_Salta_, were introduced into Scotland by Madeleine de Valois, the -first wife of James V, and gave terrible offence to the “unco’ guid” -folk of “Auld Reekie.” - -[78] See State Papers, Domestic Series, Henry VIII, 1542-3; also Miss -Strickland’s excellent biography of Katherine Howard in the _Lives of -the Queens of England_, and the _Wives of Henry VIII_, by Martin Hume. - -[79] The Duke’s second son. - -[80] Herbert’s _Henry VIII_. - -[81] These are the volumes he desired to have delivered to him whilst -imprisoned in the Tower. - -[82] He must have left Norfolk in a great hurry, for he had to borrow -a sum of money from Sir William Stonor, Lieutenant of the Tower, to -buy a dark suit of clothes in which to appear before the Council. The -documents connected with this transaction are still preserved in the -British Museum, Additional MSS 24459, fol. 1497. - -[83] _Spanish Chronicle of Henry VIII_, translated by Major Martin -Hume, and the _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, vol. viii., by the -same Editor. - -[84] These “night-gowns” were most probably what we should now call -“evening dresses” or “dress suits.” - -[85] This lady was a rather interesting personage, being the first -British peeress who was ever reduced to earning her living by her -needle. She was the widow of that Earl of Oxford who was killed during -the Wars of the Roses and whose estates were so carefully confiscated -that his widow was left penniless. - -[86] A list of the names of persons in the Earl’s retinue is extremely -curious. In the first place, we find that one John Holland was private -secretary. He was the father of George Holland, who in his turn was the -father of the husband of that Mrs. Holland who figured in the Surrey -trial. Then we have Mr. William Sappeworth, Mr. Widdow, Mr. Hairbottle, -and Mrs. Ingliss. We learn that the company was often regaled with -boiled neck of mutton; and a very favourite dish appears to have been -boiled capon with sauce and a roast breast of veal basted. Occasionally -they indulged in rabbit pie, and there was a bountiful supply of tarts, -custards, and sweetmeats. - -[87] Hunsdon, in Worcestershire, was one of the numerous seats of the -Duke of Norfolk, which he lent on rental to Princess Mary, who first -came there in 1536, having in her company Mistress Elizabeth Fitzgerald -or Garret. The house, according to William Worcester, was built in -Henry VI’s reign by Sir William Oldhall at an expense of 7000 marks. It -had four towers and was mainly built of brick. - -[88] Lady Kildare’s frequent petitions to King Henry for money -generally contain some mention of her being his kinswoman and “of his -most Royal blood.” See Cottonian MSS, Titus B. xi. 342. It will be -remembered that Lady Elizabeth Grey attended the christening of the -Lady Frances at Hatfield Church as a sponsor. - -[89] It has frequently been stated that the Lady Elizabeth -Fitzgerald--or Garret, as she was generally called--was educated with -Princess Mary, but this is obviously incorrect, since she was born when -her future royal mistress was fully fourteen years of age. But she was -certainly in Mary’s service, and not in that of her sister Elizabeth, -as stated by Bapst. - -[90] There is a fine portrait of her by Kettel at Woburn Abbey, and a -copy at Carton. - -[91] Princess Mary’s present to Mistress Elizabeth Garret on her -marriage was “A gold broach with one bolace of the history of Susanne.” -Another gift is mentioned in her list of jewels in the following -entry: “A broach of gold enamelled black, with an agate of the story -of Abraham--with iii small rock rubies--Given to Sir Anthony Brown, -drawing her Grace as his valentine.” - -These gifts were presented to the bride and bridegroom on 10th -December, in the thirty-third year of Henry’s reign. The youthful bride -could not have been more than fifteen years of age, and Sir Anthony was -not much under sixty. - -[92] Hentzner also saw the bedchamber in which Henry VIII died, but -this was late in Elizabeth’s reign, when it was shown as one of the -“lions” of the palace, a fact which tends to prove that the apartment -was never again used by any other sovereign, but kept as a sort of -show-place. - -[93] In his youth Henry’s eyes had been considered fine. In the picture -by Paris Bordone, belonging to the Merchant Taylors’ Company, they are -a light grey and decidedly good in colour and shape. - -[94] Edward VI was never officially proclaimed Prince of Wales--the -document doing so was prepared, but was delayed by the death of his -father. None the less, he is frequently so styled in the last years of -Henry’s reign. - -[95] Dr. Wendy became physician to Elizabeth. He died in 1560 at -Haslingford Court, a manor given to him by Henry VIII. - -[96] Dr. Gale was living as late as 1586. He wrote a curious work -entitled _The Office of a Chirurgeon_, which gives a dreadful picture -of warfare in the sixteenth century. See for an account of this rare -work, once possessed by the author, _The Medical Biography_, p. 65. - -[97] Father Thiveter, a Franciscan, who obtained some curious facts -concerning the death of Henry VIII, presumably from Princess Mary, -wrote an account of that event which has been occasionally reprinted. - -[98] The Queen had sent him a picture of the King, his father, and of -herself, in one frame. Edward was so delighted with the present that he -said he preferred it to gold-embroidered robes and other things most -priceless: “_Quamobrem majores tibi gratias ego ob hanc strenam, quam -si misisses ad me preciosas vestes, aut aurum celatum, aut quidvis -aliud eximium._” - -[99] “Thursday,” writes Aubrey, “was a fatal day to Henry VIII, and so -also to his posterity. He died on Thursday, January 28; King Edward VI -on Thursday, July 6; Queen Mary on Thursday, November 17; and Queen -Elizabeth on Thursday, March 24.” - -[100] During the last year of Henry’s reign Edward had resided at -Hatfield with his sister Elizabeth. Very early in December it was -deemed advisable, owing to the precarious state of the King’s health, -to remove the young Prince from Hatfield, first to Tittenhanger House, -in Hertfordshire, and then to Hertford itself. His various removals can -be traced from the dates of his letters to his father, to the Queen, -and to the Princesses his sisters. On 5th December, for instance, he -wrote a letter to Elizabeth from Tittenhanger lamenting his enforced -absence from her. And later, on the 18th, he wrote another in the same -strain; but on 10th January he addressed his sister Mary a Latin letter -from Hertford, and on the same day the epistle already mentioned to -Queen Katherine. Elizabeth, in the meantime, was relegated to Enfield -Chase, where she remained until she joined Queen Katherine at Chelsea, -after Henry’s death. - -[101] King Francis I, notwithstanding Henry’s unorthodox opinions and -his notorious revolt from Rome, ordered a Requiem to be said in the -Cathedral of Notre Dame de Paris for the repose of the soul of his -well-beloved brother, Henry VIII, King of England, at which service -he assisted; he also left in his will a sum of money to be devoted to -Masses to be said in perpetuity for the same pious purpose. A Mass is -still offered every year in the Metropolitan Church of Paris for the -repose of the soul of our “Bluff King Hal,” the custom having survived -even the Reign of Terror. - -[102] These noble ladies were not present in any official capacity, -but simply “to pray for the soul of the departed King.” It was not the -custom for women to attend the funeral of a male, except as an act of -devotion. They wore on these occasions black cloth gowns and black -cloaks and hoods or silk scarfs. This costume was general at funerals, -and especially in the country, until the end of the first half of the -last century. - -[103] Her separate establishment was formed early in March, and she -then took up her residence at Chelsea; but she may well have hovered -between Whitehall and the Manor House for some weeks after the King’s -death, whilst her future residence was being put in readiness for her. - -[104] The King’s will was dated 26th December 1546, and revoked all -other previous wills that he might have made. The original was not in -Henry’s own hand, but written in a book of stout paper, and was, it -is said, signed by His Majesty’s stamp as well as his autograph. It -should be remembered that because the act of attainder against the -Duke of Norfolk had merely a stamp affixed to it by Paget, the said -attainder was in 1553 treated as null and void, and the Duke, after his -liberation, at once resumed his seat in the House of Lords. - -[105] This significant allusion to “any other wives he might have” -inclines one to think that had His Majesty lived to seventy or eighty, -he may have contemplated having twelve instead of six wives! - -[106] King Henry’s will is said to have been inspired not only by the -Earl of Hertford and his party, but by the Queen, Katherine Parr. -This, however, is scarcely probable, since if she had had a hand in -the matter she would assuredly have caused a paragraph to have been -inserted appointing her Regent during the minority of her stepson. -Marillac, the French Ambassador, informs us in his “Notes” that when -Katherine discovered that she was not so nominated she gave way to a -great outburst of indignation and temper. - -[107] See the Losely MSS, edited by A. J. Kempe. John Murray, 1835. - -[108] His position as Protector was not officially ratified until 22nd -March. - -[109] As a matter of fact, the royal corpse was, owing to its weight, -not enclosed in a lead shell until it reached Windsor, so that the -chronicler has made a mistake; but the fact that it was in a mere -wooden case lends support to the above horrible story. Strype, it is -true, declares in his _Memorials_, which include a very minute account -of Henry VIII’s funeral, that the _body_ was enclosed in lead before it -was placed in the coffin, thus unintentionally supporting the story of -the leakage of blood; but the plumbers’ bill for the soldering of the -leaden coffin of King Henry VIII at Windsor is still extant among the -Royal Household receipts and expenses. - -[110] After the execution of Thomas Seymour, this fine mansion was -purchased for £41, 6s. 8d. by Henry Fitzalan, Earl of Arundel, -whose only son, Lord Maltravers, was a paragon of learning and -accomplishments. He predeceased his father by nearly twenty years. On -the death of the Earl of Arundel the property passed to his daughter, -Mary, Duchess of Norfolk, and through her the ground-rents are still -payable to the premier Duchy of England. The unfortunate Philip Howard, -Earl of Arundel, who was attainted for his religious opinions in the -reign of Elizabeth, and who died in exile, lived here for some time. In -the eighteenth century the famous Arundel marbles, now at Cambridge, -were to be seen at Arundel House, which was finally pulled down and a -number of rather mean streets built on its site. Quite recently the -property has been immensely improved, and in fairly artistic taste. One -or two very fine hotels--the Howard and the Arundel, for instance--have -been erected on the site of the old palace. The Colonial and American -guests at these excellent establishments will perhaps be interested -to know that that favourite heroine of history, Lady Jane Grey, dwelt -hereabouts. - -[111] State Papers, 1537, under Seymour. - -[112] It is possible that Henry VIII intended, when he married Jane -Seymour, not to allow his mother-in-law to interfere in his concerns. -Some such thing happened with regard to Lady Wiltshire, Anne Boleyn’s -mother, who is very little heard of after her daughter’s marriage. - -[113] Lord Hertford clandestinely married Lady Jane Grey’s second -sister, Lady Katherine, and was imprisoned for many years in the Tower -by Elizabeth’s order “for venturing to marry an heiress to the throne.” - -[114] When this proposal was eventually made to the boy-King, he -was highly indignant, and remarks in his _Journal_ that it “was his -intention to choose for his Queen a foreign princess well stuffed and -jewelled”--meaning that his bride should be endowed with a suitable -dower and a regal wardrobe. - -Lady Jane Seymour died early in the reign of Elizabeth, one of whose -maids-of-honour she was, and is buried in Westminster Abbey. - -[115] Hayward (_Life of Edward VI_) describes Sudeley as “fierce -in courage, courtly in fashion, in personage stately, in voice -magnificent, but somewhat empty in matter”(!). - -[116] The Queen alludes here not, as generally supposed, to the Lady -Frances Brandon, but to her stepmother, the witty Duchess Katherine, -who uses this curious expression in one of her letters. - -[117] This belief received confirmation in a letter of “Kateryn the -Quene” to the Lord Admiral in which she says, “When it shall be your -pleasure to repair hither, ye must take some pains to come early in the -morning, that ye may be gone again by seven o’clock; and so I suppose -ye may come hither without suspect. I pray you let me have knowledge -over-night at what hour ye will come, that your portress [_i.e._ -herself] may wait at the gate of the fields for you.” This letter is -signed, “By her that is and shall be, your humble, true, and loving -_wife_ during her life.” This was written from Chelsea Manor House -after Henry VIII’s death. - -[118] From one of Fowler’s letters to Sudeley we learn that “His -Highness the King is not half a quarter of an hour by himself,” and -that “in his secret leisure His Grace hath written his commendations to -the Queen’s Grace and to your lordship [Sudeley].” Moreover, he says -that the King intends to write letters “whenever he can do so, that is, -when there is no supervision kept over his actions.” Enclosed in this -letter from Fowler were two notes written in Edward’s childish hand on -torn scraps of paper. The first is a request for money: “My Lord, send -me _per_ Latimer [another go-between] as much as ye think good, and -deliver it to Fowler.--EDWARD.” On the second is written: “My Lord, I -thank you and pray you have me commended to the Queen.” - -[119] Strype’s _Memoirs_, vol. ii. part i. p. 59. - -[120] See the State Papers. - -[121] This lady was a daughter of Humphrey Bouchier, Lord Berners, and -wife of Sir Thomas Bryan or Brian. She was the “my lady maistress” of -Princess Mary, whose Privy Purse Expenses contain several items to her -credit--as in January 1537: “Item paid for a broach and a frontlet and -the same given to my lady maistress, xxxviij.” Lady Bryan or Brian was -for a time governess to Princess Elizabeth as well as to Prince Edward. -She was created a Baroness in her own right, but does not appear from -her correspondence and petitions to have had sufficient income to -support the dignity of a peeress. This able lady died on 20th August -1551 at Leyton, in Essex. (See Strype’s Appendix to Stowe’s _Survey of -London_ for 1720, vol. ii. p. 114.) - -[122] Mrs. Sybel or Sybilla Penn, dry nurse to Edward VI, was not, as -erroneously stated by Gough Nichols in his _Literary Remains of Edward -VI_, the daughter of Sir Hugh Pagenham or the wife of John Penne, -barber-surgeon to Henry VIII, but the daughter of William Hampton of -Dodyngton, Buckinghamshire, and owed her appointment as dry nurse and -foster-mother to the future King to the good offices of Sir William -Sydney. She married Mr. David Penn, and continued at Court after the -death of Edward, being very kindly treated by both Mary and Elizabeth. -She had an apartment in Hampton Court Palace, and died there in 1562 -of the smallpox, at the same time that Elizabeth herself was attacked -by that dreadful malady. She is buried in Hampton Church, and is said -to haunt the palace because her bones were disturbed when the position -of her monument was altered many years ago (1820). Mrs. Penn’s spirit -was greatly displeased at this removal, and forthwith took to haunting -the palace she had inhabited for so many years. Her ghost has been -seen ascending the stairs as recently as 1896, when she nearly scared -the attendant out of his wits. The well-known sketch by Holbein signed -“Mother Jack” is supposed to be a portrait of this lady, but Sir -Richard Holmes, the late learned Librarian at Windsor Castle, disputes -this opinion, and attributes another portrait to her. (See Ernest Law’s -_History of Hampton Court Palace_. George Bell & Sons. Tudor Period, p. -197 _et seq._) - -[123] Edward’s friend and companion, Barnaby Fitzpatrick, was the -eldest son of the Irish chieftain, Barnaby Gill Patrick, Lord of Upper -Ossory, who made his submission to the King in 1537, and was created -a Baron by his old title in 1541. Barnaby’s mother was the widow of -Thomas Fitzgerald, a grandson of the Earl of Desmond. Barnaby, who was -brought up with Edward, was sent for a year’s education to the French -Court: whilst there he received many letters from his royal friend. -On his return to England Barnaby Fitzpatrick continued to enjoy the -King’s favour. After Edward’s death he entered the service of Mary and -went to fight in Scotland. Under Elizabeth, Barnaby, who had by this -time become Baron of Upper Ossory, fought for the Queen in Ireland, and -actually slew Oge O Moarda, or Rory O’More, one of the great rebels -of the day. Barnaby Fitzpatrick died in 1581 without issue, and was -succeeded by his brother, Florence, whose descendants enjoyed the title -of Upper Ossory until the extinction of the peerage in 1818. (See for -further particulars of his career John Gough Nichols’ _Literary Remains -of Edward VI_, p. 64. Printed for the Roxburgh Club.) - -[124] Sir John Cheke was an early forerunner of President Roosevelt, -for not only did he reform the pronunciation of Greek, but he actually -instituted a reform of English orthography. His suggestions for the -simplification of our writing were very curious and worth detailing. -Firstly, there was to be no _e_ at the end of words, so he wrote excus, -giv, hay, and so on. Secondly, when _a_ is sounded long, he would have -had it doubled, as maad, straat (made, straight), etc. Thirdly, he -replaced _y_ by _i_, as mi, sai, awai, for my, say, away! The rest of -the language was phoneticised, as britil (brittle), frute (fruit), and -so on. He translated part of the Bible into his new English, a copy of -which is now at Cambridge. - -[125] Wriothesley having now become Earl of Southampton, evidently -hoped to represent for some time in the Privy Council the old -faith--_i.e._ schismatic--as it had been under Henry VIII, probably -with the view of eventually modifying it into the ancient Roman -Catholicism which had been the religion of his youth. But as he showed -the extent of his ambition by putting the Great Seal into commission -without the authority of his colleagues, he offended Somerset and gave -him the opportunity of getting a dangerous competitor out of the way by -arresting Wriothesley on a vague charge of treason and ordering him to -confine himself to his own house in the Strand. With the same intention -of “clearing the board,” the Protector had Winchester also arrested and -thrown into the Tower. - -[126] There is a very minute account of Edward VI’s coronation (from -an MS. at the College of Arms) in Nichols’ _Literary Remains of Edward -VI_. The _Spanish Chronicle_ also gives a curious description of it, -where the writer says (p. 153 _et seq._) that at the cross in Cheapside -there was a triumphal arch “made to look like the sky,” whence -descended a boy “like an angel,” who gave the King a purse containing -£1000, which His Majesty handed over to the captain of the guard, -much to the astonishment of the people; the chronicler significantly -adds that the boy-King “had not the strength” to carry this weighty -gift. The way from the Abbey to Westminster Hall was spread with “fine -cloth”--“at least twenty lengths”--and “the moment the King passed -these cloths disappeared, for whoever could cut a piece off took it for -himself.” The Spaniard makes the curious mistake of saying that Henry -VIII’s death was not made known to the public until _after_ Edward’s -coronation. (The coronation to which the Chronicler referred was that -called the first coronation, which took place in the Tower on the 31st -January. The King’s death was not generally known until then.--M. H.) - -A large contemporary picture of Edward VI’s coronation procession was -destroyed in a fire at Cowdray House (the home of the Montagu family) -in 1793; but in the engraving of it made previously by the Society of -Antiquaries we perceive a man bearing a cross leading the troop of -knights, etc., preceding the King--another proof of the persistence of -the old religious customs. - -[127] Of this man Strype says: “He was entertained here [England] -divers years with the Earl of Bedford; and _expecting preferment here, -failing of it, he departed_ and lived abroad.” This certainly does not -put Master Peter’s reason for coming to this country in quite such a -good light as his description of himself as “an exile from Italy ... by -reason of his confession of the doctrine of the Gospel.” See Strype’s -_Annals_, iii. i. 660. - -[128] _Original Letters relative to the English Reformation, written -during the Reigns of King Henry VIII, etc._ Edited for the Parker -Society by the Rev. Hastings Robinson, D.D., F.S.A. Cambridge, 1847. -They are generally called “The Zurich Letters.” - -[129] Anne Boleyn was very dark. Froude mentions her “blonde -tresses”--but they were really raven black; her eyes were black and -velvety. Elizabeth’s hair may have been black, but the habit of dyeing -the hair golden and Venice red was universal, even for children, at -this period. The magnificent portrait by Lucas de Heere at Hampton -Court represents the young Queen with dark hair and eyes. - -[130] “Considerable confusion exists as to the identity of some of -these historical houses. Messrs. Wheatley and Cunningham, in their most -useful _London Past and Present_, seem to think that Sir Thomas More -resided in Chelsea Manor before Katherine Parr came to live there. -After the execution of More his estate at Chelsea was confiscated by -Henry VIII and given to the Marquess of Winchester. Chelsea New Manor, -which was inhabited by Katherine Parr and others,--and, under the -Commonwealth, by Bulstrode Whitelock,--came into the hands of the Duke -of Buckingham, who sold it to the Duke of Beaufort (hence Beaufort -Street). It was purchased in 1738 by Sir Hans Sloane, who pulled it -down in 1740. There is, moreover, local tradition, and even historical -evidence, that there were two distinct manors at Chelsea in the first -half of the sixteenth century--Chelsea New Manor, and Chelsea Old -Manor. Dr. King, in his MS. account of Chelsea, says that the ‘old -manor-house stood near the church.’ This is the house associated with -the deaths of Anne of Cleves and of the old Duchess of Northumberland. -He mentions another house, Chelsea New Manor, standing on that part -of Cheyne Walk which adjoins Winchester House, and extends as far as -‘Don Saltero’s coffee house.’ ‘This house was built by Henry VIII as -a nursery for his children, and here Katherine Parr lived.’ A picture -of it in Faulkner’s _Chelsea_ shows it not unlike St. James’s Palace. -Small turrets communicate with the chimneys; the windows are long -and high, and one of them has a Tudor arch on top. On the site of -the present Durham House, Durham Terrace, the town residence of Sir -Bruce and Lady Seton, there stood, not so many years ago, an ancient -wainscoted house with a fine staircase, rather mysteriously connected -by report with Jane Grey, who, according to a local tradition, lived -here before she was made queen. In the beginning of the century this -house was made a fashionable school for young ladies, but was pulled -down in 1860 to make room for the present mansion.”--Mr. Richard -Davey’s _Pageant of London_, vol. i. p. 379. - -[131] Deposition of Mrs. Ashley in the Hatfield State Papers. - -[132] There are several versions of this story. For instance, Henry -Clifford, a retainer of Jane Dormer, Duchess of Feria, says, in his MS. -Life of that lady (London, Burns & Oates, 1887) that “In King Edward’s -time what passed between the Lord Admiral, Sir Thomas Seymour, and her -[Elizabeth] Dr. Latimer preached in a sermon, and was a chief cause -that the Parliament condemned the Admiral. There was a bruit of a child -born and miserably destroyed, but could not be discovered whose it -was; only the report of the midwife, who was brought from her house -blindfold thither, and so returned, saw nothing in the house while she -was there, but candle light; only she said, it was the child of a very -fair young lady. There was a muttering of the Admiral and this lady, -who was then between fifteen and sixteen years of age.” - -[133] Among the guests at Sudeley at this period, with whom Lady Jane -must have come into contact, was the Marchioness of Northampton, wife -of William Parr, the Queen’s only brother. This unfortunate lady, who -was closely allied with the Crown, had been so indiscreet that when her -marriage came to be dissolved her children were declared illegitimate. -She was living apart from her husband at the time of this visit to -Sudeley. The Tudor great ladies were distinctly “mixed” in their love -affairs, and Lady Northampton has been saddled with perhaps the worst -reputation of any woman of her time; yet the _Spanish Chronicle_, -which, as already remarked, contains much personal “back-stair” gossip, -reveals some curious facts about this lady’s behaviour, and shows -that a great part of the blame rests on the Marquis her husband, who, -on altogether insufficient evidence, accepted a story of her having -misconducted herself with a man-servant. See the _Chronicle of King -Henry VIII of England, etc._ (the _Spanish Chronicle_), chap. lxii. p. -137 _et seq._, translated by Major Martin Hume. - -[134] Inventory of furniture and other goods at Sudeley Castle. Dated -1547-8. - -[135] See Latimer’s Sermons in Strype’s _Memorials_. - -[136] Haynes’ State Papers, p. 104. - -[137] Robert Huycke, or Huicke, was an M.A. of Oxford. He was divorced -from his wife in 1546, and later married again. In 1550 Edward VI made -him his physician extraordinary at the munificent salary of £50 per -annum. Huycke was greatly in favour with Elizabeth, and she gave him a -house near Enfield. He died near Charing Cross in (it is believed) 1581. - -[138] This interesting account shows how many Catholic customs -still survived--the offering here mentioned is evidently a relic -of the Offertory at the Requiem Mass, otherwise explained; and the -candles also are distinctly a part of Roman Catholic ritual, though -Coverdale’s account of their signification is not altogether that -given by Catholics. The _Te Deum_ is no longer sung or said at either -Catholic or Anglican funerals. The fact that the writer of this account -mentions that the whole service was done in one morning, shows that the -brevity of the new form of worship was somewhat of a novelty to people -accustomed to the long series of Dirges and Masses accompanying burials -in Catholic times. Sir Walter Besant says, on p. 154 of his _London -in the Time of the Tudors_, “Before the coming of the Puritans the -funerals continued with much of the old (Catholic) ritual.” - -[139] Froude says, “The Lady Frances, now that the Queen was dead, -no longer thought the Admiral’s house a becoming residence for her -daughter and sent for her.” The Lady Frances did nothing of the sort; -Sudeley himself first suggested the Lady Jane’s removal to her parents’ -custody. - -[140] Hatfield MSS. - -[141] Hatfield MSS. - -[142] Hatfield MSS. - -[143] Sir William Sharington or Sherington was one of the most -benighted frauds of this age, albeit a very successful one. He was -born about 1495, and was of good Norfolk family. In 1546 he became -vice-treasurer of the Bristol Mint, being created a Knight of the Bath -at Edward VI’s coronation. Once installed in this office, he made a -sort of “corner” in West-Country Church plate, which he bought cheap -from the Somerset villagers, and coined into “testons” or shillings -of two-thirds alloy. By this means, and by shearing and clipping -coins, falsifying the account books of the Mint, the originals of -which he destroyed, and by other cheating, he managed to amass £4000 -(an enormous sum in those days) in three years. Probably fearing that -Sudeley, whose friend he was, might reveal these affairs to his brother -the Protector, Sir William lent the Lord Admiral money, placed the -Bristol Mint at his disposal, and, as we shall see, helped him in his -nefarious schemes. He bought manors in Wiltshire from the King for -£2808; but he was arrested on 19th January 1548-9. He was questioned in -the Tower, but denied the charge of conniving at Sudeley’s intrigues. -In February, however, he turned traitor to the Lord Admiral and -admitted all, throwing himself on the King’s mercy. He was pardoned in -acts of 30th December 1549 and of 13th January 1550. He now somewhat -settled down, buying back with a part of the purchase-money given -by the French for Boulogne, which money had got into his hands, his -confiscated manors and lands, some of which he presented to the -King--likely enough the reason why Latimer, in a sermon preached -before His Majesty in 1551, described this admitted cheat as “an -honest gentilman and one that God loveth”(!!). Sharington got himself -appointed Sheriff of Wiltshire, and died in 1551. There is a portrait -of him by Holbein in the Royal Library at Windsor. He was married three -times, but left no children. - -[144] _Vide_ Dorset’s deposition in the Hatfield MSS. - -[145] Nothing could be more forcible as a proof of the manner in -which Sudeley, in the style of the Duke of Northumberland at a later -period, threatened and bullied any who dared to oppose him, than the -following story. About the time that he was endeavouring to supplant -his brother in Edward’s affections, he tried to induce the boy-King -to write a letter for him to the Parliament, which was to meet in the -November of that year. It was suggested that Parliament might not -grant his demands; whereupon, said “my Lord of Sudeley,” “I will make -[it, if that be so] the blackest Parliament that has ever been seen in -England”--“blackest” perhaps meaning “the most humbled and depressed” -Parliament ever seen, which shows that Sudeley was sufficiently -self-confident to believe that he could coerce whole bodies of -administrators at his will. - -[146] Sudeley’s nefarious assistant, Sharington, Sir Thomas Parry, John -Fowler, and Mrs. Ashley were all imprisoned in the Tower at the same -time as Sudeley. - -[147] Sudeley’s connection and connivance at the frauds perpetrated by -Sir William Sharington was also made a count of his indictment. - -[148] Queen Elizabeth stated at a later date that “the Admiral’s life -would have been saved had not the Council dissuaded the Protector from -granting him an interview.” In face of these statements, there would -seem to be little doubt that the Protector, if left to himself, might -have visited a less severe sentence on his brother. - -The Protector’s wife evidently bore in her time a very bad reputation -for intriguing and interference, for Hayward (_Life of Edward VI_, -p. 82) says the troubles between Sudeley and his brother were mainly -due to the quarrel (already mentioned) between Katherine Parr and her -Ladyship--“to the unquiet vanity of a mannish, or rather a devilish -woman [Lady Somerset] ... for many imperfections intolerable, but for -pride monstrous.” - -[149] As to the unfortunate Seymour’s infant child, we learn that after -his death it was carried to Somerset’s house at Sion, whence, after -a short time, it was conveyed to the Dowager Duchess of Suffolk, at -Grimsthorpe, in Lincolnshire. She had been at one time the dearest -friend of Katherine Parr. Here the child had a governess, Mrs. -Aglyonby, and was also attended by a nurse, two maids, and many other -servants, in accordance with her high rank. The Duke of Somerset had -promised that a certain pension should be settled on his niece, and -that her nursery plate and furniture, which had been brought up from -Sudeley to Sion House, should be sent after her to Grimsthorpe. He -pledged his word on this point to the Duchess of Somerset’s gentleman, -Mr. Bertie, who subsequently married his mistress, the Dowager Duchess -of Suffolk; but the promise was never redeemed. The Duchess herself did -not show much maternal tenderness to the child of her quondam friend. -In the second year of Edward VI she wrote a curious letter to Cecil, -begging him to relieve her of the guardianship of the child of the late -Queen. She says: “The late Queen’s child hath lain, and yet doth lay -in my house with her company about her, wholly in my charge.” Then she -accuses Somerset of not sending money for the child’s maintenance, and -adds: “And that ye may better understand that I cry not before I am -pricked, I send you Mistress Glensborough’s [the governess’s] letter -unto me, who, with her maids, nourice, and others daily call upon me -for their wages, whose voices mine ears may hardly bear, but my coffers -much worse.” She declares she is ill, and hopes that the child will be -removed at an early date. There is a very long list in the Lansdowne -MSS of plate, hangings, and even musical instruments, belonging to -this child, which the Lord Protector took and never restored. Cecil -paid little attention to the Duchess’s application. In all probability -he never answered her letter at all. At a later date she wrote to the -Marquis of Northampton, the infant’s uncle, and begged him to receive -her. He behaved even more heartlessly than the Duchess, declaring he -would neither receive the child nor her attendants at his house. Thus -Katherine Parr’s own brother and the Duchess of Somerset, her old -friend, whose life she had actually saved on one occasion from the fury -of Henry VIII, besides spending considerable sums out of her private -means to publish the ungrateful woman’s devotional writings, actually -refused food and shelter to her orphaned child. It is impossible now -to fully trace the child’s eventful history. Strype asserts that she -died young, but there is much reason to believe that she lived and -married Sir Edward Bushel, a gentleman of family, who was in attendance -upon Queen Anne of Denmark, the Consort of James I. His only daughter -married Silas Johnson, and their daughter married into the Lawson -family, an old Suffolk house, which until quite recently possessed a -number of Tudor relics, which, their proprietors alleged and amply -proved, originally belonged to their ancestress, the daughter of -Katherine Parr and the Admiral Seymour, a baby doubtless often caressed -by the gentle Jane Grey. At the close of the seventeenth century some -hundreds of papers belonging to the Lawson family were unfortunately -destroyed by a thoughtless widow. However, an existing copy of the -family pedigree proves almost beyond doubt that the Lawson version of -the fate of Seymour’s daughter was accurate in every detail. One thing -is evident, that the infant suffered a good deal of neglect in her -childhood, and that she was passed on from one unwilling relative to -another, until at last some kindly soul took compassion on her desolate -state, and brought about a match between her and Sir Edward Bushel. - -[150] The letter in which Ab Ulmis does this will be found in the -Parker Society’s edition of the Reformers’ letters, vol. ii. p. 406, -and is dated 30th April 1550. It simply overflows with flattery of -the Marquis, who is described as “the thunderbolt and terror of the -Papists, that is, a fierce and terrible adversary.... He is much -looked-up to by the King. He is learned and speaks Latin with elegance. -He is the protector of all students, and the refuge of foreigners. He -maintains at his own house the most learned men; he has a daughter, -about fourteen years of age, who is pious and accomplished beyond what -can be expressed; to whom I hope shortly to present your book on the -holy marriage of Christians, which I have almost entirely translated -into Latin. You may adopt this form of dedication to the book: ‘To -Henry Grey, Marquis of Dorset, Baron Ferrers of Groby, Harrington, -Bonville and Astley, one of His Majesty’s Privy Council, and my most -honoured lord, &c. &c.’” So far as can be discovered, neither Jane Grey -nor the Marquis her father wrote to thank Bullinger for this work, no -letter to this effect being extant. - -In the December of the following year (1551) the Marquis of Dorset -wrote to Bullinger from London (_Zurich Letters_, Parker Society, vol. -i. p. 3) to thank him for “the book which you have published under the -auspices of my name,” but this volume was one of Bullinger’s _Decades_, -dedicated to his Lordship in the preceding March. - -[151] _Zurich Letters_ (Parker Society), vol. i. p. 6. - -[152] The above-quoted Latin letter to Henry Bullinger was written when -she was only fourteen. - -[153] See note at end of this Chapter. - -[154] A very fine portrait of this lady was formerly in the possession -of the late Martin Colnaghi, Esq. It represents a handsome matron of -fifty, dressed in the costume of the period. She has regular features, -light eyes, and auburn hair. The picture is dated 1552, the year of the -Suffolk family’s last visit to Walden. Lady Audley’s only child married -that Duke of Norfolk who was executed under Elizabeth for his attempt -to assist Mary Stuart to escape from Tutbury Castle. - -[155] The gay festivities at Tylsey were a matter of some annoyance -to Aylmer, and to the chaplain at Bradgate, Haddon, who feared their -distracting effect on the minds of their pupils, Jane and Katherine -Grey. - -[156] _Zurich Letters_, vol. ii. pp. 447-8. - -[157] Ulmer wrote to Conrad Pellican in the summer of 1552 (_Zurich -Letters_, p. 451) that “Our Duke (Suffolk) has been staying for the -last few days at an estate here in the neighbourhood of Oxford, which -has come to him by inheritance from the late Duke of Suffolk.” The -“late Duke of Suffolk” refers to the Lady Frances’s half-brother, who -has been already frequently mentioned. Ulmer continues: “I waited upon -him and paid my respects, according to the custom of the University.” -Edward VI being at that time in the neighbourhood, Jane was presented -to him, and “received with great favour.” - -[158] Mr. H. Sydney Grazebrook, in his interesting outline on the -subject of Northumberland’s origin, in the _Herald and Genealogical -Review_, vol. v., 1870, thinks John Dudley, Duke of Northumberland, was -really descended from the Dudleys of Sedgley and Tipton, a member of -which ancient house married the widow of John Sutton, Lord of Dudley, -in Henry VI’s time. On the other hand, Dugdale says his grandfather was -a carpenter and “very base-born.” - -Sir Philip Sydney in his curious tract in defence of Robert, Earl -of Leicester, written in answer to “Leycester’s Commonwealth,”--a -scurrilous attack on Queen Elizabeth’s famous favourite,--entirely -denies the aspersions cast upon the honour of a family with which -he was closely allied, his father having married the Duke of -Northumberland’s daughter, Mary. He contends that to his certain -knowledge the Duke was a man of legitimate descent from the ancient -house of Sutton of Dudley, and moreover connected with the greatest -nobility in England. “How can a man descended from such great Houses -as Nevill, Talbot, Beauchamp and Lisley, be deemed otherwise than -honourable and noble?” He continues: “A railing writer has said of -Octavius Augustus, his father was a silversmith; another Italian -declares (oh! the falsehood) that Hugh Capet was descended of a -butcher who was his father. Of divers English names of the best, -foolish dreamers have said one was the descendant of a miller, another -of a shoemaker, another of a furrier, and forsooth yet another of a -fiddler!--foolish lies! and by any who have ever tasted of antiquities, -known so to be, yet those however had luck to treat with honest -railers--for they were not left fatherless clean; but we as if we were -of Ducalion’s brood, were made out of stones--they have left us no -ancestors from whence we came. Edmund Dudley was the father of this -younger brother of the same Lord Dudley, and would have been Lord -Dudley, if the Lord Dudley had died without heirs. His father was -married to the daughter and heir of Bramshot in Sussex. This Dudley’s -father is buried with his wife at Arundel Castle and left land to -Edmund Dudley and so to the Duke my grandfather, in Sussex.” Philip -Sydney ought certainly to have known the true descent of his family, -especially since they were to acquire the title of Leicester from the -Dudleys. - -[159] It will be remembered that the Duke of Suffolk filched the title -of Lisle from the Lady Elizabeth Grey, but on his relinquishing it, it -was given to her eldest son, John Dudley. - -[160] On this expedition Somerset carried out to the letter the -instructions given him by Henry VIII, which will be found in a document -in the State Papers. Nero might have written them. They run as follows: -“Put all to fire and sword, burn Edinburgh Town, and raze and deface -it, when you have sacked it, and gotten what you can out of it.... Beat -down and overthrow the castles, sack Holyrood House, and as many towns -and villages about Edinburgh as you conveniently can. Sack Leith, and -burn and subvert it and all the rest, putting man, woman and child to -fire and sword, without exception, when any resistance shall be made -against you; and this done, pass over to Fife-land and extend all -extremities and destruction in all towns and villages whereunto you -may reach ...; not forgetting ... so to spoil and turn upside down the -Cardinal’s [Beaton] town of St. Andrew’s, as the upper stone may be the -nether, and not one stick stand upon another, sparing no creature alive -within the same, specially such as, either in friendship or blood, be -allied to the Cardinal.” - -[161] For a further account of this campaign, see the dispatches of the -Seymours in the State Papers for the reign of Henry VIII; and for the -second expedition, those for the reign of Edward VI. - -The most heinous crime of all perpetrated on the second expedition--a -crime which damaged Somerset’s reputation to the greatest extent--was -the slaughter of twelve young lads under fifteen years of age, the -children of Scottish horsemen recruited by Lennox, who were held as -hostages for the good behaviour of their parents. Lennox and Lord -Wharton had the poor boys hanged for their fathers’ disaffection; only -one escaped, to become eventually known in the story of Mary Stuart as -Lord Maxwell of Herries. A common soldier to whom he was handed over -by Lennox, and who was sick of the carnage, saved the lad at the risk -of his own life. Somerset rewarded Lennox for his services in this -campaign, and wrote to him “right merrily.” - -[162] See documents dealing with the state of the prisons under Edward -VI in the Record Office. - -[163] See Haylin; Hayward; and Hume, vol. iii. (folio edition) p. 328. - -[164] John Strype says: “About this time [reign of Edward VI] the -nation grew infamous for the crime of adultery. It began among the -nobility and better classes, and so spread at length among the inferior -sort of people. Noblemen would frequently put away their wives and -marry others, if they liked another woman better, or were like[ly] -to obtain wealth by her. And they would sometimes pretend their -former wives to be false to them, and so be divorced, and marry again -those whom they might fancy. These adulteries and divorces increased -very much; yea, and marrying again without any divorce at all, it -became a great scandal to the Realm and to the religion professed in -it.”--Strype’s _Memorials of Archbishop Cranmer_, vol. i. pp. 293, 294. - -[165] Robert Ket was a comparatively rich man, and to some extent -a landowner, by reason of which he came into connection with the -nobleman who afterwards had him killed--Northumberland. Ket bought -Wymondham Abbey at the Dissolution, and also possessed a large part -of Wymondham Town, and certain rich lands between that place and the -royal manorhouse of Stanfield Hall. These lands had been bestowed on -the brotherhood of St. Lazarus of Jerusalem--an offshoot of the Order -of Hospitallers of St. John, who devoted their time to the relief -of the sick poor--by Queen Adelicia, second wife of Henry I. Later -on, Ket sold these ex-monastic lands to John Dudley, afterwards Duke -of Northumberland--the suppressor of the Ket rebellion! Blomefield -(_Norfolk_, article on “Wyndham or Wymondham”) indeed attributes the -cause of that outbreak to a disagreement between the Ket brothers and -Northumberland over these lands. “John Dudley,” says he, “bought some -of these charity lands of Ket the tanner. As for payment, it was done -in his own particular mode.... The two brothers (Ket), finding Dudley -meant to pull down the magnificent tower, the preservation of which was -most dear to their affections, raised the Norfolk poor, whom extreme -misery had driven to discontent, and Wymondham became the nucleus of -the great Norfolk rebellion.” It is much more likely that indignation -at the general state of things, social and religious, under Somerset’s -Protectorship, was at the bottom of this popular rising, and not mere -platonic affection for an ancient tower. - -[166] William Ket’s remains were given “a dip in boiling pitch,” and -then hanged, in their monastic dress, in chains. They continued, like a -ghastly scarecrow, to ornament Wymondham Church until 1603, when they -began to fall, bone by bone, the last piece coming away on the very day -of Queen Elizabeth’s death, 25th March 1603. - -[167] Printed in Tytler’s _England under Edward VI and Mary_, vol. i. -p. 205. - -[168] Mr. Pollard says that Herbert’s private park had been ploughed -up, whilst Russell “had been reprimanded for exceeding his instructions -in his severity towards the rebels.” It is interesting to learn, by the -way, that Somerset did make some effort to check the butcheries in the -West. - -[169] In making all these warlike preparations Somerset was acting on -the mere premise--since Petre had never returned to Hampton Court, -and he had no news from the metropolis--that Warwick contemplated -some sort of _coup d’état_; for no _open_ act of violence had been -perpetrated. The revolution of 1549, which practically placed Warwick -in the Protectorship and Somerset (temporarily) in the Tower, proved -successful, as we shall presently see, but it was an entirely bloodless -victory. - -[170] In addition to his incipient consumption, the poor little King -would seem to have caught a cold on his original journey to Hampton -Court. The _Literary Remains_ say, “The Kinge’s Majesty is much -troubled with a great rewme; taken partly while riding hither in the -night” (vol. i. p. cxxxi). - -[171] This nobleman was created Earl of Warwick on his father’s -assumption of the title of Duke of Northumberland, and under that title -was imprisoned in the Tower, which has been the cause of some confusion -to students. - -[172] 9th May 1550. - -[173] This letter is still extant, and seems to point to a possibility -that Lady Seymour’s mysterious retirement may have been due to her -perseverance in the old faith. - -[174] At the same time the Marquis of Dorset was made Duke of Suffolk; -Paulet, Earl of Wiltshire, was raised to the Marquisate of Winchester; -Sir William Herbert, Master of the Horse, was made Earl of Pembroke; -and Mr. William Cecil, Mr. John Cheke, the King’s tutor, Henry Sidney, -and Henry Nevil, were knighted. - -[175] The day following the Duke’s arrest, that hot virago, Anne -Stanhope, his Duchess, together with Mr. and Mrs. Crane, Sir Miles -Partridge, Sir Thomas Arundel, Sir Thomas Holcroft, Sir Michael -Stanhope, and others, were also arrested and conveyed to the Tower, -where the Duchess remained a prisoner until the accession of Queen Mary. - -[176] Wriothesley’s _Chronicle_, ii. 63. - -[177] Nevertheless, the death of Somerset seems to have rankled in the -boy-King’s mind. On one occasion long afterwards, it is said, when -Edward was enjoyed a match of archery with Northumberland and the -King made a remarkably fine shot, the Duke exclaimed, “Well aimed, my -liege.” “But,” replied the young King sarcastically, “you aimed better -when you shot off the head of my uncle Somerset!” Which proves that His -Majesty fully realised Northumberland’s share in that matter. - -[178] There was, of course, the usual crop of infant prodigies and -monsters which followed as portents after every notable decapitation. A -dolphin was caught in the Thames; “a child with two heads was born at -Middleton in Oxfordshire; but although it had four arms it had only a -leg, it caughte cold and died,” which was certainly fortunate for the -nerves of the Middletonians. - -[179] We find instances of this in the enthusiastic joy of the -people at his suspected acquittal, in their excitement on thinking -he was reprieved, and the fact that after the execution many dipped -handkerchiefs and cloths in his blood, “so that they might have -some token to preserve of the memory of a man who had always been -their friend.” It is said that when, some nineteen months later, -Northumberland was going to execution in his turn, a woman shook one -of these handkerchiefs stained with the blood of Somerset in his -face, crying, “Behold the blood of that worthy man, that good uncle -of that excellent King, which, shed by thy malicious practices, does -now apparently revenge itself on thee.” This is also a proof that the -commonalty clearly understood how great had been Northumberland’s share -in bringing about Somerset’s destruction. - -[180] _Zurich Letters_, No. cccxlvii. - -[181] One gets a very fair idea of the improvement in Northumberland’s -position after the death of the Duke of Somerset from the letters of -the Swiss and other Reformers. Ab Ulmis, for instance, tells Bullinger -that “He [Northumberland] almost alone, with the Duke of Suffolk, -governs the State, and supports and upholds it on his own shoulders. -He is manifestly the thunderbolt and terror of the Papists.” He -goes on to say that when Somerset licensed Mary to have Mass in her -apartments, Northumberland said angrily, “The Mass is either of God or -of the Devil; if of God, it is but right that all our people should -be allowed to go to it; but if it is not of God, as we are all taught -out of the Scriptures, why then should not the voice of this fury be -equally proscribed to all?”... “Therefore,” says Ab Ulmis, “as soon -as he had succeeded into his office, Northumberland immediately took -care that the mass-priests of Mary should be thrown into prison, -whilst to herself he entirely interdicted the use of the Mass and of -Popish books.”--_Zurich Letters_, ii. 439. No wonder Mary did not love -Northumberland! - -[182] The movements of Lady Jane from January 1552 onwards appear -to have been as follows. In January 1552 she was alternately at -Tylsey and at Audley; later in the spring of the same year she was at -Bradgate; in July she went to Oxford, and afterwards to Princess Mary -at Newhall. After this she went with her family, on some unknown date -in 1552, probably in the autumn, to this ex-monastery at Sheen, where -she continued to reside until she came up to London, to (most likely) -Suffolk House, Westminster, for her marriage with Guildford Dudley, in -the spring of 1553. She perhaps spent five days after this at Durham -House, Strand, and then went to Chelsea Manor, now a residence of -the Duke of Northumberland. Thence she went to Sion with Lady Sidney -(as we shall presently relate in detail) on 9th July (1553); on the -following day, from Sion to Westminster Palace, then (the same day) -to Durham House to dine, and lastly to the Tower, which she reached -in the afternoon, and did not leave again, being executed in February -1554 within its precincts. Some writers have fallen into the error of -thinking Lady Jane left the Tower at the close of her nine days’ reign, -at the same time as her father, the Duke of Suffolk. It is not so. From -the day Jane entered the fortress (10th July 1553) to the day of her -death (12th February 1554) she never left it, except for the few hours -of her trial at Guildhall. - -[183] The Priory of Sheen was finally suppressed by Henry VIII in 1539, -or rather, it surrendered its estates to the Crown about the time of -the passing of the Act for the Dissolution of the Monasteries. Most of -the ex-monks of this house died in prison in great misery. In 1540 the -abandoned monastery was granted to Edward, Earl of Hertford, brother of -Jane Seymour, who afterwards became the famous Duke of Somerset. After -his attainder in 1551 it was granted to Henry Grey, Duke of Suffolk, -Jane’s father. The ruins of this building were visible as late as the -middle of the eighteenth century. For further details about this house -see Chancellor’s _History of Richmond_, p. 71. - -[184] Syon has interest for yet another reason, for the nuns to whom -it had formerly belonged, emigrated to Flanders in Henry VIII’s time, -to return to England early in the last century, and thus form the only -unbroken community of pre-Reformation _religieuses_ in England. - -[185] The _History of Queen Jane_ says of Suffolk that “For as he had -few commendable Qualities, he was guilty of no vices.” - -[186] The negotiations for this marriage got so far that Sir Andrew, -who was at this time Master of the Wardrobe, actually ordered certain -splendid garments to be taken out of it for himself and the Lady -Margaret to wear at the wedding; and this, needless to say, with -the consent of Edward VI. Cumberland, however, who approved of this -proposal no more than he did the other, removed himself and the rest -of his family as far from London as he could, and thereby frustrated -Northumberland’s matrimonial scheme, leaving poor Sir Andrew to cut a -by no means dignified figure. Lady Margaret eventually married the Earl -of Derby. - -[187] This story will be found in a MS. among the Harleian Collection -(No. 353). - -[188] As for “having at the Crown,” as a matter of fact if the -Cumberland marriage had taken place it would have put six persons -between Guildford and any chance of his sharing regal honours; or else -the Duke would have had to find some plea for setting aside not only -the Princesses Mary and Elizabeth, but also the Duchess of Suffolk and -her three daughters; this could only have been achieved by urging the -irregularity of the Brandon and Dorset marriages, both of which, as -we have seen, were strictly speaking illegal, for in both cases the -husbands married again before their first marriages had been formally -dissolved, either by the ecclesiastical or the secular courts. - -[189] On the death of Somerset, Lady Cromwell, widow of Thomas -Cromwell, offered to take charge of his four daughters (which would -have included the Lady Anne Seymour), the Duchess being, as we have -said, imprisoned. Whether these ladies were in fact placed in Lady -Cromwell’s charge has never been ascertained. - -[190] Baoardo, a Venetian who was in England in 1553-6, wrote a -historical pamphlet on the events he beheld. Edited by the celebrated -Luca Cortile, it was printed and published by the Accademia di Venezia, -in 1558, and has been frequently reprinted. - -[191] Ascham has told us how bitterly Lady Jane complained of her -parents’ brutal treatment of her even when there was little cause that -they should ill-use their daughter so, and we may easily imagine their -behaviour when they had a more serious complaint against her. - -[192] The only portrait of Guildford Dudley which the writer has ever -seen is that at Madresfield attributed to Lucas van Heere, who could -not, however, have painted it, as at the time of Guildford’s execution -he was only seven years of age. There is another objection to this -picture; it is dated 1566, and Guildford was decapitated in 1553. -Still the inscription may have been painted in at a later date, and -the tradition that it is a portrait of Lady Jane’s unfortunate consort -may be correct. But the costume is more like that of the time of James -I, so large a ruff not being worn in Guildford’s day. There is also at -Madresfield a portrait of Lady Jane Grey attributed to Lucas van Heere. -This is far more beautifully painted than its companion, and is in all -probability by Luca Penni, who painted the alleged portrait of Lady -Jane now in the possession of Lord Spencer at Althorpe, to which it -bears a certain resemblance, both in costume and features. - -[193] Nevertheless, Heylyn says (in his _Reformation_) that “of all -Dudley’s brood he (Guildford) had nothing of his father in him.” -Fuller (_Worthies_) calls him “a goodly and (for aught I know to the -contrary) a godly gentleman, whose worst fault was that he was son to -an ambitious father.” - -[194] The Northumberlands seem to have been in close touch with several -Spaniards. It was due to the intercession of a Spanish noble that the -Duchess obtained her liberty; and it was to the Duchess of Alva that -she bequeathed her pet green parrot. - -[195] The exact date of Jane’s marriage is doubtful. Historians assign -various dates ranging from the beginning of May to the beginning of -June. Stowe contents himself with saying “three notable marriages took -place at Durham Place in May 1553.” Giulio Raviglio Rosso of Ferrara, -who obtained his information from Giovanni Michele, Venetian Ambassador -to England, 1554-7, and from Federigo Badoardo, Venetian Ambassador to -Charles V, speaks of “_Nelle feste dello spirito santo, le nozze molto -splendide e reali, e con molto concorso di populo et de’ principali -del regno_.” That is, “On the feasts of the Holy Ghost (_i.e._ Whit -Sunday), the very grand and regal espousals (took place), and with a -great attendance of the people and of the leaders of the kingdom.” -Hutchinson (_History of Durham_, vol. i. 430) says positively 21st -May; and this agrees with the “_feste_” (_i.e._ “feasts” or within the -octave) of Whit Sunday. Pollino also says it occurred on that day. -Strype (_Ecclesiastical Memorials_, book ii. p. 111) gives more details -than most writers. He says: “And a little before this time were great -preparations making for the match (_which was celebrated in May_) of -the Lady Jane with Guildford, Northumberland’s son, and some other -marriages that were to accompany that; as the Earl of Pembroke’s eldest -son with the Lady Katherine ... etc.” - -The 21st of May was only six weeks and four days before the declining -Edward VI breathed his last (on 6th July). - -Noailles, who is often very vague about his dates, fixes this triple -wedding as taking place in July! - -[196] Lord Herbert’s marriage was not consummated on account of the -youth of the parties. He relinquished the hand of the Lady Katherine -Grey, and in 1561 she bestowed it on the Earl of Hertford. - -[197] “And for the more solemnity and splendour of this day, the -master of the wardrobe had divers warrants, to deliver out of the -King’s wardrobe much rich apparel and jewels: as, to deliver to the -Lady Frances, Duchess of Suffolk, to the Duchess of Northumberland, -to the Lady Marchioness of Northampton, to the Lady Jane, daughter to -the Duke of Suffolk, and to the Lord Guildford Dudley, for wedding -apparel; (which were certain parcels of tissues, and cloth of gold -and silver, which had been the late Duke’s and Duchess’s of Somerset, -forfeited to the King;) and to the Lady Katherine, daughter to the -said Duke of Suffolk, and the Lord Herbert, for wedding apparel, and -to the Lord Hastings, and Lady Katherine, daughter to the Duke of -Northumberland, for wedding apparel, certain parcels of stuff and -jewels. Dated from Greenwich, the 24th of April. A warrant also there -came to the wardrobe, to deliver to the King’s use, for the finishing -certain chairs for his Majesty, six yards of green velvet, and six -yards of green satin; another, to deliver to the Lady Mary’s Grace, his -Majesty’s sister, a table diamond, with pearl pendant at the same; and -to the Duchess of Northumberland, one square tablet of gold, enamelled -black, with a clock, late parcels of the Duchess of Somerset’s jewels. -And lastly, another warrant to Sir Andrew Dudley, to take for the Lady -Margaret Clifford, daughter of the Earl of Cumberland, and to himself, -for their wedding apparel, sundry silks and jewels: this last warrant -bearing date June 8.”--Strype’s _Memorials_, pp. 111-2, book ii. - -[198] The only description of the three weddings is that from the pen -of Giulio Raviglio Rosso, who lived at a later date. See the English -translation of the Venetian State Papers. - -[199] Contemporary account of an English wedding in the sixteenth -century quoted by Howard in his _Life of Jane Grey_. - -[200] The description of this head-dress corresponds with the very -beautiful and picturesque one she wears in the picture, reputed to be -her portrait, now in the possession of Earl Beauchamp at Madresfield. - -[201] There would seem to be some reason to think that Stanfield Hall, -which was often visited by the Plantagenet kings, was part of the -monastic lands purchased by Robert Ket, leader of the famous rebellion. -His brother’s remains, hanging on Wymondham Church, were visible from -its windows. After Lady Jane’s death, Stanfield Hall went to the -Crown. There is no express mention, however, in any existing documents -connected with the Hall, of Jane Grey’s possession of this manor, and -Blomefield was unable to trace it. The tradition that it was part of -Jane’s dower rests on a statement by Strype. Perhaps it was amongst -the lands bought from Ket by the Duke of Northumberland, as already -related; or else it was taken from him by force after the rebellion. - -[202] Pollino relates some personal circumstances omitted by Baoardo. -The former, however, mentions the violence used to Jane by the Duke -of Suffolk, when she refused to marry Guildford, on the grounds of a -previous “contraction.” This is an additional proof of the genuineness -of the letter as rendered by Pollino; for Jane, from filial respect, -does not refer to her father’s cruelty. - -[203] Several of these letters are included in the second volume of -Tytler’s _England under Edward VI and Mary_. - -[204] Table showing the heirs female in remainder to the Crown, named -in the will of Henry VIII and the “Devise” of Edward VI:-- - - King Henry the Seventh and Queen Elizabeth of York, - had issue - | - +-------------------------+-----------------------+ - | | | - King Henry VIII, Margaret, Queen of Scots, Mary, Queen of - father of, grandmother of France, mother of, - by Katherine by Anne Mary Stuart, and by Charles Brandon, - of Aragon, Boleyn, great-grandmother of Duke of Suffolk, - | | King James the First. | - | | | - | +------+ +------------+-+ - | | | | - | | The Lady Frances, The Lady - The Lady Mary, The Lady Elizabeth, Duchess of Eleanor, - æt. 38 in 1553. æt. 20 in 1553. Suffolk, Countess of - æt. 36 in 1553. Cumberland, - | d. 1547. - +-----------------+-----------------+--+ | - | | | | - The Lady Jane, The Lady Katherine, The Lady Mary, The Lady - æt. 17 in to the Earl of to Thomas Margaret, - 1553, m. to Hertford, issue. Skye, or Countess of - Guildford Keyes, Clifford, - Dudley, no issue. issue. - no issue. - -[205] Antoine de Noailles informs us in his Notes that the Lady Frances -was very sore over the way in which her succession to the Crown was set -aside by King Edward in favour of her daughter Jane; and the Duke of -Suffolk had some difficulty in inducing her to accept the situation. - -[206] John Terentianus, writing to John ab Ulmis under date of 29th -November 1553, says (_Zurich Letters_, p. 365): “A few days before his -death the King made a will _at the instigation of Northumberland_, by -which he disinherited both his sisters.” - -[207] _Cranmer’s Works_ (Parker Society), vol. ii. p. 442. - -[208] That is to say, Princess Mary, at that time only a Schismatic, -or “Henryite,” might suddenly become a Roman Catholic, and abolish the -Reformed religion. It should be remembered that Mary was not openly in -communion with Rome until about three months after her accession to the -throne. - -[209] The reader will find the text of the “Devise” at the end of the -next chapter. - -[210] Northumberland, in fact, tyrannised over everybody: Noailles -(_Ambassades Françaises_, ii. 80), says that “_toutes ces choses_ -[Jane’s failure to keep the throne] _sont advenues plus pour la grande -hayne que l’on porte à icelluy duc_ [Northumberland], _qui a voulu -tenir un chacun en craincte, que pour l’amitié que l’on a à ladicte -royne_ [Mary].” - -[211] The original of this letter is among the State Papers. - -[212] The author’s researches lead him to think that this must be -the correct date of Edward’s death; though different dates are given -by some writers. Machyn, Aubrey, and Wriothesley incline to the 6th -of July; but, on the other hand, Burke (_Tudor Portraits_, vol. ii. -p. 398) says it was the 7th of that month, and the writer of the -article on Edward VI in the _Encyclopædia Britannica_ (vol. vii. p. -686) declares that the King died on 4th July! Aubrey says the 6th -was a Thursday; and Burke, that the King died at nine p.m. These -discrepancies are most likely due to the fact that the King’s death was -kept a secret for some days. - -[213] Dr. George Owen was probably the most distinguished physician of -his day. He received honours at Merton College. He attended at Edward -VI’s birth, when he is said untruly to have performed the Cæsarian -operation; he afterwards attended that Prince throughout his life, and -was well treated by him. Amongst the grants made to Owen were Bewley -Abbey, Cumnor Place, Gadstow Abbey, and the chapel of St. Giles, -Oxford. He died on 18th October 1558, and was buried at St. Stephen’s -Walbrook, his funeral being thus recorded by Machyn (_Diary_, p. 177): -“The xxiiij day of October was bered at sant Stevyn in walbroke master -doctur Owyn, phesyssyon, with a ij haroldes of armes and a cote armur -and penon of armes, and iij dosen of armes, and ij whyt branchys, and -xx torchys; and xx pore men had gownes, and ther dener; and iiij gret -tapurs; and the morow masse, and master Harpfheld dyd pryche; and after -a gret dener.” It is strange that Edward’s favourite physician should -have been a “Papist.” Dr. Owen must also have been on good terms with -“Bluff King Hal,” for he received £100 by that monarch’s will. The -second son and the daughter-in-law of Dr. Owen were living at Cumnor -Place in 1560, when the mysterious death of Amy Robsart took place -there. - -[214] But of course their arrest was for having placed Jane on the -throne, not for murdering the King. This is a manifest error on the -part of Burcher. - -[215] _Zurich Letters_, p. 684. - -[216] The belief that the King had been poisoned was, however, very -widespread. Another Reformer, Terentianus, says that it was not only -rumoured, but there were not wanting “many and strong suspicions”; he -attributes it to “the Papists.” Machyn, the diarist, fell into the same -error as Burcher of thinking Northumberland’s arrest due to his share -in Edward VI’s “murder.” He says: “The vj day of July, as they say, -dessessyd [deceased] the nobull kyng Edward the vj. and the vij yere of -ys rayne, and sune and here to the nobull kyng Henry the viij; and he -was poyssoned, as evere body says, wher now, thanks be unto God, ther -be mony of the false trayturs browt to ther end, and j trust in God -that mor shall folow as thay may be spyd owt” (p. 35). Osorius, Bishop -of Sylva (Portugal), wrote to Elizabeth when she was on the throne, -that her brother had died of poison. - -[217] Sir Robert Throckmorton, Sir Nicholas’s elder brother, whom she -much preferred to the latter. - -[218] Some historians have represented the warning as coming to Mary -by way of the Earl of Arundel; but the statement that it came from the -Throckmortons is confirmed by Jardine’s _State Trials_ and Cole’s MS. -vol. xl., British Museum. There is a very curious account of the whole -proceeding in rough verse by Sir Nicholas Throckmorton himself, of -which we give two verses:-- - - “Mourning, from Greenwich did I straight depart, - To London, to a house which bore our name. - My brethren guessèd by my heavie hearte, - The King was dead, and I confess’d the same: - The hushing of his death I didd unfolde, - Their meaning to proclaim Queene Jane I tolde. - - * * * * * - - Wherefore from four of us the newes was sent. - How that her brother hee was dead and gone; - In post her goldsmith then from London went, - By whom the message was dispatcht anon. - Shee asked, ‘If wee knewe it certainlie?’ - Who said, ‘Sir Nicholas knew it verilie.’” - -See _The Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary_, p. 2; also Bishop -Goodman’s _Memoirs_, p. 161. - -[219] Wriothesley says: “Jane came to the Tower from Greenwich,” which -is evidently a mistake. She certainly did not proceed from Westminster -to Greenwich to return thence to the Tower. - -[220] This letter is from Sir Baptist Spinola, a very rich Genoese -merchant, who flourished in London under Edward VI,--by whom he was -knighted,--Mary, and Elizabeth. Frequent mention of him will be found -in the State Papers of this period. On one occasion Elizabeth paid him -an enormous sum--probably for supplies of Genoa velvet and brocade. -The “grand procession to the Tower” refers to the procession from the -landing-place there to the Great Hall. - -[221] A fair number of copies of the Proclamation of Lady Jane Grey -have come down to us, but the original printed Proclamation is in the -Collection of the Royal Society of Antiquaries. Herein the Lady Mary -and the Lady Elizabeth are, as said above, stigmatised as bastards, -whilst it calls upon persons of all degrees to be loyal to “their -lawful Sovereign”--_i.e._ Jane Dudley. The Proclamation was printed by -Richard Grafton, and is a very fine specimen of his workmanship. In -the imprint he styles himself “The Queen’s Printer.” One would like to -discover what became of Mr. Grafton after Mary’s accession? - -[222] Machyn’s _Diary_, p. 35. - -[223] An unknown, who cautiously dubbed himself “Poor Pratte,” -addressed an open letter to Mr. “Onyone” during his imprisonment. The -writer, who was apparently a staunch supporter of Mary, informed his -readers that “if England prove disloyal, evils will come on it ... the -Gospel will be plucked away and the Lady Mary replaced by so cruel a -Pharaoh as the ragged bear (_i.e._ Northumberland).” “Pratte” points -out that Mary is less overjoyed at becoming Queen than sorry for her -brother’s death, whilst Northumberland was pleased thereat; “she would -be as glad of his life as the ragged bear of his death.” The writer -prays God “to raise up Queen Mary and pluck down that Jane--I cannot -nominate her Queen, for that I know no other Queen but the good Lady -Mary, her Grace, whom God prosper.” In conclusion, the writer wishes -Jane’s supporters “the pains of Satan in hell,” and to Mary’s, “long -life and prosperity.” See the Appendix, pp. 116-21 of _The Chronicle of -Queen Jane and Queen Mary_. - -[224] Cecil was originally selected to draw up the draft of the -proclamation, but with his usual desire--manifested in a like manner on -other occasions when an unpleasant and dangerous task was assigned to -him--to save his own skin at the expense of no matter whom, he passed -on the duty to Sir Nicholas Throckmorton. Cecil himself relates this -plainly in his unblushing “Submission” to Mary, of which more anon. -There he says: “I refused to make a proclamation, and turned the labour -to Mr. Throckmorton, whose conscience I saw was troubled therewith, -misliking the matter.” It would be difficult to imagine a meaner trick. -It is more than probable that Northumberland very largely guided -Throckmorton in arranging the terms of this document: one can scarcely -imagine that he would have left it entirely to Sir Nicholas’ judgment. -Probably it was composed at Sion House. The editing of it was given to -Sir John Cheke. - -[225] One copy of this interesting letter is in the Lansdowne MSS, -1236, f. 24, and a facsimile in Ser. iii. No. 4. - -[226] There are two versions of this interview, differing in some -particulars; the second is by Jane herself, printed in Pollino’s -_Ecclesiastical History_. We have deemed it best to give both. - -[227] Pollino (_Istoria Ecclesiastica_, p. 357) puts Jane’s answer -slightly differently--_Dissi loro_, he makes her say, _che se la corona -s’appetava a me, io sarei contenta di fare il mio marito Duca ma non -consentirei di farlo Rè_. That is, “I said to them that if the Crown -was my concern, I should be pleased to make my husband Duke, but I -would not consent to make him King.” - -[228] There would seem to be an error here. Quite true, the Crown -was, metaphorically, thrust upon Jane; but surely the request for the -release of the regalia must have been made at least to _appear_ as if -it came from her? - -[229] Harleian MSS, No. 523, p. 13. Sir Philip Hoby or Hobby was a -Herefordshire man, who had been previously sent to Paris as English -Ambassador to treat for the marriage of Elizabeth of Valois to -Edward VI. He afterwards passed to Antwerp and then to Brussels and -other parts of the Low Countries, during which period occurred the -above-mentioned incident with Don Diego Mendoza. He married Elizabeth, -daughter of Sir W. Stonor, who died without issue. Sir Philip’s brother -and heir, Sir Thomas Hoby, married Cecil’s learned sister-in-law, -Elizabeth Cooke. Many memorials of the Hoby family still exist at -Bisham Abbey. - -[230] The dispatch of the Council to Hoby and Morysone announcing the -death of the King is dated 8th July, and will be found in the British -Museum, Cottonian Collection (Galba B. xii. 249). It makes no mention -of either Guildford or Jane. - -[231] In her will the Duchess of Northumberland calls this gentleman, -to whom she left “the littell book clock, that hath the sun, the moon -on it, &c., and her dial, the one leaf of it the almanack, and on -the other side the golden number in the midst,” “the Lord Don Diagoe -Damondesay,” which was the good lady’s rendering of de Mendoça! She -added that she bequeathed these articles “with commendation for the -great friendship he hath shewed hir in making hir have so many friends -about the King’s Majesty as she hath found.” The King’s Majesty here -referred to is Philip II, who had used his influence with Mary, at -the instigation of Don Diego, to recover part of her property for the -Duchess. - -[232] “He (Mendoza) could not but at one (and the same) time both -sorrowe with us for the losse of our good old mastere (Edward VI) -a prince of such vertue and towardnesse, and also rejoyse with us -that our master which is departed, did, ere he wente, provid us of a -kynge (Guildford Dudley), in regard wee had so much cause to rejoyse -in.” It is a significant fact that throughout this dispatch of the -Commissioners, whenever Guildford is mentioned, it is by some title -such as “kynge,” “kynges majestie,” etc., and not once by his proper -name, though obviously no one else but he is referred to. This was done -purposely to avoid getting Guildford into trouble in the event of the -letter falling into the hands of Mary’s supporters. - -[233] _Two Queens and Philip_, by Major Martin Hume. - -[234] It must always be remembered that the Emperor was Mary’s cousin, -and had already defended her religious freedom against Northumberland; -the Council feared, though without reason, as we know, his Ambassadors’ -interference for the purpose of vindicating her rights to the throne. - -[235] That was during the few days she spent at Chelsea Manor after -leaving Durham House, as already recorded; cf. cap. xiv. p. 237. - -[236] This inventory will be found among the Harleian MSS, No. 611. - -[237] Jane herself, as we have already seen, says the regalia was -brought to her on the 11th of July; perhaps Winchester made a slip of -the pen in writing the 12th. - -[238] Machyn’s _Diary_, p. 36. - -[239] We have already seen (_vide_ the letter of the Council to the -Commissioners in Brussels of the 11th July) that the Council had -intended from the very first that Northumberland should proceed into -Norfolk, the object even then being to remove his all-powerful and -domineering presence from London and into Mary’s hands, since all -the members doubtless foresaw they would have to renounce Jane very -shortly, and were not anxious to incur his wrath for so doing. Probably -Suffolk was merely suggested so as to avoid rousing Northumberland’s -suspicions that the Council was anxious to be rid of him. - -[240] Holinshed, vol. iii. pp. 1068, 1069. - -[241] Machyn says (p. 36): “And ij days after (the xij day of July) the -duke, and dyvers lordes and knyghts whent with him, and mony gentylmen -and gonnars, and mony men of the gard and men of armes toward my lade -Mare grace, to destroye here grace, and so to bury, and alle was agayns -ym-seylff, for ys men forsok him.” - -[242] In this document, as in the indictment, Mary gives neither Jane -nor her husband their legitimate titles. She calls the former “Jane -Dudley,” and describes her as “the wife of Guildford Dudley, Esquire,” -stating that Sharington’s successor has received his appointment “by -the traitorous abuse and usurpation of Jane Dudley ... and other -accomplices.” - -[243] Only two days after Northumberland started (that is, on the 16th) -Mary had left Kenninghall and ridden without pause to Framlingham, -where, according to Holinshed (vol. iii. p. 1067) she gathered round -her an army of thirty thousand men. - -[244] William Cecil, afterwards Lord Burghley, was born at Stamford -St. Martin, Northamptonshire, in 1520. In his youth he was a royal -page, and was present at the Field of the Cloth of Gold. Later, he -went to Cambridge, and was a great friend of Roger Ascham and John -Cheke. Against his father’s will, he married Mary Cheke, the latter’s -sister. She died in 1544; and he married again, this time to Mildred, -daughter of Sir Anthony Cooke of Gidea Hall, Essex. This was in 1545. -Cecil fought in Scotland under Somerset two years later, being present -at the battle of Pinkie Cleugh. He was appointed a Secretary of State -on 5th September 1550. In October of the next year he was knighted, -together with Cheke. His action in the matter of Edward VI’s “Devise” -for the limitation of the succession has been already related; also -his duplicity with regard to Northumberland. Immediately all hopes -of Jane’s retaining the crown were gone, he made his well-known -“Submission” to Mary. All the same, he spent the first year of her -reign in retirement, and only appears again as holding a public office -in 1554. His successful career under Elizabeth is foreign to the -subject of this book, and is well known. Cecil died in 1598 at his -house in the Strand, and is buried in Westminster Abbey. See _The Great -Lord Burghley_, by Martin Hume. - -[245] This is mainly derived from Stowe’s account; Burke (p. 417) and -others say that in the first instance Northumberland was arrested -by Sir John Gates, one of his own followers, apparently whilst in -the midst of his toilet, “with his boots half on and half off,” and -therefore utterly helpless. - -[246] With Northumberland were brought prisoners into the Tower on 25th -July, John, Earl of Warwick, and the Lords Ambrose and Henry Dudley, -his three sons, his brother, Sir Andrew Dudley, the Earl of Huntingdon, -Lord Hastings, Sir Thomas Palmer, Sir Henry and Sir John Gates, and -Dr. Sandys. They are said to have been escorted by four thousand -men; others say eight hundred. On the 26th these noblemen were also -joined by other prisoners--namely, the Marquis of Northampton, another -of Northumberland’s sons Lord Robert Dudley, the Bishop of London -(Ridley), Sir Richard Corbet, and Cholmondeley and Montagu, Chief -Justices: the latter’s distress must have been softened by the feeling -that his gloomy forebodings as to the evil results of the continuance -of Edward VI’s scheme for the succession had been amply realised. -Next day, Sir John Cheke, Sir Anthony Cooke, and Sir John York were -committed to the Tower. See Strype, vol. iv., and Stowe. - -[247] After the proclamation of Mary, Ridley went to Framlingham to pay -her homage; but the Queen being suspicious of his sincerity, he was -arrested at Ipswich, “despoiled of his dignities, and sent back on a -lame, halting horse to the Tower.” - -[248] From the use of the expression (adopted in _The Chronicle of -Queen Jane and Queen Mary_), “the keys were carried up,” it has been -suggested that Lady Jane was lodged in the White Tower itself, which -was not the case. Queen Jane proceeded immediately after her arrival -at the Tower to the palatial apartments usually inhabited by royalty -when in residence there. These chambers--in which Elizabeth of York -breathed her last; where Anne Boleyn spent the night before her -coronation and later, by an irony of fate, that before her execution; -where, afterwards, Katherine Howard also awaited her doom; where, in -a word, most of our Kings and Queens had “ruffled it wi’ the best” or -trembled at their coming fate--were removed in the seventeenth century. -They were contiguous to the White Tower--indeed, the door communicating -between the two blocks of buildings is still visible--and it is more -than probable that Queen Jane used the chapel and the Council Chamber -in the said White Tower; but she certainly never inhabited the tower -during her brief Queenship. Later, as we shall presently see, she -was removed to the quadrangle opposite St. Peter’s Church, to the -apartments which had been vacated by the Duchess of Somerset, in -Partridge’s House. - -[249] It was on the 17th or the next day that a significant placard was -found attached to the pump at Queenhithe, stating “that the Princess -Mary had been proclaimed Queen in every town and city in England, -London alone excepted.” The exception was to cease within two days! - -[250] It was generally said that Northumberland’s son, Lord Henry -Dudley, had been to France to raise a force, and that six thousand -French soldiers were about to embark from Dieppe and Boulogne. - -Strype says (_Ecclesiastical Memorials_, vol. iii. part I, p. 23): -“Henry Dudley, a relation and creature of the Duke [of Northumberland], -and in with him, had, with four servants and certain letters, escaped, -and got hither to Guisnes. Him these officers detained, seizing his -men and letters; which they sent by a special messenger to the Queen, -keeping him in sure custody till her pleasure were further known. All -this they declared to her in their letter, protesting their steadfast -loyalty and obedience. Dudley was soon after conveyed to Calais and so -to England.” - -It was also rumoured that Northumberland had offered to hand over -Calais to the French in return for the aid which was to be afforded -him. Needless to say, it never came. - -[251] Rossi, _I Successi d’Inghilterra dopo la morte de Edoardo Sesto_, -pp. 15, 16. This book was printed at Ferrara in 1560. - -[252] Baynard’s Castle, which was standing in Edward II’s time, and was -later the residence of Richard III, stood somewhere about the site now -occupied by St. Paul’s Station, and was a large square building, with -high pitched turrets at each corner, and having its river front washed -by the Thames. Several royalties visited it in the course of time. In -Henry VIII’s time it belonged to that Earl of Pembroke who married -Katherine Parr’s sister, and was in the possession of that family in -1553. “Bluff King Hal” was sometimes entertained there. The greater -part of the building was burnt down in the Great Fire, but the towers -were standing as late as 1809. - -[253] It is distinctly curious that Arundel should be generally -stated to have been present at the proclamation of Mary in London -on 19th July, and yet be said by several writers to have arrested -Northumberland at Cambridge on the 21st! This hardly seems probable; -doubtless the arrest took place later in that week. But the dates of -Northumberland’s movements on his expedition are altogether obscure. - -[254] Roger Alford, Cecil’s servant, gives the following account of -this stage of the intrigue in a letter to Cecil of 1573: “After this, -the Lords not long after agreed to go to Baynard’s Castle to the Lord -of Pembroke [Baynard’s Castle was, as we have said, his residence] -upon pretence before in Council, to give audience to the French King -and Emperor’s Ambassadors, that had long been delayed audience; and -that the Tower was not fit to him to enter into at that season. At -which time, my Lord of Arundel, upon some overture of frank speech to -be had in Council in respect of that present state, said secretly to -his friend, as I take it yourself [_i.e._ Cecil] or Sir William Petre, -that he liked not the air. And thereupon it was deferred to Baynard’s -Castle; from which place the Lords went and proclaimed Queen Mary. And -yourself was despatched after my Lord Arundel and my Lord Paget to her -Grace, being at Ipswich; where, being sent by you a little before, my -Lady Bacon told me that the Queen thought very well of her brother -Cecil, and said you were a very honest man.”--Strype’s _Annals_, vol. -iv. p. 349. - -[255] See either Harleian MSS, 358, 44; or _Chronicles of Queen Jane -and Queen Mary_, p. 11. - -[256] _The Grey Friars Chronicle_ says that the bells continued to ring -“all night till the next day to None.” - -[257] So complete was the popular desertion of Jane’s cause--if so, -indeed, it may be called, seeing that there had never been any great -enthusiasm for her--that Foxe was able to remark that “God so turned -the hearts of the people to her [Mary], and against the Council -[who represented Jane], that she overcame them without bloodshed, -notwithstanding there was made great expedition against her both by sea -and land” (Foxe, _Acts and Monuments_, vol. vi. p. 388). Jane herself -was not disliked, but there would seem to have been little popular -goodwill towards the Councillors and especially Northumberland; we -have already recorded that the French Ambassador said that _toutes ces -choses_ [Mary’s success] _sont advenues, plus pour la grande hayne -qu’on porte à icelluy duc, que pour l’amitié qu’on a à ladicte royne_ -[Mary]. - -[258] It is a curious fact that Cranmer was not arrested immediately -on the fall of Jane. On 8th August he officiated at a Communion -Service at the funeral of Edward VI at Westminster. He seems to have -been eventually arrested on quite another charge than the one in the -indictment. A certain Dr. Thornden, Bishop of Dover, having said -Mass in Canterbury Cathedral, Cranmer published a manifesto against -him, and incidentally stated that the rumour that he was willing to -celebrate Mass before the Queen was untrue. This document being read -in Cheapside, the Archbishop was brought before the Council on 8th -September 1553 for “disseminating seditious bills,” and committed -to the Tower. Having being tried at the same time as Jane Grey, he -remained a prisoner in the Tower until 8th March 1554, when he went to -Oxford for the celebrated theological disputation which ended in his -fiery doom. - -[259] See Machyn, p. 38. - -[260] Dr. Nicholas suggested that this Partridge was Queen Mary’s -goldsmith, who bore the same name, and seems to have been living in the -Tower about this time. - -[261] The site of the Royal Garden in the Tower is now covered by -modern buildings, military stores, etc., of no particular interest. The -“hill within the Tower” may be another term for the Green, for Stowe, -in speaking of the prisoners who knelt on the Green to invoke Queen -Mary’s pardon at her first entry into the Tower, terms that ominous -spot “the hill.” It is strange indeed if Lady Jane took her exercise on -the place where she afterwards died! - -[262] This lady was a close connection of the Howards, and probably a -grand-niece of Agnes, Duchess of Norfolk, by birth a Tylney. - -[263] A recent writer on the life of Lady Jane Grey states, but gives -no authority, that she was released from the Tower immediately after -her deposition, and retired to Sion House: but there is no contemporary -evidence whatever in substantiation of this statement. - -[264] This William Paulet, Lord St. John, Marquis of Winchester, was in -many ways an extraordinary creature. After the attainder and execution -of Sir Thomas More, he was granted the beautiful mansion of Chelsea, -and Edward VI, when Paulet was created Marquis of Winchester in 1551, -gave him in fee both that property and all other possessions in Chelsea -and Kensington forfeited by More. Next we hear of him as Great-Master -of the Household to Edward VI, Mary, and Elizabeth. In the fourth year -of Edward VI’s reign he was made Lord Treasurer of England, in which -capacity he appealed to Lady Jane for the jewels left in her charge at -her accession. His religious changes were remarkable; in Edward’s time -he was a bitter anti-Papist; in Mary’s, an enthusiastic Catholic; and -under Elizabeth we find him a staunch supporter of the Church by law -established. Asked how it was he managed to avoid a downfall amidst so -many changes, he is said to have answered: “By being a willow and not -an oak!” He died in 1572 in his ninety-seventh year, having lived to -see over a hundred persons descend from him; and is buried in Chelsea -parish church, where he had attended Mass in Henry VIII’s time; an -“evangelical” service under Edward VI; Mass again in Mary’s day; and -the English Morning Prayer in Elizabeth’s! - -[265] British Museum, Harleian Collection, No. 523, 46. - -[266] For a full and very instructive account of the _volta face_ of -the Emperor and his subsequent conduct towards Queen Mary, see the -State Papers, Foreign Series, from 23rd August 1553, the date of the -banquet to Hoby at Brussels, to May 1554, and also _Two English Queens -and Philip_, by Martin Hume. - -[267] This count would in itself have been punishable, it may be -supposed, since the Tower was one of the royal palaces, as well as -defences: the “seizure” here referred to consisted in the fact that -Jane’s Council and attendants had been lodged there; that ammunition -had been, as we have seen, brought in there during Jane’s reign; -and that the Constable of the Tower had been changed by Suffolk’s -manipulation. Sir John Gage, who had been appointed to that post in -the year 1540, and had continued therein throughout Edward VI’s reign, -was replaced by Lord Clinton, a Janeite, about the time the “Nine -Days’ Queen” entered the fortress--only to be superseded on Mary’s -accession by the very man he had displaced, Sir John Gage! Gage was -followed by Sir Edward Braye, probably losing his appointment over a -whimsical quarrel with the servants of the Princess Elizabeth during -her imprisonment. - -[268] Although no official report of it remains, a Requiem for the -repose of King Edward must have been sung at St. Paul’s, the bill of -costs for choir-boys, lights, etc., for such a ceremony being still in -existence. Edward VI was the first King of England buried according to -the rites of the Church of England; at the same time, he was the last -King of England for whom a Requiem Mass was sung in this country. James -II died a Catholic, but abroad, in France. It has been remarked by -Protestant historians that Mary had no right to have a Mass of Requiem -said for her brother; they forget that he was baptized a Catholic. - -[269] It is quite obvious--Hume and Lingard to the contrary--that the -Great Seal here referred to was that of Edward VI, affixed to that -monarch’s letters patent for the limitation of the succession. The -judges, however, purposely misunderstood Northumberland, and pretended -to think he was referring to Jane’s seal, which would not, of course, -have been recognised as legal. The Great Seal of King Edward continued -to be used upon documents for many months after Mary’s accession; it -will, for instance, be found attached to the Special Commission of Oyer -and Terminer addressed to Thomas White, Mayor of London, and others -for the trials of the indictments against Guildford Dudley “and Jane -his wife,” and Ambrose and Henry Dudley, which took place in November -1553. This seal is circular, and rather indistinct; on the one side His -Majesty is represented seated, with the sceptre in his right hand and -the orb in his left. He is under a canopy with curious side pillars: -on either side of the throne are round coats of arms, surmounted by -crowns. On the other side is a figure, wielding a mace and with a -shield, on a horse in armour--this is either St. George or the Lord -Protector. At the horse’s feet is a Tudor greyhound: there is an -illegible inscription at the top margin. (See Baga de Secretis, pouch -xxiii., Record Office.) - -[270] Machyn, p. 41. This horrible sentence was afterwards commuted to -decapitation, and the same in the case of next day’s condemned. - -[271] Harleian MSS, No. 2194. - -[272] Sir Andrew Dudley was released on 18th January 1554. He died, -without issue, in 1559. - -[273] For a further account of this recantation ceremony, see Harleian -MSS, 284, fol. 128_d._ Also Stowe, _Annals_, p. 614. - -[274] Harleian MSS, No. 2194. - -[275] Bishop Burnet considered that Northumberland was only insincere -in professing Protestantism--“he had always been a Catholic at heart”; -John Knox said the same; and Jane Grey herself said, about a week after -his death, “but for the answering that he [Northumberland] hoped for -life by turning (Catholic), _though others be of the same opinion, I -utterly am not_.” Burnet’s remark is supported by a statement the Duke -of Northumberland made on one occasion, it is said, to Sir Anthony -Browne, that “he certainly thought best of the old religion; but seeing -a new one begun, run dog, run devil, he would go forward.” In other -words, his Protestantism was a mere matter of policy. - -[276] This refers to the trained bands of the Tower Hamlets mentioned, -whose headquarters were in the Tower, and took their titles from the -districts in which they were raised. - -[277] Machyn’s _Diary_, p. 42. The paragraph ends with a reference to -their attendance at Mass: “And at the same tym after was send for my -lord mer and the aldermen and the cheyffest of the craftes in London, -and dyvers of the counsell, and ther was sed mas [Mass] a-for [before] -the Duke and the rest of the prisoners.” Was it the sudden arrival of -the news that Northumberland was about to return to Catholicism that -occasioned the postponement of the execution, in the hope that the -Queen, touched by his conversion, might spare him? Most historians, -however, assign the 20th as the date of the recantation, which would -mean of course that it took place before the postponement of the -execution, described by Machyn as having occurred on the 21st. - -[278] A very quaint account of the Duke of Northumberland’s execution, -published in Paris in 1558 by a French priest named Stephen Perlin, -contains, though full of inaccuracies, some details not to be found in -other contemporary reports. “The afore-mentioned prisoners,” says he, -“were taken to the Tower. The mob called the milor Notumbellant [_sic_] -vile traitor, and he eyed them furiously with looks of resentment. -Two days afterwards [an error; he entered the Tower on 25th July, -and was tried on 18th August] he was taken by water in a little bark -to Ousemestre [Westminster], a Royal palace, principally to indict -and try him; his trial was not long, for it did not last more than -fourteen days at most [there is no reason to suppose it lasted so -long]; and he, the Duke of Suphor [Suffolk], and the milor Arondelle -were condemned by an arrest of the Council to be beheaded in an open -space before the castle of the Tower; and they had all three [they were -really executed at widely different periods; see the text] the pain of -seeing one under the hands of a hangman, before whom a whole kingdom -had trembled, which, reader, was a lamentable spectacle. This hangman -was lame of a leg, for I was present at the execution, and he wore a -white apron like a butcher. This great lord made great lamentations -and complaints at his death, and said this prayer in English, throwing -himself on his knees, looking up to Heaven, and exclaiming tenderly, -‘Lorde God mi fatre prie fort ous poore siners nond vand in the hoore -of our teath,’ [so in the original: it seems to be a ludicrous mixture -of the Lord’s Prayer and the Hail Mary] which is to say, in French, -‘Lord God my Father, pray for us men and poor sinners, and principally -in the hour of our death.’ After the execution you might see little -children gathering up the blood which had fallen through the slits in -the scaffold on which he had been beheaded. In this country the head is -put upon a pole, and all their goods confiscated to the Queen.” - -[279] The beauty and quantity of the roses in the Tower gardens is made -particular mention of in contemporary documents. - -[280] Wriothesley says the cannonading and gun-firing on this occasion -was positively deafening. - -[281] A rare French book entitled _Nouveaux Eclaircissements sur -l’Histoire de Marie Reine d’Angleterre_, says of this interview: -“Elle [Mary] lui [Renard] dit, qu’elle ne pouvait se résoudre à faire -mourir Jeanne de Suffolck [Lady Jane Grey], qu’on lui avait assuré, -qu’avant d’épouser le fils du duc de Nortumberland, elle avait été -promise en mariage à un autre par un Contrat obligatoire, qui rendait -son second mariage nul; d’où Marie concluait, que Jeanne n’était pas -véritablement belle-fille du duc de Nortumberland. Elle ajouta qu’elle -n’avait eu aucune part à l’entreprise de ce duc, & qu’elle se ferait -conscience de la faire mourir, puisqu’elle était innocente. Simon -Renard lui répliqua qu’il était à craindre, qu’on n’eût imaginé cette -promesse obligatoire pour lui sauver la vie, & qu’il fallait au moins -la retenir prisonnière, parce qu’il y aurait beaucoup d’inconvénients -à lui rendre la liberté.... La Reine répondit ... qu’à l’égard de -Jeanne de Suffolck, on ne la mettrait pas en liberté, sans avoir pris -toutes les précautions nécessaires, pour qu’il n’en pût résulter -aucun inconvénient. Le Lieutenant d’Amont [_i.e._ Renard] ayant -rendu compte à l’Empereur de cette conversation, ce Prince insista -de nouveau dans sa réponse ... de punir sans miséricordes tous ceux -qui avaient entrepris de lui enlever la Couronne, & ceux qui avaient -contribué à la mort du Roi.” [The latter phrase evidently refers to the -widespread but unauthenticated idea that Edward VI had been poisoned by -Northumberland.] The author or compiler of the book from which this is -taken was one Père Griffet, who flourished in the eighteenth century, -and having discovered a number of Simon Renard’s dispatches in the -Royal Library at Besançon, wrote this work in answer to David Hume’s -attack on Queen Mary: it was published at Amsterdam in 1766. There is -no copy of it in the British Museum. - -[282] Poinet, the Protestant Bishop of Winchester, says in truth that -“those lords of the Council who had been the most instrumental at the -death of Edward VI, in thrusting royalty upon poor Lady Jane, and -proclaiming Mary illegitimate, were now the sorest forcers of men, yea, -became earnest councillors for that innocent lady’s death.” See Strype, -vol. iii. part I, p. 141. - -[283] Sir Richard Morgan, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, Lady -Jane’s judge, was a Catholic. The date of his birth is not known. -He was admitted to Lincoln’s Inn on 31st July 1523, and called to -the Bar in 1529. From 1545 to 1547 and again in 1553 he represented -Gloucester in the House of Commons. He was arrested and confined in -the Fleet Prison on 24th March 1551, for the offence of attending Mass -in Princess Mary’s chapel, but was soon released with a caution. In -1553 he joined Mary’s party at Kenninghall, and when the Queen came to -her own he was knighted [2nd October 1553]. Later in the same year he -was placed on the commission to inquire into Bishop Tunstal’s appeal; -and in November he tried and passed sentence of death on Lady Jane -Grey and others. Sir Richard Morgan retired from the Bench in October -1555. In the following year (according to Foxe, _Book of Martyrs_, -iii. p. 37) “Judge Morgan, that gave the sentence against hir [Jane], -shortly after fell mad, and in hys raving cryed continuallye to have -the ladie Jane taken away from him, and so ended his life.” His death -is mentioned in Holinshed, 1577 edition, p. 1733. Machyn (_Diary_, -p. 106) records Morgan’s funeral in the following terms: “The ij day -of June was bered at sant Magnus at London bryge ser Richerd Morgayn -knyght, a juge and on [one] of the preve consell unto the nobull Quen -Mare, with a harold [herald] of armes bayryng ys cott armur, and with -a standard and a penon of armes and elmett, sword, and targatt; and -iiij dosen of skochyons, and ij whytt branchys and xij torchys and iiij -gret tapurs, and xxiiij pore men in mantyll ffrysse gownes, and mony -in blake; and master chansseler of London [a certain Dr. Darbishire] -dyd pryche.” Morgan also appears in Machyn as being present at a sermon -on 5th November 1553, “The v day of November dyd pryche master Feknam -[Feckenham] at sant Mare overays afor non [at St. Mary Overies before -noon], and ther where at ys sermon the yerle of Devonshyre, ser Antony -Browne, and juge Morgayn and dyvers odur nobull men” [p. 48]. The same -writer makes mention of a Francis Morgan, Judge of the Queen’s Bench, -who died in 1558, and may have been a relation of the Chief Justice. - -[284] This description of the trial is mainly derived from the original -documents in the Baga de Secretis, Pouch xxiii., in the Public Record -Office, Chancery Lane, London; from various contemporary descriptions -of previous and subsequent State trials; and from ancient and -contemporary engravings of similar scenes. There is, unfortunately, an -utter lack of documentary evidence of a personal character connected -with this trial, for, unlike these of the Queens Anne Boleyn and -Katherine Howard, it was not of a domestic character, and there was -neither cross-examination of witnesses or prisoners nor defence: the -facts were of public knowledge and as such handed to the jury, who, -after considering them, gave the only verdict possible under the -circumstances, guilty. Thus, this celebrated trial is divested of those -many touches of dramatic interest and human pathos which characterise -the records of the trials of Anne Boleyn and Katherine Howard. Machyn’s -account of Jane’s trial is very brief, and is in part destroyed. He -says (p. 48): “[The 13th of November were arraigned at Guildhall Doctor -Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord] Gylfford Dudlay, the sune -of the Duke of Northumberland, and my lade Jane ys wyff, the doythur -of the Duke of Suffoke-Dassett, and the Lord Hambrosse Dudlay, and the -Lord Hare Dudlay, the wyche lade Jane was proclamyd Queen; they all v -wher cast for to dee [die].” - -There is a contemporary account of the procession to the Guildhall, -which runs as follows: “The xiijth daie of November were ledd out of -the Tower on foot, to be arrayned, to yeldhall, with the axe before -theym, from theyr warde [prison], Thomas Cranmer, archbushoppe of -Canterbury, between ... [blank]. - -“Next followed the lorde Gilforde Dudley between ... [blank]. - -“Next followed the lady Jane, between ... [blank] and hir ij -gentyll-women following hir. - -“Next followed the lorde Ambrose Dudley and the lorde Harry Dudley. - -“The lady Jane was in a black gowne of cloth, tourned downe, the cape -lyned with fese velvett, and edget about with the same, in a French -hoode, all black, with a black byllyment, a black velvet boke hanging -before hir, and another boke in hir hande open, holding hir ...” [the -entry breaks off here]. - -See also Bishop Burnet’s _History of the Reformation_. - -[285] Dr. Feckenham was not installed as Abbot of Westminster until -November 1556. - -[286] See Rossi, _I Successi d’Inghilterra_, p. 44, _et seq._ - -[287] _The Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary_, p. 37. - -[288] A dispatch of Renard’s of 8th February (given by Griffet), -confirms this account, saying: “_Le duc de Suffolck avait assemblé un -corps de troupes & quelques Gentilshommes de son parti, pour soutenir -la rébellion: il fut attaqué par le comte Addincton_ [a mistake for -Huntingdon], _qui s’était déclaré pour la Reine; & il perdit, dans ce -combat, tous ses soldats sans exception, son argent & son équipage. -Ce Duc s’enfuit avec ses deux frères, & se voyant poursuivi, il se -cacha dans le creux d’un arbre, où il fut découvert par un chien qui -ne cessait d’aboyer autour de cet arbre. Un de ses frères fut pris -pareillement sous un tas de foin, & tous deux furent mis dans la Tour -de Londres, avec un grand nombre d’Officiers & de Seigneurs._” - -[289] Machyn says (p. 54): “The same day [Shrove Tuesday, 6th February] -cam rydyng to the Towre the Duke of Suffoke and ys brodur by the yerle -of Huntyngton [_i.e._ in the Earl of Huntington’s charge] with iii. C. -[three hundred] horse.” - -He also tells us that on the same day “was ij hanged upon a jebett -in Powles churche yerd; the on [one] a spy of Wyatt, the thodur [the -other] was under-shreyff of Leseter, for carryng letturs of the duke of -Suffoke and odur thinges.” - -[290] Mary was, however, so firmly convinced that this was his object -that in the orders to Lieutenants of Counties to proclaim as traitors -Henry, Duke of Suffolk, the Carew brothers, Wyatt and others (dated -26th January 1554), they are described as having “threatened her -destruction and to advance the Lady Jane Grey _and her husband_.” These -last words are significant, in view of Guildford’s pretensions to -regality. - -[291] Griffet says: “_Le duc de Suffolck fut le premier à découvrir -lui-même tous les secrets de la conspiration. Il écrivit sa confession, -& la fit remettre à la Reine, en implorant sa clêmence; & il déclara, -que les conjurés ne se proposaient rien moins que de mettre Elisabeth -sur le trône._” There can be no mistaking the meaning of this statement. - -[292] Renard, in a dispatch of the 8th February, as given by Griffet, -says indeed that “_Jeanne de Suffolck, dont elle_ [Mary] _avait épargné -les jours, contre l’avis de l’Empereur Charles-Quint, fut sacrifiée à -la nécessité d’ôter aux rebelles, & aux ennemis du Gouvernement, une -idole qu’ils étaient fâchée de n’avoir pas maintenue sur le trône. Son -mari fut exécuté le même jour._” - -Besides, Gardiner says that Suffolk himself bewailed “with impatient -dolours not only his own woe, _but the calamity his folly had brought -on his daughter_.” Godwin, however (_Rerum Anglicarum Henrico VIII, -Edwardo VI et Maria, Annals_, p. 217), throws the blame of Jane’s -troubles more on her mother than on her father: “_Hunc exitum habuit -Iana, majorum titulis illustris fœmina, sed virtute et ingenii -nobilitate longe illustrior, quæ dum Virtici et imperiosæ matris -ambitioni obsequitur ... funestum sibi reginæ sumpsit._” - -The consensus of historians, nevertheless, lays the blame on Suffolk’s -ill-advised attempt at rebellion. Bishop Burnet, writing in 1680 -(_History of the Reformation_, vol. ii. 437) says: “Indeed the blame of -her death was generally cast on her father rather than on the Queen, -since the rivalry of a crown is a point of such niceness, that even -those who bemoaned her death most could not but excuse the Queen, who -seemed to be driven to it, rather from considerations of State, than -any resentment of her own.... He [Suffolk] would have died more pitied -for his weakness, _if his practices had not brought his daughter to her -end_.” - -[293] _The Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary_, p. 50. - -[294] Machyn tells us (p. 55) that “The xij day of February was made -at every gate in Lundun a new payre of galaus [gallows] and set up ... -the xiiijth day of February were hangyd at evere gatt and plasse: in -Chepe-syd vj; Algatt j, quartered; at Leydyhall iij; at Bysshope-gatt -one, and quartered; Morgatt one; Crepullgatt one; Aldersgate one, -quartered ...” and so forth, giving a total of about forty-eight, three -being hanged at Hyde Park Corner, but none at Tyburn. - -[295] Fuller says he was “earnest yet modest.” Feckenham had been -imprisoned by Henry VIII for his adherence to papal supremacy, until -Sir Philip Hoby, whom we have seen advocating a Protestant monarch, -“borrowed him out of the Tower.” - -[296] _The Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary_, p. 54. - -[297] This allusion to a possible inheritance by Lady Katherine of -her father’s possessions, does not, as Miss Strickland thinks, “prove -that the insurrection of Suffolk was intended to replace Jane on the -throne.” “If,” says that writer, “it had been in favour of any other -heiress or heir, it is not likely that the Lady Jane would have rested -under the attainder and surrendered the means of her subsistence to -increase her younger sister’s portion. Moreover, if Jane had been the -sovereign of England, she would scarcely have claimed a third portion -of her father’s inheritance.” As a matter of fact, what Jane wrote -proves nothing; Lady Katherine, had Suffolk kept out of political -strife, would, after Jane, have inherited his fortune, which was -confiscated at his arrest. Jane simply penned this sentence to make the -contrast stronger between the mutability of the things of this world, -and the unchangeability of that better land to which she knew she was -hurrying. - -[298] This is an allusion to the parable of the foolish virgins. - -[299] British Museum, Harleian Collection, No. 2342. - -[300] This declaration of her intention of praying for her father in -the next world suggests a survival of some Roman Catholic ideas in -Jane’s theology; and one cannot imagine that it would have been exactly -approved by the more extremely Protestant of the Reformers. - -[301] This book was either mentioned to Florio, or seen by him, for -he has translated these three touching sentences into Italian in his -_Historia di Giana Graia_. - -[302] It is said that Jane scratched some verses on the walls of her -apartment with a pin, but, although numerous devices inscribed by the -unfortunate persons who have at different times been the inhabitants -of the Tower were discovered in divers parts of it some years ago, -during alterations, not the slightest trace of these verses were found. -This does not, however, prove that they never existed, and as they are -constantly attributed to Lady Jane, we have thought it best to reprint -them here:-- - - “_Non aliena putes homini quæ obtingere possunt; - Sors hodierna mihi, cras erit ilia tibi._” - -This has been thus translated:-- - - “To mortals’ common fate thy mind resign, - My lot to-day, to-morrow may be thine----” - -These lines are also paraphrased as follows:-- - - “Think not, O mortal! vainly gay, - That thou from human woes art free; - The bitter cup I drink to-day, - To-morrow may be drunk by thee.” - -The following is also said to have been written by Jane in like -manner:-- - - “_Deo juvante, nil nocet, livor malus; - Et non juvante, nil juvat labor gravis, - Post tenebras, spero lucem_”: - -Which has been translated in two ways:-- - - “Whilst God assists us, envy bites in vain, - If God forsake us, fruitless all our pain-- - I hope for light after the darkness.” - -Or:-- - - “Harmless all malice if our God be nigh, - Fruitless all pains if He His help deny, - Patient I pass these gloomy hours away, - And wait the morning of eternal day.” - -In the Beauchamp Tower, in that room which was occupied by -Northumberland, the name “Jane” appears twice, cut into the wall. It -has been said that this was the work of Lord Guildford Dudley, but it -is more probable that it was carved by Northumberland, his faithful -wife’s name being Jane. - -[303] The Protestant chaplains appointed under Edward VI had at this -time been replaced by Benedictine monks. - -[304] The Bulwark Gate marked the boundaries of the County of Middlesex -and the Tower precincts. - -[305] “The monday, being the xij of Februarie, about ten of the clock, -ther went out of the Tower to the scaffolde on Tower Hill, the lord -Guildforde Dudley, sone to the late Duke of Northumberland, husbande to -the lady Jane Gray, daughter to the Duke of Suffoke, who at his going -out tooke by the hande sir Anthony Browne, maister John Throgmorton, -and many other gentyllmen, praying them to praie for him, and without -the bullwarke Offeley the sheryve receyved him and brought him to the -scaffolde, where, after a small declaration, having no gostlye father -with him, he kneeled downe and said his praiers, then holding upp his -eyes and handes to God many tymes, and at last, after he had desyred -the people to pray for him, he laide himselfe along, and his hedd upon -the block, which was at one stroke of the axe taken from him.”--_The -Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary._ - -[306] It has been stated that this additional horror was commanded by -Queen Mary herself, but the charge is absolutely without foundation. -Sharon Turner, amongst others, was of opinion that “the meeting with -the bleeding body was purely accidental.” - -[307] _The Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary_ says: “Guildford’s -carcass was thrown into a carre, and his hed in a cloth, he was brought -into the chappell within the Tower, wher the Lady Jane, whose lodging -was in Partridge’s house, _dyd see his ded carcass taken out of the -cart_, as well as she dyd see; him before a lyve going to his death, a -sight to hir no lesse than death.” - -[308] “The Lord Guildford Dudley’s dead carkas lyin in a carre in -strawe was againe brought into the Tower _at the same instant that -my Ladi Jane_ his wyfe _went to her death_ within the Tower, which -myserable sight was to her a duble sorrowe and griefe.” - -[309] He is said to have been of almost gigantic height, and very -powerful. - -[310] This little volume, which purports to give an account of the last -days of Lady Jane Grey, is quoted by Burke in his _Tudor Portraits_, -the Lady Philippa de Clifford being there described as the author and -as a cousin of Lady Jane Grey, who certainly had no first cousin of -this name; but among the English Benedictine nuns who took refuge at -Mechlin in the early part of the seventeenth century there is a mention -of a Philippa de Clifford, but of which branch of the Clifford family -it is difficult at this period to ascertain. That the little volume -exists there can be no doubt, as a copy of it was seen by the author -at Brussels a few years ago. It was written in French and apparently -from notes in the possession of its author, who, although a Catholic, -says nothing disparaging of Lady Jane’s faith. Its authenticity, like -that of another little volume on the same subject quoted elsewhere, -also published in Belgium, must be taken with considerable caution. In -the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries a sort of fashion was started -in England, France, Belgium, Germany, and Italy for the writing of -apocryphal memoirs of popular heroes and heroines: and as Lady Jane -Grey was a great favourite with the Protestants, both at home and -abroad, she has been the heroine of several of these volumes, most -of which are founded upon the famous letter to Queen Mary, quoted by -Pollino. They must not, however, be disparaged as entirely worthless, -for some of them undoubtedly contain details that have been handed down -during many generations. In the British Museum will be found a curious -little volume called _The Diary of Lady Mary Grey_, which also contains -a number of very amusing details concerning that unlucky lady which -have all the appearance of being absolutely true. Similar monographs -exist on the lives of Anne Boleyn, and especially of Mary Stuart; -all of these purport to be written by attendants or persons who have -derived their information from original sources now lost. I am assured -that in the Dutch libraries there are several contemporary pamphlets -on Lady Jane Grey written in the Dutch language; and there are also -one or two in the Swiss Libraries--in the main they all bear a strong -resemblance one to the other, but differ in matters of detail. Lady -Philippa tells us, for instance, that the headsman of Lady Jane was -a man of exceptional stature; and this is confirmed by other writers -whose work could not have been known to the author of the pamphlet in -question. For lists of the Benedictine nuns at Mechlin, etc., amongst -whom was Lady Philippa, see in the Brussels Archives: No. 11205, -Prevost; _Les Refugiés Anglais et Irlandais en Belgique à la suite -de la Reforme Anglaise établie sous Elizabeth et Jacques I_. Gand: -_Messager des Scénes Historiques_, 1865. Also: Gachet, _Catholiques -Anglais et Ecossais Pensionnaires du Duc d’Alve_. Bruxelles, 1850. - -[311] As Lady Jane’s “neckerchief” had been taken off before, one can -but suppose that she meant to ask the headsman if he would cut her -head off as she knelt with her body upright, as was sometimes done, -and not with her head on the block. “_Before_ I lay me down” may be a -mistake for, “_Without that_ I lay me down.” We may add that there is -no mention in any contemporary record of Jane’s hands having been tied: -probably she held them clasped in the attitude of prayer. - -[312] An old book, entitled, _The Ende of the Ladie Jane Dudlie on -the Scaffulde_, which was printed at Antwerp in 1560, says her last -words were, “I die in peace with all people; God save the Queen.” It -is more probable, however, that the pious Lady Jane used the religious -ejaculation printed above. - -[313] _The Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary_ thus describes Lady -Jane’s last moments: “By this tyme was ther a scaffolde made upon the -grene over agaynst the White Tower for the saide Lady Jane to die -upon.... The saide Lady being nothing at all abashed, neither with -feare of her own deathe, which then approached, neither with the ded -carcase of her husbande, when he was brought into the chapell, came -forthe the Lieutenant leading hir, in the same gown wherein she was -arrayned, hir countenance nothing abashed, neither her eyes mysted -with teares, although her two gentlewomen, Mistress Elizabeth Tylney -and Mistress Eleyn wonderfully wept, with a boke in hir hand, whereon -she praied all the way till she came to the saide scaffolde, whereon -when she was mounted, this noble young ladie, as she was indued with -singular gifts both of learning and knowledge, so was she as patient -and mild as any lamb at her execution.” Here the chronicler describes -her gift of the book to Brydges, etc., and continues, “Forthwith she -untied her gowne. The hangman went to her to have helped her therwith, -then she desyred him to let her alone, turning towards her two -gentlewomen, who helped her off therwith, and also her frose paste and -neckercher, geving to her a fayre handkercher to knytte about her eyes. -Then the hangman kneled downe, and asked her forgiveness, whom she -forgave most willingly. Then he willed her to stand upon the strawe, -which doing she sawe the block. Then she sayd ‘I pray you despatche me -quickly.’ Then she kneled downe saying, ‘Will you take it off before I -lay me downe?’ And the hangman answered her, ‘No, madame.’ She tied the -kercher about her eyes. Then feeling for the block, saide, ‘What shal -I do, where is it?’ One of the standers by guyding her thereunto, she -layde her head downe upon the block, and stretched forth her body, and -said, ‘Lord, into Thy handes I commende my spirite,’ and so she ended.” - -[314] Historians are very apt to speak of the famous French Ambassador -de Noailles, as one person, whereas in reality there were two -Ambassadors of this name, the first of whom was Antoine de Noailles, -the son of Louis and Catherine de Pierre-Bussiere, who entered -diplomacy when he was quite a young man and continued in the service -until his death, which took place in his fifty-ninth year. His tomb can -still be seen at Noailles, where his ancestors are buried. His wife, -Jeanne de Gontault de Biron, is not, however, buried with him, although -her heart was placed in his coffin. - -The second Ambassador to our Court of this illustrious family was -François de Noailles, brother of the last named, who was born on 2nd -July 1519. He was a very zealous Catholic and extremely pious. He -entered the Church when he was only twelve years of age, to eventually -become Bishop of Acqs in 1556. His extraordinary ability for diplomatic -intrigue led the King, Henry II, to send him to various countries on -sundry diplomatic missions, even at the same time as his brother, and -he first appeared in England on the occasion of Mary’s victory over the -rebels in 1553. He remained in England altogether about two years, and -his dispatches are frequently confounded with those of his brother. -François de Noailles died in 1560. - -Both brothers were greatly opposed to the policy of Queen Mary, and -thought her unnecessarily harsh and cruel. On more than one occasion -they were very outspoken to her, especially in the matter of the -extraordinary number of executions which took place immediately after -the quelling of the Wyatt insurrection; and they both appear to have -thought that she made her own unpopularity by her bigotry, and her -abject subservience to the wishes of her husband. - -[315] Noailles was certainly not present at the execution in the Tower. -He gives, however, a very concise account of it, including her speech. -His version of the tragedy follows that of Foxe very closely. - -[316] Peter Derenzie states that “the corpse was interred in the Chapel -of St. Peter-ad-Vincula within the Tower, close by that of her husband, -Lord Guildford Dudley, and between the decapitated bodies of Anne -Boleyn and Katherine Howard, without any religious ceremony.” - -[317] See _Zurich Letters_ (Parker Society), pp. 154, 515, 686. - -[318] Francis, Earl of Huntingdon, having ridden out of London against -Mary in company of Northumberland, was arrested at Cambridge on 19th -July and conveyed to the Tower of London a day or two later. He was -indicted with Lady Jane and the others, but was released before the -following January, by which time he had so completely re-established -himself in the Queen’s favour that he was given the command of Her -Majesty’s troops sent into Leicestershire against Suffolk, whom he -brought back to the Tower a prisoner. - -[319] Foxe’s _Acts and Monuments_, vol. ii. p. 1467. - -[320] It is strange and significant that both in his prayer and in his -request for haste, Suffolk should have acted exactly as his daughter -had done! - -[321] Did the Duchess of Suffolk cause her husband’s head to be -removed to his own house, which stood on the site now occupied by the -buildings adjacent to this Church? The mansion in question had been -the convent of the Order of Religious known as the Poor Clares, or in -Latin, _Sorores Minores_ (from which “Minories” has been formed) and -was given to Suffolk by Edward VI. The Church known as Holy Trinity was -the convent chapel. It is not altogether improbable that the Duchess -had the head brought there; on the other hand, Suffolk’s will may have -contained a request that it should be placed in the chapel. - -[322] See Machyn, pp. 56, 64. - -[323] What was to have been the ending of this sentence? Was the -chronicler going to add that the head was removed from the Tower after -decapitation? Perhaps, after all, the head in the Church of the Holy -Trinity, Minories, is that of Thomas Grey, and _not_ of the Duke of -Suffolk; its resemblance to the latter’s portrait arising from a mere -family likeness, common to all the brothers. - -[324] The writer is of opinion that Adrian Stokes was a son or near -relation of John Stokes, the Queen’s brewer, who supplied the Suffolks -with beer and wine, as appears in the household accounts of the Duke of -Suffolk. This John Stokes was a notability in his way, and his funeral, -which must have been a costly function for those days, is recorded by -Machyn (p. 177) in the following terms: “The vj day of November [1558] -was bered at sent Benettes at Powlles Warff master John Stokes the -queen’s servand and bruar [brewer], with ij whytt branchys and x gret -stayffes-torchys and iij gret tapurs; and x pore men had rosett gownes -of iiijs. the yerd [four shillings the yard], and xvj gownes, and -cottes of xijs. [coats of eleven shillings] the yerd.” - -[325] Vide _Notes and Queries_ for 1855, vol. xii. p. 451. - -[326] The entire family of the Duke of Northumberland and his Duchess -was as follows:-- - -Henry, killed at the Siege of Boulogne in the thirty-fifth year of -Henry VIII, aged nineteen. - -Thomas, who died when two years old. - -John, who bore the title of Lord Lisle and Earl of Warwick during his -father’s life. He adopted a martial life, acting as Lieutenant-General -during Somerset’s expedition into Scotland. He married, in June 1550, -Anne Seymour. He was sentenced to death at the same time as his father, -was pardoned, and died at Penshurst, in Kent, ten days after his -release from the Tower, in 1554. - -Ambrose was born about 1528. He was tried, together with Lady Jane Grey -and her husband, in 1553, was pardoned and released in October 1554, -and died in 1590, being created Earl of Warwick in the fourth year of -Elizabeth. - -Robert, who was born about 1532, having proclaimed Jane Queen at King’s -Lynn, was sent to the Tower. He was condemned to death on 22nd June -1554, but was released and pardoned in October 1554. He was created -Earl of Leicester by Elizabeth, and became famous in her reign. - -Guildford Dudley, husband of Lady Jane Grey. - -Henry, who was tried at Guildhall with his brothers Ambrose and -Guildford in 1553, but liberated. He was killed at the battle of St. -Quentin, in 1555. - -Charles, who died aged four years. - -The daughters of Northumberland were-- - -Mary, who married Sir Henry Sidney, Lord Deputy of Ireland, etc., and -was the mother of Sir Philip Sidney. Catherine, the second daughter, -who married the Earl of Huntingdon, died in 1620, aged seventy-two. - -Margaret, the fourth daughter, died at the age of ten. - -Frances, fourth daughter, died as an infant. - -Temperance, the fifth daughter, died at seven years old. - -Of all these daughters, the only one who came into intimate contact -with Lady Jane was Lady Mary, who, it will be remembered, fetched the -Lady Jane to Sion from Chelsea, on the memorable occasion when she -received the homage of the Council. - -[327] Cheke continued to travel on the Continent until 1556, when, -being invited by Lord Paget and Sir John Mason to go and see them in -Brussels in a friendly way, he was suddenly taken prisoner _en route_ -by the Provost Marshal, on the road between Antwerp and Brussels, -blindfolded, tied, flung into a waggon, taken to the nearest port, -and conveyed by sea to the Tower of London, “being taken as it were -by a whirlwind,” as he says himself. The excuse given for his arrest -was that he had overstayed the leave of absence granted by the royal -licence, having endeavoured to establish himself abroad. In the Tower -he submitted to the Roman Catholic Church. He was later released and -granted extensive lands; but he died in September 1557, after, so it is -said, a partial return to Protestantism. He is buried in St. Alban’s -Church, Wood Street, under a monument bearing some verses by Dr. Haddon. - -[328] The remainder of the actors in the drama are soon disposed of. -The end of Judge Morgan we have already mentioned. Feckenham was -imprisoned for twenty-three years under Elizabeth, and died in Wisbeach -Jail. Aylmer, once Jane’s tutor, was, on the other hand, extremely -fortunate. He fled at the coming of Mary, taking refuge in Switzerland, -whence he wrote a reply--entitled _An Harborowe for Faythfull and True -Subjects_--to Knox’s _Blast_. He returned to England at Elizabeth’s -accession; became Archdeacon of Lincoln in 1562, Bishop of London in -1576, and died in 1594. Ascham remained in England during Mary’s reign, -protected, despite his ardent Protestantism, by Gardiner. He died in -December 1568. The treacherous Lord Paget was restored to office under -Mary, and appointed Lord Privy Seal. - - - - -Transcriber’s Notes - - -Punctuation, hyphenation, and spelling were made consistent when a -predominant preference was found in this book; otherwise they were not -changed. Spelling of non-English and old-English words not changed. - -Simple typographical errors were corrected; occasional unbalanced -quotation marks retained. - -Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were retained. - -Text sometimes spells “Althorp” as “Althorpe”; both have been retained -here. - -Index not checked for proper alphabetization or correct page references, -except for reference to page 385, which has been corrected to 358. - -Page 254: Letters with overbars (such as ū) indicate contractions. - -Page 254: “(to the issu” has no matching closing parenthesis. - -Page 270: “Six purse hangers of siver and gilt” was printed that way. - -Page 327: “Prince Arthur, younger brother of Henry VIII” is incorrect: -Arthur was the older brother. - -Page 341: “Fox” may be a misprint for “Foxe”. - -Page 364 refers to “Ross” and then “Rowe”; may be the same person. - -Footnote 310, originally on page 342: The correct title of “Messager -des Scénes Historiques” is “Messager des Sciences Historiques”. - -Page 364: The elegy, written in Latin, apparently contains several -typographical errors. They have not been changed here, but readers -may wish to consult other versions of that elegy, such as the one at -https://books.google.de/books?id=upwNAAAAQAAJ&pg=PA190. - -Page 372: Left parenthesis added in the “Warwick, John, Earl of,” entry, -just before “the Duke of Northumberland’s son”. - -Footnote 98, originally on page 103: “gratias ego” may be a misspelling -for “gratias ago”. - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Nine Days' Queen, Lady Jane Grey, -and Her Times, by Richard Davey - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NINE DAYS' QUEEN, LADY JANE GREY *** - -***** This file should be named 50427-0.txt or 50427-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/0/4/2/50427/ - -Produced by MWS, Charlie Howard, and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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