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diff --git a/old/50374.txt b/old/50374.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 138f94b..0000000 --- a/old/50374.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,9129 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Life and Labors of Elias Hicks, by -Henry Watson Wilbur - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: The Life and Labors of Elias Hicks - -Author: Henry Watson Wilbur - -Contributor: Elizabeth Powell Bond - -Release Date: November 3, 2015 [EBook #50374] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ASCII - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LIFE AND LABORS OF ELIAS HICKS *** - - - - -Produced by Emmanuel Ackerman, Library of Congress and the -Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net -(This file was produced from images generously made -available by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - - -THE LIFE AND LABORS - -OF - -ELIAS HICKS - - -BY - -Henry W. Wilbur - - -Introduction by - -ELIZABETH POWELL BOND - - -PHILADELPHIA - -Published by Friends' General Conference Advancement Committee - -1910 - - -COPYRIGHTED 1910 BY -HENRY W. WILBUR - - - - -CONTENTS. - - - LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 5 - - AUTHOR'S PREFACE 7 - - INTRODUCTION 11 - - CHAPTER I, Ancestry and Boyhood 17 - - CHAPTER II, His Young Manhood 22 - - CHAPTER III, First Appearance in the Ministry 28 - - CHAPTER IV, Early Labors in the Ministry 32 - - CHAPTER V, Later Ministerial Labors 38 - - CHAPTER VI, Religious Journeys in 1828 46 - - CHAPTER VII, Ideas About the Ministry 57 - - CHAPTER VIII, The Home at Jericho 66 - - CHAPTER IX, The Hicks Family 71 - - CHAPTER X, Letters to His Wife 76 - - CHAPTER XI, The Slavery Question 84 - - CHAPTER XII, Various Opinions 95 - - CHAPTER XIII, Some Points of Doctrine 107 - - CHAPTER XIV, Before the Division 121 - - CHAPTER XV, First Trouble in Philadelphia 126 - - CHAPTER XVI, The Time of Unsettlement 139 - - CHAPTER XVII, Three Sermons Reviewed 152 - - CHAPTER XVIII, The Braithwaite Controversy 161 - - CHAPTER XIX, Ann Jones in Dutchess County 171 - - CHAPTER XX, The Experience with T. Shillitoe 181 - - CHAPTER XXI, Disownment and Doctrine 188 - - CHAPTER XXII, After the "Separation" 195 - - CHAPTER XXIII, Friendly and Unfriendly Critics 202 - - CHAPTER XXIV, Recollections, Reminiscences and Testimonies 211 - - CHAPTER XXV, Putting off the Harness 218 - - APPENDIX 226 - - TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE - - - - -LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. - - - ELIAS HICKS (from bust, by Partridge) Frontispiece - - HICKS HOUSE AND JERICHO MEETING HOUSE, facing 57 - - CHILDREN OF ELIAS HICKS, facing 97 - - FACSIMILE OF LETTER, facing 105 - - ELIAS HICKS (from painting, by Ketcham), facing 121 - - SURVEYOR'S PLOTTING, BY ELIAS HICKS, facing 144 - - BURYING GROUND AT JERICHO, facing 216 - - - - -AUTHOR'S PREFACE. - - -Elias Hicks was a much misunderstood man in his own time, and the -lapse of eighty years since his death has done but little to make him -known to the passing generations. His warm personal friends, and of -them there were many, considered him little less than a saint; his -enemies, some of whom were intensely bitter in their personal feeling, -whatever may have been the basis of their judgment, believed him to be -a man whose influence was malevolent and mischievous. It is no part -of the purpose of this book to attempt to reconcile the conflicting -estimates touching the life and character of this remarkable man. -On the contrary, our hope is to present him as he was, in his own -environment, and not at all as he might have been had he lived in our -time, or as his admirers would have him, to make him conform to their -own estimate. In this biographical task, Elias Hicks becomes largely -his own interpreter. As he measured himself in private correspondence -and in public utterance, so this book will endeavor to measure him. - -We believe that it is not too much to say that he carried the -fundamental idea of the Society of Friends, as delivered by George Fox, -to its logical conclusion, as applied to thought and life, more clearly -and forcibly than any of his predecessors or contemporaries. Not a few -of those who violently opposed him, discounted the position of Fox -and Barclay touching the Inner Light, and gave exaggerated importance -to the claims of evangelical theology. Whatever others may have -thought, Elias Hicks believed that he preached Christianity of the pure -apostolic type, and Quakerism as it was delivered by the founders. It -should be remembered that the conformist and non-conformist disputants -of the seventeenth century talked as savagely about Fox as the early -nineteenth century critics did about Hicks. In fact, to accept the -theory of Fox about the nature and office of the indwelling spirit, -necessarily develops either indifference or opposition to the plans and -theories of what was in the time of Elias Hicks, if it is not now, the -popularly accepted theology. - -No attempt has been made to write a comprehensive and detailed history -of the so-called "separation." So far, however, as the trouble related -to Elias Hicks, it has been considered, and as much light as possible -has been thrown on the case. Necessarily this does not admit of very -much reference to the setting up of separate meetings, which followed -the open rupture of 1827-28, or the contests over property which -occurred after the death of Elias Hicks. Even the causes of the trouble -in the Society only appear as they seem necessary to make plain the -feeling of Elias Hicks in the case, and the attitude of his opponents -toward him. - -In dealing with the doctrines of Elias Hicks, or his views about -various subjects, we have endeavored to avoid the one-sided policy, -and to discriminate between the matters which would be accepted by the -majority of those Friends to-day who are erroneously made to bear the -name of Elias Hicks, and the theories which they now repudiate. On the -other hand, his most conservative and peculiar ideas are given equal -prominence with those which more nearly conform to present-day thought. - -In stating cases of antagonism, especially where it appeared in public -meetings, we have endeavored rather to give samples, than to repeat and -amplify occurrences where the same purpose and spirit were exhibited. -The citations in the book should, therefore, be taken as types, and not -as mere isolated or extraordinary occurrences. - -References to the descendants of Elias Hicks, and other matters -relating to his life, which do not seem to naturally belong in the -coherent and detailed story, will be found in the appendix. This is -also true of the usual acknowledgment of assistance, and the reference -to the published sources of information consulted by the author in -writing the book. - - - - -INTRODUCTION. - - -Now and again a human life is lived in such obedience to the "heavenly -vision" that it becomes an authority in other lives. The unswerving -rectitude; whence is its divine directness? the world has to ask. Its -clear-sightedness; how comes it that the eye is single to the true -course? Its strength to endure; from what fountain flows unfailing -strength? Its quickening sympathy; what is the sweet secret? - -The thought of the world fixes itself into stereotyped and imprisoning -forms from which only the white heat of the impassioned seer and -prophet can slowly liberate it. At last the world ceases to persecute -or to crucify its liberator, and lo! an acknowledged revelation of God! -This came to pass in the seventeenth century, when it was given George -Fox to see and to proclaim that "there was an anointing within man to -teach him, and that the Lord would teach him, himself." - -The eighteenth century developed another teacher in the religious -society of Friends, whose message has been a distinctly leavening -influence in the thought of the world. It is not easy to account for -Elias Hicks. He was not the "son of a prophet." Nor was he a gift from -the _schools_ of the time in which he lived. In the "Journal of His -Life and Religious Labours," published in 1832 by Isaac T. Hopper, -there is no reference to school days. - -There is one clue to this man that may explain much to us. Of his -ancestry he says in the restrained language characteristic of his -writings, "My parents were descended from reputable families, and -sustained a good character among their friends and those who knew -them." Here, then, is the rock-foundation upon which he builded, the -factor which could not be spared from the life which he lived--that in -his veins was the blood of those who had "sustained a good character -among those who knew them." Some of the leisure of his youth had been -given to fishing and fowling, which he looked back to as wholesome -recreation, since he mostly preferred going alone. While he waited -in stillness for the coming of the fowl, 'his mind was at times so -taken up in divine meditations, that the opportunities were seasons -of instruction and comfort to him.' Out of these meditations grew -the conviction in his tendered soul that it was wanton diversion for -himself and his companions to destroy the small birds that could be of -no use to them. - -Recalling his youth, he writes: "Some of my leisure hours were occupied -in reading the Scriptures, in which I took considerable delight, and -it tended to my real profit and religious improvement." It may be that -this great classic in English, as well as library of ancient history, -and book of spiritual revelation, was not only the food that stimulated -his spiritual growth, but also took the place to him, in some measure, -of the schools as a means of culture. It is plain to see that he had -what is the first requisite for a student--a hungering mind. The -alphabet opened to him the ways and means, which he used as far as he -could, for the satisfying of this divine hunger. A new book possessed -for him such charm, it is said, that his friends who invited him for -a social visit, knowing this, were careful to put the new books out -of sight, lest he should become absorbed in them, and they lose his -ever-welcome and very entertaining conversation. He even had experience -as a teacher; and the testimony is given by an aged Friend, once -his pupil: "The manners of Elias Hicks were so mild, his deportment -so dignified, and his conversation so instructive, that it left an -impression for good on many of his pupils' minds that time never -effaced." - -That he had not the teaching of the schools narrowed his own resources, -and, doubtless, restricted his field of vision. But such a life as -his, that garnered wisdom more than knowledge of books, is a great -encouragement to those who have not had the opportunities of the -schools. We might not know without being told that he had missed from -his equipment a college degree; but we do know that his endowment of -sound mind was supplemented with incorruptible character; we do know -that his life was founded upon belief in everlasting truth and an -unchanging integrity. The record of his unfolding spiritual life shows -that - - "So nigh is grandeur to our dust, - So near is God to man, - When Duty whispers low, 'Thou must,' - The youth replies, 'I can.'" - -There is evidence that Elias Hicks had not only a hungering mind, but -that he had in marked degree the open mind, and that he accorded to -others liberty of opinion. It is said that he was unwilling that his -discourses be printed, lest they become a bondage to other minds. He -wrote to his friend, William Poole: "Therefore every generation must -have more light than the preceding one; otherwise, they must sit down -in ease in the labour and works of their predecessors." And he left a -word of caution to approaching age, when he said in a meeting in New -York: "The old folks think they have got far enough, they are settling -on the lees, they are blocking up the way." It does not disturb my -thought of him that my own mother remembered a mild rebuke from him -for the modest flower-bed that brightened the door-yard of her country -home. For I discover in him rudiments of the love for beauty. A -minister among Friends was once his guest during the harvest season -on Long Island, and recalled long after that, when the hour arrived -for the mid-week meeting, he came in from the harvest field, and not -only exchanged his working for his meeting garments, but added his -gloves, although it was hot, midsummer weather. There was certainly -the rudimentary love for beauty in this scrupulous regard for the -proprieties; but it was kept in such severe check that he could not -justify the spending of time upon a flower-border. The poet had not -then expressed for us the sweet garden prayer that might have brought -to his sensitive mind a new view of the purpose and value of the -flower-border: - - "That we were earthlings and of earth must live, - Thou knowest, Allah, and did'st give us bread; - Yea, and remembering of our souls, didst give - Us food of flowers; thy name be hallowed!" - -From the days in which he preferred his hours of solitude in fishing -as opportunities for "divine meditations" we can trace his steady -spiritual growth. While his business life was henceforth subordinated -to his labors among men to promote the life of the spirit, he was never -indifferent to the exact discharge of his own financial obligations; -nor was he indifferent to the needs of others. One incident surely -marks him as belonging to the School of Christ: "Once when harvests -were light and provisions scarce and high, his own wheat fields yielded -abundantly. Foreseeing the scarcity and consequent rise in prices, -speculators sought early to buy his wheat. He declined to sell. -They offered him large prices, and renewed their visits repeatedly, -increasing the price each time. Still he refused to sell, even for the -unprecedented sum of three dollars a bushel. But by and by, when his -poorer neighbors, whose crops were light, began to need, he invited -them to come and get as much wheat as they required for use, at the -usual price of one dollar a bushel." - -He entered into the life of his community and of his times, -anticipating by nearly a century the work of Friends' Philanthropic -Committees of the present day. It is related that he was much opposed -to an attempt to establish a liquor-selling tavern in the Jericho -neighborhood--that when he saw strangers approaching he would invite -them to accept his own hospitality, thus making unnecessary the -tavern-keeping business in the sparsely settled country town. - -We would expect that, with his sense of justice and his appreciation of -values, Elias Hicks would place men and women side by side, not only -in the home, but also in the larger household of faith, and in the -affairs of the world. It is remembered that his face was set in this -direction--that, strict Society-disciplinarian as he was, he advocated -a change in the Discipline to allow women a consulting voice in making -and amending the Discipline. - -It must be borne in mind that he lived through the Revolutionary period -of 1776, and through the War of 1812. So true was he to his convictions -against war that he would not allow himself to benefit by the advanced -prices in foodstuffs; and we are told that the records of his monthly -meeting show that he sacrificed much of his property by adherence to -his peace principles. - -Neither can we forget the testing that came to him in the institution -of slavery. For, according to the custom of the times, his own father -was the owner of slaves. His open mind responded to the labors of a -committee of the New York Yearly Meeting; and upon the freeing of his -father's slaves, he ever after considered their welfare, making such -restitution as he could for past injustice. - -To his daughter, Martha Hicks, he wrote: "My dear love to thee, to thy -dear mother, who next to the Divine Blesser has been the joy of my -youth, and who, I trust and hope, will be the comfort of my declining -years. O dear child, cherish and help her, for she hath done abundance -for thee." - -These fruits of the religious faith of Elias Hicks are offered as the -test given us by the Great Teacher himself, by which to know the life -of a man. They mark a life rooted in the life of God. Imperishable -as the root whence they grew, may they feed the souls of men from -generation to generation, satisfying the hungry, strengthening the -weak, and making all glad in the joy of each! Thus it is permitted to -be "still praising Him." - - ELIZABETH POWELL BOND. - - - - -CHAPTER I. - -Ancestry and Boyhood. - - -The Hicks family is English in its origin, authentic history tracing -it clearly back to the fourteenth century. By a sort of genealogical -paradox, a far-away ancestor of the apostle of peace in the eighteenth -century was a man of war, for we are told that Sir Ellis Hicks was -knighted on the battlefield of Poitiers in 1356, nearly four hundred -years before the birth of his distinguished descendant on Long Island, -in America. - -From the best available data, it is believed that the progenitor of -the Hicks family on Long Island arrived in America in 1638, and came -over from the New England mainland about 1645, settling in the town -of Hempstead. A relative, Robert by name, came over with the body of -Pilgrims arriving in Massachusetts in 1621. - -John Hicks, the pioneer, was undoubtedly a man of affairs, with that -strong character which qualifies men for leadership. In the concerns of -the new community he was often drafted for important public service. In -Seventh month, 1647, it became necessary to reach a final settlement -with the Indians for land purchased from them by the colonists the -year before. The adjustment of this transaction was committed to John -Hicks by his neighbors. When, in 1663, the English towns on the island -and the New York mainland created a council whose aim it was to secure -aid from the General Court at Hartford against the Dutch, John Hicks -was made a delegate from Long Island. In 1665 Governor Nicoll, of New -York, called a convention to be composed of two delegates from each -town in Westchester County and on Long Island, "to make additions and -alterations to existing laws." John Hicks was chosen delegate from the -town of Hempstead. - -Thomas, the great grandfather of Elias, was in 1691 appointed the first -judge of Queens County, by Governor Andross, which office he held for -a number of years, with credit to himself and satisfaction to his -constituents. - -The town of Hempstead is on the north side of Long Island, and borders -on the Sound. There Elias Hicks, the fifth in line of descent from -the pioneer John, was born on the 19th of Third month, 1748. He was -the fourth child of John and Martha Smith Hicks. Of the ancestry of -the mother of Elias little is known. There is no evidence that the -ancestors of Elias on either side were members of the Society of -Friends, still they seem to have had much in common with Friends, -and, at any rate, were willing to assist the peculiar people when the -heavy hand of persecution fell upon them. In this connection we may -quote the words of Elias himself. He says: "My father was a grandson -of Thomas Hicks, of whom our worthy friend Samuel Bownas[1] makes -honorable mention in his Journal, and by whom he was much comforted -and strengthened when imprisoned through the envy of George Keith,[2] -at Jamaica, on Long Island."[3] - -[1] Samuel Bownas was a minister among Friends, and was born in -Westmoreland, England, about 1667. He secured a minute to make a -religious visit to America the latter part of 1701. Ninth month 30, -1702, he was bound over to the Queens County Grand Jury, the charge -against him being that in a sermon he had spoken disparagingly of the -Church of England. The jury really failed to indict him, which greatly -exasperated the presiding judge, who threatened to deport him to London -chained to the man-of-war's deck. It was at this point that Thomas -Hicks, whom Bownas erroneously concluded was Chief Justice of the -Province, appeared to comfort and assure him that he could not thus be -deported to England. Bownas continued in jail for about a year, during -which time he learned the shoemaker's trade. He was finally liberated -by proclamation. - -[2] George Keith, born near Aberdeen, 1639, became connected with -the Society of Friends about 1662. He came to America in 1684, but -finally separated from Friends, and endeavored to organize a new sect -to be called Christian, or Baptist Quakers. This effort failed, and -about 1700 he entered the Church of England. After this he violently -criticised Friends, and repeatedly sought controversy with them. He had -quite an experience of this sort with Samuel Bownas, and was considered -the real instigator of the complaint on which Bownas was lodged in -jail. Keith looms up large in all that body of history and biography -unfriendly to the Society of Friends. - -[3] Journal of Elias Hicks, p. 7. - -We are told in the Journal, "Neither of my parents were members in -strict fellowship with any religious society, until some little time -before my birth."[4] It is certain that the father of Elias was a -member among Friends at the time of his birth, and his mother must -also have enjoyed such membership. Elias must have been a birthright -member, as he nowhere mentions having been received into the Society by -convincement. It is evident that his older brothers and sisters were -not connected with Friends. - -[4] Journal of Elias Hicks, p. 7. - -When Elias was eight years of age his father removed from Hempstead to -the south shore of Long Island, the new home being near the seashore. -Both before and after that time he bewails the fact that his associates -were not Friends, and what he confessed was worse--they were persons -with no religious inclinations or connections whatever. - -The new home afforded added opportunities for pleasure. Game was -plentiful in the wild fowl that mated in the marshes and meadows, while -the bays and inlets abounded in fish. Hunting and fishing, therefore, -became his principal diversion. While he severely condemned this form -of amusement in later life, he brought to the whole matter a rational -philosophy. He considered that at the time hunting and fishing were -profitable to him, because in his exposed condition "they had a -tendency to keep me more at and about home, and often prevented my -joining with loose company, which I had frequent opportunities of doing -without my father's knowledge." - -Three years after moving to the new home, when Elias was eleven years -of age, his mother was removed by death. The father, thus left with six -children, two younger than Elias, finally found it necessary to divide -the family. Two years after the death of his mother he went to reside -with one of his elder brothers who was married, and lived some distance -from his father's. It is probable that this brother's house was his -home most of the time until he was seventeen. Much regret is expressed -by him that he was thus removed from parental restraint. - -The Journal makes possibly unnecessarily sad confession of what he -considered waywardness during this period. He says that he wandered far -from "the salutary path of true religion, learning to sing vain songs, -and to take delight in running horses."[5] Just what the songs were, -and the exact character of the horse racing must be mainly a matter of -conjecture. Manifestly "running horses" did not mean at all the type of -racetrack gambling with which twentieth-century Long Island is familiar. - -[5] Journal of Elias Hicks, p. 8. - -In the midst of self-accusation, he declares that he did not "give way -to anything which was commonly accounted disreputable, having always a -regard to strict honesty, and to such a line of conduct as comported -with politeness and good breeding."[6] One can scarcely think of Elias -Hicks as a juvenile Chesterfield. From the most unfavorable things -he says about himself, the conclusion is easily reached that he was -really a serious-minded youth, and what has always been considered a -"good boy." It must be remembered, however, that he set for himself a -high standard, which was often violated, as he became what he called -"hardened in vanity." Speaking of his youthful sports, and possible -waywardness, his maturer judgment confessed, that but "for the -providential care of my Heavenly Father, my life would have fallen a -sacrifice to my folly and indiscretion."[7] - -[6] Journal, p. 8. - -[7] Journal of Elias Hicks, p. 9. - -There is practically no reference to the matter of schools or schooling -in the Journal. There is every reason for the belief that he was -self-educated. He may have had a brief experience at schools of a -rather primary character. At all events he must have had a considerable -acquaintance with mathematics, and evidently he at an early age -contracted the reading habit. Books were few, and of periodical -literature there was none. Friendly literature itself was confined to -Sewell's History, probably Ellwood's edition of George Fox's Journal, -while he may have had access to some of the controversial pamphlets -of the seventeenth century period. The Journals of various "ancient" -Friends were to be had, but how rich the mine of this literature -which he explored we shall never know. Evidently from his youth he -was a careful and intelligent reader of the Bible, and regarding its -passages, its ethics and its theology, he became his own interpreter. - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -His Young Manhood. - - -At the age of seventeen Elias became an apprentice, and set about -learning the carpenter's trade. His mechanical experience during -this period receives practically no attention in the Journal. We -know, however, that in those days none of the trades were divided -into sectional parts as now. In short, he learned a whole trade, and -not part of one. It was the day of hand-made doors, and not a few -carpenters took the timber standing in the forest, and superintended -or personally carried on all of the processes of transforming it into -lumber and from it producing the finished product. The carpenter of -a century and a half ago had to be able to wield the broad-ax, and -literally know how to "hew to the line." - -It is not known exactly how long this apprenticeship lasted, but -probably about four years. As a matter of course, there was much moving -from neighborhood to neighborhood, as the building necessities demanded -the presence of the carpenters. The life was more or less irregular, -and Elias says that he received neither serious advice nor restraint at -the hands of his "master." He was brought in contact with frivolously -minded young people, and was unduly carried away with the love of -amusement. During this period he learned to dance, and enjoyed the -experience. But he considered dancing a most mischievous pastime, and -evil to a marked degree. For this indulgence he repeatedly upbraided -himself in the Journal. In his opinion, dancing was "an unnatural and -unchristian practice," never receiving the approval "of the divine -light in the secret of the heart." - -He passed through various experiences in the endeavor to break away -from the dancing habit, with many backslidings, overthrowing what he -considered his good resolutions. But finally he separated from all -those companions of his youth who beset him with temptation. He says: -"I was deeply tried, but the Lord was graciously near; and as my cry -was secretly to him for strength, he enabled me to covenant with him, -that if he would be pleased in mercy to empower me, I would forever -cease from this vain and sinful amusement."[8] - -[8] Journal of Elias Hicks, p. 10. - -His first intimation touching the eternally lost condition of the -wicked is in connection with his experience at this time. We cannot do -better than to quote his own words: - - "In looking back to this season of deep probation, my soul has been - deeply humbled; for I had cause to believe that if I had withstood at - this time the merciful interposition of divine love, and had rebelled - against this clear manifestation of the Lord's will, he would have - withdrawn his light from me, and my portion would have been among the - wicked, cast out forever from the favorable presence of my judge. - I should also forever have been obliged to acknowledge his mercy - and justice, and acquit the Lord, my redeemer, who had done so much - for me; for with long-suffering and much abused mercy he had waited - patiently for my return, and would have gathered me before that time, - as I well knew, as a hen gathereth her chickens under her wings, but - I would not."[9] - -[9] Journal, p. 11. - -His second diversion, and probably practiced after he had given up -dancing, was hunting. While not considered in itself reprehensible, -when the sport led to wantonness, and the taking of life of bird -or beast simply for amusement, it was vigorously condemned. He says -that he was finally "led to consider conduct like this to be a great -breach of trust, and an infringement of the divine prerogative." "It -therefore became a settled principle with me not to take the life of -any creature, unless it was really useful and necessary when dead, or -very noxious and hurtful when living."[10] - -[10] Journal, p. 13. - -When the settled conviction came to him touching the dance and the -sportsman's practice, he was probably not out of his teens. This -conviction resulted in victory over the propensity, probably before he -reached his majority. The whole experience was an early illustration -of the strength of will and purpose which was characteristic of this -remarkable man throughout his entire life. - -Marriage is always a turning-point in a man's life. In the case of -Elias Hicks, it was so in a marked degree. Having become adept in his -trade, at the age of twenty-two, he was married to Jemima Seaman. This -important event cannot be better stated than in the simple, quaint -language of the bridegroom himself. He says: - - "My affection being drawn toward her in that relation, I communicated - my views to her, and received from her a corresponding expression; - and having the full unity and concurrence of our parents and friends, - we, after some time, accomplished our marriage at a solemn meeting - of Friends, at Westbury, on the 2d of First month, 1771. On this - important occasion we felt the clear and consoling evidence of - divine truth, and it remained with us as a seal upon our spirits, - strengthening us mutually to bear, with becoming fortitude, the - vicissitudes and trials which fell to our lot, and of which we had a - large share while passing through this probationary state."[11] - -[11] Journal, p. 13. - -The records of Westbury Monthly Meeting contain the official evidence -of this marriage, which was evidently conducted strictly in accordance -with discipline. From the minutes of that meeting we extract the -following: - - "At a monthly meeting held in the meeting house, ye 29th day of ye - Eleventh month, 1770. - - "Elias Hicks son of John Hicks, of Rockaway, and Jemima Seaman, - daughter of Jonathan Seaman, of Jericho, presented themselves and - declared their intentions of marriage with each, and this meeting - appoints John Mott and Micajah Mott to make enquiry into Elias Hicks, - his clearness in relation of marriage with other women, and to make - report at the next monthly meeting. - - "At a monthly meeting in the meeting house at Westbury ye 26th day - of ye Twelfth month, 1770, Elias Hicks and Jemima Seaman appeared - the second time, and Elias Hicks signified they continued their - intentions of marriage and desired an answer to their former - proposals of marriage, and the Friends who were appointed to make - enquiry into Elias' clearness reported that they had made enquiry, - and find nothing but that he is clear of marriage engagements to - other women, and they having consent of parents and nothing appearing - to obstruct their proceedings in marriage, this meeting leaves them - to solemnize their marriage according to the good order used amongst - Friends, and appoints Robert Seaman and John Mott to attend their - said marriage, and to make report to the next monthly meeting it was - consumated. - - "On ye 30th day of ye First month, 1771, Robert Seaman reported that - they had attended the marriage of Elias Hicks and Jemima Seaman, and - was with them both at Jericho and at Rockaway, and John Mott also - reported that he accompanied them at Rockaway and that the marriage - was consummated orderly." - -In more ways than one the marriage of Elias was the important event of -his life. Jemima Seaman was an only child, and naturally her parents -desired that she should be near them. A few months after their marriage -Elias and Jemima were urged to take up their residence at the Seaman -homestead, Elias to manage the farm of his father-in-law. The result -was that the farm in Jericho became the home of Elias Hicks the -remainder of his life. Here he lived and labored for nearly sixty years. - -The Seamans were concerned Friends, and the farm was near the Friends' -meeting house in Jericho. From this dates his constant attendance at -the meetings for worship and discipline of the Society. Besides the -family influence, some of his neighbors, strong men and women, and -deeply attached to the principles and testimonies of Friends, made for -the young people an ideal and inspiring environment. The Friends at -Jericho could not have been unmindful of the native ability and taking -qualities of this young man, whose fortunes were to be linked with -their own, and whose future labors were to be so singularly devoted to -their religious Society. - -Jemima, the wife of Elias Hicks, was the daughter of Jonathan and -Elizabeth Seaman. The father of Jemima was the fifth generation from -Captain John Seaman, who came to Long Island from the Connecticut -mainland about 1660. For his time, he seems to have been a man of -affairs, and is recorded as one of the patentees of the town of -Hempstead, on the Sound side of the island. There was a John Seaman -who came to Massachusetts in the Winthrop fleet of ten vessels and 900 -immigrants in 1630. That form of biography which shades into tradition -is not agreed as to whether Captain John, of Hempstead, was the Puritan -John or his son. - -Running the family history back to England, we find Lazarus Seaman, -known as a Puritan divine, a native of Leicester. He died in 1667. He -is described as a learned theologian, versed in the art of controversy, -and stout in defense of his position in religious matters. - -The history of heraldry, and the story of the efforts to capture -the holy sepulcher, tell us that John de Seaman was one of the first -crusaders. To this line the Seaman lineage in America is believed to be -attached. - -At some time, whether in his early manhood is not known, Elias Hicks -took up surveying. How steadily or extensively he followed that -business it is impossible to say. It is not hard, however, to find -samples of his surveying and plotting among the papers of Long Island -conveyancers.[12] His compass, and the home-made pine case in which he -kept the instrument and the tripod, are in existence.[13] The compass -is a simple affair, without a telescope, of course. It folds into a -flat shape, the box not being more than two inches thick, over all. - -[12] See cut facing page 145. - -[13] They are in possession of the great-grandson of Elias Hicks, -William Seaman, of Glen Cove, L. I. - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -First Appearance in the Ministry. - - -There are many evidences in the Journal that Elias Hicks appreciated -the moral and spiritual advantages of his environment after he took up -his residence at Jericho. He confesses, however, that as he had entered -quite extensively into business, he was much diverted from spiritual -things for a number of years after his marriage. During this period he -says: - - "I was again brought, by the operative influence of divine grace, - under deep concern of mind; and was led, through adorable mercy, - to see that although I had ceased from many sins and vanities of - my youth, yet there were many remaining that I was still guilty - of, which were not yet atoned for, and for which I now felt the - judgments of God to rest upon me. This caused me to cry earnestly - to the Most High for pardon and redemption, and he graciously - condescended to hear my cry, and to open a way before me, wherein I - must walk, in order to experience reconciliation with him; and as I - abode in watchfulness and deep humiliation before him, light broke - forth out of obscurity, and my darkness became as the noonday. I had - many deep openings in the visions of light, greatly strengthening - and establishing to my exercised mind. My spirit was brought under - a close and weighty labour in meetings for discipline, and my - understanding much enlarged therein; and I felt a concern to speak to - some of the subjects engaging the meeting's attention, which often - brought unspeakable comfort to my mind. About this time I began to - have openings leading to the ministry, which brought me under close - exercise and deep travail of spirit; for although I had for some time - spoken on subjects of business in monthly and preparative meetings, - yet the prospect of opening my mouth in public meetings was a close - trial; but I endeavored to keep my mind quiet and resigned to the - heavenly call, if it should be made clear to me to be my duty. - Nevertheless, as I was, soon after, sitting in a meeting, in much - weightiness of spirit, a secret, though clear, intimation accompanied - me to speak a few words, which were then given to me to utter, yet - fear so prevailed that I did not yield to the intimation. For this - omission I felt close rebuke, and judgment seemed, for some time, - to cover my mind; but as I humbled myself under the Lord's mighty - hand, he again lifted up the light of his countenance upon me, and - enabled me to renew covenant with him, that if he would pass by this - offense, I would, in the future, be faithful, if he should again - require such a service of me. And it was not long before I felt - an impressive concern to utter a few words, which I yielded to in - great fear and dread; but oh, the joy and sweet consolation that my - soul experienced, as a reward for this act of faithfulness; and as - I continued persevering in duty and watchfulness, I witnessed an - increase in divine knowledge, and an enlargement of my gift. I was - also deeply engaged for the right administration of discipline and - order in the church, and that all might be kept sweet and clean, - consistent with the nature and purity of the holy profession we - were making; so that all stumbling-blocks might be removed out of - the way of honest inquirers, and that truth's testimony might be - exalted, and the Lord's name magnified, 'who is over all, God blessed - forever.'"[14] - -[14] Journal, p. 15. - -Still it appears that his concern for the maintenance of the discipline -was more than a slavish allegiance to the letter of the law. More -than once he spoke a warning word as to the danger of allowing the -administration of the written rule to lead to mere formalism. Once -begun, his development in public service was rapid, and his recognition -by Friends cordial and appreciative to a marked degree. - -Just how long Elias Hicks spoke in the meetings for worship, before -his "acknowledgment," is not known. The records of Westbury Monthly -Meeting, however, give detailed information as to this event. From -them we make the following extract: - - "At a monthly meeting held at Westbury ye 29th of Fourth month, 1778, - William Seaman and William Valentine report that they have made - inquiry concerning Elias Hicks, and find nothing to hinder his being - recommended to the meeting of Ministers and Elders, whom this meeting - recommends to that meeting as a minister, and directs the clerk to - forward a copy of this minute to said meeting." - -The acknowledgment of the ministry of Elias Hicks took place a little -over seven years after his marriage. From various references in the -Journal the inference is warranted that he did not begin to speak -in the meeting for worship until a considerable time after this -event. It is, therefore, probable that his service in this line had -not been going on, at the most, more than three or four years when -his acknowledgment took place. He had only been a recorded minister -something over a year when his first considerable visit was undertaken. - -Unfortunately, the preserved personal correspondence of Elias Hicks -does not cover this period in his life, so that we are confined to what -he chose to put in his Journal, as the only self-interpretation of this -interesting period. - -It appears that the New York Yearly Meeting was held at the regularly -appointed times all through the period of the Revolutionary War. -Previous to 1777 the meeting met annually at Flushing, but in that year -the sessions were removed to Westbury. In 1793 it was concluded to hold -future meetings in New York. - -During the war the British controlled Long Island, and for some time -the meeting house in Flushing was occupied as a barracks by the king's -troops, which probably accounts for moving the yearly meeting further -out on the island to Westbury. - -In attending the yearly meeting, and in performing religious visits -to the particular meetings, passing the lines of both armies was a -frequent necessity. This privilege was freely granted Friends. Touching -this matter, Elias makes this reference: - - "This was a favor which the parties would not grant to their best - friends, who were of a warlike disposition; which shows what great - advantages would redound to mankind were they all of this pacific - spirit. I passed myself through the lines of both armies six times - during the war without molestation, both parties generally receiving - me with openness and civility; and although I had to pass over a - tract of country, between the two armies, sometimes more than thirty - miles in extent, and which was much frequented by robbers, a set, - in general, of cruel, unprincipled banditti, issuing out from both - parties, yet, excepting once, I met with no interruption even from - them. But although Friends in general experienced many favors and - deliverances, yet those scenes of war and confusion occasioned many - trials and provings in various ways to the faithful."[15] - -[15] Journal, p. 15. - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -Early Labors in the Ministry. - - -Probably the first official public service to which Elias Hicks was -ever assigned by the Society related to a matter growing out of the -Revolutionary War. Under the new meeting-house in New York was a large -room, usually rented for commercial purposes. During the British -occupation this room was appropriated as a storehouse for military -goods. The rent was finally tendered by the military commissioner to -some representative Friends, and by them accepted. This caused great -concern to many members of the meeting, who felt that the Society of -Friends could not consistently be the recipient of money from such -a source. The matter came before the Yearly Meeting in 1779. The -peace party felt that the rent money was blood money, and should be -returned, but a vigorous minority sustained the recipients of this -warlike revenue. It was finally decided to refer the matter to the -Yearly Meeting of Pennsylvania for determination. A committee to carry -the matter to Philadelphia was appointed, of which Elias Hicks, then a -young man of thirty-one, was a member. - -He made this service the occasion for some religious visits, which -he, in company with his friend, John Willis, proceeded to make _en -route_. The two Friends left home Ninth month 9, 1779, but took a -roundabout route in order to visit the meetings involved in the concern -of Elias. Instead of crossing over into New Jersey and going directly -to Philadelphia, they went up the Hudson valley to a point above -Newburgh, visiting meetings on both sides of the river. Their most -northern point was the meeting at Marlborough, in Ulster County, New -York. They then turned to the southwest, and visited the meetings at -Hardwick[16] and Kingwood, arriving at Philadelphia, Ninth month 25th. -Elias attended all the sittings of the yearly meeting until Fourth-day, -when he was taken ill, and was not able to be in attendance after that -time. He was not present when the matter which called the committee -to Philadelphia was considered. The decision, however, was that the -money received by the New York meeting for rent paid by the British -army should be returned. This was done by direction of New York Yearly -Meeting in 1780. It may be interesting to note that in 1779 the Yearly -Meeting of Pennsylvania began with the Meeting of Ministers and Elders; -Seventh-day, the 25th of Ninth month, and continued until Second-day, -the 4th of Tenth month, having practically been in session a week and -two days.[17] - -[16] Hardwick was in Sussex County, New Jersey. It was the home meeting -of Benjamin Lundy, the abolitionist. - -[17] From 1755 to 1798, Philadelphia Yearly Meeting was held in Ninth -month. - -Following the Yearly Meeting in Philadelphia, the meeting at Byberry -was visited, as were those at Wrightstown, Plumstead and Buckingham, -in Bucks County, Pa. On the return trip he was again at Hardwick, -after which he passed to the eastern shore of the Hudson, and was at -Nine Partners, Oswego and Oblong. Turning southward, the meetings at -Peach Pond, Amawalk and Purchase were visited. From the latter point he -journeyed homeward. - -This first religious journey of Elias Hicks lasted nine weeks, and in -making it he traveled 860 miles. Forty years later, many of the places -visited at this time became centers of the troublesome controversy -which divided the Society in 1827 and 1828. - -Four years after the concern and service which took Elias Hicks to -Philadelphia in 1779, he undertook his second recorded religious visit. -It was a comparatively short one, and took him to the Nine Partners -neighborhood. He was absent from home on this trip eleven days, and -traveled 170 miles. - -In 1784 Elias had a concern to visit neighborhoods in Long Island not -Friendly in their character. He made one trip, and not feeling free of -the obligations resting upon him, he made a second tour. During the two -visits he rode about 200 miles. - -He seems to have had a period of quiet home service for about six -years, or until 1790, when two somewhat extended concerns were -followed. The first took him to the meetings in the western part of -Long Island, to New York City and Staten Island. This trip caused him -to travel 150 miles. The next visiting tour covered a wide extent of -territory, and took him to eastern New York and Vermont. On this trip -he was gone from home about four weeks, and traveled 591 miles. - -The year 1791 was more than usually active. Besides another visit to -those not Friends on Long Island, he made a general visit to Friends -in New York Yearly Meeting. This visit took him to New Jersey, -Connecticut, Massachusetts and up the Hudson valley as far as Easton -and Saratoga. The Long Island visit consumed two weeks' time, and -involved traveling 115 miles. On the general visit he was absent from -home four months and eleven days, and traveled 1500 miles. - -In 1792 a committee, of which Elias was a member, was appointed by the -Yearly Meeting of Ministers and Elders to visit subordinate meetings -of that branch of the Society. In company with these Friends every -meeting of Ministers and Elders was visited, and a number of meetings -for worship were attended. On this trip he was at Claremont, in -Massachusetts, and desired to have an appointed meeting. It seemed -that the person, not a Friend, who was to arrange for this meeting did -not advertise it, for fear it would turn out a silent meeting, and he -would be laughed to scorn. The attendance was very small, but otherwise -satisfactory, so that the fearful person was very penitent, and desired -that another meeting might be held. Elias says: "But we let him know -that we were not at our own disposal; and, as no way appeared open in -our minds for such an appointment at present, we could not comply with -his desire." - -An appointed meeting was also held near Dartmouth College, but the -students were hilarious, and the occasion very much disturbed. Still, -the visitor hoped "the season was profitable to some present." - -In the following year, 1793, he had a concern to visit Friends in -New England, during which he attended meetings in Rhode Island, -Connecticut, Massachusetts, Maine and the Massachusetts islands. On -this trip he traveled by land or on water 2283 miles, and was absent -about five months. It may be interesting to note that the traveling -companion of Elias Hicks on the New England visit was James Mott, of -Mamaroneck, N. Y., the maternal grandfather of James Mott,[18] the -husband of Lucretia. - -[18] Adam Mott, the father of Lucretia's husband, married Anne, -daughter of James Mott. - -The New England Yearly Meeting was attended at Newport. The meeting -was pronounced a "dull time" by the visitor. This was occasioned in -part, he thought, because a very small number took upon "them the whole -management of the business, and thereby shutting up the way to others, -and preventing the free circulation and spreading of the concern, in a -proper manner, on the minds of Friends; which I have very often found -to be a very hurtful tendency." - -It seems that in those days the Meeting of Ministers and Elders -exercised the functions of a visiting committee. Accordingly, the -Yearly Meeting of Ministers and Elders in 1795 appointed a committee -to visit the quarterly and preparative meetings within the bounds of -the Yearly Meeting. As a member of this committee, Elias performed -his share of this round of service. On this visit a large number of -families were visited. - -The visits were made seasons of counsel and advice, especially in the -"select meetings." In these, he says, "My mind was led to communicate -some things in a plain way, with a view of stirring them up to more -diligence and circumspection in their families, the better ordering and -disciplining of their children and household, and keeping things sweet -and clean, agreeably to the simplicity of our holy profession; and I -had peace in my labor."[19] - -[19] Journal, p. 57. - -Possibly his most extended visit up to that time was made in 1798. The -trip was really begun Twelfth month 12, 1797. It included meeting's in -New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland and Virginia. On this trip -he was from home five and one-half months, traveled 1600 miles, and -attended 143 meetings, nearly an average of one meeting a day. - -It was on this journey that he seriously began his public opposition to -the institution of slavery. On the 12th of Third month, at a meeting at -Elk Ridge, Md., he says: - - "Truth rose into dominion, and some present who were slaveholders - were made sensible of their condition, and were much affected. I felt - a hope to arise that the opportunity would prove profitable to some, - and I left them with peace of mind. Since then I have been informed - that a woman present at that session, who possessed a number of - slaves, was so fully convinced, as to set them free, and not long - afterwards joined in membership with Friends; which is indeed cause - of gratitude and thankfulness of heart, to the great and blessed - Author of every mercy vouchsafed to the children of men."[20] - -[20] Journal, p. 67. - -His personal correspondence on this trip yields some interesting -description of experiences, from which we make the following extract, -from a letter written to his wife from "Near Easton, Talbot County, -Maryland, Second month 12, 1798": - - "Mary Berry, an ancient ministering Friend, that Job Scott makes - mention of, was with us at the meeting. On Seventh-day we attended - a meeting with the black people at Easton, which we had appointed - some days before. There was a pretty large number attended, and the - opportunity favoured. Mary Berry observed she thought it was the most - so, of any that had ever been with them. They were generally very - solid, and many of them very tender. The white people complained much - of some of them for their bad conduct, but according to my feeling, - many of them appeared much higher in the kingdom than a great many of - the whites. - - "Some days past we were with the people called Nicolites. They dress - very plain, many of them mostly in white. The women wore white - bonnets as large as thine, and in form like thy old-fashioned bonnet, - straight and smooth on the top. In some of their meetings three or - four of the foremost seats would be filled with those who mostly had - on these white bonnets. They have no backs to their seats, nor no - rising seats in their meeting-houses. All sat on a level. They appear - like a pretty honest, simple people. Profess our principles, and most - of them, by their request, have of late been joined to Friends, and I - think many of them are likely to become worthy members of Society, if - the example of the backsliders among us do not stumble or turn them - out of the right way. There was about 100 received by Friends here at - their last monthly meeting, and are like for the first time to attend - here next Fifth-day, which made it the more pressing on my mind to - tarry over that day." - - - - -CHAPTER V. - -Later Ministerial Labors. - - -In the fall of 1799 a concern to visit meetings in Connecticut was -followed. The trip also took in most of the meetings on the east bank -of the Hudson as far north as Dutchess County. He was absent six weeks, -and attended thirty meetings. - -Fourth month 11, 1801, Elias and his traveling companion, Edmund -Willis, started, on a visit to "Friends in some parts of Jersey, -Pennsylvania, and some places adjacent thereto." A number of meetings -in New Jersey were visited on the way, the travelers arriving in -Philadelphia in time for the Yearly Meeting of Ministers and Elders. -All of the sessions of the yearly meeting were also attended. It does -not appear that Elias Hicks had attended this yearly meeting since -1779. Practically all of the meetings in New Jersey and Pennsylvania -were visited on this trip. It lasted three months and eighteen days, -during which time the visitors traveled 1630 miles. - -The personal correspondence of Elias Hicks yields one interesting -letter written on this trip. It was written to his wife, and was dated -"Exeter, 4th of Seventh month, 1801." We quote as follows: - - "We did not get to Lampeter so soon as I expected, as mentioned in my - last, for when we left Yorktown last Fourth-day evening, being late - before we set out, detained in part by a shower of rain. It was night - by the time we got over the river. We landed in a little town called - Columbia, where dwelt a few friends. Although being anxious to get - forward, I had previous to coming there intended to pass them without - a meeting, but found when there I could not safely do it. Therefore - we appointed a meeting there the next day, after which we rode to - Lampeter, to William Brinton's, of whom, when I went westward, I - got a fresh horse, and I left mine in his care. I have now my own - again, but she has a very bad sore on her withers, somewhat like is - called a 'thistlelon,' but is better than she has been. It is now - just six weeks and four days since we went from this place, which - is about 48 miles from Philadelphia, since which time we have rode - 813 miles and attended 35 meetings. Much of the way in this tour has - been rugged, mountainous and rocky, and had it not been for the best - attendant companion, peace of mind flowing from a compliance with and - performance of manifested duty, the journey would have been tedious - and irksome. But we passed pretty cheerfully on, viewing with an - attentive eye the wonderful works of that boundless wisdom and power - (by which the worlds were framed) and which are only circumscribed - within the limits of their own innate excellency. Here we beheld all - nature almost with its varied and almost endless diversifications. - - "Tremendous precipices, rocks and mountains, creeks and rivers, - intersecting each other, all clothed in their natural productions; - the tall pines and sturdy oaks towering their exalted heads above the - clouds, interspersed with beautiful lawns and glades; together with - the almost innumerable vegetable inhabitants, all blooming forth the - beauties of the spring; the fields arable, clothed in rich pastures - of varied kinds, wafted over the highways their balmy sweets, and the - fallow grounds overspread with rich grain, mostly in golden wheat, to - a profusion beyond anything of the kind my eyes ever before beheld, - insomuch that the sensible traveler, look which way he would, could - scarcely help feeling his mind continually inflamed and inspired with - humble gratitude and reverent thankfulness to the great and bountiful - author of all those multiplied blessings." - -This letter constitutes one of the few instances where Elias Hicks -referred to experiences on the road, not directly connected with his -ministerial duty. The reference to Columbia, and his original intention -to pass by without a meeting, with its statement he "could not safely -do it," is characteristic. Manifestly, he uses the word "safely" in a -spiritual sense. The call to minister there was too certain to be put -aside for mere personal inclination and comfort. - -The reference to his horse contains more than a passing interest. -Probably many other cases occurred during his visits when "borrowing" -a horse was necessary, while his own was recuperating. It was a slow -way to travel, from our standpoint, yet it had its advantages. New -acquaintances, if not friendships, were made as the travelers journeyed -and were entertained on the road. - -On the 20th of Ninth month, 1803, Elias Hicks, with Daniel Titus as a -traveling companion, started on a visit to Friends in Upper Canada, and -those resident in the part of the New York Yearly Meeting located in -the Hudson and Mohawk valleys. When the travelers had been from home -a little less than a month, Elias wrote to his wife, from Kingston, -a letter of more than ordinary interest, because of its descriptive -quality. It describes some of the difficulties, not to say dangers, of -the traveling Friend before the days of railroads. We quote the bulk of -the letter, which was dated Tenth month, 16, 1803: - - "We arrived here the 3d instant at the house of Joseph Ferris about 3 - o'clock at night, having rode the preceding day from Samuel Brown's - at Black River, where I dated my last. We traveled by land and water - in this day's journey about forty-five miles. Very bad traveling - over logs and mudholes, crossing two ferries on our way, each four - or five miles wide, with an island between called Long Island. About - six miles across we were in the middle thereof, the darkest time - in the night, when we were under the necessity of getting off our - horses several times to feel for the horses' tracks in order to know - whether we were in the path or not, as we were not able to see the - path, nor one another at times, if more than five or six feet apart. - Some of our company began to fear we should be under the necessity of - lying in the woods all night. However, we were favored to get well - through, and crossed the last ferry about midnight and after. Landed - safely on Kingston shore about 2 o'clock, all well. Since which we - have attended ten meetings, three of them preparative meetings, the - rest mostly among other people. We just now, this evening, returned - from the last held at the house of John Everit, about four miles - west of Kingston. We held one yesterday in the town of Kingston in - their Court House. It was the first Friends' meeting ever held in - that place. The principal inhabitants generally attended, and we have - thankfully to acknowledge that the shepherd of Israel in whom was our - trust, made bare his arm for our help, setting home the testimony he - gave us to the states of the people, thereby manifesting that he had - not left himself without a witness in their hearts, as all appeared - to yield their assent to the truths delivered, which has generally - been the case, in every place where our lots have been cast. - - "We expect to-morrow to return on our way to Adolphustown, taking - some meetings in our way thither, among those not of our Society, but - so as to be there ready to attend Friends' monthly that is held next - Fifth-day, after which we have some prospect of being at liberty to - return on our way back, into our own State. - - "Having thus given thee a short account of our journey, I may salute - thee in the fresh feelings of endeared affection, and strength of - gospel love, in which fervent desires are felt for thy preservation, - and that of our dear children, and that you may all so act and so - walk, as to be a comfort and strength to each other, and feel an - evidence in yourselves that the Lord is your friend; for you are my - friend (said the blessed redeemer) if you do whatever I command you." - -For the three following years there is no record of special activity, -but in 1806 a somewhat extended visit was made to Friends in the State -of New York. He was absent from home nearly two months, traveled over -1000 miles, attended three quarterly, seventeen monthly, sixteen -preparative, and forty meetings for worship. - -The years following, including 1812, were spent either at home or -in short, semi-occasional visits, mostly within the bounds of his -own yearly meeting. During this period a visit to Canada Half-Yearly -Meeting was made. - -The first half of 1813 he was busy in his business and domestic -concerns, really preparing for a religious journey, which he began -on the 8th of Fifth month. He passed through New Jersey on the way, -attending meetings in that State, either regular or by appointment, -arriving in Philadelphia in about two weeks. Several meetings in the -vicinity of that city were attended, whence he passed into Delaware -and Maryland. His steps were retraced through New Jersey, when he was -homeward bound. - -From 1813 to 1816 we find the gospel labors of Elias Hicks almost -entirely confined to his own yearly meeting. This round of service did -not take him farther from home than Dutchess County. During this period -we find him repeatedly confessing indisposition and bodily ailment, -which may have accounted for the fewness and moderateness of his -religious visits. - -In First month, 1816, we find him under a concern to visit Friends -in New England. He had as his traveling companion on this journey -his friend and kinsman, Isaac Hicks, of Westbury. During this trip -practically all of the meetings in New England were visited. It kept -him from home about three months, and caused him to travel upward of -1000 miles. He attended fifty-nine particular, three monthly and two -quarterly meetings. - -During the balance of 1816 and part of the year 1817, service was -principally confined to the limits of Westbury Quarterly Meeting. -But it was in no sense a period of idleness. Many visits were made -to meetings. In Eighth month of the latter year, in company with his -son-in-law, Valentine Hicks, a visit was made to some of the meetings -attached to Philadelphia and Baltimore Yearly Meetings. Many meetings -in New Jersey and Pennsylvania received a visit at this time. He went -as far south as Loudon County, Va., taking meetings _en route_, both -going and coming. He must have traveled not less than 1000 miles on -this trip. - -Visits near at home, and one to some parts of New York Yearly Meeting, -occupied all his time during the year 1818. - -In 1819 a general visit to Friends in his own yearly meeting engaged -his attention. He went to the Canadian border. This trip was a season -of extended service and deep exercise. On this journey he traveled 1084 -miles, was absent from home fourteen weeks, and attended seventy-three -meetings for worship, three quarterly meetings and four monthly -meetings. - -The years from 1819 to 1823, inclusive, were particularly active. Elias -Hicks was seventy-one in the former year. The real stormy period of his -life was approaching in the shape of the unfortunate misunderstanding -and bitterness which divided the Society. It scarcely demands more than -passing mention here, as later on we shall give deserved prominence to -the "separation" period. - -He started on the Ohio trip Eighth month 17, 1819, taking northern and -central Pennsylvania on his route. He arrived in Mt. Pleasant in time -for Ohio Yearly Meeting, which seems to have been a most satisfactory -occasion, with no signs of the storm that broke over the same meeting -a few years later. Elias himself says: "It was thought, I believe, by -Friends, to have been the most favored yearly meeting they had had -since its institution, and was worthy of grateful remembrance."[21] -During this visit many appointed meetings were held, besides regular -meetings for worship. On the homeward journey, Friends in the -Shenandoah Valley, in Virginia, and in parts of Maryland were visited. -On this trip he journeyed 1200 miles, was from home three months, and -attended eighty-seven meetings. - -[21] Journal, p. 377. - -In 1820 a visit was made to Farmington and Duanesburg Quarterly -Meetings, and in the summer of 1822 he visited Friends in some parts of -Philadelphia Yearly Meeting. On this trip the Baltimore Yearly Meeting -was also visited, as were some of the particular meetings in Maryland. -He did not reach Philadelphia on the return journey until the early -part of Twelfth month. While his Journal is singularly silent about the -matter, it must have been on this visit that he encountered his first -public opposition as a minister. But, with few exceptions, the Journal -ignores the whole unpleasantness. - -In 1824 he again attended Baltimore Yearly Meeting. The only comment on -this trip is the following: "I think it was, in its several sittings, -one of the most satisfactory yearly meetings I have ever attended, and -the business was conducted in much harmony and brotherly love."[22] - -[22] Journal, p. 396. - -On the homeward trip he stopped in Philadelphia. Here he suffered a -severe illness. Of this detention at that time he says: "I lodged at -the house of my kind friend, Samuel R. Fisher, who, with his worthy -children, extended to me the most affectionate care and attention; -and I had also the kind sympathy of a large portion of Friends in -that city."[23] The exception contained in this sentence is the only -intimation that all was not unity and harmony among Friends in the -"City of Brotherly Love." - -[23] Journal, p. 396. - -His visits in 1825 were confined to the meetings on Long Island and -those in central New York. - -In the latter part of the following year he secured a minute to visit -meetings composing Concord and Southern Quarterly Meetings, within the -bounds of Philadelphia Yearly Meeting. In passing through Philadelphia -he attended Green Street and Mulberry Street Meetings. This was within -a few months of the division of 1827 in Philadelphia Yearly Meeting, -but the matter is not mentioned in the Journal. - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -Religious Journeys in 1828. - - -On the 20th of Third month, 1828, Elias Hicks laid before Jericho -Monthly Meeting a concern he had to make "a religious visit in the love -of the gospel, to Friends and others in some parts of our own yearly -meeting, and in the compass of the Yearly Meetings of Philadelphia, -Baltimore, Ohio, Indiana, and a few meetings in Virginia." A minute -embodying this concern was granted him, the same receiving the -indorsement of Westbury Quarterly Meeting, Fourth month 24th. Between -this period and the middle of Sixth month he made a visit to Dutchess -County, where the experience with Ann Jones and her husband took place, -which will be dealt with in a separate chapter. He also attended New -York Yearly Meeting, when he saw and was a part of the "separation" -trouble which culminated at that time. The Journal, however, makes -no reference either to the Dutchess County matter or to the division -in the yearly meeting. These silences in the Journal are hard to -understand. Undoubtedly, the troubles of the period were not pleasant -matters of record, yet one wishes that a fuller and more detailed -statement regarding the whole matter might be had from Elias Hicks than -is contained in the meager references in his personal correspondence, -or his published Journal. - -On the 14th of Sixth month he started on the western and southern -journey, with his friend, Jesse Merritt, as his traveling companion. -Elias was then a few months past eighty. - -The two Friends halted at points in New Jersey and Pennsylvania, -holding meetings as the way opened. Service continued in Pennsylvania, -considerably in the western part, passing from Pittsburg into Ohio. - -At Westland Monthly Meeting, in Pennsylvania, his first acknowledgment -of opposition is observed. He says: "A Friend from abroad attended -this meeting, and after I sat down he rose and made opposition, which -greatly disturbed the meeting."[24] - -[24] Thomas Shillitoe. - -When he arrived at Brownsville, his fame had preceded him. He makes -this reference to the experience there: - - "Here we put up again with our kind friends Jesse and Edith Townsend, - where we had the company of many Friends, and many of the inhabitants - of the town not members of our Society, also came in to see us; as - the unfounded reports of those who style themselves Orthodox, having - been generally spread over the country, it created such a great - excitement in the minds of the people at large, that multitudes - flocked to the meetings where we were, to hear for themselves; and - many came to see us, and acknowledged their satisfaction. - - "At this place we again fell in with the Friend from abroad, who - attended the meeting with us; he rose in the early part of the - meeting, and continued his communication so long that a number left - the meeting, by which it became very much unsettled: however, when he - sat down I felt an opening to stand up; and the people returned and - crowded into the house, and those that could not get in stood about - the doors and windows, and a precious solemnity soon spread over the - meeting, which has been the case in every meeting, where our opposers - did not make disturbance by their disorderly conduct. The meeting - closed in a quiet and orderly manner, and I was very thankful for the - favour."[25] - -[25] Journal, p. 404. - -Following his experience at Brownsville, Elias returned to Westland, -attending the meeting of ministers and elders, and the meeting -for worship. The person before mentioned, who may be called the -"disturbing Friend," was again in evidence, this time reinforced by a -"companion." At the instigation of Friends, the elders and overseers -had "an opportunity" with the disturbers, but with small success. The -same trouble was repeated on First-day. On this occasion the opposition -was vigorous and virulent. In the midst of the second opportunity of -the opposing Friend the audience melted away, leaving him literally -without hearers. - -From Westland the journey was continued to Pittsburg, where an -appointed meeting was held. Salem, Ohio, was the next point visited, -where the quarterly meeting was attended. On First-day a large company, -estimated at two thousand, gathered. The occasion was in every way -satisfactory. Visits to different meetings continued. There was -manifest opposition at New Garden, Springfield, Goshen and Marlborough. -At Smithfield the venerable preacher was quite indisposed. The -meeting-house was closed against him, by "those called Orthodox," as -Elias defined them. - -One of the objective points on this trip was Mt. Pleasant, Ohio, where -the yearly meeting of 1828 was held. He arrived in time to attend the -mid-week meeting at that place, a week preceding the yearly meeting. A -large attendance was reported, many being present who were not members -of the Society. The signs of trouble had preceded the distinguished -visitor, the "world's people" having a phenomenal curiosity regarding -a possible war among the peaceable Quakers. There was pronounced -antagonism manifested in this mid-week meeting, described as "a long, -tedious communication from a minister among those called Orthodox, who, -after I sat down, publicly opposed and endeavored to lay waste what I -had said."[26] - -[26] Journal, p. 411. - -During the following days meetings were attended at Short Creek, -Harrisville, West Grove, Concord, St. Clairsville, Plainfield, -Wrightstown and Stillwater. There was no recorded disturbance until -he returned to Mt. Pleasant the 6th of Ninth month, the date of the -gathering of the Yearly Meeting of Ministers and Elders. When the -meeting-house was reached the gate to the yard was guarded, "by a -number of men of the opposing party," who refused entrance to those who -were in sympathy with Elias Hicks. They proceeded to hold their meeting -in the open air. Subsequent meetings were held in a school-house and in -a private house, the home of Israel French. - -First-day, Ninth month 7th, Mt. Pleasant Meeting was attended in the -forenoon, and Short Creek Meeting in the afternoon. The meeting at -Mt. Pleasant was what might be called stormy. Elisha Bates and Ann -Braithwaite spoke in opposition, after Elias Hicks had spoken. In a -letter dated Ninth month 10th, written to his son-in-law, Valentine -Hicks, Elias says that these Friends "detained the meeting two hours or -more, opposing and railing against what I had said, until the people -were wearied and much disgusted." No trouble was experienced at Short -Creek, although experiences similar to those of the morning occurred at -Mt. Pleasant in the afternoon. Amos Peaslee, of Woodbury, N. J., was -the center of opposition at that time. He was opposed while on his feet -addressing the multitude. - -In connection with this yearly meeting a number of Friends were -arrested on charges of trespass and inducing a riot, and taken to -court. All were members of Ohio Yearly Meeting, except Halliday -Jackson,[27] of Darby, Pa. For some reason Elias escaped arrest, -although in the letter referred to he said: "I have been expecting -for several days past to have a writ of trespass served against me by -the sheriff, for going on their meeting-house grounds, by which I may -be taken twenty miles or more to appear before the judge, as a number -of Friends already have been, although my mind is quiet regarding the -event." - -[27] Halliday Jackson was father of John Jackson, the well-known -educator, principal of Sharon Hill School. Halliday was with the Seneca -Indians in New York State for two years, as a teacher under the care of -Philadelphia Yearly Meeting. - -While at Mt. Pleasant the small monthly meeting of Orthodox Friends -at his home sent a letter "officially" commanding Elias to cease his -religious visits. In regard to this matter, and the general situation -in Ohio, Elias wrote to Valentine Hicks: "The Orthodox in this yearly -meeting are, if possible, tenfold more violent than in any other -part of the Society. Gideon Seaman, and his associates in the little -upstart Monthly Meeting of Westbury and Jericho,[28] have sent a very -peremptory order for me to return immediately home, and not proceed any -further on my religious visit, by which they trample the authority of -our quarterly and monthly meeting under foot." - -[28] The Monthly Meeting of Westbury and Jericho was made up of a small -number of Orthodox Friends, representing only a small minority of the -meeting of which Elias Hicks was a member. - -Following the Ohio Yearly Meeting, Flushing,[29] in that State, was -visited, and the First-day meeting attended. Elias was met before he -reached the meeting-house by Orthodox Friends, who insisted that he -should not interrupt the meeting. He entered the house, but before -the meeting was fairly settled, Charles Osborn, an Orthodox Friend, -appeared in prayer, and continued for an hour; and then preached for -another hour. Elias thus refers to this occurrence: - -[29] Flushing is about 18 miles from Mt. Pleasant. A Wilburite meeting -is the only Friendly gathering now in the place. - - "However, when he sat down, although the meeting was much wearied - with his long and tedious communications, I felt the necessity of - standing up and addressing the people, which brought a precious - solemnity over the meeting; but as soon as I sat down, he rose again - to contradict, and tried to lay waste my communication, by asserting - that I had not the unity of my friends at home; which being untrue, - I therefore informed the meeting that I had certificates with me to - prove the incorrectness of his assertions, which I then produced, but - he and his party would not stay to hear them, but in a disorderly - manner arose and left the meeting; but the people generally stayed - and heard them read, to their general satisfaction."[30] - -[30] Journal, p. 414. - -Meetings were subsequently attended at different points in Ohio, -generally without disturbance, until Springfield was reached the 22d of -Ninth month. Here the Orthodox shut the meeting-house and guarded the -doors. Elias held his meeting under some trees nearby. He says: "It was -a precious season, wherein the Lord's power and love were exalted over -all opposition."[31] - -[31] Journal, p. 416. - -Preceding Indiana Yearly Meeting, he was twice at Wilmington, Ohio, -and attended monthly meeting at Center, the first held since the -"separation." The attendance was large, many more than the house -would accommodate. Elias says: "The Lord, our never-failing helper, -manifested his presence, solemnizing the assembly and opening the -minds of the people to receive the word preached; breaking down all -opposition, and humbling and contriting the assembly in a very general -manner."[32] - -[32] Journal, p. 415. - -Ninth month 27th, Indiana Yearly Meeting convened at Waynesville, -Ohio. It should be noted that the "separation" in most of the meetings -comprising this yearly meeting had been accomplished in 1827, so that -the gathering in 1828 was in substantial unity with the Friends -in sympathy with Elias Hicks. A letter written to Valentine and -Abigail Hicks, dated Waynesville, Tenth month 3, 1828, contains some -interesting information concerning the experience of the venerable -preacher. He says: - - "The Yearly Meeting here would have been very large, had there not - been a failure of the information of the conclusion for holding it - here, reaching divers of the Quarterly Meetings, by which they were - prevented from attending. The meeting was very orderly conducted, and - the business managed in much harmony and condescension. The public - meetings have been very large, favoured seasons, and all the meetings - we have attended in our passing along have been generally very large. - Seldom any houses were found large enough to contain the people. - Often hundreds were under the necessity of standing out doors. Many - of the people without came a great way to be at our meeting. Some - ten, some twenty, and some thirty miles, and I have been informed - since I have been here that the people in a town 120 miles below - Cincinnati have given it in charge to Friends of that place to - inform them when we came there, as a steam boat plies between the - two places. The excitement is so great among the people by the false - rumors circulated by the Orthodox, that they spare no pains to get an - opportunity to be with us, and those who have attended from distant - parts, informing the people the satisfaction they have had in being - with us, in which they have found that the reports spread among them - were generally false, it has increased the excitement in others to - see for themselves." - -The yearly meeting over, Elias attended meetings _en route_ to -Richmond, Ind., and was at the mid-week meeting in that place, Tenth -month 8th. Several other meetings were attended, the only disturbance -reported being at Orange, where the Orthodox "hurt the meeting very -considerably." On the 19th he was in Cincinnati, and attended the -regular meeting in the morning, and a large appointed meeting in the -court-house in the afternoon. Both were pronounced "highly favored -seasons." - -First-day, the 26th, he was at Fairfield, where the Orthodox revived -the story that he was traveling without a minute. While Elias was -speaking, the Orthodox left the meeting in a body. He remarks: "But -Friends and others kept their seats, and we had a very solemn close, -and great brokenness and contrition were manifest among the people; -and to do away with the false report spread by the Orthodox, I had my -certificates read, which gave full satisfaction to the assembly."[33] - -[33] Journal, p. 419. - -Elias then journeyed to Wheeling, his face being turned homeward. -He held an appointed meeting in that city. It is suggestive that, -notwithstanding the theological odium under which he was supposed to -rest, the meeting was held in the Methodist church, which had been -kindly offered for the purpose. This would seem to indicate that the -Methodists had not yet taken any sides in the quarrel which had divided -the Society of Friends. - -After visiting Redstone Quarterly Meeting, in western Pennsylvania, he -visited the meetings in the Shenandoah and Loudon valleys, in Virginia. -He was at Alexandria and Washington, and on First-day, Eleventh month -16th, was at Sandy Spring, Md. The meetings about Baltimore and in -Harford and Cecil counties were visited. He reached West Grove in -Pennsylvania, Twelfth month 1st, and encountered some trouble, as he -found that the meeting-house had been closed against him. A large crowd -assembled, better councils prevailed, and the house was opened. The -audience was beyond the capacity of the house, and the meeting in every -way satisfactory. - -Upon his arrival at West Grove, Twelfth month 1st, he sent a letter to -his son-in-law and daughter, Royal and Martha Aldrich. In this letter -he gives a brief account of his experiences in Maryland and Lancaster -County. He says: "The aforesaid meetings were very large and highly -favored, generally made up of every description of people, high and -low, rich and poor, Romanists, and generally some of every profession -of Protestants known in our country. Generally all went away fully -satisfied as to those evil reports that have been spread over the -country concerning me, and many announced the abhorrence they had of -those false and slanderous reports." - -It appears from this letter that the traveling companion of Elias, -Jesse Merritt, was homesick, and hoped that some other Friend would -come from Long Island to take his place for the rest of the trip. In -case such a shift was made, Elias requested that whoever came "might -bring with him my best winter tight-bodied coat, and two thicker -neck-cloths, as those I have are rather thin. I got a new great-coat in -Alexandria, and shall not need any other." - -From a letter written to his wife from West Chester, Twelfth month -7th, we learn that John Hicks had arrived to take the place of Jesse -Merritt, and he seized that opportunity to send a letter home. As -the two Friends had been away from home nearly six months, it is not -strange that the companion on this journey desired to return. He could -scarcely have been under the deep and absorbing religious concern -which was felt by his elder brother in the truth. The nature of this -obligation is revealed in the letter last noted. In this epistle to his -wife, Elias says: - - "Abigail's letter informs of the infirm state of V. and Caroline, - which excites near-feeling and sympathy with them, and which would - induce me to return home immediately if I was set at liberty from - my religious obligations, but as that is not the case, I can only - recommend them to the preserving care and compassionate regard of - our Heavenly Father, whose mercy is over all his works and does - not suffer a sparrow to fall without his notice. And as we become - resigned to his heavenly disposals, he will cause all things to work - together for good, to his truly devoted children. Therefore, let all - trust in him, for in the Lord Jehovah is everlasting strength." - -The meetings in Delaware, eastern Pennsylvania and New Jersey were -pretty generally attended, and with no reported disturbance. First-day, -the 21st of Twelfth month, Elias attended the meeting at Cherry Street -in the morning and Green Street in the afternoon, and on the 28th he -repeated that experience. On both occasions "hundreds more assembled -than the houses could contain."[34] In the suburban meetings in -Delaware and Bucks Counties, "the houses were generally too small to -contain the people; many had to stand out-of-doors for want of room; -nevertheless, the people behaved orderly and the Lord was felt to -preside, solemnizing those crowded assemblies, in all of which my mind -was opened, and ability afforded, to preach the gospel to the people in -the demonstration of the spirit and with power, and many hearts were -broken and contrited and went away rejoicing, under thankful sense of -the unmerited favor."[35] - -[34] Journal, p. 423. - -[35] Journal, p. 423. - -The great crowds which flocked to hear Elias Hicks after the -"separation" were probably called together partly because of curiosity -on their part, and to a considerable extent because of his continued -popularity as a minister, in spite of the trouble which had come to -the Society. That he was appreciative of what we would now call the -advertising quality of those who antagonized him, and became his -theological and personal enemies, is well attested. In summing up -his conclusions regarding the long religious visit now under review, -he said: "My opposing brethren had, by their public opposition and -erroneous reports, created such excitement in the minds of the people -generally of every profession, that it induced multitudes to assemble -to hear for themselves, and they generally went away satisfied and -comforted."[36] Undoubtedly, the multitudes who heard Elias Hicks -preach in 1828 went away wondering what all the trouble was about. - -[36] Journal, p. 423. - -Elias and his traveling companion reached home about the middle of -First month, 1829. This was one of the longest and most extended -religious journeys ever made by him, and was completed within two -months of his eighty-first year. On the journey he traveled nearly 2400 -miles, and was absent seven months and ten days. - -Going carefully over the various journeys of this well-known minister, -a conservative estimate will show that he traveled in the aggregate not -less than forty thousand miles during his long life of public service. -He was probably the best-known minister in the Society of Friends in -his time. His circle of personal friends was large, and extended over -all the yearly meetings. It is necessary to keep these facts in mind, -in order to understand how the major portion of Friends at that time -made his cause their own when the rupture came. - -The majority of Friends at that time were content as to preaching, with -words that seemed to be full of spirit and life, and this undoubtedly -was characteristic of the preaching of Elias Hicks. To attempt to -destroy the standing in the Society of a man of such character and -equipment was certain to break something other than the man attacked. -This will become more apparent as we consider more closely the relation -of Elias Hicks to the controversy with which his name and person were -linked, and with the trouble in the Society of Friends, for which, -either justly or otherwise, he was made the scapegoat. - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - -Ideas About the Ministry. - - -To construct from the published deliverances, and personal -correspondence of Elias Hicks, a statement of his theory and practice -touching the ministry is desirable if not easy. That he considered -public religious exercise an exalted function, if of the right sort, -and emanating from the Divine source, is abundantly evidenced in all -he said and wrote. The call to particular and general service, whether -in his home meeting for worship, or in connection with his extended -religious journeys, he believed came directly from the Divine Spirit. - -One instance is related, which possibly as clearly as anything, -illustrates his feeling regarding the ministry, and the relationship -of the Infinite to the minister. In the fall of 1781, when his service -in the ministry had been acknowledged about three years, he was very -ill with a fever, which lasted for several months. In the most severe -period of this indisposition he tells us that "a prospect opened to -my mind to pay a religious visit to some parts of our island where no -Friends lived, and among a people, who, from acquaintance I had with -them, were more likely to mock than receive me." He opposed the call, -and argued against it, only to see the disease daily reducing his -bodily and mental strength. He became convinced that in yielding to -this call lay his only hope of recovery, and had he not done so his -life would have gone out. Having fully recovered, the intimated service -was performed the following summer. - -He seemed to treat his ministry as something in a measure apart from -his personality. He repeatedly referred to his own ministerial labors -in a way not unlike that indulged in by his most ardent admirers. -Yet this was always accompanied with acknowledgment of the Divine -enlightening and assistance. On the 22d of Tenth month, 1779, he held -an appointed meeting in Hartford, Conn., a thousand persons being -present. Of this meeting he said: "The Lord, in whom we trust, was -graciously near, and furnished us with ability to conduct the meeting -to the satisfaction and peace of our own minds; and to the edification -of many present, and general satisfaction to the assembly."[37] - -[37] Journal, p. 85. - -Speaking of a meeting at Market Street, Philadelphia, in Fourth month, -1801, he remarked: "My spirit was set at liberty, and ability afforded -to divide the word among them, according to their varied conditions, in -a large, searching and effectual testimony; whereby a holy solemnity -was witnessed to spread over the meeting, to the great rejoicing of the -honest-hearted."[38] - -[38] Journal, p. 89. - -At a meeting at Goose Creek, Virginia, the 22d of Third month, 1797, -he tells us: "After a considerable time of silent labor, in deep -baptism with the suffering seed, my mouth was opened in a clear, full -testimony, directed to the states of those present. And many were -brought under the influence of that power which 'cut Rahab, and wounded -the dragon.'"[39] - -[39] Journal, p. 69. - -In the acknowledgment of the Divine influence and favor, Elias Hicks -had a collection of phrases which he repeatedly used. "It was the -Lord's doings, and marvelous in our eyes," was a common expression. He -repeatedly said: "Our sufficiency was not of ourselves, but of God; -and that the Lord was our strength from day to day, who is over all -blessed forever." One of his favorite expressions was: "To the Lord be -all the praise, nothing due to man." - -Trite and pointed Scripture quotations were always at command, and -they were effectively employed, both in speaking and writing. It will -be noted by the reader that not a few of the expressions used by Elias -Hicks sound like the phrases coined by George Fox. - -That Elias Hicks believed in the plenary inspiration of the preacher is -well attested. His testimony was constantly against the "letter," with -little recognition that the letter could ever contain the spirit. Here -is a sample exhortation to ministers: - - "And it is a great thing when ministers keep in remembrance that - necessary caution of the divine Master, not to premediate what they - shall say; but carefully to wait in the nothingness and emptiness of - self, that what they speak may be only what the Holy Spirit speaketh - in them; then will they not only speak the truth, but the truth, - accompanied with power, and thereby profit the hearers."[40] - -[40] Journal, p. 296. - -He admonished Friends in meeting, and especially ministers, to "get -inward, and wait in their proper gifts." The evident theory was that by -waiting, and possibly wrestling with the manifestation it was possible -to tell whether it was from below or above. - -Still, there was not an entire absence of the human and even the -rational in Elias Hicks' theory of the ministry as it worked out in -practice. He had evidently discovered the psychological side of public -speaking to the extent of recognizing that even the preacher was -influenced by his audience. - -When he was in Philadelphia in 1816, before the troubled times had -arrived, he tells us that "it proved a hard trying season: one of -them [ministers] was exercised in public testimony, and although she -appeared to labor fervently, yet but little life was felt to arise -during the meeting. This makes the work hard for the poor exercised -ministers, who feel the necessity publicly to advocate the cause of -truth and righteousness, and yet obtain but little relief, by reason -of the deadness and indifference of those to whom they are constrained -to minister. I found it my place to sit silent and suffer with the -seed."[41] - -[41] Journal, p. 271. - -In a personal letter, while on one of his visits, Elias Hicks gave the -following impression of the meeting and the ministry: - - "To-day was the quarterly meeting of discipline. It was large, and I - think in the main a favored instructive season, although considerably - hurt by a pretty long, tedious communication, not sufficiently - clothed with life to make it either comfortable or useful. So it - is, the Society is in such a mixed and unstable state, and many - who presume to be teachers in it, are so far from keeping on the - original foundation, the light and spirit of truth, and so built up - in mere tradition, that I fear a very great portion of the ministry - among us, is doing more harm than good, and leading back to the weak - and beggarly elements, to which they seem desirous to be again in - bondage."[42] - -[42] Letter to his wife, dated Purchase, N. Y., Tenth month 29, 1823. - -This is not the only case of his measuring the general effect of the -ministry. In Seventh month, 1815, he attended Westbury Quarterly -Meeting, and of its experiences he wrote as follows: - - "Was the parting meeting held for public worship. It was a large - crowded meeting, but was somewhat hurt in the forepart, by the - appearance of one young in the ministry standing too long, and - manifesting too much animation: Yet, I believed, he was under - the preparing hand, fitting for service in the Church, if he only - keeps low and humble, and does not aspire above his gift, into the - animation of the creature. For there is great danger, if such are - not deeply watchful, of the transformer getting in and raising the - mind into too much creaturely zeal, and warmth of the animal spirit, - whereby they may be deceived, and attribute that to the divine power, - which only arises from a heated imagination, and the natural warmth - of their own spirits; and so mar the work of the divine spirit on - their minds, run before their gift and lose it, or have it taken away - from them. They thereby fall into the condition of some formerly, as - mentioned by the prophet, who, in their creaturely zeal, kindle a - fire of their own, and walk in the light thereof; but these, in the - end, have to lie down in sorrow."[43] - -[43] Journal, p. 234. - -Of the same quarterly meeting, held in Fourth month in the following -year, in New York, Elias wrote: "It was for the most part a favored -season, but would have been more so, had not some in the ministry quite -exceeded the mark by unnecessary communication. For very great care -ought to rest on the minds of ministers, lest they become burthensome, -and take away the life from the meeting, and bring over it a gloom of -death and darkness, that may be sensibly felt."[44] - -[44] Journal, p. 268. - -His feeling regarding his own particular labor in the ministry is -almost pathetically expressed as follows: - - "Meetings are generally large and well-attended, although in the - midst of harvest. I have continual cause for deep humility and - thankfulness of heart under a daily sense of the continued mercy of - the Shepherd of Israel, who when he puts his servants forth, goes - before them, and points out the way, when to them all seems shut - up in darkness. This has been abundantly my lot from day to day, - insomuch that the saying of the prophet has been verified in my - experience, that none are so blind as the Lord's servants, nor deaf - as his messengers. As generally when I first enter meetings I feel - like one, both dumb and deaf, and see nothing but my own impotence. - Nevertheless as my whole trust and confidence is in the never-failing - arm of divine sufficiency, although I am thus emptied, I am not cast - down, neither has a murmuring thought been permitted to enter, but - in faith and patience, have had to inherit the promise, as made to - Israel formerly by the prophet. 'I will never leave thee, nor forsake - thee.' This my dear, I trust will be the happy lot of all those who - sincerely trust in the Lord, and do not cast away their confidence, - nor lean to their own understanding."[45] - -[45] Letter to his wife, written from East Caln, Pa., Seventh month 22, -1813. - -Occasionally in his ministry Elias Hicks did what in our time would be -called sensational things. In this matter he shall be his own witness. -Fourth-day, the 6th of Twelfth month, 1815, at Pearl Street meeting in -New York, there was a marriage during the meeting, on which account the -attendance was large. After remarking that his mind was "exercised in -an unusual manner," he says: - - "For the subject which first presented, after my mind had become - silenced, was the remembrance of the manner in which the temporal - courts among men are called to order; and it became so impressive, - as to apprehend it right to make use of it as a simile, much in the - way the prophet was led to make use of some of the Rechabites, to - convict Israel of their disobedience and want of attention to their - law and law-giver. I accordingly was led to cry audibly three times, - 'O yes! O yes! O yes! silence all persons, under the pain and penalty - of the displeasure of the court.' This unusual address had a powerful - tendency to arrest the attention of all present, and from which I - took occasion, as truth opened the way, to reason with the assembly, - that if such a confused mass of people as are generally collected - together on such occasions, and from very different motives, and - many from mere curiosity to hear and see the transactions of the - court, should all in an instant so honor and respect the court, - as immediately to be still and silent at the simple call of the - crier: How much more reasonable is it, for a collection of people, - promiscuously gathered to the place appointed in a religious way, to - wait upon, and worship the Judge of heaven and earth, to be still, - and strive to silence every selfish and creaturely thought and - cogitation of the mind. For such thoughts and cogitations would as - certainly prevent our hearing the inward divine voice of the King - of heaven, and as effectually hinder our worshipping him in spirit - and in truth, as the talking of the multitude at a court of moral - law, would interrupt the business thereof. As I proceeded with this - simile, the subject enlarged and spread, accompanied with gospel - power and the evident demonstration of the spirit, whereby truth was - raised into victory, and ran as oil over all. The meeting closed with - solemn supplication and thanksgiving to the Lord our gracious Helper, - to whom all the honor and glory belong, both now and forever."[46] - -[46] Journal, p. 248. - -Whatever may have been the opinion of Elias Hicks as to the inspiration -of the minister, he evidently did not consider that it was so -impersonal and accidental, or so entirely outside the preacher, as to -demand no care on his own part. The following advisory statement almost -provides for what might be called "preparation:" - - "In those large meetings, where Friends are collected from various - parts, the weak and the strong together, and especially in those - for worship, it is essentially necessary that Friends get inward, - and wait in their proper gifts, keeping in view their standing and - place in society, especially those in the ministry. For otherwise - there is danger even from a desire to do good, of being caught with - the enemies' transformations, particularly with those that are - young, and inexperienced; for we seldom sit in meetings but some - prospect presents, which has a likeness, in its first impression, - to the right thing; and as these feel naturally fearful of speaking - in large meetings, and in the presence of their elderly friends, - and apprehending they are likely to have something to offer, they - are suddenly struck with the fear of man, and thereby prevented - from centering down to their gifts, so as to discover whether it - is a right motion or not; and the accuser of the brethren, who is - always ready with his transformations to deceive, charges with - unfaithfulness and disobedience, by which they are driven to act - without any clear prospect, and find little to say, except making - an apology for them thus standing; by which they often disturb the - meeting, and prevent others, who are rightly called to the work, and - thereby wound the minds of the living baptized members."[47] - -[47] Journal, p. 230. - -The responsibility which Elias Hicks felt for the meeting of which -he was a member, and in which he felt called to minister, is well -illustrated in the following quotation: - - "I was under considerable bodily indisposition most of this week. On - Fifth-day, so much so, as almost to give up the prospect of getting - to meeting; but I put on my usual resolution and went, and was glad - in so doing, as there I met with that peace of God that passeth all - understanding, which is only known by being felt. I had to declare to - my friends how good it is to trust in the Lord with all the heart, - and lean not to our own understandings, lest they fail us."[48] - -[48] Journal, p. 230. - -This records no uncommon occurrence. He was often indisposed, but the -illness had to be severe if it kept him away from meeting. - -During his later life he was frequently indisposed, and sometimes -under such bodily pain when speaking that he was forced to stop in -the midst of a discourse. This happened in Green Street Meeting -House, Philadelphia, Eleventh month 12, 1826. On this occasion the -stenographer says that after "leaving his place for a few minutes, he -resumed." During this particular sermon Elias sat down twice, beside -the time mentioned, evidently to recover physical strength. - -Elias Hicks was not one of those ministers who always spoke if he -attended meeting. Many times he was silent; this being especially true -when in his home meeting. When on a religious visit he generally spoke, -but not always. That his willingness to "famish the people from words," -tended to his local popularity, is quite certain. - -The printed sermons of Elias Hicks would indicate that at times he -was quite lengthy, and seldom preached what is known now as a short, -ten-minute sermon. Estimating a number of sermons, we find that they -averaged about 6500 words, so that his sermons must have generally -occupied from thirty to forty-five minutes in delivery. Occasionally a -sermon contained over 8000 words, while sometimes less than 4000 words. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -The Home at Jericho. - - -The village of Jericho, Long Island, is about 25 miles east of New York -City, in the town of Oyster Bay. It has had no considerable growth -since the days of Elias Hicks, and now contains only about a score and -a half of houses. Hicksville, less than two miles away, the railroad -station for the older hamlet, contains a population of a couple of -thousand. It was named for Valentine Hicks, the son-in-law of Elias. - -Running through Jericho is the main-traveled road from the eastern -part of Long Island to New York, called Jericho Pike. In our time it -is a famous thoroughfare for automobiles, is thoroughly modern, and as -smooth and hard as a barn floor. In former days it was a toll-road, and -over it Elias Hicks often traveled. A cross-country road runs through -Jericho nearly north and south, leading to Oyster Bay. On this road, -a few rods to the north from the turn in the Jericho Pike stands the -house which was originally the Seaman homestead, where Elias Hicks -lived from soon after his marriage till his death. - -The house was large and commodious for its time, but has been -remodeled, so that only part of the building now standing is as it -was eighty years ago. The house ends to the road, with entrance from -the south side. It was of the popular Long Island and New England -construction, shingled from cellar wall to ridge-pole. Four rooms on -the east end of the house, two upstairs and two down, are practically -as they were in the days of Elias Hicks. In one of these he had his -paralytic stroke, and in another he passed away. The comparatively wide -hall which runs across the house, with the exception of the stairway, -is as it was in the time of its distinguished occupant. A new stairway -of modern construction now occupies the opposite side of the hall from -the one of the older time. This hall-way, it is said, Elias Hicks loved -to promenade, sometimes with his visitors, and here with characteristic -warmth of feeling he sped his parting guests, when the time for their -departure came. - -Like the most of his neighbors, Elias Hicks was a farmer. The home -place probably contained about seventy-five acres, but he possessed -detached pieces of land, part of it in timber. Several years before -his death he sold forty acres of the farm to his son-in-law, Valentine -Hicks, thus considerably reducing the care which advancing years and -increased religious labor made advisable. - -Jericho still retains its agricultural character more than some of -the other sections of neighboring Long Island. The multi-millionaire -and the real estate exploiter have absorbed many of the old Friendly -homes toward the Westbury neighborhood, and are pushing their ambitious -intent at land-grabbing down the Jericho road. - -If Elias were to return and make a visit from Jericho to the meeting -at Westbury, as he often did in his time, three or four miles away, -he would pass more whizzing automobiles en route than he would teams, -and would see the landscape beautifully adorned with lawns and walks, -with parks and drives on the hillsides, not to mention the costly Roman -garden of one of Pittsburg's captains of industry. Should he so elect, -he could be whirled in a gasoline car in a few minutes over a distance -which it probably took him the better part of an hour to make in his -day. As he went along he could muse over snatches of Goldsmiths' -"Deserted Village," like the following, which would be approximately, -if not literally, true: - - "Hoards, e'en beyond the miser's wish abound, - And rich men flock from all the world around. - Yet count our gains: this wealth is but a name - That leaves our useful products just the same. - And so the loss: the man of wealth and pride - Takes up the place that many poor supplied; - Space for his lake, his parks extending bounds, - Space for his horses, equipage and hounds, - The robe that wraps his limbs in silken sloth, - Has robbed the neighboring fields of half their growth." - -But there are some compensations in the modern scene, and however -emotionally sad the change, the helpfully suggestive side is not in -lamentation over the inevitable, but in considering the growing demands -which the situation makes upon the practical spiritual religion which -Elias Hicks preached, and in which his successors still profess to -believe. - -A hundred years ago, wheat was a regular and staple farm product on -Long Island, especially in and around Jericho, and on the Hicks farm. -But no wheat is raised in this section now. The farmer finds it more -profitable to raise the more perishable vegetables to feed the hungry -hordes of the great city, which has crowded itself nearer and nearer to -the farmers' domain. - -Less than a quarter of a mile up the road from the Hicks home is the -Friends' Meeting House, which Elias Hicks helped to build, if he did -not design it. The timbers and rafters, which were large, and are -still sound to the core, were hewed by hand of course. Like most of -the neighboring buildings, its sides were shingled, and probably the -original shingles have not been replaced since the house was built, -a hundred and twenty-two years ago. The "public gallery" contained -benches sloping steeply one above the other, making the view of -the preacher's gallery easy from these elevated positions. Over -the preacher's gallery, and facing the one just described, is room -for a row of seats behind a railing. Whether this was a sort of a -"watch-tower" from which the elders might observe the deportment of the -young people in the seats opposite, or whether it was simply used for -overflow purposes, tradition does not tell us. - -The fact probably is that what is known as the Hicks property at -Jericho came to Elias by his wife Jemima. There is every reason to -believe that at the time of his marriage he was a poor man, and as -the young folks took up their residence at the Seaman home soon after -their marriage, there was no time for an accumulation of property on -the part of the head of the new family. The economic situation involved -in the matter under consideration had a most important bearing on the -religious service of Elias Hicks. Taking the Seaman farm brought him -economic certainty, if not independence. It is hardly conceivable that -he could have given the large attention to the "free gospel ministry" -which he did, had there been a struggle with debt and difficulty which -was so incidental in laying the foundations of even a moderate success -a century and a quarter ago. It is by no means to be inferred, however, -that Elias Hicks was ever a wealthy man, or possessed the means of -luxury, for which of course he had no desire, and against which he -bore a life-long testimony. The real point to be gratefully remembered -is that he was not overburdened with the care and worry which a less -desirable economic condition would have enforced. - -In the main, Elias Hicks saw his married children settle around him. -Royal Aldrich, who married his oldest daughter, had a tannery, and -lived on the opposite side of the road not far away. Valentine Hicks, -who married another daughter, had a somewhat pretentious house for the -time, at the foot of the little hill approaching the meeting house, and -just beyond the house of Elias, Robert Seaman, who married the youngest -daughter, lived only a few steps away. Joshua Willets, who married the -third daughter, resided on the south side of the island, some miles -distant. The time of scattering families, lured by business outlook and -economic advantage, had not yet arrived. - - - - -CHAPTER IX. - -The Hicks Family. - - -In the home at Jericho the children of Elias Hicks were born. Touching -his family we have this bit of interesting information from Elias Hicks -himself: - - "My wife, although not of a very strong constitution, lived to be the - mother of eleven children, four sons and seven daughters. Our second - daughter, a very lovely promising child, died when young with the - small pox, and the youngest was not living at its birth. The rest - all arrived to years of discretion, and afforded us considerable - comfort, as they proved to be in a good degree dutiful children. All - our sons, however, were of weak constitutions, and were not able to - take care of themselves, being so enfeebled as not to be able to - walk after the ninth year of their age. The two eldest died in the - fifteenth year of their age, the third in his seventeenth year, and - the youngest was nearly nineteen when he died. But, although thus - helpless, the innocency of their lives, and the resigned cheerfulness - of their dispositions to their allotments, made the labour and toil - of taking care of them agreeable and pleasant; and I trust we were - preserved from murmuring or repining, believing the dispensation to - be in wisdom, and according to the will and gracious disposing of an - all-wise providence, for purposes best known to himself. And when I - have observed the great anxiety and affliction, which many parents - have with undutiful children who are favoured with health, especially - their sons, I could perceive very few whose troubles and exercises, - on that account, did not far exceed ours. The weakness and bodily - infirmity of our sons tended to keep them much out of the way of the - troubles and temptations of the world; and we believed that in their - death they were happy, and admitted into the realms of peace and joy; - a reflection, the most comfortable and joyous that parents can have - in regard to their tender offspring."[49] - -[49] Journal, p. 14. - -The children thus referred to by their father were the following: -Martha, born in 1771. She married Royal Aldrich, and died in 1862, at -the advanced age of ninety-one. She was a widow for about twenty years. - -David was born in 1773, and died in 1787. Elias, the second son, was -born in 1774, and died the same year as his brother David. Elizabeth -was born in 1777, and died in 1779. This is the daughter who had the -small pox. There are no records telling whether the other members of -the family had the disease, or how this child of two years became a -victim of the contagion. - -Phebe, the third daughter, was born in 1779. She married Joshua -Willets, as noted in the last chapter. - -Abigail, who married Valentine Hicks, a nephew of Elias, was born in -1782. She died Second month 26, 1850, while her husband passed away the -5th of Third month of the same year, just one week after the death of -his wife. - -Jonathan, the third son, was born in 1784, and passed away in 1802. His -brother, John, was born in 1789, and died in 1805. - -Elizabeth, evidently named for her little sister, was born in 1791, -and lived to a good old age. She passed away in 1871. She was never -married, and occasionally accompanied her father on his religious -visits. She was known in the neighborhood, in her later years at least, -as "Aunt Elizabeth," and is the best-remembered of any of the children -of Elias Hicks. As the Friends remember her she was a spare woman, -never weighing over ninety pounds. - -The youngest child of the family, Sarah, was born in 1793. She married -Robert Seaman, her kinsman, and died in 1835. Robert, her husband, died -in 1860. - -It will be seen that the home at Jericho was a house acquainted with -grief. Of the ten children, Martha, David, Elias and little Elizabeth -made up the juvenile members of the household, up to the time of the -death of the latter. Phebe came the same year, while Abigail was born -three years later, so that there were at least four or five children -always gathered around the family board. Before the passing away -of Elias and David, the family had been increased by the birth of -Jonathan, making the children living at one time six. After the death -of the three older boys, and the birth of Elizabeth and Sarah, until -the death of John in 1805, living children were still six in number. -The five daughters, Martha, Phebe, Abigail, Elizabeth and Sarah all -outlived their parents. - -Elias Hicks was undoubtedly a most affectionate father, as the -letters to his wife and children show. How much this was diluted by -the apparent sternness of his religious concerns is a matter for the -imagination to determine. What were the amusements of this large family -is an interesting question in this "age of the child," with its surfeit -of toys and games. What were the tasks of the girls it is not so hard -to answer. Of course they worked "samplers," pieced quilts, learned to -spin and knit, and possibly to weave, and to prepare the wool or flax -for the loom. If we read between the lines in the description of their -father, we can easily infer that the physically afflicted sons were -nevertheless not without the joys of boyhood. - -At all events, if it was an afflicted family, it was also a united -one. It was a home where the parents were reverenced by the children, -and where there was a feeling of love, and a sense of loyalty. This -feeling is still characteristic of the descendants of Elias Hicks. It -is a sample of the persistence of the qualities of a strong man, in the -generations that come after him. - -Of the four daughters of Elias Hicks who were married, but two had -children, so that the lineal descendants of the celebrated Jericho -preacher are either descendants of Martha Hicks, wife of Valentine, -or of Sarah Hicks Seaman. These two branches of the family are quite -numerous.[50] - -[50] The descendants referred to will be given in their proper place in -the Appendix. - -Of Jemima, the wife of Elias Hicks, little is known apart from the -correspondence of her husband, and that is considerable. That he -considered her his real help-meet, and had for her a lover's affection -to the end is abundantly attested by all of the facts. Dame Rumor, in -the region of Jericho, claims that she was her husband's intellectual -inferior, but that is an indefinite comparison worth very little. That -she was at some points his superior is undoubtedly true, and it must be -remembered that Elias himself, with all of his great natural ability, -lacked intellectual culture and literary training. Jemima was evidently -a good housekeeper, and manager of affairs. Before she had sons-in-law -with whom to advise, and even after that, the business side of the -family was a considerable part of the time in her hands. It is no small -matter to throw upon a woman, never robust, the responsibility of both -the mother and father of a family during the prolonged absence of the -husband. - -The first long religious visit of Elias Hicks lasted ten weeks. At -that time there were four little people in the Hicks home, from -eight-year-old Martha to two-year-old Elizabeth, who died that -year, while Phebe was born after the return of her father from his -Philadelphia trip. Several of the other extended journeys were made -while the children of the family were of an age requiring care. Of -course this laid labor and responsibility on the wife and mother. -These she bore without complaining and, we may be sure, with executive -ability of no mean order. - -It was a time when women were not expected to be either the -intellectual peers or companions of their husbands, and we cannot -justly apply the measurements and standards of to-day, to the women of -a century ago. Men of the Elias Hicks type, meeting their fellows in -public assemblies and ministering to them, traveling widely and forming -many friendships, whether in the Society of Friends or out of it, are -likely to be praised, if not petted, while their wives, less known, -labor on unappreciated. Such a woman was Jemima Hicks. To her, and all -like her, the lasting gratitude of the sons of men is due. - - - - -CHAPTER X. - -Letters to his Wife. - - -In the long absences from home, which the religious visits of Elias -Hicks involved, as a matter of course many of the domestic burdens fell -heavily upon his wife. In so far as he could atone for his absence -by sending epistles home he did so. In fact, for the times, he was a -voluminous letter writer. - -It was not a time of rapid transit. Distances now spanned in a few -hours demanded days and weeks when Elias Hicks was active in the -ministry. At the best, but a few letters could reach home from the -traveler absent for several months. - -In the main the letters which Elias sent to his beloved Jemima were -of the ardent lover-like sort. It seemed impossible, however, for -him to avoid the preacherly function in even his most tender and -domestic missives. Exhortations to practical righteousness, and to -the maintenance of what he considered the Friendly fundamentals, were -plentifully mixed with his most private and personal concerns. - -In going over this correspondence one wishes for more description, -relating to the human side of the traveler's experiences. A man who -several times traversed what was really the width of habitable America, -and mostly either in a wagon or on horseback, must have seen much that -was interesting, and many times humorous and even pathetic. But few of -these things moved Elias Hicks, or diverted him from what he considered -the purely gospel character of his mission. - -Still there is much worth while in this domestic correspondence. From -it we compile and annotate such extracts as seem to help reveal the -character of the man who wrote them. - -On the 13th of Eighth month, 1788, Elias was at Creek, now Clinton -Corners, in Dutchess county, New York. From a letter written to his -wife that day, we quote: - - "My heart glows at this time with much love and affection for thee - and our dear children, with breathing desires for your preservation, - and that thou, my dear, may be kept in a state of due watchfulness - over thyself, and those dear lambs under thy care, that nothing may - interrupt the current of pure love among you in my absence." - -A letter dated "Lynn, Massachusetts, ye 24th of Eighth month, 1793," -and written to his wife, is of peculiar interest. We quote the first -sentences: - - "I received last evening, at my return to this place from the East, - thy very acceptable letter of the 16th instant.... The contents, - except the account of the pain in thy side, were truly comfortable. - That part wherein thou expresseth a resignation to the Divine Will, - was particularly satisfactory, for in this, my dear, consists our - chiefest happiness and consolation." - -He sometimes expressed a sense of loneliness in his travels, but was -certain of the nearness of the Divine Spirit. In the letter mentioned -above he said: - - "Thou hast cause to believe with me, my dear, that it was He that - first united our hearts together in the bonds of an endeared love - and affection. So it is He that has kept and preserved us all our - life long, and hath caused us to witness an increase of that unfading - love, which as thou expresseth is ever new." - -Evidently his beloved Jemima, like Martha of old, was unduly troubled -about many things, for we find Elias in his letter indulging in the -following warning: "And let me again hint to thee a care over thyself, -for I fear thou wilt expose thyself by too much bodily exercise in the -care of thy business." - -It is seldom that we find even a tinge of complaining in any of his -letters. It seems, however, that his women folks were not industrious -correspondents. In closing the letter noted he thus expressed himself: - - "My companion receives his packet of letters, frequently four, five - or six at a time, which makes me feel as if I was forgotten by my - friends, having received but two small letters from home since I left - you. And thou writest, my dear, as if paper was scarce, on very small - pieces." - -On the 3d of Ninth month, of the same year, a letter was written to his -wife, much like the foregoing. It is interesting to note that Elias was -at this time the guest of Moses Brown (in Providence), the founder of -the Moses Brown School. The small pieces of paper mentioned are hints -of a wifely economy, not altogether approved by her very economical -husband. There is a gentle tinge of rebuke in the following, written -from Nine Partners, Eleventh month 19, 1818. The temptation is strong -to read into these lines, a grain of humor touching the much-talked-of -persistence of a woman's will: - - "Inasmuch as I have often felt concerned when thus absent, least thou - should worry thyself, with too much care and labor in regard to our - temporal concerns, and have often desired thee to be careful in that - respect, but mostly without effect, by reason that thou art so choice - of thy own free agency as to be afraid to take the advice of thy - best friend, lest it might mar that great privilege; I therefore now - propose to leave thee at full liberty to use it in thine own pleasure - with the addition of this desire, that thou use it in that way as - will produce to thee the most true comfort and joy, and then I trust - I shall be comforted, my dear, in thy comfort, and joyful in thy joy." - -A letter dated West Jersey, near Salem, the 6th of First month, 1798, -mentions a singular concern about apparel. He exhorts his wife to guard -the tender minds of their children from "foolish and worldly vanities," -and then drops into a personal and general statement regarding what he -considered simplicity and plainness as follows: - - "Great is the apparent departure from primitive purity and plainness - among many professors of the truth, where our lots have been cast. - Foreseeing that I may often be led in a line of close doctrine to - such it has brought me under close self-examination, knowing for - certain that those who have to deal out to others ought to look well - to their own going. In this time of scrutiny nothing turned up as - bringing reproof to my mind concerning our children, but the manner - of wearing their gown sleeves long and pinned at the wrist. This I - found to strike at the pure life, and wounded my mind. I clearly saw - my deficiency that I had not more endeavored to have it done away - with before I left home, for I felt it as a burden then. But seeing - our dear daughters had manifested so much condescension in other - things, and this being like one of the least, I endeavored to be easy - under it. But feeling it with assurance not to be a plant of our - Heavenly Father's right-hand planting, think it ought to be plucked - up. Let our dear daughters read these lines, and tell them their dear - father prays they may wisely consider the matter, and if they can be - willing so far to condescend to my desire while absent as to have - these things removed, it will be as balsam to my wounded spirit, and - they will not go without their reward. But their father's God will - bless them and become their God, as they are faithful to his reproofs - in their hearts, and walk fearfully before Him. He will redeem them, - out of all adversity to the praise and glory of His grace, who is - over all, God, blessed forever." - -During a visit to Nine Partners, Twelfth month 15, 1803, Elias wrote -to Jemima. Evidently she had repelled the inference, if not the -implication, that she had been negligent in her correspondence, for we -find the letter in question beginning in this fashion: - - "Although I wrote thee pretty fully last evening, yet having since - that received a precious, refreshing letter from thee, by Isaac - Frost (it being the first I have received from thee since I left - home), but finding from thy last that thou hast written several. It - affords a singular satisfaction in finding thou hast been mindful of - me. But I have not complained, my dear, nor let in, nor indulged a - thought that thou hadst forgotten me, nor do I believe thou couldst. - There is nothing while we continue in our right minds that can - dissolve that firm and precious bond of love and endeared affection, - which from our first acquaintance united us together, and in which, - while writing these lines my spirit greets thee with endeared - embraces." - -It surely seems strange that a man who was the father of eleven -children, that his only source of personal "reproof" concerning them, -was this little matter of the sleeves and the pins. This probably is a -fair illustration of what may be called the conservatism of Elias Hicks -touching all of the peculiarities of the Society of Friends. - -The postscript to a letter written to Jemima from Shrewsbury, New -Jersey, Twelfth month 17, 1797, reads as follows: "As thou writes but -poorly, if thou should get Hallet or Royal to write superscriptions on -the letters, it would make them more plain for conveyance." - -It was only seldom that business affairs at home were referred to in -his epistles to his wife. But occasionally a departure was made from -this practice. Where these lapses do occur, it would seem that they -should be noted. In the fall of 1822 Elias was in the vicinity of -Philadelphia, and was stopping with his friend and kinsman, Edward -Hicks, at Newtown, in Bucks county. - -In this letter he says: "My health is much the same as when I left -home. I was disappointed in not meeting any letters here, as I feel -very anxious how you all do." We copy the balance of the letter, with -its tender admonition to Jemima: - - "I will just remind thee that before I left home I put two old ewes - in the green rye on the plains. If they should improve as to be fit - to kill, I should be willing thou would let Josiah have one of them, - as he agreed to split up some of the timber that was blown down in - the woods by him, into rails and board himself. The other thou might - sell or otherwise at thy pleasure. - - "Now, my dear, let me remind thee of thy increasing bodily - infirmities, and the necessity it lays thee under to spare thyself of - the burthen and care of much bodily and mental labour and exercise, - by which thou will experience more quiet rest, both to body and - mind, and that it may be, my dear, our united care to endeavor that - our last days may be our best days, that so we may witness a state - and qualification to pass gently and quietly out of time, into the - mansions of eternal blessedness, where all sighing and sorrow, will - be at an end." - -While in Pennsylvania, and at what is now York, Fourth month 3, 1798, -he sent a tender missive home. Part of it referred to business matters. -He gave directions for preparing the ground, and planting potatoes, and -also for oats and flax, the latter being a crop practically unknown -to present-day Long Island. He then gives the following direction -regarding a financial obligation: - - "And as James Carhartt has a bond of sixty pounds against me, of - money belonging to a Dutchman, should be glad if thou hast not money - enough by thee to pay the interest thereof, thou would call upon - Royal or brother Joseph and get some, and pay it the first of Fifth - month." - -While at Rahway, New Jersey, Eleventh month 6, 1801, on his visit -to Friends in New Jersey and Pennsylvania, he wrote one of his most -expressive letters to Jemima. A postscript was attached directed to -his daughters. To his oldest daughter, Martha, he sent an exhortation -in which he said: "My desires for thee, my dear, are that thou may be -preserved innocent and chaste to the Lord, for I can have no greater -joy than to find my children walking in the truth." - -That a large part of his concern was for the comfort of his wife -in the long absences from home is abundantly shown in his entire -correspondence. The last postscript to the Rahway letter is as follows: - - "And, dear Phebe and Abigail, remember your Creator, who made you not - to spend your time in play and vanity, but to be sober and to live - in his fear, that he may bless you. Be obedient to your dear mother, - it is my charge to you. Love and help her whatever you can; it will - comfort your dear father." - -The 2d of Eleventh month, 1820, Elias arrived at Hudson, and learning -that the steamboat to New York was to pass that day, he prepared and -sent a letter to his wife. In this letter he says: - - "It may be that some of my friends may think me so far worth - noticing, as to meet me with a line or two at Nine Partners, as I - have often felt very desirous of hearing how you fare at home, but - this desire hath mostly failed of being gratified. I suppose the many - things so absorb the minds of my friends at home, that they have no - time to think of so poor a thing as I am. But never mind it, as all - things, it is said, will work together for good to those that love - and fear [God]." - -While at Saratoga, in 1793, Elias wrote to Jemima, Tenth month 15th. -This is one of his most ardent epistles. "Oh, my dear," he says, "may -we ever keep in remembrance the day of our espousal and gladness of our -hearts, as I believe it was a measure of the Divine Image that united -our hearts together in the beginning. It is the same that I believe -has, and still doth strengthen the sweet, influential and reciprocal -bond, that nothing, I trust, as we dwell under a sense of Divine love -and in the pure fear, will ever be able to obliterate or deface." - -Third month 15, 1798, a letter was written from Alexandria, Va., from -which we make this extract: - - "We came here this morning from Sandy Spring, which is upwards of - twenty miles distant. Got in timely so as to attend their meeting - which began at the tenth hour. Crossed the river Potomac on our way. - We got on horseback about break of day, and not being very well I - thought I felt the most fatigued before I got in, I was ever sensible - of before. When I came to the meeting, a poor little one it was, and - wherein I had to suffer silence through the meeting for worship, but - in their Preparative which followed, I found my way open in a measure - to ease my mind." - - - - -CHAPTER XI. - -The Slavery Question. - - -John Woolman was the mouth-piece of the best Quaker conscience of the -eighteenth century on the slavery question. For twenty-five years -before his death, in 1772, he was pleading with the tenderness of a -woman that his beloved religious society should clear itself from -complicity with the system which held human beings in bondage. His -mantel apparently fell on Warner Mifflin, a young man residing in Kent -county, Delaware, near the little hamlet of Camden. In 1775 Mifflin -manumitted his slaves, and was followed by like conduct on the part of -his father, Daniel Mifflin, a resident of Accomac County, in Virginia. - -Warner Mifflin is said to have been the first man in America to -voluntarily give freedom to his bondmen, and to make restitution to -such of them as were past twenty-one, for the unrequited service which -they had rendered him. Be that as it may, from 1775, until his death -in 1799, Warner Mifflin, with tireless zeal labored with Friends -personally, and with meetings in their official capacity, to drive the -last remnant of slavery from the Quaker fold. His efforts appeared in -various monthly meeting minutes throughout Philadelphia Yearly Meeting, -and he was not backward in laying his concern before the Yearly Meeting -itself. In 1783, on the initiative of Mifflin, the Yearly Meeting for -Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Delaware and the Western Parts of Maryland -and Virginia, memorialized the infant United States Congress in regard -to slavery. The document was a striking one for the time, was signed in -person by 535 Friends, and was presented to the Congress by a strong -committee headed by Warner Mifflin. - -These efforts at internal deliverance from connection and complicity -with slavery produced speedy results, and before the close of the -century not a Quaker slave holder remained in the Society, unless in -some obscure cases that continued "under care." Having cleared its own -skirts of slavery, the members of the Society became divided into two -classes--the one anxious that the Quaker conscience should make its -appeal to the general conscience for the entire abolition of the "great -iniquity." The other class, satisfied with their own sinlessness in -this particular, wished the Society to remain passive, and in no way -mix with a public agitation of the mooted question. These two opposing -views distracted the Society down to the very verge of the final issue -in the slaveholders' rebellion. - -Elias Hicks was three years Warner Mifflin's junior. He probably saw -the Delaware abolitionist during his visits to Philadelphia Yearly -Meeting before the death of Mifflin. Whether either ever saw or heard -John Woolman cannot be positively stated. Mifflin was twenty-seven when -the great New Jersey preacher and reformer passed away, and must have -fallen under the spell of Woolman's inspiring leadership. Elias Hicks -could hardly have escaped being influenced by this "elder brother," -although he may never have seen him. - -The subject of this biography was among those who believed that the -Society of Friends had a message to the world along the line of its -internal testimony against slavery, and he did not hesitate to deliver -the message, though it disturbed the superficial ease in Zion. Still he -had no definite plan apart from the appeal to conscience for settling -the problem. - -It must be remembered, however, that Elias Hicks passed away before -the real abolition movement, as represented by Garrison and Phillips -and their compeers, had begun its vigorous agitation, or organized -its widely applied propaganda. What the attitude of Elias would have -been toward Friends becoming members of the abolition societies, which -after his death played such an important part, and touching which many -Friends were either in doubt or in opposition we cannot even surmise. - -Benjamin Lundy[51] commenced his literary warfare against slavery, with -the ponderously named "Genius of Universal Emancipation," in 1821. -Elias Hicks was one of Lundy's most concerned and faithful patrons, in -some of his undertakings,[52] as appears in his personal correspondence. - -[51] Benjamin Lundy was born of Quaker parents, First month 4, 1789, in -Sussex County, New Jersey. He learned the trade of harness maker and -saddler, and went to Ohio, where he became very much interested in the -slavery question. In 1816 he issued an "Address" touching the evils of -slavery. Of this Address, Horace Greeley says, it contained the germ -of the whole anti-slavery movement. In First month, 1821, he issued -the first number of _The Genius of Universal Emancipation_. Lundy was -interested in various schemes for colonization, and assisted many -emancipated negroes to go to Hayti, and contemplated the establishment -of a colony of colored people in Mexico. He died at Lowell, Illinois, -Eighth month 22, 1839, and was buried in the Friends' burying ground at -Clear Creek. - -[52] Please inform Benjamin Lundy that I have procured fifty-two -subscribers, or subscribers for fifty-two books, entitled, "Letters," -etc.--Extract from letter to his son-in-law, Valentine Hicks, dated -Jericho, Eleventh month 6, 1827. - -The state of New York provided for the gradual emancipation of its -slaves in 1799, so that Elias Hicks had to go away from home after that -period to get into real slave territory. As has been seen he began -bearing his testimony in meetings for worship against the institution -in Maryland, where slave holding was the law of the land until the end. - -There are statements more or less legendary to the effect that Elias -was the owner of one slave, but of that there is no authentic evidence, -while the probabilities are all against it. If he ever held a slave or -slaves, he undoubtedly manumitted them. An act of such importance would -hardly have escaped record in the Journal, and no reference to it -exists. - -The controversies and disownments in the Society of Friends on account -of the slavery question really came after the death of Elias. The -trouble in New York resulting in the disownment of Isaac T. Hopper, -James S. Gibbons and Charles Marriott came on more than a decade after -his death. This entire controversy has been wrongly estimated by -most of the biographers and historians, representing the pronounced -abolitionists of the period. It was not simply a contest between -anti-slavery Friends and pro-slavery Friends. In fact the moving -spirits against Isaac T. Hopper were not advocates or defenders of -slavery as an institution. George F. White, who was probably the head -and front of the movement to disown Isaac T. Hopper, was not in favor -of slavery. After his death his monthly meeting memorialized him, and -among other things stated that he had for years refrained from using -commodities made by slave labor. - -The conservative wing of the Society was opposed to Friends becoming -identified with any organization for any purpose outside of the -Society. George F. White attacked temperance organizations, as he did -abolition societies. - -It was a common inference, if not a claim, of the Garrisonian -abolitionists, that there were no real anti-slavery men outside of -their organization. In Fifth month, 1840, there was a debate involving -the abolition attitude of the Society of Friends in the town of -Lynn, Massachusetts. In this debate William Lloyd Garrison said of -the Society: "If it were an abolition society, its efforts would be -identified with ours."[53] - -[53] The "Liberator," May 1, 1841, p. 3. - -In the same debate Oliver Johnson disputed the abolition claims of the -Society of Friends, saying: "They have asserted for themselves the -claim of being an abolition society. But we never could get into their -meeting house."[54] Thus was the test of abolitionism made to hinge -upon housing the Abolition Society. - -[54] The "Liberator," May 1, 1841, p. 3. - -That the attitude of the conservatives was ill-advised and -reprehensible may be true. It is also true that this body of Friends -were not in favor of any effort to overthrow slavery by popular -agitation. They held that all other Christians should do what Friends -had done, cease to hold slaves, and that would settle the whole -question. However shortsighted this attitude may have been, very few, -if any, of the Friends holding it, believed in holding black men in -bondage. In fact it is pretty safe to assert that at no time after the -Society had freed itself from direct complicity with slavery was there -any considerable number of strictly pro-slavery Friends in this country. - -In the disownments in the Society growing out of the slavery -controversy there was never a direct charge of abolitionism brought -against the accused. In Kennett Monthly Meeting in Chester County, -Pa., where in about seven years thirty-four Friends were disowned, the -charge was that the persons had "associated with others in forming, -sustaining and supporting a professedly religious organization[55] -distinct from and not owned by Friends, and have wholly declined -attending our religious meetings."[56] - -[55] The "Progressive Friends." - -[56] Records of Kennett Monthly Meeting, First month 6, 1857. - -Of course, it is true that the Friends who took part in the Progressive -Friends' movement were probably led to do so because the way did not -open for them to be aggressively anti-slavery in the parent meeting. - -The colonization scheme, that is a plan to colonize emancipated negroes -either in Africa, or in Hayti, or elsewhere, was prominently urged -during the time of Elias Hicks. Benjamin Lundy had a plan of this -character which he attempted to make practical. Evan Lewis,[57] of New -York, in 1820, was interested in an effort of this sort, and sought the -advice of Elias Hicks in the matter. - -[57] Evan Lewis, a New York Friend and business man. He corresponded -with King Henry, of San Domingo. Was a warm friend of Elias Hicks, and -after the "separation" wrote a pamphlet in defense of Elias. - -We have not been able to find any reply to this particular letter, and -are thus not warranted in saying whether Elias Hicks sympathized with -such a scheme or not. - -The attitude of Elias Hicks on the slavery question is only minutely -referred to in his Journal. His private correspondence gives his -feeling and conduct in the case, in not a few instances. From his -general disposition one would expect to find his objections to slavery -based entirely on moral and religious grounds. Still, evidence abounds -that he had also considered the economic phases of the question, as -note the following: - - "I may further add that from forty years of observation that in all - cases where opportunity has opened the way fairly to contrast the - subject, it has afforded indubitable evidence to my mind, that free - labor is cheaper and more profitable than that done by slaves."[58] - -[58] From letter written to James Cropper, of England, dated Baltimore, -Eleventh month 2, 1822. - -It seems to have been laid upon him to present the claims of the truth -as he saw it, in slave-holding communities. He makes the following -statement touching service of this kind in Virginia: - - "I have passed through some proving seasons since I left Baltimore, - in meetings where many negro masters attended, some of whom held - fifty, some an hundred, and some it was thought one hundred and fifty - of these poor people in slavery. Was led to treat on the subject in - divers meetings, in such a manner and so fully to expose the iniquity - and unrighteousness thereof, that some who had stouted[59] it out - hitherto against all conviction, were much humbled and brought to a - state of contrition, and not one individual had power to make any - opposition. But truth reigned triumphantly over all, to the rejoicing - of many hearts."[60] - -[59] "Stouted" seems to have been a favorite word with Elias. He -habitually uses it as representing an aggravated resistance to the -truth. - -[60] From letter written to his wife from Alexandria, Va., Third month -15, 1798. - -Elias Hicks wrote a number of articles on the slavery question, and -some of them were printed and publicly circulated. A letter written -at Manchester, England, Seventh month 5, 1812, by Martha Routh, and -addressed to Elias Hicks, says: "I have not forgot that I am debtor to -thee this way, for two very acceptable and instructive epistles, the -latter with a pamphlet setting forth the deep exercise of thy mind, and -endeavors for the more full relief of our fellow-brethren, the African -race." This letter informs Elias that the author sent his pamphlet to -Thomas Clarkson. - -Considerable was written by Elias Hicks on the slave trade, some of it -existing as unpublished manuscript. An article, filling four closely -written pages of foolscap, is among his literary effects. A very long -letter was written to James Cropper, of England, on the same subject. -Both of these documents were written while the slave-trade bill was -pending in the British Parliament. Elias considered the measure -entirely inadequate, holding that the domestic production of slaves was -as inhuman and abhorrent, if not more so, as their importation from -Africa. In the letter to Cropper this strong statement is found: "It -ought ever to be remembered that it is one of the most necessary and -essential duties both towards God and man, for individuals and nations -to exert all the power and influence they are possessed of, in every -righteous and consistent way, to put an entire stop to all oppression, -robbery and murder without partiality, as it respects nations or -individuals." - -Many times, in his published sermons, Elias Hicks dealt with the -iniquity of slavery. Without doubt he expressed himself in like manner -in sermons preached before interest in the man and his utterances -caused his sermons to be stenographically reported and published. - - "Oh! that our eyes might be opened, to see more deeply into the - mystery of iniquity and godliness; that we might become conversant - in godliness and so reject iniquity. For all this wicked oppression - of the African race is of the mystery of iniquity. The man of sin - and son of perdition does these works, and nothing else does them. - Justice is fallen in the streets, and in the councils of the nation. - How much justice there is; for they have it in their power to do - justice to these poor oppressed creatures, but they are waiting till - all their selfish notions are gratified."[61] - -[61] From sermon preached at Newtown, Pa., Twelfth month 18, 1826. The -"Quaker," Vol. 4, p. 183. - -Elias Hicks was as strongly opposed to the lines of interest and -economic conduct which indirectly supported slavery as he was to the -institution itself. We quote: - - "And for want of a sight of this oppression, how many there are - who, though they seem not willing to put their hands upon a - fellow creature to bind him in chains of bondage, yet they will - do everything to help along by purchasing the labor of those poor - creatures, which is like eating flesh and drinking blood of our poor - fellow-creatures. Is it like coming home to justice? For the thief - and oppressor are just alike; the one is as bad as the other."[62] - -[62] From sermon preached at Abington, Pa., Twelfth month 15, 1826. The -"Quaker," Vol. 4, p. 155. - -In dealing with slavery and slaveholders, his language often bordered -on what would now be called bitterness. Here is a case in point: - - "Can slaveholders, mercenaries and hirelings, who look for their gain - from this quarter, can they promote the religion of Jesus Christ? No, - they are the cause of its reproach, for they are the cause of making - unbelievers."[63] - -[63] A series of extemporaneous discourses by Elias Hicks. Joseph and -Edward Parker, p. 24. - -His concern touching slavery was largely based on considerations of -justice, and regard for the opportunity which he believed ought to be -the right of all men. In one of his sermons he said: - - "Thousands and tens of thousands have been forbidden the enjoyment - of every good thing on earth, even of common school-learning; and - must it still be so? God forbid it. But this would be a trifle, if - they had the privilege of rational beings on the earth; that liberty - which is the greatest of all blessings--the exercise of free agency. - And here we are glutting ourselves with the toils of their labor!... - But this noble testimony, of refusing to partake of the spoils of - oppression, lies with the dearly beloved young people of this day. We - can look for but little from the aged, who have been accustomed to - these things."[64] - -[64] From sermon preached in Philadelphia, Twelfth month 1, 1824. -Parker's "Discourses by Elias Hicks," p. 60-61. - -In the sermon "just referred to," we find the following: - - "We are on a level with all the rest of God's creatures. We are not - better for being white than others for being black; and we have no - more right to oppress the blacks because they are black than they - have to oppress us because we are white. Therefore, every one who - oppresses his colored brother or sister is a tyrant upon the earth; - and every one who strengthens the hand of an oppressor is a tyrant - upon earth. They have turned from God, and have not that powerful - love, which does away all distinction and prejudice of education, and - sets upon equal grounds all those that have equal rights."[65] - -[65] The same, p. 79. - -Of the "essays" on the slavery question written by Elias Hicks, one has -survived, and is bound in the volume, "Letters of Elias Hicks." The -pamphlet in question, though small, like many "ancient" productions, -had a very large title, viz.: "Observations on the Slavery of the -Africans and Their Descendants, and the Use of the Produce of Their -Labor."[66] It was originally published in 1811, having been approved -by the Meeting for Sufferings of New York Yearly Meeting. Nearly half -of the "essay" is made up of a series of questions and answers. When -printed it made six leaves the size of this page. On the subject of the -product of slave labor, decided ground was taken, the claim being that -all such produce was "prize goods." The reason for this claim was that -the slaves originally were captives, practically the victims of a war -of capture if not conquest. Among other things the essay argues the -rightfulness and justice of any State to pass laws abolishing slavery -within its borders. - -[66] "Letters of Elias Hicks," p. 9. - -While the arguments presented in this document are of general value, it -is probable that the pamphlet was in the main intended for circulation -among Friends, with a view to stimulating them to such action as would -forward the cause of freedom. This essay by Elias Hicks antedated by -five years the address by Benjamin Lundy, already referred to, and -was probably one of the first publications in the nineteenth century -actually advocating the abolition of slavery. - -In studying the slavery question it is necessary to remember that -before the invention of the cotton gin, about 1793, a considerable -but unorganized and ineffective anti-slavery sentiment existed in the -country. But after that invention, which rendered slave labor very -remunerative, sentiment of this sort subsided so that the Friends, who, -like Elias Hicks, advocated abolition during the first quarter of the -nineteenth century, were really pioneers in the attempt which resulted -in the freedom of a race. - -At one time church organizations, even in the South, especially the -Baptists, passed resolutions favorable to the abolition of slavery. -Churches North and South in the decade between 1780 and 1790 were well -abreast of Friends in this particular. Touching this matter Horace -Greeley remarked: "But no similar declaration has been made by any -Southern Baptist Convention since field-hands rose to $1,000 each, and -black infants at birth were accounted worth $100."[67] - -[67] "The American Conflict," by Horace Greeley, Vol. I, p. 120. - -We could make copious extracts from the anti-slavery utterances of -Elias Hicks, but our object is simply to give the scope of his thinking -and purpose in regard to this matter. Few men at certain points were -more altruistic than he, and as an altruist he could not do other -than oppose the great social and economic iniquity of his time. From -his standpoint slavery was utterly and irretrievably bad, and to bear -testimony constant and consistent against it was part of the high -calling of the Christian. - - - - -CHAPTER XII. - -Various Opinions. - - -Elias Hicks had very definite ideas on a great many subjects. While -in many respects he was in advance of his time, at other points he -was conservative. At any rate he was not in unity with some of the -prevalent social and economic arrangements. On the question of property -he entertained some startling convictions. Just how much public -expression he gave to these views may not be positively determined. -That he believed that there were grave spiritual dangers involved in -getting and holding great wealth, is abundantly attested in his public -utterances, but we must look to his private correspondence for some of -his advanced views on the property question. - -In a letter addressed to "Dear Alsop," dated Jericho, Fifth month 14, -1826, he deals quite definitely with the matter of property. After -claiming that the early Christians wandered from the pure gospel of -Jesus after they ceased to rely on the inward teacher, he makes a -declaration on the subject as follows: - - "But did we all as individuals take the spirit of truth, or light - within, as our only rule and guide in all things, we should all then - be willing, and thereby enabled, to do justly, love mercy, and walk - humbly with God. Then we should hold all things in common, and call - nothing our own, but consider all our blessings as only lent to us, - to be used and distributed by us in such manner and way as his holy - spirit, or this inward teacher, may from time to time direct. Hence - we should be made all equal, accountable to none but God alone, for - the right use or the abuse of his blessings. Then all mankind would - be but one community, have but one head, but one father, and the - saying of Jesus would be verified. We should no longer call any man - master, for one only has a right to be our Master, even God, and all - mankind become brethren. This is the kind of community that I have - been labouring for more than forty years to introduce mankind into, - that so we might all have but one head, and one instructor and he - (God) come to rule whose only right it is, and which would always - have been the case, had not man rebelled against his maker, and - disobeyed his salutary instruction and commands." - -Touching the "cares and deceitfulness of riches," he had much to say. -He tells us that on a certain day he attended the meeting of ministers -and elders in Westbury, and sat through it "under great depression -and poverty of spirit." There was evidently some confession and not -a little complaining, as there is now, regarding the possession -and exercise of spiritual gifts on the part of Friends. But Elias -affirmed that the "cloud" over the meeting was not "in consequence of -a deficiency of ministers, as it respects their ministerial gifts, nor -from a want of care in elders in watching over them; but from a much -more deep and melancholy cause, viz.: the love and cares of this world -and the deceitfulness of riches; which, springing up and gaining the -ascendency in the mind, choke the good seed like the briars and thorns, -and render it fruitless; and produce such great dearth and barrenness -in our meetings."[68] - -[68] Journal of Elias Hicks, p. 233. - -Elias Hicks apparently believed that labor had in itself a vital -spiritual quality. In fact he held that the famous injunction in -Genesis "In the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread" "was not a -penalty, but it was a divine counsel--a counsel of perfect wisdom and -perfect love."[69] It was his opinion that all oppression, slavery and -injustice, had their origin in the disposition of men to shirk the -obligation to labor, thus placing burdens on their fellows, which -they should bear themselves. - -[69] Sermon preached at Abington, Pa., Twelfth month 15, 1826. The -"Quaker," p. 155. - -Every exhortation touching labor he religiously followed himself. He -records that at the age of sixty he labored hard in his harvest field, -and remarks with evident pride and satisfaction as follows: - - "I found I could wield the scythe nearly as in the days of my youth. - It was a day of thankful and delightful contemplation. My heart - was filled with thankfulness and gratitude to the blessed Author - of my existence, in a consideration of his providential care over - me, in preserving me in health, and in the possession of my bodily - powers, the exercise of which were still affording me both profit - and delight; and I was doubly thankful for the continued exercise - of my mental faculties, not only in instructing me how to exert and - rightly employ my bodily powers, in the most useful and advantageous - manner, but also in contemplating the works of nature and Providence, - in the blessings and beauties of the field--a volume containing more - delightful and profitable instruction than all the volumes of mere - learning and science in the world. - - "What a vast portion of the joys and comforts of life do the idle and - slothful deprive themselves of, by running into cities and towns, - to avoid labouring in the field; not considering that this is one - of the principal sources that the gracious Creator of the universe - has appointed to his creature, man, from whence he may derive - great temporal happiness and delight. It also opens the largest - and best field of exercise to the contemplative mind, by which it - may be prepared to meet, when this mortal puts on immortality, - those immortal joys that will ever be the lot of the faithful and - industrious."[70] - -[70] Journal of Elias Hicks, p. 185. - -It will probably be disputed in our time, that those who labor and -attempt to live in cities enjoy lives of greater ease than those who -till the soil. - -While Elias recognized the obligation to labor, and believed it was a -blessed privilege, he had learned in the school of experience that an -over-worked body and an over-worried mind tended to spiritual poverty. -We quote: - - "The rest of this week was spent in my ordinary vocations. My farming - business was very pressing, and it being difficult to procure - suitable assistance, my mind was overburdened with care, which - seldom fails of producing leanness of spirit in a lesser or greater - degree."[71] - -[71] Journal, p. 151. - -As offset to this we quote the following: - - "What a favor it is for such an active creature as man, possessed of - such powers of body and mind, always to have some employment, and - something for those powers to act upon; for otherwise they would be - useless and dormant, and afford neither profit nor delight."[72] - -[72] Journal, p. 184. - -The building of railroads in this country had fairly begun when Elias -Hicks passed away in 1830. Projects had been under way for some time, -and certain Friends in Baltimore, then the center of railroad activity, -had become interested in the enterprise. In a letter to Deborah and -James P. Stabler,[73] written in New York, Sixth month 28, 1829, Elias -expresses himself quite freely regarding the matter. He says: "It was a -cause of sorrow rather than joy when last in Baltimore to find my dear -friend P. E. Thomas[74] so fully engaged in that troublesome business -of the railroad,[75] as I consider his calling to be of a more noble -and exalted nature than to enlist in such low and groveling concerns. -For it is a great truth that no man can serve two masters, for he -will either love the one, and hate the other, or hold to the one, and -despise the other. Ye cannot serve God and mammon. The railroad in this -case I consider mammon." - -[73] Deborah Stabler was the widow of Dr. William Stabler, the latter -being a brother of Edward Stabler, of Alexandria, the well-known -preacher, and close friend of Elias Hicks. Deborah was a recorded -minister. James P. was her son. He was chief engineer of the Baltimore -and Susquehanna Railroad in its early construction, and was the -first general superintendent and chief engineer of the Baltimore and -Ohio, and built part of the line from Baltimore to Frederick. He was -the author of a small pamphlet entitled, "The Certain Evidences of -Practical Religion," published in 1884. He resided at Sandy Spring, Md. - -[74] Philip E. Thomas, for many years sat at the head of the Baltimore -meeting. He was the son of Evan Thomas, of Sandy Spring, who was a -recorded minister. Philip E. was an importing hardware merchant, a -most successful business man, and the first president of the Baltimore -and Ohio Railroad. In the construction and operation of that line of -railroad, he was associated with the leading business men of Baltimore. -He was for many years an elder of Baltimore meeting. - -[75] The railroad thus referred to by Elias Hicks was undoubtedly -the section of the Baltimore and Ohio which ran from Baltimore to -Ellicott's Mills, a distance of 15 miles. It was begun in 1828, and -opened in Fifth month, 1830. Horses were at first used as motive power. -This was the first railroad built in the United States. - -The following is an extract from the same letter: - - "It afforded me very pleasing sensations to be informed of dear - James' improvement in health, but it excited some different feeling - when informed that he had taken the place of Assistant Superintendent - of the railroad company, a business I conceive that principally - belongs to the men of this world, but not to the children of light, - whose kingdom is not of this world; for when we consider that there - are thousands and tens of thousands who are voluntarily enlisted in - works that relate to the accommodation of flesh and blood which can - never inherit the kingdom of heaven." - -The objection to railroads is one of those unaccountable but -interesting contradictions which appear in the lives of some -progressive men. By a sort of irony of fate, Valentine Hicks, the -son-in-law of Elias, a few years after the death of the latter, became -very much interested in the railroad business. The charter of the Long -Island Railroad Company was granted Fourth month 24, 1834. In this -document Valentine Hicks was named one of the commissioners to secure -the capital stock, and appoint the first Board of Directors. While not -the first president of that company, he was elected president Sixth -month 7, 1837, and served in that capacity until Fifth month 21, 1838. - -Elias Hicks at points anticipated the present theory of suggestion -touching bodily ailment, if he did not forestall some of the ideas -regarding mental healing, and Christian Science. Writing to his -son-in-law, Valentine Hicks, from Easton, Pa., Eighth month 15, 1819, -he thus expressed himself: - - "And indeed, in a strict sense, the mind or immortal spirit of man - cannot be affected with disease or sickness, being endued with - immortal powers; therefore all its apparent weakness lies in mere - imagination, giving the mind a wrong bias and a wrong direction, - but it loses more of its real strength, as to acting and doing. - For instance, if at any time it admits those false surmises and - imaginations, and by them is led to believe that its outward - tabernacle is out of health and drawing towards a dissolution, and - not being ready and willing to part with it, although little or - nothing may be the disorder of the body, yet so powerfully strong is - the mind under the influence of these wrong surmises that there seems - at times to be no power in heaven or earth sufficient to arrest its - progress, or stop its career, until it brings on actual disease, and - death to the body, which, however, had its beginning principally in - mere imagination and surmise. Hence we see the absolute necessity - of thinking less about our mere bodily health, and much more about - the mind, for if the mind is kept in a line of right direction, as - it is that in which all its right health and strength consisteth, we - need not fear any suffering to the body. For, if while the mind is - under right direction, the body is permitted to fall under or into - a state of affliction or disease, and the mind is kept in a state - of due arrangement, it will prove a blessing and be sanctified to - us as such, and in which we shall learn by certain experience that - all things work together for good to those whose minds are preserved - under the regulating influence of the love of God, which love casteth - out all fear." - -Elias Hicks was a firm opponent of the public school system, and -especially the law which supported such schools by general taxation. -His views regarding this matter are quite fully stated in a letter -written Fifth month 24, 1820. It was written to Sylvanus Smith, and -answered certain inquiries which had evidently been directed to Elias -by this Friend. His objection to public schools, however, was partly -based on what he considered moral and religious grounds. He said he had -refrained from sending his children to any schools which were not under -the immediate care of the Society of Friends. Observation, he said, led -him to believe that his "children would receive more harm than good by -attending schools taught by persons of no religious principles, and -among children whose parents were of different sects, and many very -loose and unconcerned and vulgar in their lives and conduct." He also -assumed that in the public schools his children would be demoralized -"by the vicious conduct of many of the children, and sometimes even -the teachers, which would be very degrading to their morals, and -wounding to their tender minds." From his standpoint Friends could not -consistently "take any part in those district schools, nor receive any -part of the bounty given by the legislature of the state for their use." - -Touching the question of parental authority and individual freedom, -Elias Hicks also had opinions prejudicial to the public schools. In the -letter under review he said: - - "Believing the law that has established them to be arbitrary and - inconsistent with the liberty of conscience guaranteed by the - Constitution of the United States, and derogatory to right parental - authority; as no doubt it is the right and duty of every parent to - bring up and educate his children in that way he thinks is right, - independent of the control of any authority under heaven (so long - as he keeps them within the bounds of civil order). As the bringing - up and right education of our children is a religious duty, and - for which we are accountable to none but God only, therefore for - the magistrate to interfere therewith by coercive means is an - infringement upon the divine prerogative." - -The observance of Thanksgiving Day, outside of New England, had not -become a common thing in the time of Elias Hicks. Evidently about 1825, -the Governor of New York issued a Thanksgiving Proclamation, which -caused Elias to write an article. It was addressed to _The Christian -Inquirer_,[76] and bore heavily against the whole thanksgiving scheme, -especially when supported by the civil government. In his opinion -wherever the magistrate recommended an observance of Thanksgiving Day, -he was simply playing into the hands of the ecclesiastical power. We -quote: - -[76] The _Christian Inquirer_ was a weekly newspaper in New York, -started in 1824. It was of pronounced liberal tendencies. A good deal -of its space was devoted to Friends, especially during the "separation" -period. - - "Therefore the Governor's recommendation carries the same coercion - and force in it, to every citizen, as the recommendation of the - Episcopal Bishop would to the members of his own church. In this view - we have the reason why the clergymen in our state call upon the civil - magistrate to recommend one of their superstitious ceremonies. It is - in order to coerce the citizens at large to a compliance with their - dogmas, and little by little inure them to the yoke of ecclesiastical - domination. I therefore conceive there is scarcely a subject that - comes under our notice that lies more justly open to rebuke and - ridicule than the thanksgiving days and fast days that are observed - in our country, for there is nothing to be found in the writings of - the New Testament to warrant such formality and superstition, and I - fully believe in the way they are conducted they are altogether an - abomination in the sight of the Lord, and tend more abundantly to - bring a curse upon our nation than a blessing, as they too often end - with many in festivity and drunkenness." - -In closing his communication Elias says that in issuing his -proclamation the Governor was simply "doing a piece of drudgery" -for the clergy. The following, being the last paragraph in the -communication referred to, sounds very much like the statements put -forward by the extreme secularists in our own time: - - "And has he not by recommending a religious act united the civil and - ecclesiastical authorities, and broken the line of partition between - them, so wisely established by our enlightened Constitution, which - in the most positive terms forbids any alliance between church and - state, and is the only barrier for the support of our liberty and - independence. For if that is broken down all is lost, and we become - the vassals of priestcraft, and designing men, who are reaching after - power by every subtle contrivance to domineer over the consciences of - their fellow citizens." - -It is not at all surprising that Elias Hicks was opposed to Free -Masonry. On this subject he expressed himself vigorously. This -opposition was based upon the secret character of the oath, and -especially a solemn promise not to divulge the "secrets of Masonry, -before he knows what the secrets are." - -The anti-masonic movement, being the outcome of the mysterious -disappearance of William Morgan from Batavia, New York, was at its -height during the last years of Elias Hicks. It was claimed that Morgan -was probably murdered because of a book published by him in 1826, -exposing the secrets of Masonry. Some of the rumors connected with -this disappearance account for statements made by Elias Hicks in his -criticism of the organization. - -Touching the matter of exclusiveness on the part of Friends, Elias -Hicks was a conservative of the conservatives. To keep aloof from -things not connected with the Society he considered a virtue in itself. -In referring to a meeting he attended in Goshen, Pa., he said: - - "Had to caution Friends against mixing with the people in their human - policies, and outward forms of government; showing that, in all ages, - those who were called to be the Lord's people had been ruined, or - suffered great loss, by such associations; and manifesting clearly - by Scripture testimony, and other records, that our strength and - preservation consisted in standing alone, and not to be counted - among the people or nations, who were setting up party, and partial - interest, one against another, which is the ground of war and - bloodshed. These are actuated by the spirit of pride and wrath, which - is always opposed to the true Christian spirit, which breathes 'peace - on earth, and good will to all men.' Those, therefore, who are in the - true Christian spirit cannot use any coercive force or compulsion by - any means whatever; not being overcome with evil, but overcoming evil - with good."[77] - -[77] Journal, p. 76-77. - -In the article in which he condemned Masonry, Elias Hicks spoke -vigorously in criticism of the camp meetings held by some of the -churches. He called them "night revels," and considered them "a very -great nuisance to civil society." He thought they were promoters of -"licentiousness, immorality and drunkenness," and were more or less -reproachful to the Christian name, "giving much occasion for infidels -to scoff." - -While at Elizabeth, in New Jersey, Elias wrote a letter[78] to a young -man named Samuel Cox. It seems that this person contemplated studying -for the ministry; that his grandmother was a Friend, and Elias labored -with the grandson on her account. He said that "human study or human -science" could not qualify a minister. In fact to suppose such a thing -was to cast "the greatest possible indignity on the Divine Being, and -on the gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ." Of course it was asserted that -ministry came only by the power of the Spirit, and much Scripture was -quoted to prove it. There is little in the writings of Elias Hicks to -show that he considered that equipping the natural powers was helpful -in making the spiritual inspiration effective. - -[78] Letter was dated, Fifth month 12, 1813. - -It is evident, however, that Elias was not indifferent to his own -intellectual equipment. He was fond of quoting from books the things -which fortified his own position. The following shows how he stored his -mind with facts, from which he drew certain conclusions: - - "Indisposition of body prevented my attending meeting. I therefore - spent the day quietly at home, and in reading a portion of Mosheim's - Ecclesiastical History of the Fifth Century, and which is indeed - enough to astonish any sensible, considerate man, to think how the - professors of that day could be hardy enough to call themselves - Christians, while using every artifice that their human wisdom could - invent to raise themselves to power and opulence, and endeavoring to - crush down their opposers by almost every cruelty that power, envy - and malice could inflict, to the entire scandal of the Christian - name; and changing the pure, meek, merciful and undefiled religion - of Jesus into an impure, unmerciful, cruel, bloody and persecuting - religion. For each of those varied sects of professed Christians, in - their turn, as they got the power of the civil magistrate on their - side, would endeavor, by the sword, and severe edicts, followed - by banishment, to reduce and destroy all those who dissented from - them, although their opinions were not a whit more friendly to real, - genuine Christianity than the tenets of their opposers; for all were, - in great measure, if not entirely, adulterated and apostatized from - the true spirit of Christianity, which breathes peace on earth, and - good will to men."[79] - -[79] Journal, p. 224. - -Elias Hicks believed that there was a sure way of determining conduct, -whether it was from "one's own will," or whether it proceeded from the -divine leading. In regard to this matter, he said: - - "But the great error of the generality of professed Christians lies - in not making a right distinction between the works that men do in - their own will, and by the leadings of their own carnal wisdom, and - those works that the true believer does, in the will and wisdom of - God. For although the former, let them consist in what they will, - whether in prayers, or preaching, or any other devotional exercises, - are altogether evil; so on the contrary those of the latter, let - them consist in what they may, whether in ploughing, in reaping, - or in any handicraft labor, or in any other service, temporal or - spiritual, as they will in all be accompanied with the peace and - presence of their heavenly Father, so all they do will be righteous, - and will be imputed to them as such."[80] - -[80] Journal, p. 218. - -His contention regarding this matter is possibly more clearly stated in -the following paragraph: - - "The meeting was large, wherein I had to expose the danger of - self-righteousness, or a trust in natural religion, or mere morality; - showing that it was no more than the religion of Atheists, and was - generally the product of pride and self-will; and, however good - it may appear to the natural unregenerate man, is as offensive in - the divine sight as those more open evils which appear so very - reproachful to the eyes of men. I was favored by the spirit of truth, - in a large, searching testimony, to the convicting and humbling many - hearts, and comfort of the faithful."[81] - -[81] Meeting at Uwchlan, Pa., Tenth month 22, 1798. Journal, p. 76. - -This is not unlike statements often made in modern revivals, touching -the absolute uselessness of good works, without the operation of divine -grace, in bringing salvation. - -A broader view of goodness and its sources seems to have been taken by -Clement, of Alexandria[82] who said: "For God is the cause of all good -things; but of some primarily, as of the Old and New Testament; and of -others by consequence, as philosophy. Perchance, too, philosophy was -given to the Greeks directly and primarily, till the Lord should call -the Greeks. For this was a schoolmaster to bring 'the Hellenic mind,' -as the law, the Hebrews 'to Christ.'"[83] - -[82] Titus Flavius Clemens, called sometimes St. Clement, and Clement -of Alexandria in Church history, was born either at Athens or -Alexandria about A. D. 153, and died about A. D. 220. He early embraced -Christianity, and was among the most learned and philosophical of the -Christian fathers. - -[83] "Ante-Nicene Fathers," Vol. II, p. 305. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII. - -Some Points of Doctrine. - - -Elias Hicks had ideas of the future life, salvation, rewards and -punishments, sometimes original, and in some respects borrowed or -adapted from prevalent opinions. But in all conclusions reached he -seems to have thought his own way out, and was probably unconscious -of having been a borrower at all. He believed unfalteringly in the -immortality of the soul, and held that the soul of man is immortal, -because it had its origin in an immortal God. Every sin committed "is -a transgression against his immutable and unchangeable law, and is an -immortal sin, as it pollutes and brings death on the immortal soul -of man, which nothing in heaven nor in the earth but God alone can -extinguish or forgive, and this he will never do, but upon his own -righteous and merciful conditions, which consist in nothing more nor -less than sincere repentance and amendment of life."[84] - -[84] From letter addressed to "A Friend," name not given, written at -Jericho, Second month 22, 1828. - -It will be noted that this statement was made near the close of -his career, and has been purposely selected because it undoubtedly -expressed his final judgment in the matter. In all probability the -words used were not meant to be taken literally, such for instance as -those referring to the "death" of the soul. There is little, if any -reason to think that Elias Hicks believed in the annihilation of the -sinner. - -Touching sin he further explained his position. Whatever God creates -is "immutably good." "Therefore if there is any such thing as sin and -iniquity in the world, then God has neither willed it nor ordained -it."[85] His position regarding this point caused him to antagonize -and repudiate the doctrine of foreordination. From his standpoint -this involved the creation of evil by the Almighty, a thoroughly -preposterous supposition. Again, he held that if God had, "previous -to man's creation, willed and determined all of his actions, then -certainly every man stands in the same state of acceptance with -him, and a universal salvation must take place: which I conceive -the favorers of foreordination would be as unwilling as myself to -believe."[86] - -[85] Journal, p. 161. - -[86] From funeral sermon delivered in 1814. Journal, p. 161. - -Three years after the declaration quoted above, Elias Hicks wrote -a letter[87] to a person known as "J. N.," who was a believer -in universal salvation. In this letter he revives his idea that -foreordination and universal salvation are twin heresies, both equally -mischievous. This letter is very long, containing nearly 4,000 words. -The bulk of it deals with the theory of predestination, while some of -it relates to the matter of sin and penalty. At one point the letter is -censorious, nearly borders on the dogmatic, and is scarcely kind. We -quote: - -[87] Letter dated Baltimore, Tenth month, 1817. - - "Hadst thou, in thy researches after knowledge, been concerned to - know the first step of wisdom--the right knowledge of thyself--such - an humbling view of thy own insufficiency and entire ignorance - of the Divine Being, and all his glorious attributes, would, I - trust, have preserved thee from falling into thy present errors. - Errors great indeed, and fatal in their consequences; for if men - were capable of believing with confidence thy opinions, either as - regards the doctrine of unconditional predestination and election, - or the doctrine of universal salvation, both of which certainly and - necessarily resolve in one, who could any longer call any thing he - has his own? for all would fall a prey to the villains and sturdy - rogues of this belief. And, indeed, a belief of these opinions - would most assuredly make thousands more of that description than - there already are; as every temptation to evil, to gratify the - carnal desires, would be yielded to, as that which was ordained to - be; and of course would be considered as something agreeable to - God's good pleasure; and therefore not only our goods and chattels - would become a prey to every ruffian of this belief, but even our - wives and daughters would fall victims to the superior force of the - abandoned and profligate, as believing they could do nothing but - what God had ordained to be. But we are thankful in the sentiment - that no rational, intelligent being can possibly embrace, in full - faith, these inconsistent doctrines; as they are founded on nothing - but supposition; and supposition can never produce real belief, or a - faith that any rational creature can rely upon."[88] - -[88] "Letters of Elias Hicks," p. 28. - -We make no attempt to clear up the logical connection between the -doctrine of foreordination and the theory of universal salvation, for -it is by no means clear that the two necessarily belong together. -From the reasoning of Elias Hicks it would seem that he considered -salvation a transaction which made a fixed and final condition for the -soul at death, whereas the Universalist theory simply provides for a -future turning of all souls toward God. Surely the supposition that -the holding of the views of "J. N." would bring the moral disorder -and disaster outlined by his critic had not then been borne out by -the facts, and has not since. Neither the believers in foreordination -or universal salvation have been shown worse than other men, or more -socially dangerous. - -"Sin," he says, "arises entirely out of the corrupt independent will -of man; and which will is not of God's creating, but springs up and -has its origin in man's disobedience and transgression, by making -a wrong use of his liberty."[89] As the sin is of man's voluntary -commission, the penalty is also to be charged to the sinner, and not to -God. On this point Elias Hicks was clear in his reasoning and in his -conclusions: - -[89] "Letters of Elias Hicks," p. 30. - - "Hence those who make their election to good, and choose to follow - the teachings of the inward law of the spirit of God, are of course - leavened into the true nature of God, and consequently into the - happiness of God. For nothing but that which is of the nature of God - can enjoy the happiness of God. But he who makes his election, or - choice, to turn away from God's law and spirit, and govern himself - or is governed by his own will and spirit, becomes a corrupt tree - and although the same justice, wisdom, power, mercy and love are - dispensed to this man as to the other, yet by his contrary nature, - which has become fleshly, by following his fleshly inclinations, he - brings forth corrupt fruit."[90] - -[90] "Letters of Elias Hicks," p. 33. - -Manifestly the idea that the Almighty punishes men for his own glory -had no place in the thinking of the Jericho preacher. - -The theory of sin and penalty held by Elias Hicks necessarily led him -to hold opinions regarding rewards and punishments, and the place -and manner of their application, at variance with commonly accepted -notions. In fact, the apparent irregularity of his thinking in this -particular was one of the causes of concern on his behalf on the part -of his captious critics and some of his friends. One of the latter had -evidently written him regarding this matter, and his reply is before -us.[91] From it we quote: - -[91] Letter dated Jericho, Third month 14, 1808. - - "As to the subject relative to heaven and hell, I suppose what gave - rise to that part of my communication (although I have now forgotten - the particulars) was a concern that at that time as well as many - other times has sorrowfully impressed my mind, in observing the - great ignorance and carnality that was not only prevailing among - mankind at large, but more especially in finding it to be the - case with many professing with us in relation to those things. An - ignorance and carnality that, in my opinion, has been one great - cause of the prevailing Atheism and Deism that now abounds among - the children of men. For what reason or argument could a professed - Christian bring forward to convince an Atheist or Deist that there is - such a place as heaven as described and circumscribed in some certain - limits and place in some distant and unknown region as is the carnal - idea of too many professing Christianity, and even of many, I fear, - of us? Or such a place as hell, or a gulf located in some interior - part of this little terraqueous globe? But when the Christian brings - forward to the Atheist or Deist reasons and arguments founded on - indubitable certainty, things that he knows in his own experience - every day through the powerful evidence of the divine law-giver in - his own heart, he cannot fail of yielding his assent, for he feels as - he goes on in unbelief and hardness of heart he is plunging himself - every day deeper and deeper into that place of torment, and let him - go whithersoever he will, his hell goes with him. He can no more - be rid of it than he can be rid of himself. And although he flies - to the rocks and mountains to fall on him, to deliver him from his - tremendous condition, yet he finds all is in vain, for where God is, - there hell is always to the sinner; according to that true saying of - our dear Lord, 'this is the condemnation of the world that light is - come into the world, but men love darkness rather than the light, - because their deeds are evil.' Now God, or Christ (who are one in - a spiritual sense), is this light that continually condemns the - transgressor. Therefore, where God or Christ is, there is hell always - to the sinner, and God, according to Scripture and the everyday - experience of every rational creature, is everywhere present, for he - fills all things, and by him all things consist. And as the sinner - finds in himself and knows in his own experience that there is a - hell, and one that he cannot possibly escape while he remains a - sinner, so likewise the righteous know, and that by experience, that - there is a heaven, but they know of none above the outward clouds - and outward atmosphere. They have no experience of any such, but - they know a heaven where God dwells, and know a sitting with him at - seasons in heavenly places in Christ Jesus." - -It will be remembered that Elias based salvation on repentance and -amendment of life, but the bulk of his expression would seem to -indicate that he held to the idea that repentance must come during this -life. In fact, an early remark of his gives clear warrant for this -conclusion.[92] He does not seem to have ever adopted the theory that -continuity of life carried with it continuation of opportunity touching -repentance and restoration of the soul. - -[92] See page 23 of this book. - -From the twentieth century standpoint views like the foregoing would -scarcely cause a ripple of protest in any well-informed religious -circles. But eighty years ago the case was different. A material place -for excessively material punishment of the soul, on account of moral -sin and spiritual turpitude, was essential to orthodox standing in -practically every branch of the Christian church, with possibly two or -three exceptions. Elias Hicks practically admits that in the Society -of Friends not a few persons held to the gross and materialistic -conceptions which he criticised and repudiated. - -The question of personal immortality was more than once submitted to -him for consideration. After certain Friends began to pick flaws with -his ideas and theories, he was charged with being a doubter regarding -nearly all the common Christian affirmations, immortality included. -There was little reason for misunderstanding or misrepresenting him -in this particular, for, however he failed to make himself understood -touching other points of doctrine, he was perfectly clear on this -point. In a letter to Charles Stokes, of Rancocas, N. J., written -Fourth month 3, 1829, he said: - - "Can it be possibly necessary for me to add anything further, to - manifest my full and entire belief of the immortality of the soul of - man? Surely, what an ignorant creature must that man be that hath - not come to the clear and full knowledge of that in himself. Does not - every man feel a desire fixed in his very nature after happiness, - that urges him on in a steady pursuit after something to satisfy - this desire, and does he not find that all the riches and honor - and glory of this world, together with every thing that is mortal, - falls infinitely short of satisfying this desire? which proves it to - be immortal; and can any thing, or being, that is not immortal in - itself, receive the impress of an immortal desire upon it? Surely - not. Therefore, this immortal desire of the soul of man never can - be fully satisfied until it comes to be established in a state of - immortality and eternal life, beyond the grave."[93] - -[93] "Letters of Elias Hicks," p. 218. - -There are not many direct references to immortality in the published -sermons, although inferences in that direction are numerous. In a -sermon at Darby, Pa., Twelfth month 7, 1826, he declared: "We see -then that the great business of our lives is 'to lay up treasure in -heaven.'"[94] In this case and others like it he evidently means -treasure in the spiritual world. In his discourses he frequently -referred to "our immortal souls" in a way to leave no doubt as to his -belief in a continuity of life. His reference to the death of his young -sons leave no room for doubt in the matter.[95] - -[94] "The Quaker," Vol. IV, p. 127. - -[95] See page 61 of this book. - -In speaking of the death of his wife, both in his Journal and in his -private correspondence, his references all point to the future life. -"Her precious spirit," he said, "I trust and believe has landed safely -on the angelic shore." Again, "being preserved together fifty-eight -years in one unbroken bond of endeared affection, which seemed if -possible to increase with time to the last moment of her life; and -which neither time nor distance can lessen or dissolve; but in the -spiritual relation I trust it will endure forever."[96] - -[96] Journal, p. 425. - -During the last ten years of the life of Elias Hicks he was simply -overburdened answering questions and explaining his position touching -a multitude of views charged against him by his critics and defamers. -Among the matters thus brought to his attention was the miraculous -conception of Jesus, and the various beliefs growing out of that -doctrine. In an undated manuscript found among his papers and letters, -and manifestly not belonging to a date earlier than 1826 or 1827, he -pretty clearly states his theory touching this delicate subject. In -this document he is more definite than he is in some of his published -statements relating to the same matter. He asserts that there is a -difference between "begetting and creating." He scouts as revolting the -conception that the Almighty begat Jesus, as is the case in the animal -function of procreation. On the other hand, he said: "But, as in the -beginning of creation, he spake the word and it was done, so by his -almighty power he spake the word and by it created the seed of man in -the fleshly womb of Mary." In other words, the miraculous conception -was a creation and not the act of begetting. - -In his correspondence he repeatedly asserted that he had believed in -the miraculous conception from his youth up. To Thomas Willis, who was -one of his earliest accusers, he said that "although there appeared -to me as much, or more, letter testimony in the account of the four -Evangelists against as for the support of that miracle, yet it had -not altered my belief therein."[97] It has to be admitted that the -miraculous conception held by Elias Hicks was scarcely the doctrine of -the creeds, or that held by evangelical Christians in the early part -of the nineteenth century. His theory may be more rational than the -popular conception and may be equally miraculous, but it was not the -same proposition. - -[97] "Letters of Elias Hicks," p. 179. - -Whether Elias considered this a distinction without a difference we -know not, but it is very certain that he did not consider the miracle -or the dogma growing out of it a vital matter. He declared that a -"belief therein was not an essential to salvation."[98] His reason -for this opinion was that "whatever is essential to the salvation of -the souls of men is dispensed by a common creator to every rational -creature under heaven."[99] No hint of a miraculous conception, he -held, had been revealed to the souls of men. - -[98] "Letters of Elias Hicks," p. 178. - -[99] "Letters of Elias Hicks," p. 178. - -It is possible that in the minds of the ultra Orthodox, to deny the -saving value of a belief in the miraculous conception, although -admitting it as a fact, or recasting it as a theory, was a more -reprehensible act of heresy than denying the dogma entirely. Manifestly -Elias Hicks was altogether too original in his thinking to secure his -own peace and comfort in the world of nineteenth-century theology. - -When we consider the theory of the divinity of Christ, and the theory -of the incarnation, we find Elias Hicks taking the affirmative side, -but even here it is questionable if he was affirming the popular -conception. Touching these matters he put himself definitely on record -in 1827 in a letter written to an unnamed Friend. In this letter he -says: - - "As to the divinity of Christ, the son of the virgin--when he had - arrived to a full state of sonship in the spiritual generation, he - was wholly swallowed up into the divinity of his heavenly Father, - and was one with his Father, with only this difference: his Father's - divinity was underived, being self-existent, but the son's divinity - was altogether derived from the Father; for otherwise he could not - be the son of God, as in the moral relation, to be a son of man, - the son must be begotten by one father, and he must be in the same - nature, spirit and likeness of his father, so as to say, I and my - father are one in all those respects. But this was not the case with - Jesus in the spiritual relation, until he had gone through the last - institute of the law dispensation, viz., John's watery baptism, and - had received additional power from on high, by the descending of - the holy ghost upon him, as he came up out of the water. He then - witnessed the fulness of the second birth, being now born into the - nature, spirit and likeness of the heavenly Father, and God gave - witness of it to John, saying, 'This is my beloved son, in whom I - am well pleased.' And this agrees with Paul's testimony, where he - assures us that as many as are led by the spirit of God, they are the - sons of God."[100] - -[100] "The Quaker," Vol. IV, p. 284. - -Just as he repudiated material localized places of reward and -punishment, Elias Hicks disputed the presence in the world of a -personal evil spirit, roaming around seeking whom he might ensnare and -devour. In fact, in his theology there was no tinge of the Persian -dualism. Satan, from his standpoint, had no existence outside man. He -was simply a figure to illustrate the evil propensity in men. In the -estimation of the ultra Orthodox to claim that there was no personal -devil, who tempted our first parents in Eden, was second only in point -of heresy to denying the existence of God himself--the two persons -both being essential parts in the theological system to which they -tenaciously held. - -Touching this matter he thus expressed himself: "And as to what is -called a devil or satan, it is something within us, that tempts us to -go counter to the commands of God, and our duty to him and our fellow -creatures; and the Scriptures tell us there are many of them, and that -Jesus cast seven out of one woman."[101] - -[101] From letter to Charles Stokes, Fourth month 3, 1829. "Letters of -Elias Hicks," p. 217. - -He was charged with being a Deist, and an infidel of the Thomas Paine -stripe, yet from his own standpoint there was no shadow of truth in any -of these charges. His references to Atheism and Deism already cited in -these pages afford evidence on this point. In 1798 he was at Gap in -Pennsylvania, and in referring to his experience there he said: - - "Whilst in this neighborhood my mind was brought into a state of - deep exercise and travail, from a sense of the great turning away - of many of us, from the law and the testimony, and the prevailing - of a spirit of great infidelity and deism among the people, and - darkness spreading over the minds of many as a thick veil. It was a - time in which Thomas Paine's Age of Reason (falsely so called) was - much attended to in those parts; and some, who were members in our - Society, as I was informed, were captivated by his dark insinuating - address, and were ready almost to make shipwreck of faith and a good - conscience. Under a sense thereof my spirit was deeply humbled before - the majesty of heaven, and in the anguish of my soul I said, 'spare - thy people, O Lord, and give not thy heritage to reproach,' and - suffer not thy truth to fall in the streets."[102] - -[102] Journal, p. 70. - -Touching his supposed Unitarianism, there are no direct references to -that theory in his published works. A letter written by Elias Hicks -to William B. Irish,[103] Second month 11, 1821, is about the only -reference to the matter. In this letter he says: - -[103] William B. Irish lived in Pittsburg, and was a disciple of Elias -Hicks, as he confessed to his spiritual profit. In a letter written -to Elias from Philadelphia, Eleventh month 21, 1823, he said: "I tell -you, you are the first man that ever put my mind in search of heavenly -food." Whether he ever united with the Society we are not informed, -although Elias expressed the hope that he might see his way clear to do -so. - - "In regard to the Unitarian doctrine, I am too much a stranger to - their general tenets to give a decided sentiment, but according to - the definition given of them by Dyche in his dictionary, I think it - is more consistent and rational than the doctrine of the trinity, - which I think fairly makes out three Gods. But as I have lately - spent some time in perusing the ancient history of the church, in - which I find that Trinitarians, Unitarians, Arians, Nestorians and - a number of other sects that sprung up in the night of apostacy, as - each got into power they cruelly persecuted each other, by which - they evidenced that they had all apostatized from the primitive - faith and practice, and the genuine spirit of Christianity, hence - I conceive there is no safety in joining with any of those sects, - as their leaders I believe are generally each looking to their own - quarter for gain. Therefore our safety consists in standing alone - (waiting at Jerusalem) that is in a quiet retired state, similar to - the disciples formerly, until we receive power from on high, or until - by the opening of that divine spirit (or comforter, a manifestation - of which is given to every man and woman to profit withal) we are led - into the knowledge of the truth agreeably to the doctrine of Jesus to - his disciples." - -In regard to the death and resurrection of Jesus, Elias Hicks -considered himself logically and scripturally sound, although his -ideas may not have squared with any prevalent theological doctrines. -In reply to the query, "By what means did Jesus suffer?" he answered -unhesitatingly, "By the hands of wicked men." A second query was to the -effect, "Did God send him into the world purposely to suffer death?" -Here is the answer: - - "By no means: but to live a righteous and godly life (which was - the design and end of God's creating man in the beginning), and - thereby be a perfect example to such of mankind as should come to - the knowledge of him and of his perfect life. For if it was the - purpose and will of God that he should die by the hands of wicked - men, then the Jews, by crucifying him, would have done God's will, - and of course would all have stood justified in his sight, which - could not be." ... "But the shedding of his blood by the wicked - scribes and Pharisees, and people of Israel, had a particular effect - on the Jewish nation, as by this the topstone and worst of all their - crimes, was filled up the measure of their iniquities, and which put - an end to that dispensation, together with its law and covenant. - That as John's baptism summed up in one, all the previous water - baptisms of that dispensation, and put an end to them, which he - sealed with his blood, so this sacrifice of the body of Jesus Christ, - summed up in one all the outward atoning sacrifices of the shadowy - dispensation and put an end to them all, thereby abolishing the law - having previously fulfilled all its righteousness, and, as saith the - apostle, 'He blotted out the handwriting of ordinances, nailing them - to his cross;' having put an end to the law that commanded them, - with all its legal sins, and abolished all its legal penalties, so - that all the Israelites that believed on him after he exclaimed on - the cross 'It is finished,' might abstain from all the rituals of - their law, such as circumcision, water baptisms, outward sacrifices, - Seventh-day Sabbaths, and all their other holy days, etc."[104] - -[104] All of the extracts above are from a letter to Dr. Nathan -Shoemaker, of Philadelphia, written Third month 31, 1823. See "Foster's -Report," pp. 422-23. - -Continuing, he says: "Now all this life, power and will of man, must -be slain and die on the cross spiritually, as Jesus died on the cross -outwardly, and this is the true atonement, of which that outward -atonement was a clear and full type." For the scriptural proof of -his contention he quotes Romans VI, 3:4. He claimed that the baptism -referred to by Paul was spiritual, and the newness of life to follow -must also be spiritual. - -The resurrection was also spiritualized, and given an internal, rather -than an external, significance. Its intent was to awaken in "the -believer a belief in the sufficiency of an invisible power, that was -able to do any thing and every thing that is consistent with justice, -mercy and truth, and that would conduce to the exaltation and good of -his creature man." - - "Therefore the resurrection of the dead body of Jesus that could not - possibly of itself create in itself a power to loose the bonds of - death, and which must consequently have been the work of an invisible - power, points to and is a shadow of the resurrection of the soul that - is dead in trespasses and sins, and that hath no capacity to quicken - itself, but depends wholly on the renewed influence and quickening - power of the spirit of God. For a soul dead in trespasses and sins - can no more raise a desire of itself for a renewed quickening of - the divine life in itself than a dead body can raise a desire of - itself for a renewal of natural life; but both equally depend on the - omnipotent presiding power of the spirit of God, as is clearly set - forth by the prophet under the similitude of the resurrection of dry - bones." Ezekiel, 37:1.[105] - - [105] "The Quaker," Vol. IV, p. 286. Letter of Elias Hicks to an -unknown friend. - - "Hence the resurrection of the outward fleshly body of Jesus and some - few others under the law dispensation, as manifested to the external - senses of man, gives full evidence as a shadow, pointing to the - sufficiency of the divine invisible power of God to raise the soul - from a state of spiritual death into newness of life and into the - enjoyment of the spiritual substance of all the previous shadows of - the law state. And by the arising of this Sun of Righteousness in the - soul all shadows flee away and come to an end, and the soul presses - forward, under its divine influence, into that that is within the - veil, where our forerunner, even Jesus, has entered for us, showing - us the way into the holiest of holies."[106] - -[106] "The Quaker," Vol. IV, pp. 286-287. Letter of Elias Hicks to an -unknown friend. - -We have endeavored to give such a view of the doctrinal points covered -as will give a fair idea of what Elias Hicks believed. Whether they -were unsound opinions, such as should have disrupted the Society of -Friends, and nearly shipwreck it on a sea of bitterness, we leave for -the reader to decide. It should be stated, however, that the opinions -herein set forth did not, by any means, constitute the subject matter -of all, or possibly a considerable portion of the sermons he preached. -There is room for the inquiry in our time whether a large amount of -doctrinal opinion presented in our meetings for worship, even though it -be of the kind in which the majority apparently believe, would not have -a dividing and scattering effect. - - - - -CHAPTER XIV. - -Before the Division. - - -No biography of Elias Hicks could be even approximately adequate which -ignored the division in the Society of Friends in 1827-1828, commonly, -but erroneously, called "the separation." While his part in the trouble -has been greatly exaggerated, inasmuch as he was made the storm-center -of the controversy by his opponents, to consider the causes and -influences which led to the difficulty, especially as they were either -rightly or wrongly made to apply to Elias Hicks, is vital to a study of -his life, and an appreciation of his labors. - -We shall not be able to understand the matter at all, unless we can in -a measure take ourselves back to the first quarter of the nineteenth -century, and as far as possible appreciate the thought and life of that -time. We must remember that a system of dogmatic theology, unqualified -and untempered by any of the findings of modern scholarship, was the -central and dominating influence in the religious world. Authority -of some sort was the source of religious belief, and uniformity of -doctrine the basis of religious fellowship. - -The aftermath of the French Revolution appeared in a period of -religious negation. Destructive, rather than constructive criticism was -the ruling passion of the unchurched world. The conservative mind was -burdened with apprehension, and the fear of a chaos of faith possessed -the minds of the preachers, the theologians and the communicants of the -so-called Orthodox Christian churches. The Unitarian uprising in New -England had hopelessly divided the historic church of the Puritans, -and the conservative Friends saw in every advance in thought the -breaking up of what they considered the foundations of religion, and -fear possessed them accordingly. - -But more important than this is the fact that Friends had largely lost -the historic perspective, touching their own origin. They had forgotten -that their foundations were laid in a revolt against a prevalent -theology, and the evil of external authority in religion. From being -persecuted they had grown popular and prosperous. They therefore -shrank from change in Zion, and from the opposition and ostracism -which always had been the fate of those who broke with approved and -established religious standards. Without doubt they honored the heroism -and respected the sacrifices of the fathers as the "first spreaders -of truth." But they had neither the temper nor the taste to be alike -heroic, in making Quakerism a progressive spirit, rather than a final -refuge of a traditional religion. - -An effort was made by the opponents of Elias Hicks to make it appear -that what they were pleased to call his "unsoundness in doctrine," -came late in life, and somewhat suddenly. But for this claim there is -little if any valid evidence. His preaching probably underwent little -vital change throughout his entire ministry. Turner, the English -historian, says: "But the facts remain that until near the close of his -long life Hicks was in general esteem, that there is no sign anywhere -in his writings of a change of opinions, or new departure in his -teaching."[107] - -[107] "The Quakers," Frederick Storrs Turner, p. 293. - -There is unpublished correspondence which confirms the opinion of -Turner. This is true touching what might be called his theological as -well as his sociological notions. - -In a letter written to Elias Hicks in 1805, by James Mott, Sr.,[108] -reference is made to Elias having denied the absolutely saving -character of the Scriptures. In this connection the letter remarks: -"I conceive it is no matter how highly people value the Scriptures, -provided they can only be convinced that the spirit that gave them -forth is superior to them, and to be their rule and guide instead of -them." - -[108] This James Mott was the father of Anne, who married Adam, the -father of James, the husband of Lucretia. James Mott, Sr. died in 1823. - -In 1806, in a sermon at Nine Partners, in Dutchess County, New York, -as reported by himself, he declared that men can only by "faithful -attention and adherence to the aforesaid divine principle, the light -within, come to know and believe the certainty of those excellent -Scripture doctrines, of the coming, life, righteous works, sufferings, -death and resurrection of Jesus Christ our blessed pattern; and that -_it is by obedience to this inward light only_ that we are prepared for -admittance into the heavenly kingdom."[109] - -[109] Journal, p. 122. - -It seems, however, that Stephen Grellet,[110] if we may take the -authority of his biographers, Hodgson[111] and Guest,[112] as early -as 1808, was fearful of the orthodoxy of Elias Hicks, and probably -based his fear on extracts like the passage cited above. Whatever may -be imagined to the contrary, it is pretty certain that at no time for -forty years before his death did Elias Hicks preach doctrine that -would have been satisfactory to the orthodox theologians of his time, -although he did not always antagonize the dogmas of the churches. - -[110] Stephen Grellet, born in Limoges, France, Eleventh month 2, -1773. A scion of the French nobility. Became interested in the Society -of Friends when about twenty years of age. Came to America in 1795, -and was recorded a minister in Philadelphia, in 1798. Became a New -York business man in 1799. Made extensive religious visits in various -countries in Europe, and in many American states. Was also active in -philanthropic work. He died at Burlington, N. J., in 1855. In his -theology he was entirely evangelical. - -[111] "Life of Stephen Grellet," Hodgson, p. 142. - -[112] "Stephen Grellet," by William Guest, p. 73. - -If Stephen Grellet ever had any personal interview with Elias Hicks -regarding his "unsoundness," the matter was ignored by the latter. In -Eighth month, 1808, some months after it is claimed the discovery was -made by Grellet, the two men, with other Friends, were on a religious -visit in parts of New England. In a letter to his wife, dated Danby, -Vt., Eighth month 26, 1808, Elias says: "Stephen Grellet, Gideon -Seaman, Esther Griffin and Ann Mott we left yesterday morning at a town -called Middlebury, about eighteen miles short of this place, Stephen -feeling a concern to appoint a meeting among the town's people of that -place." Evidently no very great barrier existed between the two men at -that time. - -In any event no disposition seemed to exist to inaugurate a theological -controversy in the Society of Friends, or to erect a standard of -fellowship other than spiritual unity, until a decade after the claimed -concern of Stephen Grellet. It appears that in 1818, Phebe Willis, wife -of Thomas Willis, a recorded minister of Jericho Monthly Meeting, had a -written communication with Elias, touching his doctrinal "soundness," -Phebe being an elder. That the opposition began in Jericho, and that it -was confined to the Willis family and one other in that meeting, seems -to be a fairly well attested fact. In 1829, after the division in the -Society had been accomplished, Elias Hicks wrote a letter to a friend -giving a short history of the beginning of the trouble in Jericho, from -which we make the following extract: - - "The beginning of the rupture in our yearly meeting had its rise - in our particular monthly meeting, and I have full evidence before - me of both its rise and progress. The first shadow of complaint - against me as to my doctrines was made by Thomas Willis, a member and - minister of our own preparative meeting. He manifested his first - uneasiness at the close of one of our own meetings nearly in these - words, between him and myself alone. 'That he apprehended that I, - in my public communication, lowered down the character of Jesus and - the Scriptures of truth.' My reply to him was that I had placed them - both upon the very foundation they each had placed themselves, and - that I dare not place them any higher or lower. At the same time the - whole monthly meeting, except he and his wife, as far as I knew, were - in full unity with me, both as to my ministry and otherwise, but as - they were both members of the meeting of ministers and elders they - made the first public disclosure of their uneasiness. Thomas had an - ancient mother, likewise a minister, that lived in the house with - them; they so far overcame her better judgment as to induce her to - take a part with them, although she was a very amiable and useful - member, and one that I had always a great esteem for, and we had been - nearly united together in gospel fellowship, both in public meetings - and those for discipline, for forty years and upward."[113] - -[113] Letter to Johnson Legg, dated Jericho, Twelfth month 15, 1829. - -The meeting, through a judicious committee, tried to quiet the fears -of Thomas Willis and wife, and bring them in unity with the vastly -major portion of the meeting, but without success. These Friends being -persistent in their opposition, they were suspended from the meeting of -ministers and elders, but were permitted to retain their membership in -the Society. - - - - -CHAPTER XV. - -First Trouble in Philadelphia. - - -Transferring the story of the opposition to the ministry of Elias Hicks -to Philadelphia, it would appear that its first public manifestation -occurred in 1819. During this year he made his fifth somewhat extended -religious visit to the meetings within the bounds of Philadelphia -Yearly Meeting. Elias was attending the monthly meeting then held -in the Pine Street meeting-house, and obtained liberty to visit the -women's meeting. While absent on this concern, the men's meeting did -the unprecedented thing of adjourning, the breaking up of the meeting -being accomplished by a few influential members. For a co-ordinate -branch of a meeting for discipline to close while service was being -performed in the allied branch in accord with regular procedure was -considered irregular, if not unwarranted. The real inspiring cause for -this conduct has been stated as follows by a contemporary writer: - - "An influential member of this meeting who had abstained from the - produce of slave labor came to the conclusion that this action was - the result of his own will. He therefore became very sensitive and - irritable touching references to the slavery question, and very - bitter against the testimony of Elias Hicks. It is believed that this - was one of the causes which led to the affront of Elias Hicks in the - Pine Street Meeting aforesaid."[114] - -[114] "A review of the general and particular causes which have -produced the late disorders and divisions in the Yearly Meeting of -Friends, held in Philadelphia," James Cockburn, 1829, p. 60. - -It was claimed in the famous New Jersey chancery case[115] by the -Orthodox Friends, that there was precedent for adjourning a meeting -while a visiting minister in proper order was performing service in a -co-ordinate branch of the Society. Be that as it may, the weight of -evidence warrants the conclusion that the incident at Pine Street was -intended as an affront to Elias Hicks. The conservative elements in -Philadelphia had evidently made up their minds that the time had come -to visit their displeasure upon the Long Island preacher. - -[115] Foster's report, many times referred to in these pages, is a -two-volume work, containing the evidence and the exhibits in a case in -the New Jersey Court of Chancery. The examinations began Sixth month -2, 1830, in Camden, N. J., before J. J. Foster, Master and Examiner in -Chancery, and continued from time to time, closing Fourth month 13, -1831. The case was brought to determine who should possess the school -fund, of the Friends' School, at Crosswick, N. J. The decision awarded -the fund to the Orthodox. - -The incident referred to above must have occurred in the latter part -of Tenth month. Elias says in his Journal, after mentioning his -arrival in Philadelphia: "We were at two of their monthly meetings and -their quarterly meeting."[116] He makes no mention of the unpleasant -occurrence. - -[116] Journal, p. 382. - -There seems to have been no further appearance of trouble in the -latitude of Philadelphia until Eighth month, 1822. This time opposition -appeared in what was evidently an irregular gathering of part of the -Meeting for Sufferings. At this meeting Jonathan Evans is reported to -have said: "I understand that Elias Hicks is coming on here on his way -to Baltimore Yearly Meeting. Friends know that he preaches doctrines -contrary to the doctrines of our Society; that he has given uneasiness -to his friends at home, and they can't stop him, and unless we can stop -him here he must go on."[117] This statement was only partially true, -to say the most possible for it. But a small minority of Elias' home -meeting were in any way "uneasy" about him, whatever may have been the -character of his preaching. It stands to reason that had there been a -general and united opposition to the ministry of Elias Hicks in his -monthly meeting or in the New York Yearly Meeting at any time before -the "separation," he could not have performed the service involved -in his religious visits. It will also appear from the foregoing that -the few opponents of Elias Hicks on Long Island had evidently planned -to invoke every possible and conceivable influence, at the center of -Quakerism in Philadelphia, to silence this popular and well-known -preacher. At what point the influence so disposed became of general -effect in the polity of the Society only incidentally belongs to the -purpose of this book. - -[117] "Foster's Report," pp. 355-356. - -Out of the unofficial body[118] above mentioned, about a dozen in -number, a small and "select" committee was appointed. The object was -apparently to deal with Elias for remarks said to have been made by him -at New York Yearly Meeting in Fifth month of that year, and reported by -Joseph Whitall. - -[118] "Foster's Report," 1831, Vol. I. See testimony of Joseph Whitall, -p. 247. Also testimony of Abraham Lower, pp. 355-356. - -The minute under which Elias performed the visit referred to above -was granted by his monthly meeting in Seventh month, and he promptly -set out on his visit with David Seaman as his traveling companion. He -spent nearly three months visiting meetings in New Jersey and in Bucks, -Montgomery, Delaware and Chester Counties, Pennsylvania, reaching -Baltimore the 25th of Tenth month, where he attended the Yearly -Meeting. This appearance and service in Philadelphia, he states very -briefly, and with no hint of the developing trouble, as follows: - - "We arrived in Philadelphia in the early part of Twelfth month, and I - immediately entered on the arduous concern which I had in prospect - and which I was favored soon comfortably to accomplish. We visited - the families composing Green Street Monthly Meeting, being in number - one hundred and forty, and we also attended that monthly meeting and - the monthly meeting for the Northern District. This closed my visit - here, and set me at liberty to turn my face homeward."[119] - -[119] Journal, p. 394. - -It will thus be seen that the charge of unsoundness was entered in -Philadelphia Meeting for Sufferings soon after Elias started on his -southern visit, but the matter was held practically in suspense for -four months. In the meantime Elias was waited upon by a few elders, -presumably in accordance with the action of the Meeting for Sufferings -held in Eighth month. This opportunity was had when the visitor passed -through Philadelphia en route to Baltimore. There is reason for -believing that Elias succeeded in measurably satisfying this small -committee. But there was evidently an element in Philadelphia that did -not propose to be satisfied. - -In Twelfth month, when Elias arrived in Philadelphia from his southern -trip, and began his visits among the families of Green Street Monthly -Meeting, a meeting of the elders of all the monthly meetings in the -city was hastily called. A deputation from the elders sought an -"opportunity" with Elias, and insisted that it be _private_.[120] -His position was that he was not accountable to them for anything he -had said while traveling with a minute as a minister. Elias finally -consented, out of regard to some particular Friends, to meet the elders -in Green Street meeting-house, provided witnesses other than the -opposing elders could be present. Among those who accompanied Elias -were John Comly, Robert Moore, John Moore and John Hunt. When the -meeting was held, however, the elders who opposed Elias said they could -not proceed, their reason being that the gathering was not "select." In -connection with this controversy letters passed between the opposing -parties. One was signed by ten elders of Philadelphia, and is as -follows: - -[120] "Foster's Report," pp. 359-360. "Cockburn's Review," p. 66. - - "TO ELIAS HICKS: - - "Friends in Philadelphia having for a considerable time past heard of - thy holding and promulgating doctrines different from and repugnant - to those held by our religious society, it was cause of uneasiness - and deep concern to them, as their sincere regard and engagement for - the promotion of the cause of Truth made it very desirable that all - the members of our religious society should move in true harmony - under the leading and direction of our blessed Redeemer. Upon being - informed of thy sentiments expressed by Joseph Whitall--that Jesus - Christ was not the son of God until after the baptism of John and the - descent of the Holy Ghost, and that he was no more than a man; that - the same power that made Christ a Christian must make us Christians; - and that the same power that saved Him must save us--many friends - were affected therewith, and some time afterward, several Friends - being together in the city on subjects relating to our religious - society, they received an account from Ezra Comfort of some of thy - expressions in the public general meeting immediately succeeding the - Southern Quarterly Meeting lately held in the state of Delaware, - which was also confirmed by his companion, Isaiah Bell, that Jesus - Christ was the first man who introduced the gospel dispensation, - the Jews being under the outward or ceremonial law or dispensation, - it was necessary that there should be some outward miracle, as the - healing of the outward infirmities of the flesh and raising the - outward dead bodies in order to introduce the gospel dispensation; He - had no more power given Him than man, for He was no more than man; - He had nothing to do with the healing of the soul, for that belongs - to God only; Elisha had the same power to raise the dead; that man - being obedient to the spirit of God in him could arrive at as great, - or a greater, degree of righteousness than Jesus Christ; that 'Jesus - Christ thought it not robbery to be equal with God; neither do I - think it robbery for man to be equal with God'; then endeavored - to show that by attending to that stone cut out of the mountain - without hands, or the seed in man, it would make man equal with God, - saying: for that stone in man was the entire God. On hearing which it - appeared to Friends a subject of such great importance and of such - deep welfare to the interest of our religious society as to require - an extension of care, in order that if any incorrect statement had - been made it should as soon as possible be rectified, or, if true, - thou might be possessed of the painful concerns of Friends and their - sense and judgment thereon. Two of the elders accordingly waited - on thee on the evening of the day of thy arriving in the city, - and although thou denied the statement, yet thy declining to meet - these two elders in company with those who made it left the minds - of Friends without relief. One of the elders who had called on thee - repeated his visit on the next day but one, and again requested thee - to see the two elders and the Friends who made the above statements - which thou again declined. The elders from the different Monthly - Meetings of the city were then convened and requested a private - opportunity with thee, which thou also refused, yet the next day - consented to meet them at a time and place of thy own fixing; but, - when assembled, a mixed company being collected, the elders could - not in this manner enter into business which they considered of a - nature not to be investigated in any other way than in a select, - private opportunity. They, therefore, considered that meeting a clear - indication of thy continuing to decline to meet the elders as by them - proposed. Under these circumstances, it appearing that thou art not - willing to hear and disprove the charges brought against thee, we - feel it a duty to declare that we cannot have religious unity with - thy conduct nor with the doctrines thou art charged with promulgating. - - "Signed, Twelfth month 19, 1822. - - "CALEB PIERCE, - "LEONARD SNOWDEN, - "JOSEPH SCATTERGOOD, - "S. P. GRIFFITHS, - "T. STEWARDSON, - "EDWARD RANDOLPH, - "ISRAEL MAULE, - "ELLIS YARNALL, - "RICHARD HUMPHRIES, - "THOMAS WISTAR." - -To this epistle Elias Hicks made the following reply, two days having -intervened: - - "TO CALEB PIERCE AND OTHER FRIENDS: - - "Having been charged by you with unsoundness of principle and - doctrine, founded on reports spread among the people in an unfriendly - manner, and contrary to the order of our Discipline, by Joseph - Whitall, as charged in the letter from you dated the 19th instant, - and as these charges are not literally true, being founded on his - own forced and improper construction of my words, I deny them, and I - do not consider myself amenable to him, nor to any other, for crimes - laid to my charge as being committed in the course of the sittings - of our last Yearly Meeting, as not any of my fellow-members of that - meeting discovered or noticed any such thing--which I presume to - be the case, as not an individual has mentioned any such things to - me, but contrary thereto. Many of our most valued Friends (who had - heard some of those foul reports first promulgated by a citizen - of our city) acknowledged the great satisfaction they had with my - services and exercise in the course of that meeting, and were fully - convinced that all those reports were false; and this view is fully - confirmed by a certificate granted me by the Monthly and Quarterly - Meetings of which I am a member, in which they expressed their full - unity with me--and which meetings were held a considerable time - after our Yearly Meeting, in the course of which Joseph Whitall has - presumed to charge me with unsoundness of doctrine, contrary to the - sense of the Monthly, Quarterly and Yearly Meetings of which I am a - member, and to whom only do I hold myself amenable for all conduct - transacted within their limits. The other charges made against - me by Ezra Comfort, as expressed in your letter, are in general - incorrect, as is proved by the annexed certificate; and, moreover, - as Ezra Comfort has departed from gospel order in not mentioning his - uneasiness to me when present with me, and when I could have appealed - to Friends of that meeting to justify me; therefore, I consider Ezra - Comfort to have acted disorderly and contrary to the discipline, and - these are the reasons which induce me to refuse a compliance with - your requisitions--considering them arbitrary and contrary to the - established order of our Society. - - "ELIAS HICKS. - - "PHILADELPHIA, Twelfth month 21, 1822." - -As already noted the charges in the letter of the ten elders were based -on statements made by Joseph Whitall, supplemented by allegations -by Ezra Comfort, as to what Elias had said in two sermons, neither -of which was delivered within the bounds of Philadelphia Quarterly -Meeting. The matters complained of are mostly subject to variable -interpretation, and scarcely afford a basis for a religious quarrel, -especially considering that the alleged statements were at the best -garbled from quite lengthy discourses. - -On the same day that Elias replied to the ten elders, three members -of Southern Quarterly Meeting issued a signed statement regarding the -charges of Ezra Comfort. It is as follows: - - "We, the undersigned, being occasionally in the city of Philadelphia, - when a letter was produced and handed us, signed by ten of its - citizens, Elders of the Society of Friends, and directed to Elias - Hicks, after perusing and deliberately considering the charges - therein against him, for holding and propagating doctrines - inconsistent with our religious testimonies, and more especially - those said by Ezra Comfort and Isaiah Bell, to be held forth at a - meeting immediately succeeding the late Southern Quarterly Meeting, - and we being members of the Southern Quarter, and present at the - said meeting, we are free to state, for the satisfaction of the - first-mentioned Friends and all others whom it may concern, that we - apprehend the charges exhibited by the two Friends named are without - substantial foundation; and in order to give a clear view we think - it best and proper here to transcribe the said charges exhibited - and our own understanding of the several, viz., 'That Jesus Christ - was the first man that introduced the Gospel Dispensation, the Jews - being under the outward and ceremonial law or dispensation, it was - necessary there should be some outward miracles, as healing the - outward infirmities of the flesh and raising the outward dead bodies - in order to introduce the gospel dispensation;' this in substance - is correct. 'That he had no more power given him than man,' this - sentence is incorrect; and also, 'That he had nothing to do with - the healing of the soul, for that belongs to God only,' is likewise - incorrect; and the next sentence, 'That Elisha also had the same - power to raise the dead' should be transposed thus to give Elias's - expressions. 'By the same power it was that Elisha raised the dead.' - 'That man being obedient to the spirit of God in him could arrive at - as great or greater degree of righteousness than Jesus Christ,' this - is incorrect; 'That Jesus Christ thought it not robbery to be equal - with God,' with annexing the other part of the paragraph mentioned by - the holy apostle would be correct. 'Neither do I think it robbery for - man to be equal with God' is incorrect. 'Then endeavouring to show - that by attending to that stone cut out of the mountain without hands - or the seed in man it would make men equal with God' is incorrect; - the sentence for that stone in man should stand thus: 'That this - stone or seed in man had all the attributes of the divine nature that - was in Christ and God.' This statement and a few necessary remarks - we make without comment, save only that we were then of opinion and - still are that the sentiments and doctrines held forth by our said - friend, Elias Hicks, are agreeable to the opinions and doctrines held - by George Fox and other worthy Friends of his time. - - "ROBERT MOORE, - "THOMAS TURNER, - "JOSEPH G. ROWLAND.[121] - - "12 mo., 21, 1822." - -[121] "Cockburn's Review," p. 73. - -First month 4, 1823, the ten elders sent a final communication to Elias -Hicks, which we give in full: - - "On the perusal of thy letter of the 21st of last month, it was not a - little affecting to observe the same disposition still prevalent that - avoided a select meeting with the elders, which meeting consistently - with the station we are placed in and with the sense of duty - impressive upon us, we were engaged to propose and urge to thee as a - means wherein the cause of uneasiness might have been investigated, - the Friends who exhibited the complaint fully examined, and the whole - business placed in a clear point of view. - - "On a subject of such importance the most explicit candour and - ingenuousness, with a readiness to hear and give complete - satisfaction ought ever to be maintained; this the Gospel teaches, - and the nature of the case imperiously demanded it. As to the - certificate which accompanied thy letter, made several weeks after - the circumstances occurred, it is in several respects not only - vague and ambiguous, but in others (though in different terms) it - corroborates the statement at first made. When we take a view of - the whole subject, the doctrines and sentiments which have been - promulgated by thee, though under some caution while in this city, - and the opinions which thou expressed in an interview between Ezra - Comfort and thee, on the 19th ult., we are fully and sorrowfully - confirmed in the conclusion that thou holds and art disseminating - principles very different from those which are held and maintained by - our religious society. - - "As thou hast on thy part closed the door against the brotherly - care and endeavours of the elders here for thy benefit, and for - the clearing our religious profession, this matter appears of - such serious magnitude, so interesting to the peace, harmony, and - well-being of society, that we think it ought to claim the weighty - attention of thy Friends at home."[122] - -[122] "Cockburn's Review," p. 76. As the signatures are the same as in -the previous letter, repeating them seems unnecessary. - -One other communication closed the epistolary part of the controversy -for the time being. It was a letter issued by twenty-two members of -Southern Quarterly Meeting, concerning the ministerial service of Elias -Hicks, during the meetings referred to in the charge of Ezra Comfort: - - "We, the subscribers, being informed that certain reports have - been circulated by Ezra Comfort and Isaiah Bell that Elias Hicks - had propagated unsound doctrine, at our general meeting on the - day succeeding our quarterly meeting in the 11th month last, and - a certificate signed by Robert Moore, Joseph Turner and Joseph G. - Rowland being read contradicting said reports, the subject has - claimed our weighty and deliberate attention, and it is our united - judgment that the doctrines preached by our said Friend on the day - alluded to were the Truths of the Gospel, and that his labours of - love amongst us at our particular meetings as well as at our said - quarterly meeting were united with by all our members for aught that - appears. - - "And we believe that the certificate signed by the three Friends - above named is in substance a correct statement of facts. - - "ELISHA DAWSON, - "WILLIAM DOLBY, - "WALTER MIFFLIN, - "DANIEL BOWERS, - "WILLIAM LEVICK, - "ELIAS JANELL, - "JACOB PENNINGTON, - "JONATHAN TWIBOND, - "HENRY SWIGGITT, - "MICHAEL OFFLEY, - "JAMES BROWN, - "GEORGE MESSECK, - "WILLIAM W. MOORE, - "JOHN COGWILL, - "SAMUEL PRICE, - "ROBERT KEMP, - "JOHN TURNER, - "HARTFIELD WRIGHT, - "DAVID WILSON, - "MICHAEL LOWBER, - "JACOB LIVENTON, - "JOHN COWGILL, JUNR. - - "LITTLE CREEK, 2 mo. 26th, 1823." - - "I hereby certify that I was at the Southern Quarterly Meeting in - the 11th month last, but owing to indisposition I did not attend - the general meeting on the day succeeding, and having been present - at several meetings with Elias Hicks, as well as at the Quarterly - Meeting aforesaid, I can testify my entire unity with the doctrines I - have heard him deliver. - - "ANTHONY WHITELY."[123] - -[123] "Cockburn's Review," p. 78. - -All of these communications, both pro and con, are presented simply -for what they are worth. When it comes to determining what is or is -not "unsound doctrine," we are simply dealing with personal opinion, -and not with matters of absolute fact. This is especially true of -a religious body that had never attempted to define or limit its -doctrines in a written creed. - -The attempt of the Philadelphia elders to deal in a disciplinary way -with Elias Hicks on the score of the manner or matter of his preaching -was pronounced by his friends a usurpation of authority. It was held -that the elders in question had no jurisdiction in the case, in proof -of which the following paragraph in the Discipline of the Philadelphia -Yearly Meeting was cited: - - "And our advice to all our ministers is that they be frequent in - reading the Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments; and if any - in the course of their ministry shall misapply or draw unsound - inferences or wrong conclusions from the text, or shall misbehave - themselves in point of conduct or conversation, let them be - admonished in love and tenderness by the elders or overseers where - they live."[124] - -[124] Rules of Discipline of the Yearly Meeting of Friends, held in -Philadelphia, 1806, p. 62. - -It is undoubtedly true that a certain amount of encouragement came to -the opponents of Elias Hicks in Philadelphia from some Friends on Long -Island, and from three or four residents of Jericho, but they did not -at that time at least officially represent any meeting of Friends at -Jericho, either real or pretended. This far in the controversy the -aggressors were confined to those who at that time were considered the -"weight of the meeting," and who at best represented only the so-called -"select" meeting and not the Society at large. At the beginning at -least the trouble was an affair of the ministers and elders. It later -affected the whole Society, by the efforts of the leaders on both sides. - -Incidents are not wanting to show that up to the very end of the -controversy the rank and file of Friends had little vital interest in -the matters involved in the trouble. It is related on good authority -that two prominent members of Nine Partners Quarterly Meeting in -Dutchess County, New York, husband and wife, made a compact before -attending the meeting in Eighth month, 1828, feeling that the issue -would reach its climax at that time. They agreed that whichever side -retained control of the organization and the meeting-house would be -considered by them the meeting, and receive their support. We mention -this as undoubtedly representing the feeling in more than one case. The -fact that it took practically a decade of excitement and manipulation, -to create the antagonisms, personal and otherwise, which resulted in an -open rupture, shows how little disposed the majority of Friends were to -disrupt the Society. - - - - -CHAPTER XVI. - -The Time of Unsettlement. - - -Between the trouble related in the last chapter and the culmination -of the disturbance in the Society of Friends, in 1827-1828, there was -an interval of four or five years. This period was by no means one of -quiet. On the other hand it was one of confusion, in the midst of which -the forces were at work, and the plans perfected which led up logically -to the end. - -It will be remembered that the last communication of the Philadelphia -elders sent to Elias Hicks was dated First month 4, 1823. They had -manifestly failed to silence the preacher from Jericho, or to greatly -alarm him with their charges of heresy. Just eleven days after the -epistle in question was written, the Meeting for Sufferings of -Philadelphia Yearly Meeting assembled. This meeting issued a singular -document,[125] said by the friends of Elias Hicks to have been intended -as a sort of "Quaker Creed," but this was vigorously denied by those -responsible for its existence. The statement of doctrine, which was as -follows, was duly signed by Jonathan Evans, clerk, "on behalf of the -meeting:" - -[125] The title of the production was as follows: Extracts from the -Writings of Primitive Friends, concerning the Divinity of Our Lord and -Saviour, Jesus Christ. Published by the direction of the Meeting for -Sufferings, held in Philadelphia. Solomon W. Conrad, printer. - - "At a Meeting for Sufferings held in Philadelphia the 17th of the - First month, 1823, an essay containing a few brief extracts from the - writings of our primitive Friends on several of the doctrines of the - Christian religion, which have been always held, and are most surely - believed by us, being produced and read; on solid consideration they - appeared so likely to be productive of benefit, if a publication - thereof was made and spread among our members generally, that the - committee appointed on the printing and distribution of religious - books are directed to have a sufficient number of them struck off and - distributed accordingly, being as follows: - - "We have always believed that the Holy Scriptures were written by - divine inspiration, that they are able to make wise unto salvation - through faith which is in Christ Jesus, for, as holy men of God - spake as they were moved by the Holy Ghost, they are therefore - profitable for doctrine, for reproof, for correction, for instruction - in righteousness, that the man of God may be perfect, thoroughly - furnished unto all good works. But they are not or cannot be - subjected to the fallen, corrupt reason of man. We have always - asserted our willingness that all our doctrines be tried by them, - and admit it as a positive maxim that whatsoever any do (pretending - to the Spirit) which is contrary to the Scriptures be accounted and - judged a delusion of the devil. - - "We receive and believe in the testimony of the Scriptures simply as - it stands in the text. 'There are three that bear record in heaven, - the Father, the Word, and the Holy Ghost, and these three are one.' - - "We believe in the only wise, omnipotent and everlasting God, the - creator of all things in heaven and earth, and the preserver of all - that he hath made, who is God over all blessed forever. - - "The infinite and most wise God, who is the foundation, root and - spring of all operation, hath wrought all things by his eternal Word - and Son. This is that Word that was in the beginning with God and was - God, by whom all things were made, and without whom was not anything - made that was made. Jesus Christ is the beloved and only begotten - Son of God, who, in the fulness of time, through the Holy Ghost, was - conceived and born of the Virgin Mary; in him we have redemption - through his blood, even the forgiveness of sins. We believe that he - was made a sacrifice for sin, who knew no sin; that he was crucified - for us in the flesh, was buried and rose again the third day by the - power of his Father for our justification, ascended up into heaven - and now sitteth at the right hand of God. - - "As then that infinite and incomprehensible Fountain of life and - motion operateth in the creatures by his own eternal word and power, - so no creature has access again unto him but in and by the Son - according to his own blessed declaration, 'No man knoweth the Father - but the Son, and he to whom the Son will reveal him.' Again, 'I am - the way, the truth, and the life; no man cometh unto the Father but - by me.' Hence he is the only Mediator between God and man for having - been with God from all eternity, being himself God, and also in time - partaking of the nature of man; through him is the goodness and - love of God conveyed to mankind, and by him again man receiveth and - partaketh of these mercies. - - "We acknowledge that of ourselves we are not able to do anything that - is good, neither can we procure remission of sins or justification - by any act of our own, but acknowledge all to be of and from his - love, which is the original and fundamental cause of our acceptance. - 'For God so loved the world that he gave his only begotten Son that - whosoever believeth in him should not perish, but have everlasting - life.' - - "We firmly believe it was necessary that Christ should come, that by - his death and sufferings he might offer up himself a sacrifice to - God for our sins, who his own self bear our sins in his own body on - the tree; so we believe that the remission of sins which any partake - of is only in and by virtue of that most satisfactory sacrifice and - not otherwise. For it is by the obedience of that one that the free - gift is come upon all to justification. Thus Christ by his death and - sufferings hath reconciled us to God even while we are enemies; that - is, he offers reconciliation to us, and we are thereby put into a - capacity of being reconciled. God is willing to be reconciled unto us - and ready to remit the sins that are past if we repent. - - "Jesus Christ is the intercessor and advocate with the Father in - heaven, appearing in the presence of God for us, being touched with - a feeling of our infirmities, sufferings, and sorrows; and also by - his spirit in our hearts he maketh intercession according to the will - of God, crying abba, Father. He tasted death for every man, shed his - blood for all men, and is the propitiation for our sins; and not for - ours only, but also for the sins of the whole world. He alone is our - Redeemer and Saviour, the captain of our salvation, the promised - seed, who bruises the serpent's head; the alpha and omega, the first - and the last. He is our wisdom, righteousness, justification and - redemption; neither is there salvation in any other, for there is no - other name under heaven given among men whereby we may be saved. - - "As he ascended far above all heavens that he might fill all things, - his fulness cannot be comprehended or contained in any finite - creature, but in some measure known and experienced in us, as we are - prepared to receive the same, as of his fulness we have received - grace for grace. He is both the word of faith and a quickening spirit - in us, whereby he is the immediate cause, author, object and strength - of our living faith in his name and power, and of the work of our - salvation from sin and bondage of corruption. - - "The Son of God cannot be divided from the least or lowest appearance - of his own divine light or life in us, no more than the sun from - its own light; nor is the sufficiency of his light within set up - or mentioned in opposition to him, or to his fulness considered as - in himself or without us; nor can any measure or degree of light - received from Christ be properly called the fulness of Christ; - or Christ as in fulness, nor exclude him from being our complete - Saviour. And where the least degree or measure of this light and life - of Christ within is sincerely waited in, followed and obeyed there is - a blessed increase of light and grace known and felt; as the path of - the just it shines more and more until the perfect day, and thereby - a growing in grace and in the knowledge of God and of our Lord and - Saviour Jesus Christ hath been and is truly experienced. - - "Wherefore we say that whatever Christ then did, both living and - dying, was of great benefit to the salvation of all that have - believed and now do and that hereafter shall believe in him unto - justification and acceptance with God; but the way to come to that - faith is to receive and obey the manifestation of his divine light - and grace in the conscience, which leads men to believe and value - and not to disown or undervalue Christ as the common sacrifice and - mediator. For we do affirm that to follow this holy light in the - conscience and to turn our minds and bring all our deeds and thoughts - to it is the readiest, nay, the only right way, to have true, living - and sanctifying faith in Christ as he appeared in the flesh; and - to discern the Lord's body, coming and sufferings aright, and to - receive any real benefit by him as our only sacrifice and mediator, - according to the beloved disciple's emphatical testimony, 'If we walk - in the light as he (God) is in the light we have fellowship one with - another, and the blood of Jesus Christ his son cleanseth us from all - sin.' - - "By the propitiatory sacrifice of Christ without us we, truly - repenting and believing, as through the mercy of God, justified from - the imputation of sins and transgressions that are past, as though - they had never been committed; and by the mighty work of Christ - within us the power, nature and habits of sin are destroyed; that - as sin once reigned unto death even so now grace reigneth through - righteousness unto eternal life by Jesus Christ our Lord."[126] - -[126] "The Friend, or Advocate of Truth," Vol. I, pp. 152-154. - -This deliverance is almost as theological and dogmatic as the -Westminster Confession. It scarcely contains a reference to the -fundamental doctrine of George Fox. It is not too much to say that if -it was the belief of the "primitive" Friends, there was little reason, -touching points of doctrine, for the preaching of Fox, or the first -gathering of the Society. All the ground covered by this doctrinal -statement was amply treated in the Articles of Religion of the Church -of England, and the Confession of the Presbyterians. - -The above document was issued without quotation marks, or any -indication as to what "primitive" Friends were responsible for the -sentiments contained in its various parts. By careful examination it -will be seen that one sentence, at least, is from Barclay's Apology, -"but it proves to be a garbled quotation." We refer to the following -sentence in the second paragraph in the above article, relating to the -Scriptures: "But they are not or cannot be subjected to the fallen, -corrupt reason of man." Barclay's complete statement is here given: - - "Yet, as the proposition itself concludeth, to the last part of - which I now come, it will not from thence follow that these divine - revelations are to be subjected to the examination either of the - outward testimony of Scripture or of the human or natural reason of - man, as to a more noble and certain rule or touchstone; for the - divine revelation and inward illumination is that which is evident - by itself, forcing the well-disposed understanding and irresistibly - moving it to assent by its own evidence and clearness, even as the - common principles of natural truths to bend the mind to a natural - assent."[127] - -[127] "Barclay's Apology." Edition of Friends' Book Store, 304 Arch -Street, Philadelphia, 1877, p. 68. - -It will be seen clearly that the reference in the document issued by -the Meeting for Sufferings was not only a misquotation from Barclay, -but also misrepresented his meaning. The latter is particularly true if -we refer to the top of the same page that contains the above extract, -where he says: "So would I not have any reject or doubt the certainty -of that unerring Spirit which God hath given his children as that -which can alone guide them into all truth, because some have falsely -pretended to it."[128] It will thus appear clear that Elias Hicks, and -not the Meeting for Sufferings, was supported by Barclay. - -[128] "Barclay's Apology." Edition of 1877, p. 68. - -The reference in the third paragraph in the foregoing "declaration" to -the "three that bear record in heaven" is a quotation from 1 John 5:7. -It is entirely omitted from the Revised Version, and thorough scholars -in the early years of the nineteenth century were convinced that the -passage was an interpolation. - -The statement of belief prepared by the Meeting for Sufferings was not -approved by the Yearly Meeting, so nothing was really accomplished by -the compilation, if such it was. - -Considering the order of the events recorded, it is hard not to -conceive that the attempt to promulgate a "declaration of faith" by the -Yearly Meeting was really intended for personal application to Elias -Hicks. Had the plan succeeded, the elders could easily have attempted -to silence the Jericho preacher in Philadelphia, on the ground -that he was "unsound" touching the doctrine promulgated by the Yearly -Meeting. - -The task of detailing all of the doings of this period would be too -difficult and distasteful to be fully recorded in this book. That the -unfriendly conduct was by no means all on one side is painfully true. -Still, as the determination of the Philadelphia elders to deal with -Elias Hicks, and stop his ministry if possible, was continued, the -effort cannot be ignored. - -In First month, 1825, the elders presented a charge of unsoundness -against Elias Hicks in the Preparative Meeting of Ministers and Elders, -the intent being to have the charge forwarded to the monthly meeting, -but this action was not taken. With phenomenal persistence one of the -elders introduced the subject in the monthly meeting, and secured the -appointment of a committee to investigate the merits of the case. This -committee made a report unfavorable to Elias Hicks, which report, his -friends claimed was improperly entered on the minutes. A vigorous, -but by no means a united effort was made to get this report forwarded -to Jericho Monthly Meeting, but this failed. One of the incidents of -this attempt against Elias Hicks was the disownment of a member of the -Northern District Monthly Meeting, for remarks made in Western District -Monthly Meeting. The report of the committee against Elias was under -consideration, when the visitor arose and said: "If it be understood -by the report--if it set forth and declare, that Elias Hicks, the -last time he was in this house, preached doctrines contrary to the -Holy Scriptures, or contrary to our first or primitive Friends, being -present at that time, I stand here as a witness that it is utterly -false."[129] Although this Friend was disowned by his monthly meeting -he was reinstated by the Quarterly Meeting. It should be said that the -report of unsoundness referred to, contained this specific charge: "We -apprehend that Elias Hicks expressed sentiments inconsistent with the -Holy Scriptures, and the religious principles our Society has held from -its first rise." - -[129] "Cockburn's Review," p. 95. - -The trouble in Philadelphia was renewed in an aggravated form in First -month, 1827, when Elias Hicks appeared in the city on another religious -visit. Of course the atmosphere had been charged with all sorts of -attacks regarding the venerable preacher. Under such conditions no -special advertising was necessary to get a crowd. The populace was -curious, not a few wanted to hear and see, for themselves, this man -about whom so many charges had been made. As a matter of course the -meeting-houses were crowded beyond their capacity. It was alleged by -Orthodox Friends that the meetings were disorderly, which may have -been literally true. But the tumult was increased by injecting an -element of controversy, into the First-day afternoon meeting in Western -meeting-house, on the part of an Orthodox elder. All the evidence goes -to show that Elias attempted to quiet the tumult. He seems to have -been willing to accord liberty of expression to his opponents. The -matter was taken into Western Monthly Meeting, a committee entering the -following charge: "That a large and disorderly concourse of people were -brought together, at an unseasonable hour, and under circumstances that -strongly indicated a design to preoccupy the house to the exclusion -of most of the members of our meeting, and to suppress in a riotous -manner any attempt that might be made to maintain the doctrine and -principles of our religious society, in opposition to the views of -Elias Hicks."[130] - -[130] "Cockburn's Review," p. 100. - -The literal truthfulness of this charge in every particular may be at -least mildly questioned. It must be remembered that of the Friends in -Philadelphia at that time, the Orthodox were a minority of about one -to three. The majority of Friends felt that much of the trouble was -personal, and they undoubtedly flocked to hear the traduced preacher. -The outside crowd that came could not rightfully or wisely have been -kept from attending public meetings. Both parties had been sowing -to the wind, and neither could validly object to the whirlwind that -inevitably came. Still Western Monthly Meeting proposed to deal with a -visiting minister from another yearly meeting, on points of doctrine, -and there can be little doubt that arbitrary proceedings of this sort -had quite as much, if not more, to do with kindling the fires of -"separation," as the preaching of Elias Hicks. - -Rapidly the trouble ran back to the opposition raised by the elders -in 1822. Eventually Green Street Monthly Meeting became the center of -Society difficulty. It will be remembered that in the year last written -that monthly meeting had enjoyed a family visitation from Elias Hicks, -and had subsequently given him a minute of approval. After this one of -the elders, who acquiesced in this action, joined the other nine in -written disapproval of Elias Hicks. The major portion of the monthly -meeting proposed to take the inconsistent conduct of this elder under -care, and the matter was handed over to the overseers. In thus hastily -invoking the discipline, Green Street Monthly Meeting made an apparent -error of judgment, even admitting that the spirit of the transaction -was not censurable. This brought the Quarterly Meeting of Ministers -and Elders precipitously into the case. Finally Green Street Monthly -Meeting released the Friend in question from his station as elder. A -question arose on which there was a sharp discussion as to whether -elders were independent of the overseers in the exercise of their -official duties. A long line of conduct followed, finally resulting -in the Quarterly Meeting of Ministers and Elders sending a report to -the general quarterly meeting, amounting to a remonstrance against -Green Street Monthly Meeting. This appeared to be a violation of -Discipline, which said: "None of the said meetings of ministers and -elders are in anywise to interfere with the business of any meeting for -discipline."[131] These matters, with the remonstrance of the released -Green Street elder, would therefore seem to have been irregularly -brought before the quarterly meeting. It was claimed by the friends of -Elias Hicks that he had broken no rule of discipline; that the charge, -that he held "sentiments inconsistent with the Scriptures, and the -principles of Friends," was vague as to its matter, and purely personal -as to the manner of its circulation. Up to this point it should be -remembered, the controversy was almost entirely centered on Elias Hicks. - -[131] Rules of Discipline of the Yearly Meeting of Friends, held in -Philadelphia, 1806, p. 67. - -This matter dragged along, a source of constant disturbance, appearing -in perhaps a new form in the Quarterly Meeting of Ministers and Elders -in Eighth month, 1826. The immediate action involved appointing a -committee to assist the Preparative Meeting of Ministers and Elders -of Green Street Monthly Meeting, the assumed necessity in the case -being the reported unsoundness of a Green Street minister, a charge to -this effect having been preferred by one member only. The situation, -however, caused an abatement in answering the query relating to love -and unity. While these transactions were going on among the ministers -and elders, Green Street Monthly Meeting took action which removed -two of its elders from that station in the Society. The two deposed -elders took their grievances to the general quarterly meeting. While -the quarterly meeting would not listen to a statement of grievances, -yet a committee to go over the whole case was appointed. The committee -thus appointed, without waiting any action by the quarterly meeting, -transformed the removal of the aggrieved elders into an appeal, and -then demanded that Green Street Monthly Meeting turn over to that -committee all the minutes relating to the case of the two elders. -This the Green Street Meeting refused to do. Although the case had -never been before the quarterly meeting, the committee of inquiry -reported to the full meeting, that all of the action of Green Street -Monthly Meeting relating to the two elders should be annulled. It was -claimed that, by virtue of the leadership which the Orthodox had in -the quarterly meeting, a precedent had been established which gave -committees the right to exceed the power conferred upon them by the -meeting which appointed them. The committee had not been appointed to -decide a case, but to investigate a complaint. - -Following this experience, after much wrangling, and in the midst of -manifest disunity, and against what it was claimed was the manifest -opposition of the major portion of the meeting, the quarterly meeting -in Eleventh month, 1826, appointed a committee to visit the monthly -meetings. This committee was manifestly one-sided, but could have -no possible disciplinary service from extending brotherly care. -Nevertheless at the quarterly meeting in Fifth month, 1827, this -committee, for presumed gospel labor, reported that the large Green -Street Monthly Meeting should be laid down, and its members attached -to the Northern District Monthly Meeting. It is not necessary to enter -into any argument as to the right of a quarterly meeting, under our -system, to lay down an active monthly meeting, without that meeting's -consent. The laying down of Green Street Monthly Meeting followed, the -"separation" in the yearly meeting. It should be said that in Second -month, 1827, Green Street Monthly Meeting, attempted to secure consent -from the quarterly meeting to transfer itself to Abington Quarterly -Meeting, and subsequently this was done. - -The claim was made, and with some show of reason, that the various -lines of conduct taken against Green Street Monthly Meeting, were -incited by a desire to punish this meeting for its friendly interest in -Elias Hicks. - -We are rapidly approaching the point where the Society troubles in -Philadelphia ceased to directly relate to Elias Hicks. It will be -remembered that there was trouble touching the preaching of Elias -coming by way of Southern Quarterly Meeting in 1822. The facts indicate -that a majority of that meeting was quite content to let matters rest. -It seems, however, that two members of the Meeting for Sufferings -from that quarter had misrepresented their constituency in the Hicks -controversy. Therefore in 1826 that quarterly meeting discontinued the -service of the two members of the Meeting for Sufferings, supplying -their places with new appointments. This action was objected to by the -full meeting, the majority holding that members could not have their -service discontinued by the constituent bodies which appointed them. -An attempt was made to convince Southern Quarterly Meeting that it -was improper and illegal to appoint new representatives, if the old -ones were willing to serve. It was also claimed that it was "never -intended to release the representatives from a quarterly meeting to the -Meeting for Sufferings, except at their own request."[132] Surely the -Discipline then operative gave no warrant for such an inference.[133] -Assuming that the above contention was valid, the Meeting for -Sufferings would simply have become a small hierarchy in the Society, -never to be dissolved, except at its own request. - -[132] "Cockburn's Review," p. 170. - -[133] Rules of Discipline of the Yearly Meeting of Friends, held in -Philadelphia, 1806, p. 54-55. - -It would seem, however, that the rules governing the Meeting for -Sufferings were especially made to guard against just such an exercise -of power as has been mentioned. The Discipline under the heading, -"Meeting for Sufferings," contained this provision: "The said meeting -is not to meddle with any matter of faith or discipline, which has not -been determined by the yearly meeting."[134] This will make it plain -why there was such an anxiety that the statement of doctrine issued -in 1823,[135] should be endorsed by the yearly meeting, and when that -failed, how utterly the statement was without authority or binding -force on the Society in general or its members in particular. - -[134] The same, p. 55. - -[135] See page 139 of this book. - - - - -CHAPTER XVII. - -Three Sermons Reviewed. - - -We have reached the point where it would seem in order to consider the -matter contained in some of the sermons preached by Elias Hicks, in -order to determine, if we can, what there was about the matter or the -manner of his ministry, which contributed to the controversy, personal -and theological, which for several years disturbed the Society of -Friends. - -The trouble was initiated, and for some time agitated, by comparatively -few people. Two or three Friends began talking about what Elias said, -from memory. Later they took long-hand notes of his sermons, in either -case using isolated and disconnected sentences and expressions. Taken -from their association with the balance of the sermon, and passed from -mouth to mouth by critics, they assumed an exaggerated importance, and -stood out boldly as centers of controversy. - -All of the evidence goes to show that little attempt was made to give -printed publicity to these discourses, until the preacher had been made -famous by the warmth and extent of the controversy over the character -of his preaching. - -A volume of twelve sermons preached by Elias Hicks at various points in -Pennsylvania in 1824 was published the following year in Philadelphia -by Joseph and Edward Parker. These discourses were taken in short-hand -by Marcus T. C. Gould. Two years later, in 1827, Gould began the -publication of "The Quaker," which contained sermons by Elias, and a -few other ministers in the Society. In his advertisement of the first -volume of this publication, after stating the fact of the controversy -which was rapidly dividing the Society of Friends in two contending -parties, Gould says: - - "At this important crisis, the reporter and proprietor of the - following work was employed by the joint consent of both parties, to - record in meeting the speeches of the individual whose doctrines were - by some pronounced sound, and by others unsound. Since that period he - has continued to record the language of the same speaker, and others - who stand high as ministers in the Society, and the members have - continued to read his reports, as the only way of arriving at the - truth, in relation to discourses which were variously represented." - -It is not our purpose in this chapter to give sermons or parts of -sermons in detail. On the other hand, to simply review a few of these -discourses as samples, because at the time of their delivery they -called out opposition from Orthodox Friends. It may be fairly inferred -that they contained in whole or in part the points of doctrinal -offending in the estimation of the critics of Elias Hicks. - -The first of the series of sermons especially under review, was -delivered in the Pine Street meeting house, Philadelphia, Twelfth month -10, 1826. At the conclusion of this sermon Jonathan Evans arose, and -spoke substantially as follows: - - "I believe it to be right for me to say, that our Society has always - believed in the atonement, mediation, and intercession of our Lord - and Saviour Jesus Christ--that by him all things were created, in - heaven and in earth, both visible and invisible, whether they be - thrones, principalities, or powers. - - "We believe that all things were created by him, and for him; and - that he was before all things, and that by him all things consist. - And any doctrine which goes to invalidate these fundamental doctrines - of the Christian religion we cannot admit, nor do we hold ourselves - accountable for. - - "Great efforts are making to make the people believe that Jesus - Christ was no more than a man, but we do not believe any such thing, - nor can we receive any such doctrine, or any thing which goes to - inculcate such an idea. - - "We believe him to be King of kings, and Lord of lords, before whose - judgment seat every soul shall be arraigned and judged by him. We - do not conceive him to be a mere man; and we therefore desire, that - people may not suppose that we hold any such doctrines, or that we - have any unity with them." - - Isaac Lloyd said: "I unite with Jonathan Evans--we never have - believed that our blessed Lord and Saviour, Jesus Christ, came to the - Jews only; for he was given for God's salvation, to the ends of the - earth."[136] - -[136] "The Quaker," Vol. I, p. 72. - -To these doctrinal statements Elias Hicks added: "I have spoken; and I -leave it for the people to judge--I do not assume the judgment seat." - -It may be informing in this connection to examine this sermon -somewhat in detail, to see if we can find the definite doctrine which -aroused the public opposition. The text was, "Let love be without -dissimulation." Having declared that there could be no agreement -between hatred and love; and that love could not promote discord, he -indulged in what may be called a spiritual figure of speech, declaring -that a Christian must be in the same life, and live with the same blood -that Christ did, making the following explanation: "As the support of -the animal life is the blood; so it is with the soul: the breath of -life which God breathed into it is the blood of the soul; the life of -the soul; and in this sense we are to understand it, and in no other -sense." - -He referred to the reprover of our sins, said that it is God who -reproves us. "Now, here is the great business of our lives," he -remarked, "not only to know this reprover, but to know that it is a -gift from God, a manifestation of His own pure life, that was in his -son Jesus Christ." Continuing he said: - - "As the apostle testifies: 'In him was life, and the life was the - light of men; and that was the true light, which lighteth every man - that cometh into the world.' Now can we hesitate a single moment, in - regard to the truth of this declaration? No sensible, reflecting mind - can possibly do it."[137] - -[137] "The Quaker," Vol. I, p. 51. - -Touching the outward and written as compared with the inner law of -life, he affirmed: - - "Here is a law more comprehensive than the law of Moses, and it is - clear to every individual of us, as the law was to the Israelites. - For I dare not suppose that the Almighty would by any means make - it a doubtful or mysterious one. It would not become God at all to - suppose this the case--it would be casting a deep reflection upon - his goodness and wisdom. Therefore I conceive that the law written - in the heart, if we attend to it and do not turn from it to build up - traditions, or depend on anything that arises from self, or that is - in our own power, but come to be regulated by this law, we shall see - that it is the easiest thing to be understood that can be, and that - all our benefits depend on our complying with this law. - - "Here now we see what tradition is. It is a departure from this law; - and it has the same effect now that tradition had upon the followers - of the outward law; as a belief in tradition was produced they were - bound by it, and trusted in it. And so people, nowadays, seem to be - compelled to believe in tradition, and thus they turn away from the - gospel dispensation, or otherwise the light and life of God's Spirit - in the soul, which is the law of the new covenant; for the law is - light and the commandment a lamp to show us the way to life."[138] - -[138] "The Quaker," Vol. I, p. 51. - -Using the term, "washed clean in the blood of the lamb," he proceeded -to explain himself as follows: - - "And what is the blood of the lamb? It was his life, my friends; for - as outward, material blood was made use of to express the animal - life, inspired men used it as a simile. Outward blood is the life of - the animal, but it has nothing to do with the soul; for the soul has - no animal blood, no material blood. The life of God in the soul is - the blood of the soul, and the life of God is the blood of God; and - so it was the life and blood of Jesus Christ his son. For he was born - of the spirit of his heavenly Father, _and swallowed up fully and - completely in his divine nature, so that he was completely divine_. - It was this that operated, in that twofold state, and governed the - whole animal man which was the son of Abraham and David--a tabernacle - for his blessed soul. Here now we see that flesh and blood are not - capable of being in reality divine; for are they not altogether - under the direction and guidance of the soul? Thus the animal body - of Jesus did nothing but what the divine power in the soul told it - to do. Here he was swallowed up in the divinity of his Father while - here on earth, and it was this that was the active thing, the active - principle, that governed the animate earth. For it corresponds, and - cannot do otherwise, with Almighty goodness, that the soul should - have power to command the animal body to do good or evil; because - he has placed us in this probationary state, and in his wisdom has - set evil and good before us--light and darkness. He has made us free - agents, and given us opportunity to make our own election. - - "Here now we shall see what is meant by election, the election of - God. We see that those who choose the Lord for their portion and - the God of Jacob for the lot of their inheritance, these are the - elect. And nothing ever did or can elect a soul to God, but in this - choice."[139] - -[139] "The Quaker," Vol. I, p. 62. - -It is not easy to see how any one can impartially consider the -foregoing, especially the words printed in _italics_, and continue to -claim that Elias Hicks denied the divinity of Christ. Near the end of -this sermon we find the following paragraph: - - "I say, dearly beloved, my soul craves it for us, that we may sink - down and examine ourselves; according to the declaration of the - apostle: 'Examine yourselves whether ye be in the faith; prove your - own selves; know ye not your own selves, how that Jesus Christ is in - you except ye be reprobates?' Now we cannot suppose that the apostle - meant that outward man that walked about the streets of Jerusalem; - because he is not in any of us. But what is this Jesus Christ? He - came to be a Saviour to that nation, and was limited to that nation. - He came to gather up, and look up the lost sheep of the house of - Israel. But as he was a Saviour in the outward sense, so he was an - outward shadow of good things to come; and so the work of the man, - Jesus Christ, was a figure. He healed the sick of their outward - calamities--he cleansed the leprosy--all of which was external and - affected only their bodies--as sickness does not affect the souls of - the children of men, though they may labour under all these things. - But as he was considered a Saviour, he meant by what he said, a - Saviour is within you, the anointing of the spirit of God is within - you; for this made the ways of Jesus so wonderful in his day that - the Psalmist in his prophecy concerning him exclaims: 'Thou hast - loved righteousness and hated iniquity; therefore God, even thy God - hath anointed thee with the oil of gladness above thy fellows.' He - had loved righteousness, you perceive, and therefore was prepared - to receive the fullness of the spirit, the fullness of that divine - anointing; for there was no germ of evil in him or about him; both - his soul and body were pure. He was anointed above all his fellows, - to be the head of the church, the top stone, the chief corner stone, - elect and precious. And what was it that was a Saviour? Not that - which was outward; it was not flesh and blood; for 'flesh and blood - cannot inherit the kingdom of heaven'; it must go to the earth from - whence it was taken. It was that life, that same life that I have - already mentioned, that was in him, and which is the light and life - of men, and which lighteth every man, and consequently every woman, - that cometh into the world. And we have this light and life in us; - which is what the apostle meant by Jesus Christ; and if we have not - this ruling in us we are dead, because we are not under the law - of the spirit of life. For the 'law is light and the reproofs of - instruction the way to life.'"[140] - -[140] "The Quaker," Vol. I, p. 68. - -Unless the so-called heterodox doctrine can be found in the foregoing -extracts, it does not exist in the sermon under discussion. - -Two other sermons were evidently both considered offensive and -objectionable by the orthodox. One was preached at the Twelfth Street -meeting, Twelfth month 10, 1826, and the other the 12th of the same -month at Key's Alley, both in Philadelphia. At the Twelfth Street -meeting, amid much confusion, Thomas Wistar attempted to controvert -what Elias Hicks had said in certain particulars. While this Friend was -talking, Elias tried to persuade the audience to be quiet. - -At Key's Alley, when Elias had finished, Philadelphia Pemberton, in -the midst of a disturbance that nearly drowned his voice, gave an -exhortation in support of the outward and vicarious atonement. When -Friend Pemberton ceased, Elias Hicks expressed his ideas regarding -gospel order and variety in the ministry, for which Friends had always -stood, in which he said: - - "My dear friends, God is a God of order--and it will do me great - pleasure to see this meeting sit quiet till it closes. We have, and - claim gospel privileges, and that every one may be persuaded in his - own mind; and as we have gifts differing, so ought every one to have - an opportunity to speak, one by one, but not two at once, that all - may be comforted. If any thing be revealed (and we are not to speak - except this is the case), if any thing be revealed to one, let others - hold their peace--this is according to order. And I desire it, once - for all, my dear friends, if you love me, that you will keep strictly - to this order: it will be a great comfort to my spirit."[141] - -[141] "The Quaker," Vol. I, p. 125. - -Speaking of the fear of God, he said that he did not mean "a fear that -arises from the dread of torment, or of chastisement, or anything of -this kind; for that may be no more than the fear of devils, for they, -we read, believe and tremble." His theory was that fear must be based -on knowledge, and the fear to displease God is not because of what he -may do to us, but what, for want of this knowledge, we lose. - -Again, he practically repeated what was evidently considered a truism: -"My friends, we are not to look for a law in our neighbor's heart, nor -in our neighbor's book; but we are to look for that law which is to be -our rule and guide, in our consciences, in our souls; for the law is -whole and perfect." Continuing he remarked: - - "Now, how concordant this is with the testimony of Jesus, when he - queried with his disciples in this wise: 'Whom do men say that I the - son of man am?' They enumerated several characters, according to the - views of the people in that day. But until we come to this inward, - divine law, we shall know nothing rightly of that manifestation; - for none of us have seen him, nor any of his works which he acted - outwardly. But here we find some are guessing, one way, and some - another way, till they become cruel respecting different opinions - about him, insomuch that they will kill and destroy each other for - their opinions. This is the effect of men's turning away from the - true light, the witness for God in their own souls; it throws them - into anarchy and confusion."[142] - -[142] "The Quaker," Vol. I, p. 94. - -In the opinion of Elias Hicks, it was not the man Peter that was to -constitute the rock upon which the church was to be built, but rather -the inner revelation, which enabled the disciple to know that the -Master was the Christ. "When a true Christian comes to this rock, he -comes to know it, as before pointed out; and here every one must see, -when they build on this divine rock, this revealed will of our Heavenly -Father, there is no fear." - -Touching the vital matters of salvation, we make the following extracts -from this sermon: - - "Nothing but that which is begotten in every soul can manifest God - to the soul. You must know this for yourselves, as nothing which - you read in the Scriptures can give you a sense of his saving and - almighty power. Now, the only begotten is what the power of God - begets in the soul, by the soul uniting with the visitations of - divine love. It becomes like a union--the soul submits and yields - itself up to God and the revelation of his power, and thus it becomes - wedded to him as its heavenly husband. Here, now, is a birth of the - Son of God; and this must be begotten in every soul, as God can be - manifested by nothing else. - - "Now, what was this Holy Ghost and spirit of truth, and where are we - to find it? He did not leave his disciples in the dark--'He dwelleth - with you, and shall be in you.' Mind it, my friends. What a blessed - sovereign God this is to be to the children of men--a God who has - placed a portion of himself in every rational soul--a measure of his - grace sufficient for every purpose, for the redemption of the souls - of men from sin and transgression, and to lead them to the kingdom - of heaven. And there is no other way. Then do not put it off any - longer; do not procrastinate any longer; do not say to-morrow, but - immediately turn inward, for the day calls aloud for it--everything - around us calls for us to turn inward, to that which will help us to - do the great work of our salvation."[143] - -[143] "The Quaker," Vol. I, p. 97-98. - -There seems to have been little, if any, public demonstration against -the preaching of Elias Hicks in meetings where he was present, except -in Philadelphia. That is especially true before the coming of the -English preachers, and the strained conditions that existed just -preceding and during the various acts of separation. It will thus be -seen that the concern and purpose of the ten men elders of Philadelphia -remained persistent until the end. - - - - -CHAPTER XVIII. - -The Braithwaite Controversy. - - -One of the marked incidents during the "separation" period was the -controversy between Elias Hicks and Anna Braithwaite,[144] and the -still more pointed discussion indulged in by the friends and partisans -of these two Friends. From our viewpoint there seems to have been a -certain amount of unnecessary sensitiveness, which led both these -Friends to exalt to the dignity of an insult, and positive impeachment -of integrity, matters which probably belonged in the domain of -misunderstanding. It was apparently impossible for either to think in -the terms of the other, and so the contest went on and ended. - -[144] Anna Braithwaite, daughter of Charles and Mary Lloyd, of -Birmingham, England, was born Twelfth month, 1788. She was married -to Isaac Braithwaite, Third month 26, 1809, and removed to Kendal -immediately after. She sailed for America on her first visit, Seventh -month 7th, 1823. She attended three meetings in New York, and then the -Quarterly Meeting at Burlington, at which place she seems to have been -the guest of Stephen Grellet. She made two other visits to America, one -in 1825 and the other in 1827. She returned to England after her first -visit to America in the autumn of 1824. The last two visits she made -to America she was accompanied by her husband. Anna Braithwaite was a -woman of commanding presence, and was unusually cultured for one of her -sex at that time. She was something of a linguist, speaking several -languages. Her visits in America were quite extensive, taking her as -far south as North Carolina. She died Twelfth month 18th, 1859. - -We shall let her friends state the beginning and progress of Anna -Braithwaite's religious labor in America, and quote as follows: "She -arrived in New York in Eighth month, 1823. For seven months she met -with no opposition. True, she always preached orthodox doctrines, but -she had made no pointed allusions to the reputed sentiments of Elias -Hicks."[145] - -[145] "Calumny Refuted; or, Plain Facts _versus_ Misrepresentations." -Being reply to Pamphlet entitled, "The Misrepresentations of Anna -Braithwaite in Relation to the Doctrines Preached by Elias Hicks," -etc., p. 2. - -It is interesting to note that the positive preaching of "orthodox -doctrine," on its merits, caused no opposition, even from the friends -of Elias Hicks, the trouble only coming when a personal application was -made, amounting to personal criticism. This is a fine testimony to the -ministerial liberty in the Society, and really a confirmation of the -claim that spiritual unity, and not doctrinal uniformity, was the true -basis of fellowship among Friends. We quote again: - - "She visited Long Island in the spring, and had some opportunities - of conversing with Elias Hicks on religious subjects, and also of - hearing him preach. They differed widely in sentiment, upon important - doctrines, and she soon had to conclude that his were at variance - with the hitherto well-established principles of the Society. With - these views, she returned to New York, and, subsequently, about the - time of the Yearly Meeting, in May, she considered it an act of duty - to warn her hearers against certain specious doctrines, which were - gradually spreading, and undermining what she believed to be the - 'true faith.'"[146] - -[146] The same, p. 6. - -It seems that Anna Braithwaite was twice the guest of Elias Hicks in -Jericho, dining at his house both times. The first visit was in First -month, 1824, and the other in Third month of the same year. They were -both good talkers, and apparently expressed themselves with commendable -frankness. The subject-matter of these two conversations, however, -became material around which a prolonged controversy was waged. Before -Anna Braithwaite sailed for England, she wrote a letter to an unnamed -Friend in Flushing relative to the interviews with Elias Hicks. The -letter was dated Seventh month 16, 1824. - -After Anna Braithwaite's departure from this country, the letter -referred to, with "Remarks in Reply to Assertions of Elias Hicks," was -published and extensively circulated. It bore the following imprint: -"Philadelphia: Printed for the Reader, 1824."[147] In this collection -was a letter from Ann Shipley, of New York, dated Tenth month 15, -1824, in which she declares she was present "during the conversation -between her [Anna Braithwaite] and Elias Hicks. The statement she -left was correct." While Ann Shipley's letter was published without -her consent, it seemed to fortify the Braithwaite statement, and both -were extensively used in an attempt to cast theological odium on -the venerable preacher. The possibility that both women might have -misunderstood or misinterpreted Elias Hicks does not seem to have -entered the minds of the Anti-Hicks partisans. - -[147] Most of the controversial pamphlets and articles of the -"separation" period were anonymous. Except when the articles were -printed in regular periodicals, their publishers were as unknown as -their authors. - -This particular epistle of Anna Braithwaite does not contain much -material not to be found in a subsequent letter with "notes," which -will receive later treatment. In her letter she habitually speaks of -herself in the third person, and makes this observation: "When at -Jericho in the Third month A. B. took tea with E. H. in a social way. -She had not been long in the house, when he began to speak on the -subject of the trinity, which A. B. considers a word so grossly abused -as to render it undesirable even to make use of it."[148] One cannot -well suppress the remark that if a like tenacity of purpose regarding -other theological terms had been held and followed by all parties to -the controversy, the history of the Society of Friends would have been -entirely different from the way it now has to be written. - -[148] "Remarks in Reply to Assertions of Elias Hicks," p. 7. - -Touching the two visits to Elias Hicks, we have direct testimony from -the visitor. We quote: - - "I thought on first entering the house, my heart and flesh would - fail, but after a time of inexpressible conflict, I felt a consoling - belief that best help would be near, and I think that every opposing - thing was in a great measure kept down.... He listened to my views, - which I was enabled to give with calmness. He was many times brought - into close quarters; but when he could not answer me directly, he - turned to something else. My mind is sorrowfully affected on this - subject, and the widespread mischief arising from the propagation of - such sentiments."[149] - -[149] "Memoirs of Anna Braithwaite," by her son, J. Bevan Braithwaite, -p. 129-130. - -In another letter, written to her family, she thus referred to her -interview with Elias Hicks: - - "I have reason to think that, notwithstanding the firm and honest - manner in which my sentiments were expressed, an open door is left - for further communication. We met in love and we parted in love. He - wept like a child for some time before we separated; so that it was - altogether a most affecting opportunity."[150] - -[150] The same, p. 140. - -While these two Friends undoubtedly were present in the same meeting -during the subsequent visits of Anna Braithwaite to this country, their -relations became so strained that they never met on common Friendly -ground after the two occasions mentioned. - -After the publication of the communication and comments referred to, -Elias Hicks wrote a long letter to his friend, Dr. Edwin A. Atlee, of -Philadelphia.[151] This letter became the subject of a good deal of -controversy, and may have been the exciting cause of a letter which -Anna Braithwaite wrote Elias Hicks on the 13th of Eleventh month, -1824, from Lodge Lane, near Liverpool. This letter, with elaborate -"notes," was published and widely circulated on this side of the -ocean. The letter itself would have caused very little excitement, but -the "notes" were vigorous causes of irritation and antagonism. The -authorship of the "notes" was a matter of dispute. It was claimed that -they were not written by Anna Braithwaite, and the internal evidence -gave color to that conclusion. They were not, in whole or in part, -entirely in her spirit, and the temper of them was rather masculine. -There were persons who believed, but, of course, without positive -evidence, that Joseph John Gurney was their author. - -[151] The text of this letter will be found listed as Appendix B in -this book. - -The letter of Anna Braithwaite contains few points not covered by the -"notes." She charges that Elias had denied that the Scriptures were a -rule of faith and practice, and it was also claimed that he repudiated -"the propitiatory sacrifice of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ." -This, she affirmed, was infidelity of a most pronounced type. - -The "notes" attached to this letter constitute a stinging arraignment -of the supposed sentiments of Elias Hicks. They were considered by his -friends such an unwarranted attack as to call for vigorous treatment, -and in numerous ways they became points of controversy. They were mild -at first, but personal and almost bitter at the last. The first "note" -in the collection briefly, but fully, lays the foundation for arbitrary -authority in religion. It says: - - "It is a regulation indispensably necessary to the peace of society, - and to the preservation of order, consistency and harmony among - Christians, that the members of every religious body, and especially - those who assume the office of teachers or ministers, should be - responsible to the authorities established in the church, for the - doctrines which they hold and promulgate."[152] - -[152] A letter from Anna Braithwaite to Elias Hicks, on the Nature of -His Doctrines, etc., p. 9. - -There is critical reference to a statement which Anna Braithwaite said -Elias Hicks made in the Meeting of Ministers and Elders in Jericho, -touching spiritual guidance in appointing people to service in the -Society. She says that Elias declared that "if each Friend attended to -his or her proper gift, as this spirit is endued with prescience, that -no Friend would be named for any appointment, but such as would attend, -and during my long course of experience, I have never appointed any one -who was prevented from attending either by illness or otherwise."[153] - -[153] The same, p. 4. - -In his letter to Dr. Atlee, Elias states his expression at the meeting -as differing from Anna Braithwaite's in a material way. This is what -he declares he said: "That I thought there was something wrong in -the present instance, for, as we profess to believe in the guidance -of the Spirit of Truth as an unerring Spirit, was it not reasonable -to expect, especially in a meeting of ministers and elders, that -if each Friend attended to their proper gifts, as this Spirit is -endued with prescience, that it would be much more likely, under its -divine influence, we should be led to appoint such as would attend on -particular and necessary occasions, than to appoint those who would not -attend?" - -We make these quotations not only to show the difference in the two -statements, but to also make it plain what small faggots were used to -build the fires of controversy regarding the opinions of Elias Hicks. -It looks in this particular citation like a case of criticism gone mad. -The following extracts are from the "notes": - - "We shall now notice the comparatively modern work of that - arch-infidel, Thomas Paine, called "The Age of Reason," many of the - sentiments of which are so exactly similar to those of Elias Hicks, - as almost to induce us to suspect plagiarism."[154] - -[154] The same, p. 23-24. - - "We could adduce large quotations from authors of the same school - with Paine, showing in the most conclusive manner that the dogmas - of Elias Hicks, so far from being further revelations of Christian - doctrines, are merely the stale objections to the religion of the - Bible, which have been so frequently routed and driven from the - field, to the utter shame and confusion of their promulgators."[155] - -[155] The same, p. 26. - -Those who defended Elias Hicks saw in these criticisms an act of -persecution, and a veiled attempt to undermine his reputation as a -man and a minister. The latter effort was read into the following -paragraph, which was presented as an effort at justifying the criticism -of the Jericho preacher. We quote: - - "It was both Friendly and Christian to warn them of the danger of - listening with credulity to one whose high profession, reputed - morality, and popular eloquence, had given him considerable - influence; and if his opinions had been correct, the promulgation of - them would not have proved prejudicial to him."[156] - -[156] The same, p. 21-22. - -The references to Thomas Paine will sound singularly overdrawn if -read in connection with the reference of Elias Hicks to the same -person.[157] It may be asserted with some degree of safety that it is -doubtful if either Elias Hicks or his critics ever read enough of the -writings of Thomas Paine to be really qualified to judicially criticise -them. - -[157] See page 117 of this book. - -When Anna Braithwaite visited this country the second time, in 1825, -she found matters much more unsettled than on her first visit. Her -own part in the controversy had been fully, if not fairly, discussed. -As showing her own feeling touching the second visit, we quote the -following from a sermon preached by her: - - "I have thought many times, while surrounded by my family and my - friends, and when I have bowed before the throne of grace, how very - near and how very dear were my fellow-believers, on this side of - the Atlantic, made unto my soul. It seemed to me, as if in a very - remarkable manner, their everlasting welfare was brought before me, - as if my fellow-professors of the same religious principles with - myself were in a very peculiar manner the objects of much solicitude. - How have I had to pour out my soul in secret unto the Lord, that he - would turn them more and more, and so let their light shine before - men, that all being believers in a crucified Saviour, they may be - brought to know for themselves that though 'Christ Crucified was to - the Jews a stumbling block, and unto the Greeks foolishness; but unto - them which are called, both Jews and Greeks, Christ, the power of God - and the wisdom of God.' I say my soul hath been poured out before - the Lord, that their light might shine in a still more conspicuous - manner, through their hearts being brought into deep prostration of - soul, that so their works might glorify their Father which is in - heaven. My heart was enlarged toward every religious denomination; - for surely, the world over, those who are believers in Christ have - one common bond of union--they are the salt of the earth--the little - flock to whom the Father in his good pleasure will give the Kingdom. - I have often greatly desired to be with you, while I am well aware - that to many it must appear a strange thing, that a female should - leave her home, her family, and her friends, and should thus expose - herself to the public, to preach the glad tidings of salvation - through Jesus Christ; yet I have thought, my beloved friends, that - though all may not see into these things, yet surely there is no - other way for any of us, but to yield up our thoughts unto the - Lord."[158] - -[158] Sermon and prayer by Anna Braithwaite, delivered in Friends' -Meeting, Arch Street, Philadelphia, October 26, 1825. Taken in -short-hand by M. T. C. Gould, stenographer, p. 4-5. - -There seem to have been some Friends desirous of producing a meeting -between Anna Braithwaite and Elias Hicks during this visit. In Tenth -month, 1825, she wrote him from Kipp's Bay, Long Island. She informed -him of her arrival, and then stated "that if he wishes to have any -communication with her, she is willing to meet him in the presence of -their mutual friends, or to answer any letter he may write to her;" -then she adds these remarkable words: "Having written to thee sometime -ago, what I thought was right, I do not ask an interview."[159] - -[159] "Christian Inquirer," new series, Vol. I, 1826, p. 57. - -To this communication Elias Hicks made a somewhat full reply. He says -that her notes of the conversation, "divers of which were without -foundation," led him to wonder why she should even think of having any -future communication with him. He then says: - - "That I have no desire for any further communication with thee, - either directly or indirectly, until thou makest a suitable - acknowledgment for thy breach of friendship, as is required by the - salutary discipline of our Society; but as it respects myself, I - freely forgive thee, and leave thee to pursue thy own way as long as - thou canst find true peace and quiet therein."[160] - -[160] The same, p. 57. - -It has to be said regretfully that during Anna Braithwaite's second -visit to this country, she met with both personal and Society rebuffs. -In some meetings her minute was read, but with no expression of -approbation in the case. The Meeting of Ministers and Elders at Jericho -appointed a committee,[161] to advise her not to appoint any more -meetings in that neighborhood during her stay. A good many Friends -objected to her family visits, and, taken altogether, her stay must -have been one of trial. - -[161] The same, p. 59. - -She came again in the early part of the year 1827, and was here when -the climax came in that year and the year following. - -The English Friends, who were so much in evidence in our troubles, went -home to face the Beacon controversy,[162] then gathering in England. -The Beaconite movement caused several hundred Friends to sever their -connection with the Society. But it did not reach the dignity of a -division or a separation. Whether the English Friends profited by the -experiences suffered by the Society in America is not certain. At any -rate, they seem to have been able to endure their differences without a -rupture. - -[162] This controversy took its name from a periodical called the -"Beacon," edited by Isaac Crewdson. In this evangelical doctrines -and methods were advocated. The Beaconites were strong in advocating -the doctrine of justification by faith, and practically rejected -the fundamental Quaker theory of the Inner Light. From the American -standpoint, the Beaconite position seems to have been the logical -development of the doctrines preached by the English and American -opponents of Elias Hicks. - -After the English trouble had practically subsided, in 1841, Anna -Braithwaite made the following suggestive admission, which may well -close this chapter: - - "Calm reflection and observation of passing events, and of persons, - have convinced me that I took an exaggerated view of the state of - society with reference to Hicksism.... We have as great a horror of - Hicksism as ever, but we think Friends generally are becoming more - alive to its dangers, and that the trials of the last few years have - been blessed to the instruction of many."[163] - -[163] "J. Bevan Braithwaite; a Friend of the Nineteenth Century," by -his children, p. 59-60. - - - - -CHAPTER XIX. - -Ann Jones in Dutchess County. - - -In Fifth month, 1828, a year after the division had been accomplished -in Philadelphia, a most remarkable round of experiences took place -within the bounds of Nine Partners and Stanford Quarterly Meetings, in -Dutchess County, New York. Elias Hicks was past eighty years of age, -but he attended the series of meetings in the neighborhood mentioned. -George and Ann Jones, English Friends, much in evidence in "separation" -matters, were also in attendance, the result being a series of -controversial exhortations, mingled with personal allusions, sometimes -gently veiled, but containing what would now pass for bitterness and -railing. The "sermons" of this series were stenographically reported, -and form a small book of ninety-eight pages. - -The first meeting was held at Nine Partners, First-day, Fifth month -4th. Elias Hicks had the first service in the meeting. After he had -closed, Ann Jones made the following remarks: - - "We have heard considerable said, and we have heard, under a - specious pretence of preaching, the Gospel, the Saviour of the world - denied, who is God and equal with the Father. And we have heard - that the Scriptures had done more hurt than good. We have also - heard the existence of a devil denied, except what arises from our - propensities, desires, &c."[164] - -[164] "Sermons" by Elias Hicks, Ann Jones and others of the Society of -Friends, at the Quarterly Meeting of Nine Partners and Stanford, and -first day preceding in Fifth month, 1828. Taken in short-hand by Henry -Hoag, p. 20. - -After this deliverance, Elias Hicks again arose and said: - - "I will just observe that my friends are acquainted with me in these - parts, and know me very well when I speak to them. I came not here as - a judge, but as a counsellor: I leave it for the people to judge. And - I would hope to turn them to nothing but a firm and solid conviction - in their minds. We may speak one by one, for that becometh order. - I thought I would add a word or two more. When I was young, I read - the Scriptures, and I thought that they were not the power, nor the - spirit, and that there was but very little in them for me; but I was - vain. But when I had once seen the sin in my heart, then I found that - this book pointed to the Spirit, but never convicted me of sin. - - "I believe that this was the doctrine of ancient Friends; for George - Fox declared that his Saviour never could be slain by the hands of - wicked men. I believe the Scriptures concerning Jesus Christ, and - David, too, and a host of others, who learned righteousness and were - united one with another. I believe that Jesus Christ took upon him - flesh made under the law, for all people are made under the law, and - Christ is this Light which enlighteneth every man that comes into the - world. And now, my friends, I would not have you believe one word of - what I say, unless by solid conviction."[165] - -[165] The same. - -It will be in order to find out what was said by Elias Hicks which -called for the personal allusion made by Ann Jones. We are not able -to find in the remarks of Elias Hicks on this occasion anything that -would justify the strong language of his critic, especially as to the -Scriptures having done more hurt than good. It would seem that the -supplementary statement quoted must be accepted as containing his -estimate of the book which he was charged with repudiating, rather than -the critical assertion of his doctrinal opponent. - -There are various statements in the Hicks sermon which denied some of -the material claims of popular theology, but they did not class him -with those who denied the existence or spiritual office of Christ. In -the meetings under review, and at other times, the evidence is abundant -that his critics either did not want to or could not understand him. He -dealt with the spirit of the gospel, and with the inner manifestation -of that spirit in the heart. They stood for scriptural literalness, -and for the outward appearance of Christ. It is not for us to condemn -either side in the controversy, but to state the case. - -We produce a few sentences and expressions from the sermon by Elias -Hicks, which might have created antagonism at the time. Speaking of the -"Comforter" which was to come, he said: - - "And what was this Comforter? Not an external one--not Jesus Christ - outward, to whom there was brought diseased persons and he delivered - them from their various diseases.... Here, now, he told them how to - do: he previously made mention that when the Comforter had come, - he would reprove the world of sin--now the world is every rational - soul under heaven. And he has come and reproved them. I dare appeal - to the wickedest man present, that will acknowledge the truth, that - this Light has come into the world; but men love darkness better than - light, because their deeds are evil; yet they know the light by an - evidence in their hearts."[166] - -[166] The same, p. 9. - -Near the end of this discourse he elaborated his idea as to the -ineffectual character of all outward and formal soul cleansing, in the -following language: - - "Now can any man of common sense suppose that it can be outward blood - that was shed by the carnal Jews that will cleanse us from our sins? - The blood of Christ that is immortal, never can be seen by mortal - eyes. And to be Christians, we must come to see an immortal view. - After Christ had recapitulated the precepts of the law, 'Is it not - written in your law, an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth: - but I say unto you, if a man smite thee on one cheek turn to him the - other also: and if a man take thy coat from thee, give him thy cloak - also.' Don't we see how different the precepts of the law of God are? - He tells us how we should do--we should take no advantage at all. The - Almighty visits us, to get us willing to observe his law; and if all - were concerned to maintain his law, all lawyers would be banished; - we should have no need of them; as well as of hireling Priests. We - should have no need of them to teach us, nor no need of the laws of - men, for each one would have a law in his own mind."[167] - -[167] The same, p. 17. - -The other points in Dutchess County visited, and involved in the -reports of sermons under consideration, were Chestnut Ridge, Stanford -and Oblong. At some of these meetings the preachers spoke more than -once. It does not appear that in the brief communications of George -Jones he either directly or indirectly referred to statements made by -Elias Hicks, or particularly sought to antagonize them. Ann Jones, -however, was not similarly considerate and cautious. Either directly -or by inference, she quite generally attempted to furnish the antidote -for what she considered the pernicious doctrine of her fellow-minister. -Speaking at Nine Partners Quarterly Meeting, Fifth month 7th, she said: - - "I believe it to be right for me to caution the present company - without respect of persons--how they deny the Lord that bought - them--how they set at nought the outward coming of the Lord Jesus - Christ who died for them: they will have to answer it at the awful - tribunal bar of God, where it will be altogether unavailing to say - that such a one taught me to believe that there was nothing in this. - Oh! my friends! God hath not left us without a witness; Oh, then it - is unto the faithful and true witness, 'the testimony of Jesus, which - is the spirit of prophecy.' I am engaged in gospel love to recommend, - and to hold out unto you, that you meddle not with the things of God; - and that you cry unto him for help. For what hope can they have of - present or future good, or of everlasting happiness, if they reject - the only means appointed of God to come unto the Father through Jesus - Christ, the messenger of God, and of the new covenant?"[168] - -[168] The same, p. 60. - -At this meeting Elias Hicks followed Ann Jones in vocal communication. -He made no direct reference to what she said, the short sermon being -largely a reiteration touching the inner revelation to the souls of -men, as the reprover of sin, and the power which kept from sinning, -as against the outward, sacrificial form of salvation. In closing his -remarks, Elias Hicks made this statement: - - "I do not wish to detain this assembly much longer, but I want - that we should cast away things that are mysterious, for we cannot - comprehend mystery. 'Secret things belong to God, but those that are - revealed (that are understood), to us and our children.' And those - that are secret can never be found out by the prying of mortals. Do - we suppose for a moment--for it would cast an indignity upon God to - suppose that he had laid down any name except his own by which we can - have communion with him. It is a plain way, a simple way which all - can understand, and not be under the necessity to go to a neighbor, - and to say, 'Know thou the Lord? for all shall know me, from the - least of them unto the greatest of them,' as said Jeremy the prophet. - It is bowing down to an ignorant state of mind, to suppose that there - is no other power whereby we can come unto God, but by one of the - offspring of Abraham, and that we have need to go back to the law - which was given to the Israelites, and to no other people. He has - never made any covenant with any other people, but that which he made - with our first parents. That is the covenant that has been made with - all the nations of the earth. - - "He justifies for good and condemns for evil. And although every - action is to be from the operation of his power, yet he has given us - the privilege to obey or disobey; here now is a self-evident truth; - as they have the liberty to choose, so if they do that which is - contrary to his will, and so slay the Divine life in the soul: and - thus they have slain the innocent Lamb of God in the soul, which is - the same thing. All that we want, is to return to the inward light - in the soul. The Lord had declared beforehand unto them in plain - characters, that none need to say, 'Know ye the Lord? for I will be - merciful to them, I will forgive their iniquity, and I will remember - their sin no more.' This was equally the case until the law was - abolished: until he blotted out the handwriting of the law, and put - an end to outward ordinances. The law was fulfilled when they had - crucified him, then it was that that law was abolished that consisted - in making their atonements which all had to make. - - "The people could not understand the doctrine delivered in the sermon - on the mount, although plainly preached to them. Jesus, when about - to take leave of his disciples, left this charge with them: 'Tarry - at Jerusalem until the Holy Ghost come upon you'; and then, and not - till then, were they to bear witness unto him. He told them that it - would bring everything to their remembrance: everything which is by - the preaching of the gospel brought to your remembrance; therefore he - says: 'All things shall be brought to your remembrance.' They would - not then be looking to anything outward, because he had filled them - with the Spirit of truth. What is this, but this Comforter which - reproves the world of sin? All that will obey the voice of this - reprover in the soul are in the way of redemption and salvation. - 'By disobedience, sin entered into the world and death by sin: - but life and immortality is brought to light by the gospel.' I am - willing to leave you, and I recommend you to God, and the power of - his grace, which is able to build you up, as you are faithful to its - operation."[169] - -[169] The same, p. 71. - -The last meeting of the series was held in connection with Nine -Partners Quarterly Meeting, Fifth month 9th. This was evidently the -closing session of the Quarterly Meeting. From these published sermons -it would seem that Elias Hicks and George Jones were the only Friends -who engaged in vocal ministry that day. There was nothing specially -relevant to the controversy going on in the Society in either of these -short discourses. - -In reading this collection of sermons one cannot avoid the conclusion -that, apart from dissimilarity in phraseology, and the matters involved -in interpreting Scripture, these Friends had much in common. Had they -been minded to seek for the common ground, it is quite probable that -they would have found that they were really quarreling over the minor, -rather than the major, propositions. - -In Eighth month, 1828, Elias Hicks was on his last religious visit to -the Western Yearly Meetings. The "separation" in the New York Yearly -Meeting had taken place in Fifth month, the trouble then passing to -the Quarterly and particular meetings. It reached Nine Partners at the -Quarterly Meeting held as above. Ann Jones attended this meeting, the -last sermon in the little volume from which the extracts given in this -chapter are taken having been preached by this Friend. There was little -new matter in this sermon. Much, by inuendo, was laid at the door of -those who were pronounced unorthodox, and who constituted a majority of -the meeting. - -So far as the charge of persecution is concerned, it was repeatedly -employed by Elias Hicks and his sympathizers in describing the spirit -and conduct of the orthodox party. In this particular, at least, the -disputants on both sides were very much alike. Ann Jones' reference -to throwing down "his elders and prophets" contains more touching the -animus of the controversy than the few words really indicate. As will -be somewhat clearly shown in these pages, the trouble in the Society -quite largely had reference to authority in the church, and its -arbitrary exercise by a select few, constituting a sort of spiritual -and social hierarchy in the monthly meetings. It was this authoritative -class which had been "thrown down," or was likely to be so repudiated. - -We would by no means claim that with the "separation" an accomplished -fact, the body of Friends not of the orthodox party thus gathered by -themselves became at once and continuously relieved of the arbitrary -spirit. The history of this branch of the Society from 1827 to 1875, -and in places down to date, would entirely disprove any such claim. -It would seem that wherever the Society lost ground numerically, and -wherever its spiritual life dwindled, it was due largely because some -sort of arbitrary authority ignored the necessity for real spiritual -unity, and discounted the spiritual democracy upon which the Society of -Friends was based. - -The "separation" in the Quarterly Meetings in Dutchess County was -perfected in Eighth month, 1828. Both Anna Braithwaite and Ann Jones -were in attendance, and evidently took part in the developments at -that time. Elias Hicks was on his last religious visit to the "far -west." Informing partnership letters were sent to Elias, then in Mt. -Pleasant, Ohio, by Jacob and Deborah Willetts,[170] under date of -Eighth month 18, 1828. Jacob gave brief but explicit information as -to the division in the several meetings. For instance, he says that -in Oswego Monthly Meeting one-sixth of the members went orthodox. At -Creek, about one-fourth left to form an orthodox meeting, about the -same proportion existing at Stanford. Nine Partners seems to have -been the center of the difficulty, the orthodox leadership apparently -having been more vigorous at that point. Still, about three-fourths of -the members refused to join the orthodox. A very brief appreciation -of the transatlantic visitors is given in Jacob's letter. He says: -"The English Friends are very industrious, but I do not find that it -amounts to much. Friends have generally become acquainted with their -manoeuvring." - -[170] Jacob and Deborah Willetts were friendly educators in the first -half of the nineteenth century. Jacob became principal of Nine Partners -boarding school in 1803, when only 18 years of age, and Deborah Rogers -principal of the girl's department in 1806, when at the same age. -Jacob Willetts and Deborah Rogers were married in 1812. At the time of -the "separation," Nine Partners' school passed into the hands of the -Orthodox, and Jacob and Deborah resigned their positions, and started -a separate school, which they conducted successfully for nearly thirty -years. Jacob was the author of elementary text books of arithmetic and -geography, and Deborah was an accomplished grammarian, and assisted -Gould Brown in the preparation of his once well-known English Grammar. - -Deborah's letter was both newsy and personal, and threw interesting -sidelights on the "separation" experiences. At the close of a sermon by -Ann Jones, Eighth month 5th, she made reference to the sudden death of -a woman Friend of the orthodox party, which is thus referred to in this -letter: - - "Perhaps thou wilt hear ere this reaches thee of the death of Ann - Willis. She died at William Warings on her way home from Purchase - Quarterly Meeting, in an apoplectic fit. At our Quarterly Meeting Ann - Jones told us of the dear departed spirit of one who had lived an - unspotted life, who passed away without much bodily suffering, and - whose soul was now clothed in robes of white, singing glory, might - and majesty with angels forever and ever: which amounted nearly to a - funeral song." - -We make the following extract from the letter of Deborah Willetts -because of its interesting references and statements: - - "A week ago I returned from Stanford Quarterly Meeting held at - Hudson. All the English force was there save T. Shillitoe with a - large re-enforcement from New York, but they were headed by 15 men - and 25 women of the committee of Friends, and a great many attended - from the neighboring meetings, Coeymans, Rensalaerville, Saratoga, - &c. The city was nearly full. Anna Braithwaite and suite took - lodgings at the hotel. It was the most boisterous meeting I ever - attended. The clerks in each meeting were orthodox, but Friends were - favored to appoint others who opened the meeting. Anna Braithwaite - had much to say to clear up the charges against her in circulation - that their expenses had been borne by Friends, which she said was - false, and never had been done but in two instances, and mentioned - it twice or three times that her dear husband felt it a very great - pleasure to meet all expenses she might incur, and she would appeal - to those present for the truth of what she had said, and then Ann - Jones, Claussa Griffin, Ruth Hallock, Sarah Upton and some others - immediately attested to the truth of it. Oh, how inconsistent is all - this in a Friends' meeting. She also gave a long statement of the - separation at Yearly Meeting, but she was reminded of her absence at - the time, but she replied Ann Jones had informed her. She accused - Friends of holding erroneous doctrine and said Phebe I. Merritt did - not believe in the atonement for sin. Phebe said she denied the - charge, when Anna turning and looking stern in her face said, 'Did - thou not say, Phebe Merritt, all the reproof thou felt for sin was - in thy own breast?' Phebe then arose and was favored to express - her views in a clear way with an affecting circumstance that she - experienced in her childhood that brought such a solemnity over the - meeting that almost disarmed Anna of her hostile proceedings. She - stood upon her feet the while ready to reply but began in a different - tone of voice, and changed the subject, and very soon after, Ann - Jones made a move to adjourn when they could hold Stanford Quarterly - Meeting, which was seconded by several others and Friends in the - meantime as cordially and silently uniting with them in the motion. - They then retired without reading an adjournment, I afterwards - learnt, to the Presbyterian Conference room. I dined in company with - Willett Hicks, who said he was surprised to see so few go with them - after such a noble effort." - - - - -CHAPTER XX. - -The Experience with T. Shillitoe. - - -The first day after his arrival in America, Thomas Shillitoe[171] -attended Hester Street Meeting, in New York. He tells that "it -was reported that he had come over to help the Friends of Elias -Hicks."[172] As this Friend came into collision with Elias several -times, and was second to none in vigor and virulence among his -antagonists, either domestic or foreign, it seems proper to review his -connection with the controversy, because some added light may thus be -thrown on the spirit and purpose of the opposition to Elias Hicks. - -[171] Thomas Shillitoe was born in London "about the Second month, -1754," Elias Hicks being six years his senior. His parents were not -Friends. At one time his father kept an inn. Joined Grace Church Street -Monthly Meeting in London about 1775. Was acknowledged a minister at -Tottenham in 1790. He learned the grocery business, and afterward -entered a banking house. Finally learned shoemaker's trade, and had -a shop. Was married in 1778. Came to America in 1826, arriving in -New York, Ninth month 8th. While here traveled extensively, visiting -certain Indian tribes. In 1827 he had an interview with President -Andrew Jackson. He left New York for Liverpool in Eighth month, 1829, -having been in this country nearly three years. Thomas Shillitoe died -in 1836. - -[172] "Journal of Thomas Shillitoe," Vol. 2, p. 150. - -Of the experience on that first meeting in America the venerable -preacher says: "I found it hard work to rise upon my feet, but -believing that the offer of the best of all help was made, I ventured -and was favored to clear my mind faithfully, and in a manner I -apprehended would give such of the followers of Elias Hicks as were -present a pretty clear idea of the mistake they had been under of my -being come over to help their unchristian cause."[173] - -[173] "Journal of Thomas Shillitoe," Vol. 2, p. 151. - -He had not been seen at that time to converse with a single friend of -Elias Hicks, and there is no evidence that during the three years he -was in America he mingled at all with any Friends who were not of the -so-called orthodox party. - -During the week following his arrival in this country, Thomas Shillitoe -visited Jericho by way of Westbury. Regarding his visit he says: - - "We took our dinner with G. Seaman; after which we proceeded to - Jericho, and took up our abode this night with our kind friend, - Thomas Willis. In passing through the village of Jericho, Elias - Hicks was at his own door; he invited me into his own house to take - up my abode, which I found I could not have done, even had we not - previously concluded to take up our abode with T. Willis. I refused - his offer in as handsome a manner as I well knew how. He then pressed - me to make him a call; I was careful to make such a reply as would - not make it binding upon me, although we had to pass his door on our - way to the next meeting. I believe it was safest for me not to comply - with his request."[174] - -[174] "Journal of Thomas Shillitoe," Vol. 2, p. 154. - -G. Seaman, mentioned above, became the first clerk of the Orthodox -Monthly Meeting of Westbury and Jericho, organized after the -"separation," and Thomas Willis was the Friend who should probably be -called the father of the opposition to Elias Hicks. Had the English -visitor determined from the start to hear nothing, and know nothing but -one side of the controversy, he could not have more fully made that -possible than by the intercourse he had with Friends on this continent. - -To show how bent he was not to be influenced or contaminated by those -not considered orthodox, it may be noted that while in Jericho he was -visited by Friends in that neighborhood, who urged him to call on them. -He was at first inclined to acquiesce, but after "waiting where the -divine counsellor is to be met with," he changed his mind, remarking, -"I afterwards understood some of these individuals were of Elias -Hicks's party."[175] - -[175] "Journal of Thomas Shillitoe," Vol. 2, p. 154. - -The New York Yearly Meeting of 1827 was attended by all of the -ministering Friends and their companions from England, viz: Thomas -Shillitoe, Elizabeth Robson, George and Ann Jones, Isaac and Anna -Braithwaite. There seems to have been a foreshadowing of trouble in -this yearly meeting. Elizabeth Robson asked for a minute to visit men's -meeting, which met with some opposition, and was characterized by -confusion in carrying out the purpose. Elias Hicks says nothing about -the matter in his Journal, and no reference was made to this Friend in -his personal correspondence. The English Friends left New York before -the close of the Yearly Meeting, to attend New England Yearly Meeting. - -It is not our purpose to follow the wanderings of Thomas Shillitoe -in America. He was at the New York Yearly Meeting again in 1828, at -the time of the "separation." Touching this occasion, the minutes of -the meeting in question furnish some information, as follows: "Thomas -Shillitoe, who is in this country on a religious visit from England, -objected to the company of some individuals who were present with us, -and members of a neighboring yearly meeting, stating that they had -been regularly disowned," etc.[176] For thus dictating to the yearly -meeting, Thomas Shillitoe presented this justification: - -[176] From Minute Book of New York Yearly Meeting, session of 1828. - - "I obtained a certificate from my own monthly meeting and quarterly - meeting, and also one from the Select Yearly Meeting of Friends held - in London, expressive of their concurrence with my traveling in the - work of the ministry on this continent, which certificates were read - in the last Yearly Meeting of New York, and entered in the records - of that Yearly Meeting; such being the case, it constitutes me as - much a member of this Yearly Meeting as any other member of it."[177] - -[177] "Journal of Thomas Shillitoe," Vol. 2, p. 311. - -This may have been according to good society order and etiquette eighty -odd years ago, but would hardly pass current in our time. For a visitor -in a meeting to object to the presence of other visitors, on the ground -of rumor and with no regular or official evidence of the charges -against them, would probably put the objector into disfavor. But we -are not warranted in passing harsh judgment in the nineteenth-century -case. The English Friends, right or wrong, came to this country under -the impression that they were divinely sent to save the Society of -Friends in America from going to the bad. At the worst, it was a case -of assuming the care of too many consciences. - -Soon after the close of the New York Yearly Meeting of 1828, both -Thomas Shillitoe and Elias Hicks started on a western trip. Elias seems -to have preceded the English Friend by a few days. The two men met at -Westland.[178] At this place Thomas says that Elias denied that Jesus -was the son of God, until after the baptism, and opposed the proper -observance of the Sabbath.[179] Of course, the statements of Elias were -controverted by his fellow-preacher, or, at least, an attempt to do -so was made. It should be understood that Elias denied that Jesus was -the son of God in the sense in which Thomas conceived he was, and he -undoubtedly antagonized the observance of the Sabbath in the slavish -way which considered that man was secondary to the institution. - -[178] See page 47 of this book. - -[179] "Journal of Thomas Shillitoe," Vol. 2, p. 328. - -Part of the mission of our English Friend from this time seems to -have been to oppose Elias Hicks, and turn the minds of the people -against him. They both attended Redstone Monthly Meeting. Here Elias -presented his minute of unity and the other evidences of good faith -which he possessed. At this point Thomas says: "Observing a disposition -in most of the members of the meeting to have these minutes read -in the meeting, I proposed to the meeting to consider how far with -propriety they could read them; after their Meeting for Sufferings -had given forth a testimony against the doctrines of Elias Hicks. But -a determination to read his minutes being manifested, Friends were -obliged to submit."[180] - -[180] "Journal of Thomas Shillitoe," Vol. 2, p. 330. - -Taken altogether, this is a remarkable statement. The "testimony" -referred to was the "declaration of faith"[181] published by the -Philadelphia Meeting for Sufferings. This document did not mention -Elias Hicks, and failed to secure the approval of the Yearly Meeting, -before the "separation." It is evident that "most of the members" -were with Elias Hicks on this occasion. Only the few opposers were -"Friends"; so the statement infers. - -[181] See page 139 of this book. - -The two preachers are next heard from at Redstone Quarterly Meeting, -where Thomas was disposed to practice an act of self-denial. He told -the meeting that he preferred his own minute should not be read, if -Elias Hicks's was received. We have some evidence from Elias Hicks -himself regarding this incident, in a letter written to Valentine -and Abigail Hicks, from Pittsburg, Eighth month 5, 1828, stating the -proposition of Thomas Shillitoe regarding his minute. Elias says: -"Friends took him at his word, and let him know that they should not -minute it, but insisted that mine should be minuted, expressing very -general satisfaction with my company and service, and reprobated his -in plain terms, and charged him and his companion with breach of the -order and discipline of the Society, and insisted that the elders and -overseers should stop at the close of the meeting and see what could be -done to put a stop to such disorderly conduct." - -Thomas then says that he exposed Elias Hicks as an impostor "in -attempting as he did to impose himself upon the public as a minister -in unity with the Society of Friends; the Society having, by a printed -document, declared against his doctrine, and himself as an approved -minister."[182] Evidently this was another reference to the much-lauded -"declaration of faith," although this did not represent an actually -authoritative declaration of the Society. At its best, Philadelphia's -Meeting for Sufferings was not the Society of Friends; but the people -still wanted to hear Elias. They apparently preferred to interpret him -at first-hand. - -[182] "Journal of Thomas Shillitoe," Vol. 2, p. 331. - -Thomas Shillitoe tells us that when they crossed the Ohio River he -talked with the woman at the ferry, who protested against the ideas of -Elias Hicks, and then remarks: "She kept a tavern, and I left with her -one of the declarations, requesting her to circulate it amongst her -neighbors."[183] Evidently the publican, in this case, was sound in the -faith as held by the English preacher. - -[183] "Journal of Thomas Shillitoe," Vol. 2, p. 332. - -Mt. Pleasant was next visited by both Friends, preceding and at Ohio -Yearly Meeting. They do not seem to have come personally into collision -at this point, and insofar as either makes reference to the occurrences -there, they are in substantial agreement.[184] Thomas Shillitoe bears -mildly veiled testimony to the desire of the people to hear Elias -Hicks, in the following statement: "From the great concourse of people -we passed in the afternoon on the way to Short Creek Meeting, where -Elias Hicks was to be, I had cherished a hope we should have had a -quiet meeting at Mt. Pleasant."[185] But the contrary was the case; to -whom the blame was due, the reader may decide. - -[184] For other reference to this matter, see page 49 of this book. - -[185] "Journal of Thomas Shillitoe," Vol. 2, p. 343. - -It is to be presumed that these two Friends, both of whom performed -valuable service for the Society, according to their lights and gifts, -never met after their western experience. For the want of understanding -each other, they went their way not as fellow-servants, but as -strangers, if not enemies. The unity of the spirit was obliterated in a -demand for uniformity of speculative doctrine. - - - - -CHAPTER XXI. - -Disownment and Doctrine. - - -The "separation" was accomplished in most meetings in the East by the -withdrawal of the orthodox party, after which they set up new meetings -for worship and discipline. In a minority of meetings the orthodox held -the property and the organization, and the other Friends withdrew. At -Jericho and Westbury the great majority of the members remained, and -continued to occupy the old meeting-houses. The orthodox who separated -from the Westbury and Jericho Monthly Meetings organized the Monthly -Meeting of Westbury and Jericho, as has already been mentioned. - -In 1829, when the new monthly meeting was formed, the membership of -Westbury Monthly Meeting was as follows: Westbury Preparative Meeting, -193; Matinecock Preparative Meeting, 121; Cow Neck (now Manhassett), -65; total, 379. Of this number, accessions to the orthodox were: From -Westbury Preparative Meeting, 32; Matinecock Preparative Meeting, 2; -Cow Neck Preparative Meeting, 5; total, 39. In Jericho the members of -the monthly meeting, Fifth month, 1829, numbered 225. Of this number, -nine left to join the Monthly Meeting of Westbury and Jericho, and -five were undetermined in their choice. Giving the latter meeting the -benefit of the doubt, and assigning to it the five uncertain members, -the meeting that disowned Elias Hicks was composed of fifty-three -members, of whom thirteen were minors and five of only mild allegiance. - -A simple mathematical calculation will show that the Monthly Meeting -of Westbury and Jericho contained 10 per cent. of the Friends who had -been members of the two original monthly meetings, which meetings still -survived, retaining 90 per cent. of the members. These figures will -throw suggestive light on what follows. - -It was the Westbury and Jericho Monthly Meeting which, on the 29th of -Fourth month, 1829, adopted the "testimony against Elias Hicks," called -his disownment. It contained specified charges, which may be condensed -as follows: He denied the influence or existence of an evil spirit; -doubted the fall of man, and his redemption through Christ; endeavored -to "destroy a belief in the miraculous conception of our Lord and -Saviour Jesus Christ"; also rejected a "belief in his holy offices, his -propitiatory offering for the redemption of mankind; and has denied his -resurrection and ascension into heaven"; "he also denied his mediation -and intercession with the Father." He was charged with too much -industry in promulgating his views, causing great numbers to embrace -them, "and has at length become the leader of a sect distinguished by -his name." He was also charged with meeting with, and countenancing by -his presence and conduct, those who had "separated" from Friends. This -had reference to many meetings of a large majority of the Society held -at various places in 1828. The "testimony" also alleges that he had -many times been tenderly admonished and advised, but that he and his -friends "prevented the timely exercise of the discipline in his case." -It all, without doubt, sounded very formidable to the little company of -Friends who formulated and issued the document. - -This was a remarkable document in more ways than one. The meeting which -issued it assumed an authority in conduct hard now to understand, and -asserted as facts mere assumptions, and yet we are bound to believe -that, in the main, they thought they were performing God's service. -It must be remembered that the orthodox Friends, in 1829, everywhere -operated on the theory that those who considered themselves "sound in -doctrine," no matter how few in numbers, were the Society of Friends, -in direct descent from the founders of the faith. It was their -religious duty to excommunicate all whom they considered unsound, even -though those disowned might constitute the overwhelming portion of the -meeting. That this was the sincere conviction of the orthodox Friends -all through the "separation" period, and also before and after it, is -a demonstrable fact of history. There was also a marked disposition -to adhere to tradition and to cling to former precedents. If there -had ever been a time when Friends had been disowned on account of -theological opinions, the practice should be kept up, and practically -continued forever. - -That there was a considerable amount of precedent for disowning -Friends on points of doctrine is undoubtedly true. In the famous New -Jersey Chancery trial, Samuel Parsons gave several cases of such -disownment.[186] They involved cases in half a dozen monthly meetings, -and included charges as follows: Denying the miraculous conception; -denying the divinity of Jesus Christ; denying the authenticity of the -Scriptures; promulgating the belief that the souls of the wicked would -be annihilated. - -[186] "Foster's Report," Vol. I, p. 171. - -The orthodox Friends might have done still better, and cited the case -of John Bartram,[187] the father of American botany, who was disowned -by Darby Monthly Meeting in 1758, for deistical and other unorthodox -opinions. It has been supposed that Bartram was disowned by Friends -for placing the following inscription over his door: - -[187] John Bartram, born near Darby, Pa., Third month 23, 1699. Was -the earliest native American botanist. He died Ninth month 22, 1777. -Bartram traveled extensively in the American colonies in pursuit of -his botanical studies and investigations. He established the Bartram -Botanical Gardens near the Schuykill River, which are still often -visited. - - "'Tis God alone, Almighty Lord, - The Holy One by me adored. - John Bartram, 1770." - -As this sentiment is dated twelve years after the disownment,[188] it -is evident that it was not the primary cause of the action taken by -Darby Monthly Meeting. - -[188] "Memorials of John Bartram and Humphrey Marshall," by William -Darlington, 1849, p. 42. - -During the period of repression in the Society, lasting from about -1700 to 1850, it was not hard to find precedent for disowning members -on almost any ground, so that the treatment of Elias Hicks, on account -of alleged "unsound" doctrine calls for no complaint on the score of -regularity. Disowning members for that cause in one branch of Friends -to-day would be practically inconceivable. Its wisdom at any time was -doubtful, and, in spite of precedents, the practice was not general. - -The main point in this transaction, however, is that the meeting which -issued the "testimony" against Elias Hicks had no jurisdiction in -the case. As a matter of fact, he was never a member of the meeting -in question, unless it be assumed that 10 per cent. of two monthly -meetings can flock by themselves, organize a new meeting, and take over -the 90 per cent. without their knowledge or consent. - -In the main, we do not care to consider or discuss the points in the -"testimony" under consideration. Those who have followed the pages -of this book thus far will be able to decide whether the main causes -as stated by those who prepared and approved the document were true -in fact, and whether they would have constituted a sufficient reason -for the action of the Monthly Meeting of Westbury and Jericho, had it -possessed any authority in the case. - -Just what Elias Hicks thought regarding the matter of Society and -disciplinary authority in his case, we have documentary evidence. In -a private letter he said: "For how can they disown those who never -attended their meetings, nor never had seen the inside of their -new-built meeting-houses, and who never acknowledged their little -separate societies? Would it not be as rational and consistent with -right order for a Presbyterian or a Methodist society to treat with and -disown us for not attending their meetings, and not acknowledging their -creed?"[189] - -[189] Letter to Johnson Legg, Twelfth month 15, 1829. - -There is one point in the "testimony" which cannot so easily or -reasonably be ignored. It says that Elias Hicks "has at length become -the leader of a sect, distinguished by his name, yet unjustly assuming -the character of Friends." From the assumed standpoint of those who -made this statement of fact, it had no warrant. That body of Friends -in, at least, the Yearly Meetings of New York, Philadelphia, and -Baltimore, which at the time of the "separation" housed two-thirds of -all the members, was as much entitled to be called Friends, and assume -their "character," as the minority. The distinguishing epithet was not -of their selecting or adoption, and those who applied it could scarcely -with propriety force it upon those who did not claim it or want it. As -for leadership, the outcome in 1827-28 was accomplished without either -the presence or assistance of Elias Hicks in a majority of cases. If -those who left the parent meetings and set up meetings of their own -were the "separatists," then, in a majority of cases, the name belonged -to the party that opposed Elias Hicks, and not to that body of Friends -who objected to the Society being divided or perpetuated because of the -personality or the preaching of any one man. - -It has to be said that the disowning at the time of the "separation" -was not all on one side. Jericho Monthly Meeting "testified against" -at least four of the orthodox party. But in every such case, so far -as we are aware, no charges regarding doctrine were made against any. -The disownments took place because the persons involved had become -connected with other meetings, and did not attend the gatherings of -that branch of Friends who issued disownments. Both sides undoubtedly -did many things at the time which later would have been impossible. - -Elias Hicks evidently approved the general order of the Society in -his time touching disownments. In a letter directed to "My Unknown -Friend," but having no date, he deals with the disownment question. He -goes on to say that it had been the practice of the Society to disown -members for more than a century, when such members had deviated "from -the established order of Society," and he reaches the conclusion that -not to follow this course would lead to "confusion and anarchy." He -then says: "These things considered, it appears to me the most rational -and prudent, when a particular member of any society dissents in some -particular tenet from the rest of that society, if such dissent break -communion and render it necessary in the judgment of such society that -a separation take place between them, that it be done in the same way, -and agreeable to the general practice of such society in like cases." - -It is quite certain, however, that Elias Hicks did not think that -disputed points of doctrine offered a sufficient ground for disownment -in the Society of Friends. In a letter to David Evans, written at -Jericho, Twelfth month 25, 1829, he says: "I apprehend that if the -Friends who took part in the controversy on the side of the miraculous -conception, and those on the opposition, will fully examine both -sides of the question, they will find themselves more or less in -error, as neither can produce sufficient evidence to enforce a -rational conviction on others.... Surely, then, we who believe in the -miraculous conception ought not to censure our brethren in profession -for having a different opinion from ours, and especially as we have no -knowledge of the subject in any wise, but from history and tradition. -Surely, then, both parties are very far off the true Christian -foundation for keeping up the controversy, inasmuch as it never has had -the least tendency to gather on the one hand or the other, but always -to scatter and divide, and still has the same baneful tendency." - -The reader will not fail to consider that at this late period Elias -Hicks reiterates his personal belief in the miraculous conception, -although the "testimony" of disownment against him charged that he -was "endeavoring to destroy a belief in that doctrine." Whatever may -have been his belief regarding the matter, it is clear that he did not -consider acceptance or rejection of the doctrine a determining quality -in maintaining a really Christian fellowship. - - - - -CHAPTER XXII. - -After the "Separation." - - -A letter dated Solebury, Pa., Sixth month 21, 1828, told of some -experiences on his last western trip. It was addressed to his -son-in-law, Valentine Hicks. On the journey from Jericho to New York, -Elias was very much annoyed, if not vexed, by the crowds of "vain and -foolish people coming from the city and its suburbs to see horses -trot." "How ridiculous and insignificant," he says, "is such foolish -conduct for professed rational beings! I can scarcely conceive in -thought an epithet degrading enough to give a just estimate of such -irrational conduct." - -The "separation" had just been accomplished in the New York Yearly -Meeting, and as this was the first visit he had made to the local -meetings and Friendly neighborhoods since that event, it is a matter -of interest to learn from his own hand how he was received by Friends -in the meetings. Rose and Hester Street Meetings, in New York, were -attended the First-day after leaving home. Elias says, in the letter -mentioned: "They were both large, solemn meetings, showing evidently -the comfort and benefit Friends have derived from the orthodox -troubles, (they) having separated themselves from us." This may have -been the superficial view of many who were prominent in sustaining -Elias Hicks. They failed to see, as did their opponents, that the -"separation" no matter which side went off, was a violation of the real -spirit of Quakerism. It was an unfortunate acknowledgment that "unity -of the spirit" was a failure, if it required absolute uniformity of -doctrine for its maintenance. - -Passing over to New Jersey, he reports universal kindly treatment. In -this particular he remarks: - - "Indeed we have found nothing in the least degree to discourage or - impede our progress, unless it be an excess of kindness from our - friends, who can hardly give us up to pass on, without favoring - them with a visit in their own houses. And not only Friends, but - many who are not members manifest much friendly regard and respect. - On Fourth-day we attended Friends' Monthly Meeting for Rahway and - Plainfield held at Plainfield, Friends having given their neighbors - notice of our intention to be there, it was largely attended by those - of other professions, and some of the orthodox Friends', contrary - to the expectation of Friends also attended. It was truly a very - solemn and instructive good meeting, in which truth reigned. I was - truly comforted in the meeting for discipline in viewing Friends' - order, and the unity and harmony that prevailed, and the brotherly - condescension that was manifested in transacting their business." - -Elias Hicks evidently possessed what might be called a grain of humor. -In Eleventh month, 1828, when practically all of the "separations" had -been accomplished, he wrote to his wife from Redstone, Pa. He had not -been getting letters from home as he desired, and especially was that -true regarding the much-valued missives from Jemima. He, therefore, -says, toward the end of this particular epistle: "If I do not -receive some direct account from home at one or both of these places -(Alexandria or Baltimore), I shall be ready to conclude that my friends -have forgotten me or turned orthodox." - -Evidently there had been a readjustment of society conditions in this -neighborhood. He says: "Divers friends, whose names I have forgotten, -and some who have never seen thee, but love thee on my account, desired -to be affectionately remembered to thee. Indeed, love and harmony so -abound among Friends in these parts, and the more they are persecuted, -the more love abounds, insomuch that I have observed to them in some -places, that if they continued faithful to the openings of truth on the -mind, that they would so exalt the standard of love and light, that the -old adage would be renewed, 'See how the Quakers love one another.'" - -Returning from the long western trip, considered in Chapter VI, Elias -was met in New York by his wife and daughter Elizabeth, where Westbury -Quarterly Meeting was attended. Many near and dear Friends greeted the -aged minister, inwardly, if not outwardly, congratulating him upon his -safe return home, and the labors so faithfully performed. In mentioning -the event, Elias says: "It was truly a season of mutual rejoicing, -and my spirit was deeply humbled under a thankful sense of the Lord's -preserving power and adorable mercy, in carrying me through and over -all opposition, both within and without. He caused all to work together -for good, and the promotion of his own glorious cause of truth and -righteousness in the earth, and landed me safe in the bosom of my dear -family and friends at home, and clothed my spirit with the reward of -sweet peace for all my labor and travail. Praises, everlasting high -praises be ascribed unto our God, for his mercy endureth forever."[190] - -[190] "Journal," p. 425. - -Dark days were approaching, and the heavy hand of a great sorrow was -about to be laid upon this strong man, who had buffeted many storms, -and who seemed now to be feeling a period of calm and quiet. But we -shall let Elias Hicks tell the details in his own words: - - "Soon after my return from the aforesaid journey, I had to experience - a very severe trial and affliction in the removal of my dearly - beloved wife. She was taken down with a cold, and although, for a - number of days, we had no anticipation of danger from her complaint, - yet about five days after she was taken, the disorder appeared - to settle on her lungs, and it brought on an inflammation which - terminated in a dissolution of her precious life, on the ninth day - from the time she was taken ill. She had but little bodily pain, yet - as she became weaker, she suffered from shortness of breathing; but - before her close, she became perfectly tranquil and easy, and passed - away like a lamb, as though entering into a sweet sleep, without sigh - or groan, or the least bodily pain, on the 17th of Third month, 1829: - And her precious spirit, I trust and believe, has landed safely on - the angelic shore, 'where the wicked cease from troubling, and the - weary are at rest.' To myself, to whom she was a truly affectionate - wife, and to our children, whom she endeavored, by precept and - example, to train up in the paths of virtue, and to guard and keep - out of harm's way, her removal is a great and irreparable loss: and - nothing is left to us in that behalf, but a confident belief and an - unshaken hope, that our great loss is her still greater gain; and - although the loss and trial, as to all my external blessings, are - the greatest I have ever met with, or ever expect to have to endure, - yet I have a hope, that, though separated, I may be preserved from - mourning or complaining; and that I may continually keep in view - the unmerited favour dispensed to us, by being preserved together - fifty-eight years in one unbroken bond of endeared affection, which - seemed if possible to increase with time to the last moment of her - life; and which neither time nor distance can lessen or dissolve; but - in the spiritual relation I trust it will endure for ever, where all - the Lord's redeemed children are one in him, who is God over all, in - all, and through all, blessed forever. She was buried on the 19th, - and on this solemn occasion, the Lord, who is strength in weakness, - enabled me to bear a public and, I trust, a profitable testimony to - the virtues and excellences of her long and consistent life."[191] - -[191] "Journal," p 425. - -Regarding the funeral of Jemima Hicks, and its aftermath, rumor has -been more or less busy. That Elias spoke on this occasion is certain. -It was his eighty-first birthday. His remarks were undoubtedly in -harmony, both as to the matter and the hope of a future reunion, with -the extract printed above. There is in existence what purports to be -matter copied from a Poughkeepsie newspaper relating to this event. The -statement is supplemented by a "poem," entitled "Orthodox Reflections -on the Remarks Made by Elias Hicks at His Wife's Funeral." These verses -are both theological and savage. Elias is assured that, because of his -belief, he cannot hope to "rest in heaven," or meet his wife there. -What is strange, however, is that verses, signed "Elias Hicks," and in -reply to the poetical attack, are also given. The first-mentioned rhyme -may be genuine, as it voices an opinionated brutality and boldness -which was not uncommon in dealing with the future life eighty years -ago. But we can hardly imagine Elias Hicks being a "rhymster" under any -sort of provocation. If the two "poems" were ever printed, touching the -matter in question, some one besides Elias, undoubtedly is responsible -for the rejoinder. - -Near the 1st of Sixth month, and a little more than three months after -the death of his wife, Elias Hicks started on his last religious -visit. His concern took him to the meetings and neighborhoods within -the limits of his own Yearly Meeting. Nothing unusual is reported on -this visit until Dutchess County was reached. All of the meetings -were reported satisfactory. Of the meetings at West Branch, Creek and -Crum-Elbow, Elias says: - - "Although it was in the midst of harvest, such was the excitement - produced amongst the people by the opposition made by those of our - members who had gone off from us, and set up separate meetings, that - the people at large of other societies flocked to those meetings - in such numbers, that our meeting-houses were seldom large enough - to contain the assembled multitude; and we had abundant cause for - thanksgiving and gratitude to the blessed Author of all our mercies, - in condescending to manifest his holy presence, and causing it so to - preside as to produce a general solemnity, tendering and contriting - many minds, and comforting and rejoicing the upright in heart."[192] - -[192] "Journal," p. 428. - -Proceeding up the Hudson, arriving at Albany on Seventh-day, Eighth -month 1st, that evening a large meeting was held in the statehouse. -Those present represented the inhabitants generally of the capital -city. Many meetings were attended after leaving Albany, which have now -ceased to exist. In fact, few, if any, meetings then in existence were -missed on this journey. The 17th of Eighth month he was in Utica. Of -the meeting in that city, and at Bridgewater, he says: - - "These were not so large as in some other places, neither was there - as much openness to receive our testimony as had generally been the - case elsewhere. Our opposing Friends had filled their heads with - so many strange reports, to which they had given credit without - examination, by which their minds were so strongly prejudiced - against me, that many in the compass of these two last meetings - were not willing to see me, nor hear any reasons given to show them - their mistakes, and that the reports they had heard were altogether - unfounded: however, I was favored to communicate the truth to those - who attended, so that they generally went away fully satisfied, and I - left them with peace of mind."[193] - -[193] "Journal," p. 430. - -In 1829, under date of Seventh month 9th, in a letter written at -Oblong, in Westchester County, New York, he expresses the feeling that -the meeting at Jericho sustains important relations to the branch of -Friends with which he was connected. The letter was written to his -children, Valentine and Abigail Hicks. In it he says: - - "Although absent in body, yet my mind pretty often takes a sudden and - instantaneous excursion to Jericho, clothed with a desire that we - who constitute that monthly meeting, may keep our eye so single, to - the sure and immovable foundation of the light within, so as to be - entirely preserved from all fleshly reasonings, which if given way - to, in the least degree, ever has, and ever will, have a tendency to - divide in Jacob and scatter in Israel. I consider that much depends - upon the course we take in our monthly meeting, as we are much looked - up to as an example and if we make but a small miss, it may do much - harm." - -Twelfth month 15, 1829, Elias Hicks wrote to his friend Johnson Legg, -evidently in reply to one asking advice in regard to his own conduct -in relation to the "separation." In this letter Elias says: "In the -present interrupted and disturbed state of our once peaceful and -favoured Society, it requires great deliberation and humble waiting on -the Lord for counsel before we move forward on the right hand or the -left. Had this been the case with our brethren of this yearly meeting -who style themselves orthodox, I very much doubt if there would have -been any separation among us. For although the chief cause thereof is -placed to my account, yet I am confident I have given no just cause for -it." - -This statement undoubtedly expresses the real feeling of Elias Hicks -regarding the "separation." He could not see why what he repeatedly -called "mere opinions" should cause a rupture in the Society. It will -be noted that he still refers to the other Friends as "our brethren," -and he, apparently, had no ill-will toward them. The letter from which -this extract was taken was written only about two months before his -death, and was undoubtedly his last written word on the unfortunate -controversy, and the trouble that grew out of it. - - - - -CHAPTER XXIII. - -Friendly and Unfriendly Critics. - - -Few men in their day were more talked about than Elias Hicks. The -interest in his person and in his preaching continued for years after -his death. While the discussion ceased to be warm long years ago, -his name is one which men of so-called liberal thought still love to -conjure with, without very clearly knowing the reason why. Some clearer -light may be thrown upon his life, labor and character by a brief -review of opinions of those who criticised him as friends, and some -of them as partisans, and those who were his open enemies, for the -theological atmosphere had not yet appeared in which he could be even -approximately understood by the men of the old school. - -We shall begin the collection of criticisms by quoting Edward -Hicks,[194] who wrote a comparatively judicial estimate of his friend -and kinsman. After stating that even the apostles had their weak side, -that Tertullian "was led into a foolish extreme by the fanatical -notions of Montanus;" and that Origen "did immense mischief to the -cause of primitive Christianity by his extreme attachment to the -Platonic philosophy, scholastic divinity and human learning," he -remarks: - -[194] Edward Hicks, a relative of Elias Hicks, was born in Attleboro, -Pa., Fourth month 4, 1780. His mother passed away when he was an -infant, and he was cared for in his early youth by Elizabeth Twining, -a friend of his mother. When a young man, he became a member of -Middletown Monthly Meeting in Bucks County by request. He began -speaking in meeting when about thirty years of age, and was a little -later recorded as a minister. Edward Hicks for many years carried on -the business of carriage maker and painter at Newtown, Pa. Although -much more orthodox in doctrine than his celebrated kinsman, he was one -of the most ardent friends and defenders of Elias Hicks. - - "Therefore, it is among the possible circumstances that dear Elias - was led to an extreme in the Unitarian speculation, while opposing - the Trinitarian, then increasing among Friends, and now almost - established among our orthodox Friends. But I have no recollection - of ever hearing him in public testimony, and I have heard him - much, when his speculative views or manner of speaking, destroyed - the savour of life that attended his ministry, or gave me any - uneasiness. But I have certainly heard to my sorrow, too many of his - superficial admirers that have tried to copy after him, pretending - to wear his crown, without knowing anything of his cross, make - use of the naked term, Jesus, both in public and private, till it - sounded in my ears as unpleasant, as if coming from the tongue of - the profane swearer; and on the other hand, I have been pained to - hear the unnecessary repetition of the terms, our Lord and Saviour - Jesus Christ, from those I verily believed Elias's bitter enemies, - especially the English preachers, and have scarcely a doubt that - they were substantially breaking the third commandment. And I will - now add my opinion fearlessly, that Elias was wrong in entering into - that quibbling controversy with those weak Quakers, alluded to in - his letter, about the marvellous conception and parentage of Christ, - a delicate and inexplicable subject, that seems to have escaped the - particular attention of what we call the darker ages, to disgrace the - highest professors of the nineteenth century."[195] - -[195] "Memoirs of Life and Religious Labors of Edward Hicks," p. 92. - -An independent, and in the main, a judicial critic of Quakers -and Quakerism is Frederick Storrs Turner, an Englishman. Some of -his estimates and observations of Elias Hicks, are both apt and -discriminating. Of his preaching Turner says: - - "His great theme was the light within; his one aim to promote a - true living spiritual, practical Christianity. He was more dogmatic - and controversial than Woolman. There seems to have been in him a - revival of the old aggressive zeal, and something of the acerbity - of the early Quakers. 'Hireling priests' were as offensive in his - eyes as in those of George Fox. He would have no compromise with the - religions of the world, and denounced all new-fangled methods and - arrangements for religious work and worship in the will of man. He - was a Quaker to the backbone, and stood out manfully for the 'ancient - simplicity.'"[196] - -[196] "The Quakers;" a study, historical and critical, by Frederick -Storrs Turner, 1889, p. 292. - -With still deeper insight Turner continues his analysis: - - "This was his dying testimony: 'The cross of Christ is the perfect - law of God, written in the heart ... there is but one Lord, one - faith, and but one baptism.... No rational being can be a real - Christian and true disciple of Christ until he comes to know all - these things verified in his own experience.' He was a good man, a - true Christian, and a Quaker of the Quakers. His very errors were - the errors of a Quaker, and since the generation of the personal - disciples of George Fox it would be difficult to point out any man - who had a simpler and firmer faith in the central truth of Quakerism - than Elias Hicks."[197] - -[197] The same, p. 293. - -Regarding some of the bitter criticisms uttered against Elias Hicks -at the time of the controversy in the second decade of the nineteenth -century, and repeated by the biographers and advocates of some of his -opponents, Turner says: - - "This concensus of condemnation by such excellent Christian men would - blast Hicks's character effectually, were it not for the remembrance - that we have heard these shrieks of pious horror before. Just so did - Faldo and Baxter, Owen and Bunyan, unite in anathematizing George Fox - and the first Quakers. Turning from these invectives of theological - opponents to Hicks's own writings, we at once discover that this - arch-heretic was a simple, humble-minded, earnest Quaker of the old - school."[198] - -[198] The same, p. 291. - -James Mott, Sr., of Mamaroneck, N. Y., was among the friendly, although -judicial critics of Elias Hicks. In a letter written Eighth month 5, -1805, to Elias, he said: "I am satisfied that the master hath conferred -on thee a precious gift in the ministry, and I have often sat with -peculiar satisfaction in hearing thee exercise it." He then continues, -referring to a special occasion: - - "But when thou came to touch on predestination, and some other - erroneous doctrines, I thought a little zeal was suffered to take - place, that led into much censoriousness, and that expressed in - harsh expressions, not only against the doctrines, but those who had - embraced them.... I have often thought if ministers, when treating on - doctrinal points, or our belief, were to hold up our principles fully - and clearly, and particularly our fundamental principle of the light - within, what it was, and how it operates, there would very seldom be - occasion for declamation against other tenets, however opposite to - our own; nor never against those who have through education or some - other medium embraced them." - -This would seem to be as good advice at the beginning of the twentieth -century as it was in the first years of the nineteenth. - -In the matter of estimating Elias Hicks, Walt Whitman indulged in -the following criticism, supplementing an estimate of his preaching. -Dealing with some opinions of the contemporaries of Elias Hicks, he -says: - - "They think Elias Hicks had a large element of personal ambition, - the pride of leadership, of establishing perhaps a sect that should - reflect his own name, and to which he should give special form and - character. Very likely, such indeed seems the means all through - progress and civilization, by which strong men and strong convictions - achieve anything definite. But the basic foundation of Elias was - undoubtedly genuine religious fervor. He was like an old Hebrew - prophet. He had the spirit of one, and in his later years looked like - one."[199] - -[199] "The Complete Works of Walt Whitman," Vol. 3, p. 269-270. - -It is not worth while to deny that Elias Hicks was ambitious, and -desired to secure results in his labor. But those who carefully go over -his recorded words will find little to warrant the literal conclusion -of his critics in this particular. He probably had no idea at any time -of founding a sect, or perpetuating his name attached to a fragment -of the Society of Friends, either large or small. He believed that he -preached the truth; he wanted men to embrace it, as it met the divine -witness in their own souls, and not otherwise. - -Among the severe critics of Elias Hicks is William Tallack, who in his -book "Thomas Shillitoe," says that "many of Elias Hicks' assertions -are too blasphemous for quotation," while W. Hodgson, refers to the -"filth" of the sentiments of Elias Hicks. But both these Friends use -words rather loosely. Both must employ their epithets entirely in a -theological, and not a moral sense. Having gone over a large amount of -the published and private utterances of the Jericho preacher, we have -failed to find in them even an impure suggestion. The bitterness of -their attacks, simply illustrates the bad spirit in which theological -discussion is generally conducted. - -The fame of Elias Hicks as a liberalizing influence in religion seems -to have reached the Orient. Under date, "Calcutta, June 29, 1827," the -celebrated East Indian, Rammohun Roy,[200] addressed an appreciative -letter to him. It was sent by a Philadelphian, J. H. Foster, of the -ship Georgian, and contained the following expressions: - -[200] Rammohun Roy was born in Bengal in 1772, being a high-class -Brahmin. He was highly educated, and at one time in the employ of the -English Government. In comparatively early life he became a religious -and social reformer, and incurred the enmity of his family. He -published various works in different languages, including English. In -1828 he founded a liberal religious association which grew into the -Brahmo Somaj. Roy visited England in 1831, and died there in 1833. - - "My object in intruding on your time is to express the gratification - I have felt in reading the sermons you preached at different - meetings, and which have since been published by your friends in - America.... Every sentence found there seems to have proceeded - not only from your lips, but from your heart. The true spirit of - Christian charity and belief flows from thee and cannot fall short of - making some impression on every heart which is susceptible of it. I - hope and pray God may reward you for your pious life and benevolent - exertion, and remain with the highest reverence. - - "Your most humble servant, - "RAMMOHUN ROY." - - -A copy of what purports to be a reply to this letter is in existence, -and is probably genuine, as the language is in accordance with the -well-known ideas of Elias Hicks. Besides, an undated personal letter -contains a direct reference to the East Indian correspondence. From it -we quote: "I take my pen to commune with thee in this way on divers -accounts, and first in regard to a letter I have recently received from -Calcutta, subscribed by Rammohun Roy, author of a book entitled, 'The -Precepts of Jesus, a Guide to Peace and Happiness.'"[201] - -[201] From letter written to William Wharton of Philadelphia. - -A request is made that William Wharton will find out if the -ship-master, Foster, mentioned above, would convey a letter to -Calcutta. Then Elias expresses himself as follows: - - "I also feel a lively interest in whatever relates to the welfare and - progress of that enlightened and worthy Hindoo, believing that if he - humbly attends to that hath begun a good work in him, and is faithful - to its manifestations that he will not only witness the blessed - effects of it, in his own preservation and salvation, but will be - made an instrument in the divine hand of much good to his own people, - and nation, by spreading the truth, and opening the right way of - salvation among them, which may no doubt prove a great and singular - blessing not only to the present, but to succeeding generations. And - also be a means of opening the blind eyes of formal traditional - Christians, who make a profession of godliness, but deny the power - thereof, especially those blind guides, mere man-made ministers, and - self-styled missionaries, sent out by Bible and missionary societies - of man's constituting, under the pretence of converting those, who - in the pride of their hearts they call Heathen, to Christianity, - while at the same time, judging them by their fruits they themselves, - or most of them, stand in as great, or greater need, of right - conversion." - -Among the present-day critics of Elias Hicks, is Dr. J. Rendell Harris, -of England. In his paper at the Manchester Conference in 1895, this -quotation from Elias Hicks is given: "God never made any distinction -in the manifestation of his love to his rational creatures. He has -placed every son and daughter of Adam on the same ground and in the -same condition that our first parents were in. For every child must -come clean out of the hands of God."[202] Doctor Harris says Elias -Hicks "was wrong not simply because he was unscriptural, but because -he was unscientific."[203] Doctor Harris prefaces this remark by the -following comment on the quotation from Elias Hicks: "Now suppose such -a doctrine to be propounded in this conference would not the proper -answer, the answer of any modern thinker, be (1) that we never had -any first parents; (2) we were demonstrably not born good."[204] We -do not at all assume that Elias Hicks had no limitations, or that he -was correct at all points in his thinking, measured by the standards -of present-day knowledge or any other standard. But we must claim that -in holding that we had first parents, he was scriptural. The poor -man, however, seems to have been, unconsciously, of course, between -two stools. The orthodox Friends in the early part of the nineteenth -century claimed that Elias was unsound because he did not cling to -the letter of the scripture, and his critic just quoted claims that -he was unscientific although he used a scriptural term. Doctor Harris -then concludes that "a little knowledge of evolution would have saved -him (Hicks) all that false doctrine." But how, in his time, could he -have had any knowledge of evolution? A man can hardly be criticised -for not possessing knowledge absolutely unavailable in his day and -generation. We are then informed "that the world at any given instant, -shows almost every stage of evolution of life, from the amoeba to the -man, and from the cannibal to the saint. Shall we say that the love of -God is equally manifested in all these?"[205] To use the Yankee answer -by asking another question, may we inquire, in all seriousness, who is -qualified to say with certainty that it is not so manifested? Who has -the authority, in the language of Whittier, to - - ... "fix with metes and bounds - The love and power of God?" - -[202] "Report of the Proceedings of the Conference of Members of -the Society of Friends, held by Direction of the Yearly Meeting in -Manchester," 1895, p. 220. - -[203] The same, p. 220. - -[204] We do not hesitate to say that had Elias Hicks made this -statement he would have suffered more at the hands of the Philadelphia -Elders in 1822 than is recorded in this book. - -[205] Report Manchester Conference, pp. 220-221. - -Elias Hicks was given to using figures of speech and scriptural -illustrations in a broad sense, and those who carefully read his -utterances will have no trouble in seeing in the quotation used -by Doctor Harris simply an attempt to repudiate the attribute of -favoritism on the part of the Heavenly Father toward any of his human -children, and not to formulate a new philosophy of life, based on a -theory of the universe about which he had never heard. - -The special labor of Elias Hicks, as we may now dispassionately review -it, was not as an expounder of doctrine, or the creator of a new -dogmatism, but as a rationalizing, liberalizing influence in the field -of religion. He was a pioneer of the "modern thinkers" of whom Doctor -Harris speaks, and did much, amid misunderstanding and the traducing -of men, to prepare the way for the broader intellectual and spiritual -liberty we now enjoy. - - - - -CHAPTER XXIV. - -Recollections, Reminiscences and Testimonies. - - -Many statements which have come down to us from the generation in which -Elias Hicks lived, warrant the conclusion that he was a natural orator. -He possessed in a large degree what the late Bishop Simpson, of the -Methodist Episcopal Church, called "heart power." We are able to give -the personal impression of a venerable Friend[206] now living, who as a -boy of eleven heard Elias preach twice. - -[206] Dr. Jesse C. Green, of West Chester, Pa., now in his 93d year. -Doctor Green almost retains the sprightliness of youth. - -One of the sermons was delivered at Center, Del., on the 8th of Twelfth -month, 1828, and the other the day before at West Chester. This was on -his last long religious visit, which took him to the then "far west," -Ohio and Indiana. - -Doctor Green says that the manner of Elias Hicks when speaking was very -impressive. In person he is described by this Friend "as above medium -height, rather slim, and with a carriage that would attract universal -attention." He wore very plain clothes of a drab color. - -With no education in logic, and no disposition to indulge in forensic -debate, he was, nevertheless a logician, and had he indulged in public -disputation, would have made it interesting if not uncomfortable for -his adversary. - -If he occasionally became involved, or got into verbal deep water, he -always extricated himself, and made his position clear to his hearers. -Doctor Green tells us that he had an uncle, not a member of meeting, -but a good judge of public speaking, who considered Elias Hicks the -most logical preacher in the Society of Friends. On one occasion he -heard Elias when he became very much involved in his speaking, and as -this person put it, he thought Elias had "wound himself up," but in a -few minutes he came down from his verbal flight, and made every point -so clear that he was understood by every listener. - -Henry Byran Binns, Whitman's English biographer, gives the following -estimate of the preaching of Elias Hicks: - - "With grave emphasis he pronounced his text: 'What is the chief end - of man?' and with fiery and eloquent eyes, in a strong, vibrating, - and still musical voice, he commenced to deliver his soul-awakening - message. The fire of his fervor kindled as he spoke of the purpose of - human life; his broad-brim was dashed from his forehead on to one of - the seats behind him. With the power of intense conviction his whole - presence became an overwhelming persuasion, melting those who sat - before him into tears and into one heart of wonder and humility under - his high and simple words."[207] - -[207] "A Life of Walt Whitman," Henry Byran Binns, p. 16. - -We have another living witness who remembers Elias Hicks. This Friend -says that she, with the members of her family, were constant attenders -of the Jericho meeting. Speaking of Elias she remarks: "His commanding -figure in the gallery is a bright picture I often see in my mind. His -person was tall, straight and firm; his manner dignified and noble -and agreeable; his voice clear, distinct and penetrating--altogether -grand."[208] - -[208] Extract of letter from Mary Willis, of Rochester, N. Y., dated -Ninth month 7, 1910. This Friend is 92 years old. The letter received -was entirely written by her, and is a model of legible penmanship and -clear statement. - -We quote the following interesting incidents from the letter of Mary -Willis: - - "One other bit I recall was a talk, or sermon, to the young - especially. He related that once he threw a stone and killed a bird, - and was struck with consternation and regret at killing an innocent - bird that might be a parent, and its young perish for the need of - care. He appealed feelingly to the boys to refrain from giving - needless pain. - - "He was guardian to my mother, sisters and brother, and they and - their mother returned his loving care with warm affection, always, as - did my father. - - "One of his characteristics was his kindness to the poor. Not far - from his home (three miles, perhaps) was a small colony of colored - people on poor land, who shared his bounty in cold, wintry weather, - in his wagon loads of vegetables and wood, delivered by his own hand." - -Probably one of the most appreciative, and in the main discriminative -estimates of Elias Hicks, was made by Walt Whitman. The "notes (such -as they are) founded on Elias Hicks," for such the author called them, -were written in Camden, N. J., in the summer of 1888. Elias Hicks had -been dead nearly half a century. Whitman's impressions of the famous -preacher were based on the memory of a boy ten years old, for that -was Whitman's age when he heard Elias Hicks preach in Brooklyn. But -personal memory was supplemented by the statements of his parents, -especially his mother, as the preaching of their old Long Island -neighbor was undoubtedly a subject of frequent conversation in the -Whitman home. - -As to the manner of the preacher Whitman says: "While he goes on he -falls into the nasality and sing-song tone sometimes heard in such -meetings; but in a moment or two, more as if recollecting himself, he -breaks off, stops, and resumes in a natural tone. This occurs three or -four times during the talk of the evening, till he concludes."[209] - -[209] "The Complete Works of Walt Whitman," Vol. 3, p. 259. - -The "unnamable something behind oratory," Whitman says Elias Hicks had, -and it "emanated from his very heart to the heart of his audience, -or carried with him, or probed into, and shook or aroused in them a -sympathetic germ."[210] - -[210] The same, p. 264. - -There are a good many anecdotes regarding Elias Hicks current in -Jericho, going to show some of his characteristics. It is stated that -at one time he found that corn was being taken, evidently through the -slats of the crib. One night he set a trap in the suspected place. -Going to the barn in the morning he saw a man standing near where the -trap was set. Elias passed on without seeming to notice the visitor. On -returning to the house he stopped, spoke to the man, and released him -from the trap. Elias would never tell who the man was. - -Illustrating his feeling regarding slavery, and his testimony against -slave labor, the following statement is made: Before his death, and -following the fatal paralytic stroke, he noticed that the quilt with -which he was covered contained cotton. He had lost the power of speech, -but he pushed the covering off, thus indicating his displeasure at the -presence of an article of comfort which was the product of slave labor. - -There is an anecdote which illustrates the spirit of the man in a -striking way. He is said to have had a neighbor with whom it did not -seem possible to maintain cordial relations. One day Elias saw this -neighbor with a big load of hay stalled in a marsh in one of his -fields. Without a word of recognition Elias approached the man in the -slough and hitching his own ox team to the load in front of the other -team proceeded to pull the load out of the slough. It was all done in -characteristic Quaker silence. The result was the establishment of -cordial relations between the two neighbors. - -In bestowing his benefactions, he was exceedingly sensitive, not -wishing to be known in the matter, and especially not desiring to -receive ordinary expressions of gratitude. His habitual custom was -to take his load of wood or provisions, as the case might be, leave -them at the door or in the yard of the family in need, and without -announcement or comment silently steal away. - -During the Revolutionary War, Elias Hicks, in common with other -Friends, had property seized in lieu of military service or taxes. The -value does not seem to have been great in any of the cases which were -reported to the monthly meeting. We copy the following cases from the -records: - - "On the 28th of Eighth month, 1777, came Justice Maloon, Robert - Wilson, Daniel Wilson, and Daniel Weeks, sergeant under the above - Captain (Youngs) and took from me a pair of silver buckles, worth - 18 shillings; two pair of stockings worth 15 shillings; and two - handkerchiefs worth 5 shillings, for my not going at the time of an - alarm.--Elias Hicks, Jericho, 24th of Ninth month, 1777."[211] - -[211] Westbury Monthly Meeting: "A Record of Marriages, Deaths, -Sufferings, etc.," p. 231. - -The "silver buckles" were either for the shoes or the knees. They were -evidently more ornamental than useful, and how they comported with the -owner's rather severe ideas of plainness is not for us to explain. -The price put on these stockings may surprise some twentieth century -reader, but it should be remembered that they were long to reach to the -knees, and went with short breeches called in the vernacular of the -time, "small clothes." - - "The 3d of Twelfth month, 1777, there came to my house George Weeks, - sergeant under said Captain (Thorne) with a warrant, and demanded - twelve shillings of me toward paying some men held to repair the - forts near the west end of the island, and upon my refusing to pay, - took from me a great coat, worth one pound and six shillings.--Elias - Hicks."[212] - -[212] The same, p. 234. - -We continue the "sufferings," only remarking that the "great coat" was -an overcoat, the price at the equivalent of about six dollars and a -half was not overdrawn. - - "The Sixth month, 1778, taken from Elias Hicks by order of Captain - Daniel Youngs, for refusing to pay toward hiring of men to work on - fortifications near Brooklyn Ferry, a pair of stockings worth 5 - shillings; razor case and two razors, worth 4 shillings."[213] - -[213] The same, p. 242. - -The next record of "suffering" is more than ordinarily interesting in -that it shows that the seizures of property were very arbitrary, and it -also gives the price of wheat on Long Island at that time. We quote: - - "About the middle of Tenth month, 1779, came George Weeks, by order - of Captain Daniel Youngs, and I being from home demanded from my wife - three pounds, for not assisting to build a fort at Brooklyn Ferry, - for which he took two bags with three bushels of wheat, worth one - pound, ten shillings."[214] - -[214] The same, p. 254. - -At this rate the market price of wheat was $2.50 per bushel. Possibly -this was during the period of scarcity, referred to in the introduction. - -In 1794 Elias Hicks was influential in establishing in Jericho an -organization, the scope of which was described in its preamble as -follows: "We, the subscribers, do hereby associate and unite into a -Society of Charity for the relief of poor among the black people, more -especially for the education of their children."[215] - -[215] This organization has been in continuous existence since its -inception. Meets regularly every year, and distributes the proceeds of -an invested fund in accordance with its original purpose. - -This society was almost revolutionary at the time of its inception, -showing how far-seeing its projectors were. Its constitution declared -that the society was rendered necessary because of the injustice and -lack of opportunity which the colored people suffered. The hope was -expressed that the time would come when the black people would cease -to be a submerged and oppressed race. It was provided that in case the -original need for the society should disappear, its benefits might be -distributed in any helpful way. It may be interesting to note that at -the meetings of the society the scarcity of colored children attending -the school was mentioned with regret. So far as we know, the Jericho -society was the first organized Friendly effort in negro education. -Elias Hicks contributed $50 to the invested funds of the organization. - - - - -CHAPTER XXV. - -Putting Off the Harness. - - -During the series of visits, reported in the twenty-second chapter, -Elias was ill a number of times, and was forced to rest from his -labors. On the return trip from central and western New York, he -visited for the last time the Hudson Valley meetings which he attended -on his first religious journey in 1779. - -He arrived in New York the 8th of Eleventh month, attending the -mid-week meeting at Hester Street that day. On First-day, the 15th, -he attended the Rose Street meeting in the morning and Hester Street -in the afternoon. Second-day evening, the 16th, a largely attended -appointed meeting was held in Brooklyn. He then proceeded toward -Jericho, arriving home on Fourth-day, the 18th of Eleventh month, 1829. - -The "Journal" is singularly silent regarding this Brooklyn meeting. -Henry Byran Binns, on what he considers good authority, says, "Elias -Hicks preached in the ball-room of Morrison's Hotel on Brooklyn -Heights." To this statement he has added this bit of realistic -description: - - "The scene was one he (Whitman) never forgot. The finely fitted - and fashionable place of dancing, the officers and gay ladies in - that mixed and crowded assembly, the lights, the colors and all the - associations, both of the faces and of the place, presenting so - singular contrast with the plain ancient Friends seated upon the - platform, their broad-brims on their heads, their eyes closed; with - silence, long continued and becoming oppressive; and most of all, - with the tall, prophetic figure that rose at length to break it."[216] - -[216] "A Life of Walt Whitman," p. 16. - -Whitman's own reference to this meeting is still more striking. He says -that he, a boy of ten, was allowed to go to the Hicks meeting because -he "had been behaving well that day." The "principal dignitaries of the -town" attended this meeting, while uniformed officers from the United -States Navy Yard graced the gathering with their presence. The text -was, "What is the chief end of man?" Whitman says: "I cannot follow the -discourse, it presently becomes very fervid and in the midst of its -fervor, he takes the broad-brim hat from his head and almost dashing -it down with violence on the seat behind, continues with uninterrupted -earnestness. Though the differences and disputes of the formal division -of the Society of Friends were even then under way, he did not allude -to them at all. A pleading, tender, nearly agonizing conviction and -magnetic stream of natural eloquence, before which all minds and -natures, all emotions, high or low, gentle or simple, yielded entirely -without exception, was its cause, method and effect. Many, very many, -were in tears."[217] - -[217] "The Complete Writings of Walt Whitman." Issued under the -editorial supervision of his Literary Executors, 1902, Vol. 3, p. 258. - -With the account of this journey of 1829 his narrative in the "Journal" -closed. This paragraph formed a fitting benediction: - - "The foregoing meetings were times of favor, and as a seal from the - hand of our gracious and never-failing helper, to the labor and - travail which he has led me into, and enabled me to perform, for the - promotion of this great and noble cause of truth and righteousness in - the earth, as set forth in the foregoing account, and not suffering - any weapon formed against me to prosper. 'This is the heritage of - the servants of the Lord, and their righteousness is of me, saith - the Lord.' For all these unmerited favors and mercies, in deep - humiliation my soul doth magnify the Lord, and return thanksgiving - and glory to his great and excellent name; for his mercy endureth - forever."[218] - -[218] "Journal," p. 438. - -It should be remembered that Elias Hicks was then past his eighty-first -year. He started on this last long religious visit, Sixth month 24th, -and was therefore absent from home one week less than five months. -He says himself, in the last sentence of the "Journal": "We traveled -in this journey nearly fifteen hundred miles." These are words as -impressive as they are simple. - -During this trip many families were visited from the Valley of the -Genesee to the City of New York, where he tarried several days that he -might see his friends in their homes. Whatever may have been their mind -in the case, he doubtless felt that they would look upon his face no -more. - -But Elias Hicks was not yet free from his religious concerns, for on -First month 21, 1830, he asked for a minute, which was granted by -Jericho Monthly Meeting, and is as follows: - - "Our beloved Friend, Elias Hicks, presented a concern to make - a religious visit to the families of Friends and some Friendly - people (as way may open), within the compass of this and Westbury - Monthly Meeting, which claimed the solid attention of this meeting, - was united with, and he left at liberty to pursue his prospect - accordingly." - -This is the last minute ever asked for by Elias Hicks. But evidently -the visits contemplated were never undertaken, for about that time he -had a slight attack of paralysis, which affected his right side and -arm. Still the next day he attended a meeting at Bethpage, and a little -later quarterly and monthly meetings in New York. In both he performed -ministerial service with his usual power and clearness. From a little -brochure printed in 1829, we quote: - - "In the Monthly Meeting, he took a review of his labors in the city - for many years; and then expressed a belief that his religious - services were brought nearly to a close. - - "After adverting to the great deviations that had taken place in the - Society, from that plainness and simplicity into which our principles - would lead us, he added, 'but if I should live two or three years - longer, what a comfort it would be to me to see a reformation in - these respects.' He then spoke in commemoration of the goodness of - his Heavenly Father, and closed with these memorable words: 'As - certainly as we are engaged to glorify him in all our works, he will - as certainly glorify us.'"[219] - -[219] "Life, Ministry, Last Sickness and Death of Elias Hicks," -Philadelphia, J. Richards, printer, 130 North Third Street. - -But the time of putting off the harness was near at hand. On the 14th -of Second month, 1830, he suffered a severe attack of paralysis which -involved the entire right side, and deprived him of the use of his -voice. When attacked he was alone in his room, but succeeded in getting -to his family in an adjoining apartment. He declined all medical aid. -In a condition of helplessness he lingered until Seventh-day the 27th, -when he quietly passed away. Although he could only communicate by -signs, consciousness remained until near the end. - -The funeral was held in the meeting house at Jericho, on Fourth-day, -Third month 3d. Without a storm raged in strange contrast to the -peace and quiet within. A large company braved the elements, to -pay their respects to his worth, as a man and a minister, while a -number of visiting ministering Friends had sympathetic service at the -funeral, after which the burial took place in the ground adjoining the -meeting-house, where he had long worshipped and ministered. - -The last act performed by Elias Hicks before the fatal stroke came, was -to write a letter to his friend Hugh Judge,[220] of Barnesville, Ohio. -Between the two men a singular sympathy had long existed, and to Hugh, -Elias unburdened his spirit in this last word to the world. In fact the -letter fell from the hand of the writer, after the shock. It was all -complete with signature and postscript. - -[220] Hugh Judge was born about 1750 of Catholic parents. Joined -Friends in his young manhood in Philadelphia. Removed to Ohio in 1815. -Died Twelfth month 21, 1834. He died while on a religious visit to -Friends in Philadelphia Yearly Meeting. Was buried at Kennett Square. -He was a recorded minister for many years. - -This letter really summarizes the doctrine, and states the practical -religion which inspired the ministry and determined the life and -conduct of this worthy Friend. It may be well, with its suggestive -postscript, to close this record of the life and labors of Elias Hicks: - - - "Jericho, Second month 14th, 1830. - - "Dear Hugh: Thy very acceptable letter of the 21st ultimo was - duly received, and read with interest, tending to excite renewed - sympathetic and mutual fellow-feeling; and brought to my remembrance - the cheering salutation of the blessed Jesus, our holy and perfect - pattern and example, to his disciples, viz: 'Be of good cheer, I have - overcome the world.' By which he assured his disciples, that, by - walking in the same pathway of self-denial and the cross, which he - trod to blessedness, they might also overcome the world; as nothing - has ever enabled any rational being, in any age of the world, to - overcome the spirit of the world, which lieth in wickedness, but the - cross of Christ. - - "Some may query, what is the cross of Christ? To these I answer, it - is the perfect law of God, written on the tablet of the heart, and in - the heart of every rational creature, in such indelible characters - that all the power of mortals cannot erase nor obliterate. Neither is - there any power or means given or dispensed to the children of men, - but this inward law and light, by which the true and saving knowledge - of God can be obtained. And by this inward law and light, all will - be either justified or condemned, and all be made to know God for - themselves, and be left without excuse; agreeably to the prophecy - of Jeremiah, and the corroborating testimony of Jesus in his last - counsel and command to his disciples, not to depart from Jerusalem - until they should receive power from on high; assuring them that they - should receive power when they had received the pouring forth of the - spirit upon them, which would qualify them to bear witness to him in - Judea, Jerusalem, Samaria, and to the uttermost parts of the earth; - which was verified in a marvellous manner on the day of Pentecost, - when thousands were converted to the Christian faith in one day. By - which it is evident that nothing but this inward light and law, as - it is heeded and obeyed, ever did, or ever can make a true and real - Christian and child of God. And until the professors of Christianity - agree to lay aside all their non-essentials in religion, and rally - to this unchangeable foundation and standard of truth, wars and - fightings, confusion and error will prevail, and the angelic song - cannot be heard in our land, that of 'glory to God in the highest, - and on earth peace and good will to men.' But when all nations are - made willing to make this inward law and light the rule and standard - of all their faith and works, then we shall be brought to know and - believe alike, that there is but one Lord, one faith, and but one - baptism; one God and Father, that is above all, through all, and - in all; and then will all those glorious and consoling prophecies, - recorded in the scriptures of truth, be fulfilled. Isaiah 2:4. 'He,' - the Lord, 'shall judge among the nations, and rebuke many people; and - they shall beat their swords into plough-shares, and their spears - into pruning-hooks; nation shall not lift up sword against nation; - neither shall they learn war any more.' Isaiah 11. 'The wolf also - shall dwell with the lamb, and the leopard shall lie down with the - kid; and the calf, and the young lion, and the fatling together; - and a little child shall lead them. And the cow and the bear shall - feed; their young ones shall lie down together; and the lion shall - eat straw like the ox. And the sucking child shall play on the hole - of the asp, and the weaned child put his hand on the cockatrice's - den. They shall not hurt nor destroy in all my holy mountain; for - the earth,' that is our earthly tabernacles, 'shall be full of the - knowledge of the Lord, as the waters cover the sea.' - - "These scripture testimonies give a true and correct description - of the gospel state, and no rational being can be a real Christian - and true disciple of Christ until he comes to know all these things - verified in his own experience, as every man and woman has more or - less of all those different animal propensities and passions in their - nature; and they predominate and bear rule, and are the source and - fountain from whence all wars, and every evil work, proceed, and - will continue as long as man remains in his first nature, and is - governed by his animal spirit and propensities, which constitute the - natural man, which Paul tells us, 'receiveth not the things of the - spirit of God, for they are foolishness unto him, neither can he know - them, because they are spiritually discerned.' This corroborates the - declaration of Jesus to Nicodemus, that 'except a man be born again - he cannot see the kingdom of God;' for 'that which is born of the - flesh is flesh, and that which is born of the spirit is spirit.' - - "Here Jesus assures us, beyond all doubt, that nothing but spirit - can either see or enter into the kingdom of God; and this confirms - Paul's doctrine, that 'as many as are led by the spirit of God are - the sons of God, and joint heirs with Christ.' And Jesus assures us, - by his declaration to his disciples, John 14:16-17; 'if ye love me - keep my commandments; and I will pray the Father and he shall give - you another comforter, that he may abide with you forever, even the - spirit of truth, whom the world cannot receive;' that is, men and - women in their natural state, who have not given up to be led by - this spirit of truth, that leads and guides into all truth; 'because - they see him not, neither do they know him, but ye know him, for he - dwelleth with you, and shall be in you.' And as these give up to be - wholly led and guided by him, the new birth is brought forth in them, - and they witness the truth of another testimony of Paul's, even that - of being 'created anew in Christ Jesus unto good works,' which God - had foreordained that all his new-born children should walk in them, - and thereby show forth, by their fruits and good works, that they - were truly the children of God, born of his spirit, and taught of - him; agreeably to the testimony of the prophet, that 'the children of - the Lord are all taught of the Lord, and in righteousness they are - established, and great is the peace of his children.' And nothing can - make them afraid that man can do unto them; as saith the prophet in - his appeal to Jehovah: 'Thou wilt keep him in perfect peace, whose - mind is stayed on thee, because he trusteth in thee.' Therefore let - every one that loves the truth, for God is truth, 'trust in the Lord - forever, for in the Lord Jehovah there is everlasting strength.' - - "I write these things to thee, not as though thou didst not know - them, but as a witness to thy experience, as 'two are better than - one, and a threefold cord is not quickly broken.' - - "I will now draw to a close, with just adding, for thy - encouragement, be of good cheer, for no new thing has happened to - us; for it has ever been the lot of the righteous to pass through - many trials and tribulations in their passage to that glorious, - everlasting peace and happy abode, where all sorrow and sighing come - to an end; the value of which is above all price, for when we have - given all that we have, and can give, and suffered all that we can - suffer, it is still infinitely below its real value. And if we are - favored to gain an inheritance in that blissful and peaceful abode, - 'where the wicked cease from troubling, and the weary are at rest,' - we must ascribe it all to the unmerited mercy and loving kindness of - our Heavenly Father, who remains to be God over all, blessed forever! - - "I will now conclude, and in the fulness of brotherly love to thee - and thine, in which my family unite, subscribe thy affectionate - friend, - - "ELIAS HICKS. - - "To Hugh Judge: - - "Please present my love to all my friends as way opens." - - - - -APPENDIX. - - -A - -DESCENDANTS OF ELIAS HICKS. - -The only lineal descendants of Elias Hicks are through his daughters, -Abigail and Sarah. Abigail's husband, Valentine, was her cousin, and -Sarah's husband, Robert Seaman, was a relative on the mother's side. - - -Descendants of Valentine and Abigail Hicks. - -CHILDREN OF THE ABOVE. - -GRANDCHILDREN OF ELIAS HICKS.--Caroline, married Dr. William Seaman; -Phebe, married Adonijah Underhill (no children); Elias Hicks, married -Sarah Hicks; Mary (unmarried). - -GREAT-GRANDCHILDREN OF ELIAS HICKS. - -CHILDREN OF DR. WILLIAM SEAMAN AND CAROLINE HICKS.--Valentine Hicks -Seaman, married Rebecca Cromwell; Sarah Seaman, married Henry B. -Cromwell; Samuel Hicks Seaman, married Hannah Husband. - -CHILDREN OF ELIAS HICKS AND SARAH HICKS.--Mary, married Peter B. -Franklin; Elias Hicks (unmarried), deceased; Caroline (unmarried), -deceased. - -GREAT-GREAT-GRANDCHILDREN OF ELIAS HICKS. - -CHILDREN OF VALENTINE H. AND REBECCA C. SEAMAN.--William, married -Addie W. Lobdell; Caroline (infant);[221] Henry B.,[222] married Grace -Dutton; Edwin H. (infant); Howard (unmarried), deceased; Valentine H. -(unmarried); Emily C. (unmarried); Frederic C., married Ethel Lobdell. - -[221] Note--Those marked "(infant)" died in infancy. Those without -notation are under age and living. - -[222] Henry B. Seaman is a graduate of Swarthmore College, class -of 1881, and received degree of C. E. in 1884. Was for three years -Chief Engineer of the Public Service Commission of Greater New York. -He resigned this position Tenth month 1, 1910, because he could -not approve estimates desired by the authorities. Since then these -estimates have been held up as excessive. - -CHILDREN OF HENRY B. AND SARAH SEAMAN CROMWELL.--George[223] -(unmarried); Henry B. (unmarried), deceased. - -[223] When Greater New York was incorporated George Cromwell was -elected President of the Borough of Richmond. Although this borough -is normally Democratic in its politics, George Cromwell has been -re-elected, and is the only president the borough has ever had. He and -Henry B. Seaman are double first cousins. - -CHILDREN OF SAMUEL H. AND HANNAH H. SEAMAN.--Joseph H. (unmarried); -Caroline Hicks, married William A. Read; Mary T. (unmarried); Franklin -(unmarried), deceased; Sarah, married Lloyd Saltus. - -CHILDREN OF PETER B. AND MARY HICKS FRANKLIN.--Anne M., married Walter -A. Campbell. - -GREAT-GREAT-GREAT-GRANDCHILDREN OF ELIAS HICKS. - -CHILDREN OF WILLIAM AND ADDIE SEAMAN.--Howard L. (unmarried); Jessie M. -(unmarried). - -CHILDREN OF HENRY B. AND GRACE D. SEAMAN.--Ayres C.; Henry Bowman. - -CHILDREN OF FREDERIC C. AND ETHEL L. SEAMAN.--Esther.... - -CHILDREN OF WILLIAM A. AND CAROLINE SEAMAN READ.--William Augustus; -Curtis Seaman; Duncan Hicks; R. Bartow; Caroline Hicks; Bancroft -(infant); Bayard W.; Mary Elizabeth; Kenneth B. (infant). - -CHILDREN OF LLOYD AND SARAH SEAMAN SALTUS.--Mary Seaman; Ethel S.; -Seymour; Lloyd. - -CHILDREN OF WALTER ALLISON AND ANNE M. FRANKLIN CAMPBELL.--Franklin -Allison; Mary Elizabeth. - - -Descendants of Robert Seaman and Sarah, Daughter of Elias Hicks. - -CHILDREN OF THE ABOVE. - -GRANDCHILDREN OF ELIAS HICKS.--Phebe (died); Hannah, married Matthew -F. Robbins; Willet (died); Elizabeth, married Edward Willis; Elias H., -married Phebe Underhill; Willet H., married Mary Wing; Mary H., married -Isaac Willis. - -GREAT-GRANDCHILDREN OF ELIAS HICKS. - -CHILDREN OF HANNAH AND MATTHEW F. ROBBINS.--Caroline, married Sidney W. -Jackson; Walter, married Sarah E. Hubbs. - -CHILDREN OF ELIZABETH AND EDWARD WILLIS.--Sarah R.; Mary S. (died); -Caroline H. (died); Henrietta, married Stephen J. Underhill. - -CHILDREN OF ELIAS H. AND PHEBE SEAMAN.--Mary (died); Samuel J., married -Matilda W. Willets; Sarah (died); Anna; Robert, married Hannah W. -Willets; William H., married Margaret J. Laurie; James H., married (1) -Bessie Bridges; (2) Florence Haviland. - -CHILDREN OF WILLET H. AND MARY SEAMAN.--Edward W.; Willet H.; Frank W. - -CHILDREN OF MARY H. AND ISAAC WILLIS.--Henry, married June Barnes; -Robert S. - -GREAT-GREAT-GRANDCHILDREN OF ELIAS HICKS. - -SON OF CAROLINE AND SIDNEY W. JACKSON.--M. Franklin, married Annie T. -Jackson. - -CHILDREN OF WALTER AND SARAH E. JACKSON.--Caroline J., married William -G. Underhill; Annie H., married Thomas Rushmore; Cora A., married John -Marshall. - -CHILDREN OF HENRIETTA AND STEPHEN J. UNDERHILL.--Edward W., married -Emeline Kissam; Hannah W.; Henry T., married Dorothy Vernon; Arthur. - -CHILDREN OF SAMUEL J. AND MATILDA W. SEAMAN.--Mary W., married Leon A. -Rushmore; Samuel J., married Ethelena T. Bogart; Anna Louise; Frederick -W.; Lewis V. (died). - -DAUGHTER OF ROBERT AND HANNAH W. SEAMAN.--Phebe U. - -CHILDREN OF WILLIAM H. AND MARGARET L. SEAMAN.--William Laurie; Faith -Frances (died). - -CHILDREN OF JAMES H. AND BESSIE B. SEAMAN.--George B.; Elias Haviland. - -CHILDREN OF JAMES H. AND FLORENCE H. SEAMAN.--Bertha Lucina; Willard -H.; Helen U. - -GREAT-GREAT-GREAT-GRANDCHILDREN OF ELIAS HICKS. - -DAUGHTER OF M. FRANKLIN AND ANNIE T. JACKSON.--Marion F. - -CHILDREN OF CAROLINE J. AND WILLIAM G. UNDERHILL.--Mildred; Irene; -Margaret. - -CHILDREN OF ANNIE H. AND THOMAS RUSHMORE.--Lillian A.; Elizabeth A. - -SON OF CORA A. AND JOHN MARSHALL.--John W. - -DAUGHTER OF HENRY T. AND DOROTHY UNDERHILL.--Winifred. - -SON OF MARY S. AND LEON A. RUSHMORE.--Leon A. - - -B - -Letter to Dr. Atlee.[224] - -[224] See page 164 of this book. - -Copy of a letter from Elias Hicks to Dr. Edwin A. Atlee, of -Philadelphia: - - - "JERICHO, Ninth mo. 27, 1824. - - "MY DEAR FRIEND: - - "Thy very acceptable letter of the 29th ultimo came duly to hand, - and I have taken my pen not only to acknowledge thy kindness, but - also to state to thee the unfriendly and unchristian conduct of Anna - Braithwaite toward me, not only as relates to that extract, but in - her conversation among Friends and others, traducing my religious - character, and saying I held and promulgated infidel doctrines, - etc.--endeavoring to prejudice the minds of Friends against me, - behind my back, in open violation of gospel order. She came to my - house, as stated in the extract thou sent me, after the quarterly - meeting of ministers and elders at Westbury in First month last. - At that meeting was the first time I saw her, which was about five - or six months after her arrival in New York. And as I had heard - her well spoken of as a minister, I could have had no preconceived - opinion of her but what was favorable, therefore, I treated her with - all the cordiality and friendship I was capable of. She also, from - all outward appearance, manifested the same; and, after dinner, she - requested, in company with A. S., a female Friend that was with her, - a private opportunity with me. So we withdrew into another room, - where we continued in conversation for nearly two hours. And being - innocent and ignorant of any cause that I had given, on my part, for - the necessity of such an opportunity, I concluded she had nothing - more in view than to have a little free conversation on the state of - those select meetings. - - "But, to my surprise, the first subject she spoke upon, was to call - in question a sentiment I had expressed in the meeting aforesaid, - which appeared to me to be so plain and simple, that I concluded the - weakest member in our society, endued with a rational understanding, - would have seen the propriety of. It was a remark I made on the - absence of three out of four of the representatives appointed by - one of the preparative meetings to attend the quarterly meeting. - And I having long been of the opinion, that much weakness had been - introduced into our society by injudicious appointments, I have - often been concerned to caution Friends on that account. The remark - I made was this: that I thought there was something wrong in the - present instance--for, as we profess to believe in the guidance of - the Spirit of Truth as an unerring Spirit, was it not reasonable - to expect, especially in a meeting of ministers and elders, that - if each Friend attended to their proper gifts, as this Spirit is - endued with prescience, that it would be much more likely, under its - divine influence, we should be led to appoint such as would attend on - particular and necessary occasion, than to appoint those who would - not attend? - - "This idea, she contended, was not correct; and the sentiments she - expressed on this subject really affected me. To think that any, - professing to be a gospel minister, called from a distant land to - teach others, and to be so deficient in knowledge and experience, in - so plain a case, that I could not well help saying to her, that her - views were the result of a want of religious experience, and that I - believed if she improved her talent faithfully, she would be brought - to see better, and acknowledge the correctness of my position. But - she replied, she did not want to see better. This manifestation of - her self-importance, lowered her character, as a gospel minister, - very much in my view; and her subsequent conduct, while she was - with us, abundantly corroborated and confirmed this view concerning - her. As to her charge against me, in regard to the Scriptures, - it is generally incorrect, and some of it false. And it is very - extraordinary, that she should manifest so much seeming friendship - for me, when present, and in my absence speak against me in such an - unbecoming manner. Indeed, her conduct toward me, often reminds me of - the treachery of Judas, when he betrayed his Master with a kiss. And, - instead of acting toward me as a friend or a Christian, she had been - watching for evil. - - "As to my asserting that I believe the Scriptures were held in too - high estimation by the professors of Christianity in general, I - readily admit, as I have asserted it in my public communications - for more than forty years, but, generally, in opposition to those - that held them to be the only rule of faith and practice; and my - views have always been in accordance with our primitive Friends on - this point. And at divers times, when in conversation with hireling - teachers, (and at other times) I have given it as my opinion, that - so long as they held the Scriptures to be the only rule of faith - and practice, and by which they justify wars, hireling ministry, - predestination, and what they call the ordinances, viz: water - baptism and the passover supper, mere relics of the Jewish law, - so long the Scriptures did such, more harm than good; but that the - fault was not in the Scriptures, but in their literal and carnal - interpretation of them--and that would always be the case until they - came to the Spirit that gave them forth, as no other power could - break the seal, and open them rightly to us. Hence I have observed, - in my public communications, and in conversation with the members of - different denominations, and others, who held that the Scriptures are - the primary and only rule of faith and practice--that, according to - the true analogy of reasoning, 'that for which a thing is such--the - thing itself is more such'--as the Spirit was before the Scriptures, - and above them, and without the Spirit they could not have been - written or known. And with this simple but conclusive argument, - I have convinced divers of the soundness of our doctrine in this - respect--that not the Scriptures but the Spirit of Truth, which Jesus - commanded his disciples to wait for, as their only rule, they would - teach them all things, and guide them into all truth, is the primary - and only rule of faith and practice, and is the only means by which - our salvation is effected. - - "The extract contains so much inconsistency, and is so incorrect, - that, as I proceed, it appears less and less worthy of a reply, and - yet it does contain some truth. I admit that I did assert, and have - long done it, that we cannot believe what we do not understand. This - the Scripture affirms, Deut. xxix. 29--'The secret things belong - unto the Lord our God, but the things that are revealed belong unto - us and our children forever, that we may do all the words of this - law'--and all that is not revealed, is to us the same as a nonentity, - and will forever remain so, until it is revealed; and that which - is revealed, enables us, agreeably to the apostle's exhortation, - to give a reason of the hope that is in us, to honest inquirers. I - also assert, that we ought to bring all doctrines, whether written - or verbal, to the test of the Spirit of Truth in our minds, as the - only sure director relative to the things of God; otherwise, why is - a manifestation of the Spirit given to every man if it not to profit - by; and, if the Scriptures are about the Spirit, and a more certain - test of doctrines, why is the Spirit given, seeing it is useless? - But this doctrine, that the Scriptures are the only rule of faith - and practice, is a fundamental error, and is manifested to be so - by the Scriptures themselves, and also by our primitive Friends' - writings. It would seem that Anna Braithwaite has strained every - nerve in exaggerating my words, for I have not said more than R. - Barclay, and many others of our predecessors, respecting the errors - in our English translation of the Bible. Hence it appears, that she - was determined to criminate me at all events, by striving to make - me erroneous for saying that the Gospel handed to us, was no more - authentic than many other writings. Surely a person that did not - assent to this, must be ignorant indeed. - - "Are not the writings of our primitive Friends as authentic as - any book or writing, and especially such as were written so many - centuries ago, the originals of which have been lost many hundred - years? And are not the histories of passing events, written by candid - men of the present age, which thousands know to be true, as authentic - as the Bible? - - "Her assertions, that I asked if she could be so ignorant as to - believe in the account of the creation of the world, and that I had - been convinced for the last ten years, that it was only an allegory, - and that it had been especially revealed to me at a meeting in - Liberty Street about that time; that I asked her if she thought Adam - was any worse after he had eaten the forbidden fruit than before, and - that I said I did not believe he was; and also her asserting, that I - said that Jesus Christ was no more than a prophet, and that I further - said, that if she would read the Scriptures attentively she would - believe that Jesus was the son of Joseph: these assertions of hers, - are all false and unfounded, and must be the result of a feigned - or forced construction of something I might have said, to suit her - own purpose. For those who do not wish to be satisfied with fair - reasoning, there is no end to their cavilling and misrepresentation. - As to what she relates as it regards the manner of our coming into - the world in our infant state, it is my belief, that we come into - the world in the same state of innocence, and endowed with the same - propensities and desires that our first parents were, in their - primeval state; and this Jesus Christ has established, and must be - conclusive in the minds of all true believers; when he took a little - child in his arms and blessed him, and said to them around him that - except they were converted, and become as that little child, they - should in no case enter into the kingdom of heaven. Of course, all - the desires and propensities of that little child, and of our first - parents in their primeval state, must have been good, as they were - all the endowments of their Creator, and given to them for a special - purpose. But it is the improper and unlawful indulgence of them that - is evil. - - "I readily acknowledge, I have not been able to see or understand, - how the cruel persecution and crucifixion of Jesus Christ, by the - wicked and hard-hearted Jews, should expiate my sins; and never - have known anything to effect that for me, but the grace of God, - that taught me, agreeably to the apostle's doctrine, to deny all - ungodliness and the world's lusts, and do live soberly, righteously, - and godly in this present world; and as I have faithfully abode - under its teachings, in full obedience thereto, I have been brought - to believe that my sins were forgiven, and I permitted to sit under - the Lord's teaching, as saith the prophet: 'that the children of - the Lord are all taught of the Lord, and in righteousness they are - established, and great is the peace of his children.' And so long - as I feel this peace, there is nothing in this world that makes me - afraid, as it respects my eternal condition. But if any of my friends - have received and known benefit from any outward sacrifice, I do not - envy them their privilege. But, surely, they would not be willing - that I should acknowledge as a truth, that which I have no kind of - knowledge of. I am willing to admit, that Divine Mercy is no doubt - watching over his rational creation for their good, and may secretly - work at times for their preservation; but, if, in his infinite wisdom - and goodness, he sees meet to hide it from us, as most consistent - with his wisdom and our good, let us have a care that we do not, in - the pride of our hearts, undertake to pry into his secret counsels, - lest we offend; but be content with what he is pleased to reveal to - us, let it be more or less, and, especially, if he is pleased to - speak peace to our minds. And when he graciously condescends to do - this, we shall know it to be a peace that the world cannot give, with - all its enjoyments, neither take away, with all its frowns. - - "I shall now draw to a close, and, with the salutation of gospel - love, I subscribe myself thy affectionate and sympathizing friend and - brother. - - "ELIAS HICKS." - - To Edwin A. Atlee. - - -C - -The Portraits. - -The cut facing page 121 is a photograph from the painting by Henry -Ketcham. This was sketched by the artist who was in the public gallery -of the meeting house at different times when Elias Hicks was preaching, -his presence being unknown to the preacher. It was originally a -full-length portrait, but many years ago was injured by fire, when it -was cut down to bust size. For some time it was in the home of the -late Elwood Walter, of Englewood, N. J. For many years it has been in -the family of Henry B. Seaman. It is believed that the pictures made -under direction of the late Edward Hopper, had this portrait as their -original. The engravings in the "History of Long Island" and in the -"Complete Works of Walt Whitman," are probably based on this portrait. -They have passed through such a "sleeking-up" process, however, as to -lack the individuality of the more crude production. - -The frontispiece is from a photograph of the bust of Elias Hicks, by -the sculptor, William Ordway Partridge, and was made for Henry B. -Seaman. In making the bust the artist used the oil painting referred -to above, and all of the other pictures of Elias Hicks in existence, -including the full-length silhouette. He also had the bust, said to -have been taken from the death mask, and from them all attempted to -construct what may be termed the "ideal" Elias Hicks. - - -D - -The Death Mask. - -Much has been written about the death mask of Elias Hicks, from which -the bust in Swarthmore College, in the New York Friend's Library and -other places was made. That such a mask was taken admits of no doubt, -and the only clear statement regarding the matter is given below. The -bust is in the possession of Harry B. Seaman. The issue of "Niles -Register" referred to was published only six weeks after the death of -Elias Hicks. - - "We understand an Italian artist of this city, has secretly - disinterred the body of Elias Hicks, the celebrated Quaker preacher, - and moulded his bust. It seems he had applied to the friends of - the deceased to take a moulding previous to his interment, but was - refused. Suspicion being excited that the grave had been disturbed, - it was examined, and some bits of plaster were found adhering to the - hair of the deceased. The enthusiastic Italian was visited, and owned - that, as he had been denied the privilege of taking a bust before - interment, he had adopted the only method of obtaining one. We have - heard nothing more on the subject, except that the bust is a most - excellent likeness."[225] - -[225] Quoted from New York Constellation, in "Niles Weekly Register," -April 10, 1830, p. 124. - - -E - -A Bit of Advertising. - -As showing the way the presence of ministering Friends was advertised -in Philadelphia eighty-eight years ago, we reproduce the following, -which appeared in some of the papers[226] of that period: - -[226] The Cabinet, or Works of Darkness Brought to Light. Philadelphia, -1824, p. 33. - - "Arrived in this city on the 7th inst., Elias Hicks, a distinguished - minister of the gospel, the Benign Doctrines of which he is a - faithful embassador, has for many years past practically endeavored - (both by precept and example) to promulgate in its primeval - beauty and simplicity, without money and without price. Those who - are Friends to plain truth and evangelical preaching, that have - heretofore been edified and comforted under his ministry, will - doubtless be pleased to learn of his arrival, and avail themselves of - the present opportunity of attending such appointments as he, under - the direction of Divine influence, may see proper to make in his tour - of Gospel Love, to the inhabitants of this city and its vicinity. - - "A CITIZEN." - - PHILADELPHIA, December 9, 1822. - - -F - -Acknowledgment. - -The author of this book acknowledges his indebtedness in its -preparation to the following, who either in furnishing data, or -otherwise assisted in its preparation: William and Margaret L. Seaman, -and Samuel J. Seaman, Glen Cove, N. Y.; Robert and Anna Seaman, -Jericho, N. Y.; Henry B. Seaman, Brooklyn, N. Y.; Dr. Jesse H. Green, -West Chester, Pa.; Mary Willis, Rochester, N. Y.; Ella K. Barnard and -Joseph J. Janney, Baltimore, Md.; Henry B. Hallock, Brooklyn, N. Y.; -John Comly, Philadelphia, Pa. - - -G - -Sources of Information. - -In making this book the following are the main sources of information -that have been consulted; which are referred to those who may wish to -go into the details of the matter involved: - - Journal of Elias Hicks, New York, 1832. Published by Isaac T. Hopper. - - The Lundy Family. By William Clinton Armstrong. New Brunswick, 1902. - - The Quaker; A Series of Sermons by Members of the Society of Friends, - Philadelphia, 1827-28. Published by Marcus T. C. Gould. - - A Series of Extemporaneous Discourses, etc., by Elias Hicks. - Philadelphia, 1825. Published by Joseph and Edward Parker. - - Letters of Elias Hicks. Philadelphia, 1861. Published by T. Ellwood - Chapman. - - An Account of the Life and Travels of Samuel Bownas. Edited by J. - Besse. London, 1756. - - Ante-Nicene Fathers. Vol. II. Buffalo, N. Y., 1885. The Christian - Literature Publishing Company. - - The Quakers. By Frederick Storrs Turner. London, 1889. Swan, - Sounenschein & Co. - - A Review of the General and Particular Causes Which Have Produced the - Late Disorders in the Yearly Meeting of Friends Held in Philadelphia. - By James Cockburn. Philadelphia, 1829. - - Foster's Report. Two volumes. By Jeremiah J. Foster, Master and - Examiner in Chancery. Philadelphia, 1831. - - Rules of Discipline of the Yearly Meeting of Friends Held in - Philadelphia, 1806. - - The Friend; or Advocate of Truth. Philadelphia, 1828. Published by M. - T. C. Gould. - - An Apology for the True Christian Divinity, etc. By Robert Barclay. - Philadelphia, 1877. Friends' Book Store. - - Memoirs of Anna Braithwaite. By her son, J. Bevan Braithwaite. - London, 1905. Headley Brothers. - - The Christian Inquirer. New York, 1826. Published by B. Bates. - - J. Bevan Braithwaite; A Friend of the Nineteenth Century. By His - Children. London, 1909. Hodder & Stoughton. - - Sermons by Elias Hicks, Ann Jones and Others of the Society of - Friends, etc. Brooklyn, 1828. - - Journal of Thomas Shillitoe. London, 1839. Harvey & Darton. - - Memorials of John Bartram and Humphrey Marshall. By William - Darlington. Philadelphia, 1849. - - The American Conflict. By Horace Greeley. Hartford, Conn., 1864. O. - D. Case & Co. - - Memoirs of Life and Religious Labors of Edward Hicks. Philadelphia, - 1851. - - Life of Walt Whitman. Henry Bryan Binns. - - Complete Works of Walt Whitman. 1902. - - History of Long Island. - - Proceedings of the Manchester Conference. 1895. - - Stephen Grellett. By William Guest. Philadelphia, 1833. Henry - Longstreth. - - - - -INDEX. - - - Abolitionists, Garrisonian, 87 - - After the "Separation," 195 - - Aldrich, Royal, reference to, 69 - - Ancestry and Boyhood, 17 - - Apostolic Christian, an, 7 - - Appendix, 226 - - Apprenticeship of E. H., 22 - - Atlee, Dr. Edwin A., E. H.'s letter to, Appendix B; - reference to, 166 - - - Baltimore Y. M., E. H. attends, 44 - - Baptists, Southern, reference to, 94 - - Barclay's Apology, quotation from, 143-144 - - Bartram, John, reference to, 190; - sketch of, 190; - his supposed deism, 190-191 - - Beacon Controversy, the, 169-170 - - Berry, Mary, at Easton, Md., 37 - - Binns, Henry Byran, describes E. H.'s preaching, 212-218 - - Black people commended, 37 - - Bownas, Samuel (note), 18 - - Braithwaite, Anna, referred to, 49; - sketch of (note), 161; - writes to E. H., 162; - writes to Friend in Flushing, 163; - writes to E. H. from England, 165; - writes to E. H. from Kipp's Bay, 168; - advised by Jericho ministers and elders, 169; - late reference to "Hicksism," 170 - - Braithwaite, Isaac, reference to (note), 161; - reference to, 179-183 - - Braithwaite, J. Bevan (note), 164-170 - - - Camp meetings, E. H. condemns, 104 - - Carpenter. E. H. apprenticed as, 22 - - Christ, Divinity of, 115, 116, 156 - - Christ as saviour, 156-157 - - Clarkson, Thomas, receives Hicks' pamphlet, 90 - - Clement of Alexandria, reference to, 106 - - Conflict, The American (note), 94 - - Cotton gin, invention of, 94 - - Court Crier, E. H. imitates, 62 - - Cropper, James (note), 89; - letter from E. H., 90 - - - Dancing, opinion of, 22 - - Discipline, E. H.'s regard for, 29 - - Disownment and doctrine, 188 - - Disownments for doctrine, 190; - E. H. on, 191-193; - during slavery agitation, 87-88 - - Division, before the, 121 - - Doctrine, statement of by Philadelphia Meeting for Sufferings, 139 - - Dutchess County, separation in, 178 - - - Early labors in ministry, 32 - - Easton, Md., letter from, 37 - - Election, E. H. on, 110 - - Evans, Jonathan, opposes E. H., 127; - clerk Meeting for Sufferings, 139; - expounds orthodox doctrine, 153 - - Exeter, Pa., E. H. writes letter from, 38 - - - Family, the Hicks, 71; - E. H.'s statement about, 71; - children in, 72-73 - - First Trouble in Philadelphia, 126 - - Fisher, Samuel R., entertains E. H., 44 - - Flushing, O., E. H. meets opposition in, 50; - also (note), 50 - - Free Masonry, E. H. on, 103 - - Friends, Progressive (note), 88 - - - Garrison, William Lloyd, on Society of Friends, 87 - - Gibbons, James S., is disowned, 87 - - Goldsmith, Oliver, extract from "Deserted Village," 68 - - Gould, Marcus T. C., publisher "The Quaker," 152-153 - - Greeley, Horace, quotation from, 94 - - Green, Dr. Jesse C., reference to, 211; - recollections of E. H., 211-212 - - Green Street Monthly Meeting, center of difficulty, 147-149 - - Grellett, Stephen, sketch of (note), 123; - questions orthodoxy of E. H., 123 - - Gurney, Joseph John, reference to, 165 - - - Harris, Dr. J. Rendell, criticises E. H., 208 - - Heaven and hell, E. H. on, 110-111 - - Hicks, Abigail, daughter of E. H., 72; - picture of, facing, 97 - - Hicks, David, son of E. H., 72 - - Hicks, Edward, sketch of (note), 202; - estimate of E. H., 203 - - Hicks, Elias, apostolic Christian, 7; - his type of Quakerism, 7; - reading Scriptures, 12; - reference to old folks, 13; - objects to flower bed, 13; - sells wheat at low price to neighbors, 14; - favors disciplinary equality for women, 15; - birth, 18; - reference to parents, 11, 19; - death of mother, 20; - reference to singing and running horses, 20; - apprenticed to learn carpenter's trade, 22; - on dancing, 22-23; - on hunting, 23-24; - reference to possibly lost condition, 23; - statement regarding his marriage, 24; - marriage application in monthly meeting, 25; - takes up residence in Jericho, 26; - a surveyor, 27; - appears in the ministry, 28-29; - regard for discipline, 29; - recorded a minister, 30; - passes through military lines in Revolutionary War, 31; - makes first long religious journey, 32; - visits Nine Partners, Vermont, etc., 34; - visits New England, 35; - visits Philadelphia and Baltimore Yearly Meetings, 36; - first sermon against slavery, 36; - letter from Easton, Md., 37; - visit to states south of New York, 38; - visit to Canada, 40; - visit New England meetings, 42; - goes to Ohio, 43; - at Baltimore Y. M., 44; - starts on last long religious journey, 46; - meets opposition at Westland, 47; - experience at Brownsville, 47; - at Mt. Pleasant, O., 48-49; - attends Ohio Y. M., 49-50; - disturbance at Flushing, O., 50; - attends Indiana Y. M., 52; - trouble at West Grove, Pa., 53; - extent of his travels, 56; - ideas about the ministry, 57; - speaks of his own ministry, 58; - against premeditation, 59; - measuring the ministry, 60-61; - imitates court crier, 62; - advice touching meetings and ministry, 63; - is frequently indisposed, 64; - his Jericho property, 69; - statement about his wife, 71; - as a father, 72; - letters to his wife, 76-83; - on the slavery question, 84-94; - various opinions, 95; - on the joys of labor, 97; - ideas regarding railroads, 98; - ideas about Thanksgiving, 102; - opposes Freemasonry, 103; - some points of doctrine, 107-120; - has trouble in Philadelphia, 126-128; - writes letter to Philadelphia elders, 132; - in the time of unsettlement, 139-151; - three sermons reviewed, 152-160; - is visited by Anna Braithwaite, 162; - writes to Dr. Atlee, 164; - writes to Anna Braithwaite, 169; - in Dutchess County with Ann Jones, 171-176; - contact with T. Shillitoe, 184-185; - at Mt. Pleasant and Short Creek, O., 186-187; - disowned by Westbury and Jericho Monthly Meeting, 189; - ideas about disownment, 193-194; - at Rose and Hester Streets, New York, 195; - remarks on reception by Friends, 196; - assumes the humorous role, 196; - received by Friends after long western trip, 197; - death of wife, 198; - visits Dutchess County, 199; - preaches in statehouse, Albany, 200; - letter to Johnson Legg, 201; - his dying testimony, 204; - critics of, 202-210; - a logical thinker, 211; - his kindness to poor, 213-214; - deals with corn thief, 214; - his dying testimony against slavery, 214; - sufferings for peace principles, 215-216; - helps organize charity society, 216-217; - putting off harness, 218-225; - his last traveling minute, 220; - attends his last monthly meeting, 220-221; - suffers stroke of paralysis, 221; - his death, 221; - his funeral, 221; - last letter to Hugh Judge, 222 - - Hicks, Elias, Jr., son of E. H., 73 - - Hicks, Elizabeth, daughter of E. H., 72; - picture of, facing, 97 ... - - Hicks, Sir Ellis, reference to, 17 - - Hicks Family, the, 71 - - Hicks, Jonathan, son of E. H., 73 - - Hicks, John, son of E. H., 72 - - Hicks, Jemima, wife of E. H., estimate of, 74-75; - letters to, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82; - death of, 198; - funeral of, 198-199 - - Hicks, Martha, daughter of E. H., 72; - picture of, facing, 97 - - Hicks, Sarah, daughter of E. H., 72 - - Hicks, Judge Thomas, great-grandfather E. H., 18; - befriends S. Bownas, 18 - - Hicksville, reference to, 66 - - Hicks, Valentine, son-in-law of E. H., reference to, 66; - President Long Island Railroad, 100; - picture of, facing, 97 - - Hodgson, W., reference to E. H.'s sentiments, 206 - - Home at Jericho, the, 66 - - Hopper, Isaac T., reference to disownment of, 87 - - Humor, E. H. indulges in, 196 - - - Immortality, E. H. on, 112-114 - - Indiana Y. M., E. H. attends, 51 - - Inquirer, The Christian (note), 102 - - Introduction, 11 - - - Jackson, Halliday, arrested at Ohio Y. M., 49; - statement about (note), 49 - - Jericho, home at, 66 - - Jericho Monthly Meeting, members at time of "separation," 188; - E. H. advises, 200 - - Jesus, death and resurrection of, 118-120 - - Johnson, Oliver, on abolition claims of Friends, 88 - - Jones, Ann, in Dutchess County, 171; - extracts from sermons, 171-172 - - Jones, George, reference to, 174-176 - - Judge, Hugh, sketch of (note), 221-222; - reference to, 221; - E. H.'s letter to, 222-225 - - - Keith, George, sketch of (note), 19 - - Kennett Monthly Meeting, extract from minutes, 88 - - Kingston, Canada, E. H. writes letter from, 40 - - - Labor, ideas about, 96-98 - - Lamb, blood of, 155 - - Lewis, Evan (note), 89 - - Liberator, the, quotations from, 87-88 - - Lloyd, Isaac, statement by, 154 - - Lost condition, reference to, 23 - - Lundy, Benjamin, sketch of (note), 86 - - - Manchester Conference, proceedings of (note), 208; - quotation from, 208 - - Marriage of E. H., 25 - - Marriott, Charles, his disownment, 87 - - Meeting ministers and elders, a visiting committee, 36 - - Meeting for Sufferings, to control membership, 150 - - Merritt, Jesse, travels with E. H., 54; - is homesick, 54 - - Mifflin, Daniel, emancipates slaves, 84 - - Mifflin, Warner, emancipates slaves, 84; - presents memorial to Congress, 84; - reference to, 85 - - Mind, effect on body, 100 - - Minister, E. H. recorded as, 30 - - Ministry, E. H.'s first appearance in, 28; - ideas about, 57; - speaks of his own, 58; - measuring the, 60-61 - - Minute, E. H.'s last traveling, 220 - - Miraculous conception, the, 114, 194 - - Monthly Meeting, E. H. attends his last, 220-221 - - Mosheim's Ecclesiastical History, reference to, 105 - - Mott, Adam (note), 35 - - Mott, James, Sr., reference to (note), 35; - writes E. H., 123; - criticises E. H., 205 - - Mott, James and Lucretia, reference to, 35 - - Mt. Pleasant, O., disturbance in meeting at, 48-49; - Yearly Meeting 1828 at, 49-50; - E. H. and T. Shillitoe at, 186 - - - New England Y. M. visited by E. H., 35; - attended by English Friends, 183 - - New Jersey, Friends in, approve E. H., 196 - - New York Y. M., attended by English Friends, 183; - by T. Shillitoe, 1828, 183; - extract from minute of, 183; - T. Shillitoe objects to visitors in, 183 - - Nine Partners, sermon at, 123 - - - Ohio Y. M. attended by E. H., 48-49, 186 - - Osborn, Charles, prays and preaches two hours, 50 - - - Paine, Thomas, referred to, 117; - E. H. on, 117; - E. H. compared with, 167 - - Parker's, Hicks's sermons, extracts from, 92-93 - - Philadelphia Elders write E. H., 130-131 - - Philadelphia Meeting for Sufferings starts charge of E. H.'s - unsoundness, 129; - issues statement of doctrine, 139-143 - - Pine Street Monthly Meeting offers affront to E. H., 126-127 - - Property, E. H.'s views about, 95-96 - - - Quakerism, type of, 7 - - Quaker," "The, extracts from, 91, 96 - - Quaker creed, a sort of, 139, 143 - - - Railroad, E. H. opposes, 99; - the Long Island, 99; - Baltimore and Ohio, 98-99; - the first (note), 99 - - Recollections, reminiscences and testimonies, 211-217 - - Religious journeys in 1828, 46 - - Routh, Martha, writes letter to E. H., 90 - - Roy, Rammouhan, sketch of (note), 206; - writes E. H., 207 - - - Salvation, universal, 108-109 - - Salvation, vital, 159 - - Satan, 116 - - Schools, public, ideas about, 101 - - Seaman, Gideon, reference to, 50, 182 - - Seaman, Jemima, reference to, 24; - marries E. H., 25 - - Seaman, Captain John, moves to Long Island, 26 - - Seaman, Jonathan, father of Jemima, 26 - - Seaman, Lazarus, Puritan divine, 26 - - Sermons, length of, 65 - - Shillitoe, Thomas, reference to, 47; - sketch of (note), 181; - declines to visit E. H., 182; - refers to his traveling minute, 183-184; - goes west, 184; - converses with ferry keeper, 186; - at Mt. Pleasant, 186 - - Sin and transgression, 107 - - Singing, reference to, 20 - - Slavery, first sermon against, 36 - - Slavery question, the, 84-94; - Friends on, 85-94; - pamphlet by E. H. on, 93 - - Southern Q. M. members of, on E. H., 133-136 - - Stabler, Deborah and James, sketch of (note), 98 - - - Tallack, William, refers to E. H.'s assertions, 206 - - Thanksgiving, E. H. on, 102-103 - - Thomas, Philip E., reference to, 98; - sketch of (note), 98 - - Three sermons reviewed, 152 - - Time of unsettlement, 139 - - Titus, Daniel, traveling companion of E. H., 40 - - Turner, Frederick Storrs, reference to, 122; - on E. H., 203-204 - - - Unitarianism, E. H. on, 117; - in New England, 121 - - Unsoundness, charge of, 146 - - - War, Revolutionary, E. H. passes military lines, 31; - E. H.'s "sufferings" during, 215-216 - - Westbury Monthly Meeting, members at the time of "separation," 188 - - Westbury and Jericho Monthly Meeting (note), 50; - orders E. H. home, 50; - reference to, 188; - membership of, 188; - disowns E. H., 189 - - Wharton, William, reference to, 207 - - Wheat, E. H. sells at low price, 14 - - Whitall, Joseph, reports E. H. unsound, 128 - - White, George F., influential in disownment of Isaac T. Hopper, 87; - on slave labor, 87; - attacks various organizations, 87 - - Whitman, Walt, estimation of E. H., 205; - reference to, 218-219; - hears E. H. preach, 219; - describes E. H.'s preaching, 213 - - Willets, Deborah (note), 178; - extract from letter, 179-180 - - Willets, Jacob (note), 178; - statement about division in meetings, 178 - - Willets, Joshua, son-in-law of E. H., 70 - - Willis, Edmund, traveling companion of E. H., 38 - - Willis, John, traveling companion of E. H., 32 - - Willis, Mary, reference to, 212; - her recollections of E. H., 212-213 - - Willis, Thomas and Phebe, oppose E. H., 124; - dealt with by Jericho Monthly Meeting, 125; - reference to, 182 - - Women, equality of, 15 - - Woolman, John, on slavery, 84 - - World, the, against mixing with, 103-104 - - -APPENDIX. - - A, Descendants of Elias Hicks, 226-228 - - B, Letter to Dr. Atlee, 229-233 - - C, The Portraits, 234 - - D, The Death Mask, 234 - - E, A Bit of Advertising, 235 - - F, Acknowledgment, 235 - - G, Sources of Information, 236-237 - - - - -TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE. - - -Alphabetization has been fixed in the index and page order in the List -of Illustrations was also fixed; however no content was changed, and -the changes are not noted in the detailed changes. - -Archaic, unusual and inconsistent spellings have been maintained as in -the original. Obvious typos have been fixed, as detailed below. - - Page 4: Transcriber's Note - Added to Table of Contents by Transcriber. - - Page 25: "At a monthly meeting held in the meeting house - Originally: "At a monthly meting held in the meeting house - - Page 25: appearing to obstruct their proceedings in - Originally: appearing to obestruct their proceedings in - - Page 29: kept sweet and clean, consistent with - Originally: kept sweet and clean, consitent with - - Page 36: some present who were slaveholders were - Originally: some present who were slave-holders were - - Page 53: which had divided the Society of Friends. - Originally: which had divided the Soicety of Friends. - - Page 65: his willingness to "famish the people from words," - Originally: his willingess to "famish the people from words," - - Page 66: from cellar wall to ridge-pole - Originally: from celler wall to ridge-pole - - Page 72: She passed away in 1871. - Originally: She passed away in 1781. - - Page 76: one wishes for more description, relating to the - Originally: one wishes for more discription, relating to the - - Page 86: Of this Address, Horace Greeley says, - Originally: Of this Address, Horace Greely says, - - Page 97: more delightful and profitable instruction - Originally: more delightful and profitable instructtion - - Page 101: Observation, he said, led him to believe - Originally: Observation, he said, lead him to believe - - Page 106 (note): "Ante-Nicene Fathers," Vol. II, p. 305. - Originally: "Anti-Nicene Fathers," Vol. II, p. 305. - - Page 122: from change in Zion. - Originally: from change in zion - - Page 128: in the early part of Twelfth month, - Originally: in the early part of Twefth month, - - Page 129: believing that Elias succeeded in measurably - Originally: believing that Elias succeeded in measureably - - Page 131: who made the above statements which - Originally: who made the above statments which - - Page 131: "THOMAS WISTAR." - Originally: "THOMAS WISTER." - - Page 133: within the bounds of Philadelphia Quarterly Meeting - Originally: within the bounds of Philadelphia Quartely Meeting - - Page 141: satisfactory sacrifice and not otherwise. - Originally: satisfactory sacrifice and no otherwise. - - Page 160: is to be to the children of men - Originally: is to be the children of men - - Page 165: the propitiatory sacrifice of our Lord and Saviour - Originally: the propitiatory sacrifice of our Lord and Savious - - Page 171 (note): Taken in short-hand by Henry Hoag, p. 20. - Originally: Taken in shorthand by Henry Hoag, p. 20. - - Page 173: The blood of Christ that is immortal - Originally: The blood of Chirst that is immortal - - Page 179: acquainted with their manoeuvring - Originally the oe ligature was used. - - Page 206: many of Elias Hicks' assertions are too blasphemous - Originally: many of Elias Hick's assertions are too blasphemous - - Page 206 (note): and incurred the enmity of his family. - Originally: and incurred the emnity of his family. - - Page 209: from the amoeba to the man - Originally the oe ligature was used. - - Page 224: his disciples, John 14:16-17; - Originally: his diciples, John 14:16-17; - - Page 231: the Spirit given to every man if it not to profit by; - Originally: the Spirit given to every man if it it not to profit by; - - Page 233: undertake to pry into his secret - Originally: undertake to prey into his secret - - Page 235: Acknowledgment. - Originally: Acknowledgement. - - Page 240: Marriott, Charles, his disownment, 87 - Originally: Marriot, Charles, his disownment, 87 - - Page 241: Mosheim's Ecclesiastical History, reference to, 105 - Originally: Mosheim's Ecclesiatical History, reference to, 105 - - Page 241: Tallack, William, refers to E. H.'s assertions, 206 - Originally: Tallock, William, refers to E. H.'s assertions, 206 - - Page 242: E, A Bit of Advertising, 235 - Originally: E, A Bit of Advertisting, 235 - - Page 242: G, Sources of Information, 236-237 - Originally omitted from index. - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Life and Labors of Elias Hicks, by -Henry Watson Wilbur - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LIFE AND LABORS OF ELIAS HICKS *** - -***** This file should be named 50374.txt or 50374.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/0/3/7/50374/ - -Produced by Emmanuel Ackerman, Library of Congress and the -Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net -(This file was produced from images generously made -available by The Internet Archive) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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