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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..55b55ee --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #50125 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/50125) diff --git a/old/50125-8.txt b/old/50125-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 1663c96..0000000 --- a/old/50125-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,16184 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Court of Philip IV., by Martin Hume - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: The Court of Philip IV. - Spain in Decadence - -Author: Martin Hume - -Release Date: October 3, 2015 [EBook #50125] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE COURT OF PHILIP IV. *** - - - - -Produced by Al Haines - - - - - - - - -[Frontispiece: Philip IV at the age of 55. _From a portrait by -Valazquez in the National Gallery, London._] - - - - - The Court of - Philip IV. - - SPAIN IN DECADENCE - - - BY - - MARTIN HUME - - EDITOR OF THE CALENDARS OF SPANISH STATE PAPERS - (PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE) - LECTURER IN SPANISH HISTORY AND LITERATURE - PEMBROKE COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE. - - - - _Vuestras augustisinas Soberanias vivan_, O GRAN - FELIPE, _inclitamente triunfantes, gravadas en los Anales - de la Fama, pues sois sólida columna y mobil Atlante de - la Fe, unica defensa di la iglesia, y bien universal de - vuestras invencibles reinos_ - - - - LONDON - EVELEIGH NASH - 1907 - - - - -{v} - -PREFACE - -"I lighted upon great files and heaps of papers and writings of all -sorts.... In searching and turning over whereof, whilst I laboured -till I sweat again, covered all over with dust, to gather fit matter -together ... that noble Lord died, and my industry began to flag and -wax cold in the business." - - -Thus wrote William Camden with reference to his projected life of Lord -Burghley, which was never written; and the words may be applied not -inappropriately to the present book and its writer. Some years ago I -passed many laborious months in archives and libraries at home and -abroad, searching and transcribing contemporary papers for what I hoped -to make a complete history of the long reign of Philip IV., during -which the final seal of decline was stamped indelibly upon the proud -Spanish empire handed down by the great Charles V. to his descendants. -I had dreamed of writing a book which should not only be a social -review of the period signalised by the triumph of French over Spanish -influence in the civilisation of Europe, but also a political history -of the wane and final disappearance of the prodigious national -imposture that had enabled Spain, aided by the rivalries between other -nations, to dominate the world for a century by moral force unsupported -by any proportionate material power. - -{vi} - -The sources to be studied for such a history were enormous in bulk and -widely scattered, and I worked very hard at my self-set task. But at -length I, too, began to wax faint-hearted; not, indeed, because my -"noble Lord had died"; for no individual lord, noble or ignoble, has -ever done, or I suppose ever will do, anything for me or my books; but -because I was told by those whose business it is to study his moods, -that the only "noble Lord" to whom I look for patronage, namely the -sympathetic public in England and the United States that buys and reads -my books, had somewhat changed his tastes. He wanted to know and -understand, I was told, more about the human beings who personified the -events of history, than about the plans of the battles they fought. He -wanted to draw aside the impersonal veil which historians had -interposed between him and the men and women whose lives made up the -world of long ago; to see the great ones in their habits as they lived, -to witness their sports, to listen to their words, to read their -private letters, and with these advantages to obtain the key to their -hearts and to get behind their minds; and so to learn history through -the human actors, rather than dimly divine the human actors by means of -the events of their times. In fact, he cared no longer, I was told, -for the stately three-decker histories which occupied half a lifetime -to write, and are now for the most part relegated, in handsome leather -bindings, to the least frequented shelves of dusty libraries. - -I therefore decided to reduce my plan to more modest proportions, and -to present not a universal {vii} history of the period of Spain's -decline, but rather a series of pictures chronologically arranged of -the life and surroundings of the "Planet King" Philip IV.--that monarch -with the long, tragic, uncanny face, whose impassive mask and the -raging soul within, the greatest portrait painter of all time limned -with merciless fidelity from the King's callow youth to his sin-seared -age. I have adopted this method of writing a history of the reign, -because the great wars throughout Europe in which Spain took a leading -part, under Philip and his successor, have already been described in -fullest details by eminent writers in every civilised language, and -because I conceive that the truest understanding of the broader -phenomena of the period may be gained by an intimate study of the mode -of life and ruling sentiments of the King and his Court, at a time when -they were the human embodiment, and Madrid the phosphorescent focus, of -a great nation's decay. - -The ground was practically virgin. John Dunlop, three-quarters of a -century ago, wrote a stolid history of the reign, mainly concerned with -the Spanish wars in Germany, Flanders, and Italy. But that was before -the archives of Europe were accessible; and, creditable as was Dunlop's -history for the time in which it was written, it is obsolete now. The -Spanish reproduction in recent years, of seventeenth-century documents, -for the most part unknown in England, has added much to recent -information; whilst numerous original manuscripts, and old printed -narratives and letters of the time, in Spanish, English, and French, -have also provided ample material for the embodiment {viii} in the text -of first-hand descriptions of events. The book as it stands is far -less ambitious than that originally projected; but it contains much of -the contemporary matter which would have provided substance for the -wider history; and though it is limited in its scope, it may -nevertheless render the important period it covers human and -interesting to ordinary readers who seek intellectual amusement, as -well as intelligible to students who read for information alone. - -The book--"a poor thing, but mine own"--owes nothing to the labours of -previous English historians, except that in describing the Prince of -Wales' visit to Madrid I have referred to two documents published by -the Camden Society under the editorship of the late Dr. Gardiner. With -these exceptions the material has been sought in contemporary -unpublished manuscripts and printed records and letters, in most cases -now first utilised for the purpose. Whatever its faults may be--and -doubtless the critical microscope may discover many--it is the only -comprehensive history of Philip IV. and the decadent society over which -he reigned that modern research has yet produced. May good fortune -follow it; for, as the Bachiller Carasco sagely said: "_No hay libra -tan malo que no tenga algo bueno_," and I hope that in this book, at -least, the "good" will be held to outbalance the "bad." - -MARTIN HUME. - -LONDON, _October_ 1907 - - - - -{ix} - -CONTENTS - -CHAPTER I - -INTRODUCTORY--PHILIP'S BAPTISM, 1605--THE ENGLISH EMBASSY--EXALTED -RELIGIOUS FEELING--DEDICATION OF PHILIP'S LIFE TO THE VINDICATION OF -ORTHODOXY--STATE OF SPAIN--EFFECTS OF LERMA'S POLICY--POVERTY OF THE -COUNTRY--EXPULSION OF THE MORISCOS--PHILIP'S CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH--HIS -BETROTHAL--FALL OF LERMA--THE PRINCE AND OLIVARES--DEATH OF PHILIP III. - - -CHAPTER II - -ACCESSION OF PHILIP IV.--OLIVARES THE VICE-KING--CONDITION OF THE -COUNTRY--MEASURES ADOPTED BY THE NEW KING--RETRENCHMENT--MODE OF LIFE -OF PHILIP AND HIS MINISTER--PHILIP'S IDLENESS--HIS -_APOLOGIA_--DISSOLUTENESS OF THE CAPITAL--VILLA MEDIANA--THE AMUSEMENTS -OF THE KING AND COURT--A SUMPTUOUS SHOW--ARRIVAL OF THE PRINCE OF WALES -IN MADRID--HIS PROCEEDINGS--OLIVARES AND BUCKINGHAM - - -CHAPTER III - -STATE ENTRY OF CHARLES INTO MADRID--GREAT FESTIVITIES--HIS -LOVE-MAKING--ATTEMPTS TO CONVERT THE PRINCE--THE REAL INTENTION OF -OLIVARES--HIS CLEVER PROCRASTINATION--CHARLES AND BUCKINGHAM LOSE -PATIENCE--HOWELL'S STORY OF CHARLES AND THE INFANTA--THE FEELING -AGAINST BUCKINGHAM--ANXIETY OF KING JAMES--HIS CORRESPONDENCE WITH {x} -"BABY AND STEENIE"--CHARLES DECIDES TO DEPART--FURTHER DELAY--THE -DIPLOMACY OF OLIVARES--BUCKINGHAM AND ARCHY ARMSTRONG--DEPARTURE OF -CHARLES--HIS RETURN HOME, AND THE ENGLISH DISILLUSION - - -CHAPTER IV - -FOREIGN WAR RENDERED INEVITABLE BY OLIVARES' POLICY--ITS EFFECTS IN -SPAIN--CONDITION OF THE COURT--WASTE, IDLENESS, AND OSTENTATION OF ALL -CLASSES--EXTRAVAGANCE IN DRESS--PHILIP'S EFFORTS TO REFORM -MANNERS--RETRENCHMENT IN HIS HOUSEHOLD--THE SUMPTUARY ENACTMENTS--THE -_GOLILLA_--THE INDUSTRY OF OLIVARES--HIS CHARACTER AND APPEARANCE--HIS -MAIN OBJECT TO SECURE POLITICAL AND FISCAL UNITY IN SPAIN--THE -DIFFICULTIES IN THE WAY OF THIS--THE COMEDIES--THEATRES IN -MADRID--PHILIP'S LOVE FOR THE STAGE--AN _AUTO DE FE_--LORD WIMBLEDON'S -ATTACK ON CADIZ--RICHELIEU'S LEAGUE AGAINST SPAIN--SPANISH -SUCCESSES--"PHILIP THE GREAT"--VISIT OF THE KING TO ARAGON AND -CATALONIA IN 1626--DISCONTENT AND DISSENSION--PHILIP'S LIFE TRAGEDY - - -CHAPTER V - -RISE OF THE PARTY OPPOSED TO OLIVARES--THE QUEEN AND THE INFANTES -CARLOS AND FERNANDO--OLIVARES REMONSTRATES WITH PHILIP FOR HIS NEGLECT -OF BUSINESS--PHILIP'S REPLY--ILLNESS OF THE KING--FEARS OF -OLIVARES--PHILIP'S CONSCIENCE--ASPECT OF MADRID AT THE TIME--HABITS OF -THE PEOPLE--A GREAT ARTISTIC CENTRE--MANY FOREIGN -VISITORS--VELASQUEZ--PHILIP'S LOVE OF ART, LITERATURE, AND THE -DRAMA--CONTEMPORARY DESCRIPTION OF A PLAYHOUSE--PHILIP AND THE -_CALDERONA_, MOTHER OF DON JUAN OF AUSTRIA--BIRTH AND BAPTISM OF -BALTASAR CARLOS--PHILIP'S FIELD SPORTS--GENERAL SOCIAL DECADENCE - - -{xi} - -CHAPTER VI - -RENEWED WAR WITH FRANCE, LATE IN 1628--RECONCILIATION WITH ENGLAND--THE -PALATINATE AGAIN--COTTINGTON IN MADRID--HIS RECEPTION AND NEGOTIATIONS -WITH OLIVARES AND PHILIP--FETES IN MADRID FOR BIRTH OF THE PRINCE OF -WALES--DEATH OF SPINOLA--TREATY OF CASALE--A "LOCAL PEACE" WITH -FRANCE--SPAIN AND THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR--POVERTY AND MISERY OF THE -COUNTRY--UNPOPULARITY OF OLIVARES--HIS MONOPOLY OF POWER--HIS GREAT -ENTERTAINMENT TO THE KING--HIS INTERVENTION IN PHILIP'S DOMESTIC -AFFAIRS--"DON FRANCISCO FERNANDO OF AUSTRIA"--THE BUEN RETIRO--HOPTON -IN MADRID--HIS DESCRIPTIVE LETTERS--THE INFANTES--PHILIP'S VISIT TO -BARCELONA--DISCONTENT OF THE CORTES--THE INFANTE FERNANDO LEFT AS -GOVERNOR--DEATH OF THE INFANTE CARLOS--DEATH OF THE INFANTA ISABEL IN -FLANDERS--THE INFANTE FERNANDO ON HIS WAY THITHER WINS BATTLE OF -NORDLINGEN--GREAT WAR NOW INEVITABLE WITH FRANCE - - -CHAPTER VII - -INTRIGUES TO SECURE ENGLISH NEUTRALITY--HOPTON AND OLIVARES--SOCIAL -LAXITY IN MADRID--CHARLES I. APPROACHES SPAIN--THE BUEN RETIRO AND THE -ARTS--WAR IN CATALONIA--DISTRESS IN THE CAPITAL AND FRIVOLITY IN THE -COURT--PREVAILING LAWLESSNESS--THE RECEPTION OF THE PRINCESS OF -CARIGNANO--SIR WALTER ASTON IN MADRID--THE ENGLISH INTRIGUE ABANDONED - - -CHAPTER VIII - -FESTIVITIES IN MADRID--EXTRAVAGANCE AND PENURY--NEW WAYS OF RAISING -MONEY--HOPTON AND WINDEBANK--BATTLE OF THE DOWNS--VIOLENCE IN THE -STREETS OF MADRID--REVOLT OF PORTUGAL--FRENCH {xii} INVASION OF -SPAIN--REVOLT OF CATALONIA--PHILIP'S AMOUR WITH THE NUN OF ST. -PLACIDO--THE WANE OF OLIVARES--PHILIP'S VOYAGE TO ARAGON--INTRIGUES -AGAINST OLIVARES--FALL OF OLIVARES - - -CHAPTER IX - -DEATH OF RICHELIEU AND OF THE CARDINAL INFANTE--PHILIP'S GOOD -RESOLUTIONS--HIS CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE NUN OF AGREDA--PHILIP WITH HIS -ARMIES--DEATH OF QUEEN ISABEL OF BOURBON--THE WAR CONTINUES IN -CATALONIA--DEATH OF BALTASAR CARLOS--PHILIP'S GRIEF--HE LOSES -HEART--INFLUENCE OF THE NUN--HIS SECOND MARRIAGE WITH HIS NIECE -MARIANA--HIS LIFE WITH HER--DON LUIS DE HARO--NEGOTIATIONS WITH -ENGLAND--CROMWELL'S ENVOY, ANTHONY ASCHAM--HIS MURDER IN -MADRID--FRIENDSHIP BETWEEN PHILIP AND THE ENGLISH -COMMONWEALTH--CROMWELL SEIZES JAMAICA--WAR WITH ENGLAND - - -CHAPTER X - -MORAL AND SOCIAL DECADENCE IN MADRID--PHILIP'S HABITS--POVERTY IN THE -PALACE--VELAZQUEZ--THE MENINAS--BIRTH OF AN HEIR--THE CHRISTENING--THE -PEACE OF THE PYRENEES--PHILIP'S JOURNEY TO THE FRONTIER--MARRIAGE OF -MARIA TERESA--CAMPAIGNS IN PORTUGAL--DON JUAN--DEATH OF HARO--PHILIP -BEWITCHED--DEATH OF PHILIP PROSPER--BIRTH OF CHARLES--FANSHAWE'S -EMBASSY--LADY FANSHAWE AND SPAIN--ROUT OF CARACENA IN -PORTUGAL--PHILIP'S ILLNESS--THE INQUISITION AND WITCHCRAFT--DEATH OF -PHILIP - - -INDEX - - - - -{xiii} - -LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS - -PHILIP IV. AT THE AGE OF 55 . . . _Frontispiece_ - -_From a portrait by_ VELAZUEZ _in the National Gallery, London._ - - -ISABEL DE BOURBON, FIRST WIFE OF PHILIP IV - -_From a portrait by_ VELAZQUEZ _in the possession of Edward Huth, Esq._ - - -PHILIP IV. AS A YOUNG MAN - -_From a contemporary portrait in the possession of His Grace the Duke -of Wellington, at Strathfieldsaye._ - - -CASPAR DE GUZMAN, COUNT-DUKE OF OLIVARES - -_From a portrait by_ VELAZQUEZ _in the possession of Edward Huth, Esq._ - - -PRINCE BALTASAR CARLOS ON HORSEBACK - -_From a picture by_ VELAZQUEZ _at the Prado Museum._ - - -THE NUN SOR MARIA DE AGREDA - -_From an etching reproducing a contemporary portrait in the Franciscan -Convent of St. Domingo de la Calzada._ - - -{xiv} - -MARIANA DE AUSTRIA, SECOND WIFE OF PHILIP IV. - -_From a portrait by_ VELAZQUEZ _at the Prado Museum._ - - -THE MAIDS OF HONOUR - -_Portrait of the Infanta Margaret; from a picture by_ VELAZQUEZ _at the -Prado Museum._ - - - - -{1} - -THE COURT OF PHILIP IV. - - - -CHAPTER I - -INTRODUCTORY--PHILIP'S BAPTISM, 1605--THE ENGLISH EMBASSY--EXALTED -RELIGIOUS FEELING--DEDICATION OF PHILIP'S LIFE TO THE VINDICATION OF -ORTHODOXY--STATE OF SPAIN--EFFECTS OF LERMA'S POLICY--POVERTY OF THE -COUNTRY--EXPULSION OF THE MORISCOS--PHILIP'S CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH--HIS -BETROTHAL--FALL OF LERMA--THE PRINCE AND OLIVARES--DEATH OF PHILIP III - - -The mean city of Valladolid reached the summit of its glory on the 28th -of May 1605. Seven weeks before--on Good Friday, the 8th April--there -had been born in the King's palace an heir to the world-wide monarchy -of the Spains, the first male child that had been vouchsafed to the -tenuous reigning house for seven-and-twenty years; and the new capital, -proud of the fleeting importance that the folly of Lerma had conferred -upon it, curtailed its lenten penance, and gave itself up to sensuous -devotion blent with ostentatious revelry. King Philip III. and his -nobles, in a blaze of splendour, had knelt in thanksgiving to sacred -images of the {2} Holy Mother bedizened with priceless gems; well-fed -monks and friars had chanted praises before a hundred glittering -altars; and famished common folk, in filthy tatters, snarled like -ravening beasts over the free food that had been flung to them, and -fought fiercely for the silver coins that had been lavishly scattered -for their scrambling.[1] From every window had flared waxen torches; -for the hovels of beggars were illumined as well as the palaces of -nobles,--nay, the courtly chronicler records that the very bells in the -church tower of St. Benedict, seventeen of them, "melted in glittering -tears of joy" when, to put it more prosaically, the edifice was gutted -by a conflagration accidentally caused by the torches.[2] Cavalry -parades, bull fights, and cane-tourneys by knights and nobles had -alternated with banquets and balls during the fifty days that had been -needed to bring together in the city of the Castilian plain the -chivalry of Philip's realms. One after the other grandees and -prelates, with long cavalcades of followers as fine as money or credit -could make them, had crowded into the narrow streets and straggling -plazas of Valladolid; and as the great day approached for the baptism -of the Prince, who had been pledged by his father at his birth to the -Virgin of San Llorente as the future champion of Catholic orthodoxy, -news came that a greater company than that of any {3} grandee of them -all was slowly riding over the mountains of Leon to honour the -festival, and to pledge the most Catholic King to lasting peace and -amity with heretic England, that in forty years of bitter strife had -challenged the pretension of Spain to dictate doctrine to Christendom; -and had, though few saw it yet, sapped the foundation upon which the -imposing edifice of Spanish predominance was reared. - -[Sidenote: Howard in Spain] - -Then grave heads were shaken in doubt that this thing might be of evil -omen. Already had the rigid Ribera, Archbishop of Valencia,[3] -solemnly warned the King and Lerma of their impiety in making terms -with the enemies of the faith; lamentations, as loud as was consistent -with safety, had gone up from churches and guardrooms innumerable at -this tacit confession of a falling away from the stern standard of -Philip II. But now that Lord Admiral Howard, Earl of Nottingham, who -had defeated the great Armada in 1588, and had commanded at the sack of -Cadiz in 1596, was to ruffle and feast, with six hundred heretic -Englishmen at his heels, in the very capital of orthodox Spain, whilst -the baby prince whom God had sent to realise the dream of his house was -baptized into the Church, offended pride almost overcame the stately -courtesy and hospitality which are inborn in the Spanish character. -But not quite: for though priests looked sour, and soldiers swaggered a -little more than usual when they met the Englishmen in the {4} cobbled -streets, yet to outward seeming all was kind on both sides; and even -the biting satires of the poets were decently suppressed until the -strangers had gone their way.[4] - -[Sidenote: Howard's reception] - -Howard and his train were lodged on the night of the 25th May in the -castle and town of Simancas, on its bold bluff seven miles from the -city; and betimes in the morning the six hundred and more British -horsemen, all in their finest garb, set forth over the arid sandy plain -on the banks of the Pisuerga, to enter in stately friendship the -capital of the realm that they and theirs had harried by land and sea -for two score years. For seven months no drop of rain had fallen on -the parched earth; and as the noble figure of the old earl, in white -satin and gold, surrounded by equally splendid kinsmen, passed on -horseback to the appointed meeting place outside the walls of the city, -the dust alone marred the magnificence of the cavalcade. For two hours -the Englishmen were kept waiting under the trees, {5} where the Grand -Constable, the Duke of Frias,[5] and the other grandees were to meet -them; for Spanish pride was never at a loss for a device to inflict a -polite snub upon a rival. This time it was a diplomatic illness of the -Duke of Alba that delayed the starting of the great crowd of nobles who -were to greet the English ambassador, and it was five o'clock in the -afternoon before the Spanish horsemen reached their waiting guests. -Then, as if by magic, the heavens grew suddenly black as night, and -such a deluge as few men had seen[6] descended upon the gaudy throng; -"heaven weeping in sorrow at their reception," said the bigots. In -vain the Constable of Castile besought the stiff old Lord Admiral to -take shelter in a coach. He would not balk the people of the sight, he -said, and the costly finery of both English and Spanish received such a -baptism as for ever spoilt its pristine beauty. Wet to the skin, their -velvets and satins bedraggled, their plumes drooping, and their great -lace ruffs as limp as rags, the thousand noble horsemen passed through -dripping, silent, but curious crowds to their quarters. - -[Sidenote: English peculiarities] - -Howard himself was lodged in seven fine rooms in the palace of Count de -Salinas, hard by the yet unfinished palace; and his six hundred -followers were billeted in the houses of nobles and citizens.[7] {6} -Fifty English gentlemen of rank dined together that evening in Howard's -lodging, and their manners, dress, and demeanour furnished food for -curious discourse in Spain for many days to come. How tall and -handsome they were, though some of them were spoilt by full beards! -said the gossips; how careful to show respect for the objects of -worship in the churches, although only fourteen of the whole number -were avowed Catholics. Many of them spoke Spanish well, as did Howard -himself, and their dress was, on the whole, adjudged to be handsome; -"though their ornaments were not so fine as ours." But what amused -their critics more than anything else was their industrious poking -about the city in search of books, and a curious fashion they had of -breaking off in their discourse--or in a pause of the conversation--and -practising a few steps of a dance, the tune of which they hummed -between their teeth.[8] In the innocence of their hearts, too, they -imagined that they were {7} paying a compliment to the Spaniards by -saying how little real difference there was between their own creed and -that of their hosts; a view which the latter received in courteous -silence in their presence, but rejected with scorn and derision behind -their backs.[9] Brave doings there had been, too, the next day, when -Howard had his first interview with Philip III. Surrounded by the -King's Spanish and Teuton guard, in new uniforms of yellow and red, the -Lord Admiral was led by the Duke of Lerma into the presence of the -King. Of the genuflections and embraces, of the advances on each side, -measured and recorded to an inch by jealous onlookers, of the piled-up -sumptuousness of the garments and the gifts, it boots not here to tell -in full, but the King's new liveries alone on this occasion are said to -have cost 120,000 ducats; and Howard excused himself for the poverty of -his country when he handed to Queen Margaret an Austrian eagle in -precious stones worth no more than the same great sum.[10] - -All this, however, was a mere foretaste of the overwhelming -magnificence of the following day, Whit Sunday, the 28th May, for ever -memorable in the annals of Valladolid as the greatest day in its long -history; for then it was that in solemn majesty, and lavish ostentation -without example, there was dedicated to the great task in which his -ancestors had failed, a babe with a lily-fair skin and wide open light -blue eyes, upon whom were {8} centred the hopes and prayers of a -sensitive, devout people, who had seen in a few years their high-strung -illusions vanish, their assurance of divine selection grow fainter and -fainter, the cause they thought was that of heaven conquered everywhere -by the legions of evil, and their own country reduced to chronic -penury; burdened with a weight beyond its strength, yet too proud to -cast the burden down or to acknowledge its own defeat. - -The almost despairing cry that constant disaster had wrung from Philip -II: "Surely God will in the end make His own cause triumph," still -found an echo in thousands of Spanish hearts; and this child of many -prayers was greeted as an instrument sent at last from heaven, on the -most solemn day in the Christian year, to put all things right when he -should grow to be a man.[11] The presence of the "heretic" peace -embassy seemed of no good omen, though some men even affected to -interpret it as such when Howard knelt before the King and was raised -and embraced by him; but, as if to banish every doubt, and mark for all -the world that the vocation of the Prince was irrevocably fixed -beforehand, there was brought in solemn pomp, from the remote village -of Calguera, the {9} crumbling little font in which, five hundred years -before, had been baptized the fierce firebrand St. Dominic, scourge of -heresy and founder of the Holy Inquisition, whose work it was to make -all Christians one, though blood and fire alone might do it. - -[Sidenote: Philip and the Dominicans] - -Nothing was omitted that could connect the Prince with the Dominican -idea. Early in the morning of the day of the baptism, the King, who -was to take no public part in the later christening ceremony, walked in -state with all his Court[12] in a great procession of six hundred monks -of Saint Dominic from their monastery of San Pablo to the cathedral, -there again solemnly to dedicate his infant heir to the vindication of -the Church; and at the dazzling ceremony which took place the same -afternoon in the Dominican church of San Pablo a similar note was -struck. The fair infant, with its vague blue eyes, was borne in -triumph by the Duke of Lerma, a half dozen of the proudest dukes in -Christendom carried the symbols and implements of the ceremony, -cardinals and bishops in pontificals received the baby with royal state -at the church porch, the populace pressed in thousands around with -tears and blessings to see their future King; all that lavish -extravagance and exuberant {10} fancy could devise to add refulgence to -the solemnity was there; but, looking back with understanding eyes, we -can see that the two significant objects which stand forth clearly in -antagonism from all that welter of gew-gaws are the humble rough font -of St. Dominic under its jewelled canopy, supported by great silver -pillars, and the stately white-haired figure of the "heretic" -ambassador with his prominent eyes bowing gravely, yet triumphantly, in -his balcony, as the pompous procession swept by. - -Other less important things there were which must have told their tale -and cast their shadow as plainly to those who witnessed them as to us. -The two black-browed Savoyard cousins, who walked in the place of -honour, the eldest of them as chief sponsor, must have been but -skeletons at the feast, for the birth of the Prince had spoilt their -cherished hope of the great inheritance; and, as we shall see in the -course of this history, Victor-Amadeus of Savoy and his kin brought, -therefore, abounding sorrow to his god-son and to Spain. When the -infant, too, was denuded of his rich adornments for the ceremony, and -they were deposited upon the solid silver bed that had been erected in -the church for the purpose, some of the great personages, who alone -could have had access to the precious objects, stole them all, and the -heir of Spain, Prince Philip Dominic, who entered the church with his -tiny body covered with gems, left it as unadorned as ascetic St. -Dominic himself could have wished.[13] - -{11} - -[Sidenote: Philip's dedication] - -Thus, in a whirlwind of squandering waste, surrounded by pompous pride, -unscrupulous dishonesty, and ecstatic devotion, Philip from his birth -was pledged to the hopeless task of extirpating religious dissent from -Christendom: the task that had been too great for the Emperor and his -steadfast son, that had drained to exhaustion the wealth of the Indies, -had turned Castile into a wilderness, and was to drag the Spanish -Empire to ruin and dissolution under the sceptre of the babe whose -christening we have witnessed. The life-story of the unhappy monarch -which we have to tell is one of constant struggle amidst the -antagonistic circumstances that surrounded his baptism; against the -impossibility of reconciling the successful performance of the work, to -which devotional pride and not national interest had bound him, with -the poverty and exhaustion that had forced Philip III. and Lerma to -seek peace with Protestants, and had made the victor of the Invincible -Armada an honoured guest when the heir of Catholic Spain was dedicated -to the ideal of Dominic. For, in good truth, it was from no lack of -either devotion or pride that Philip III. had been forced to parley -with the thing that he had been taught to look upon as accursed of God. -Almost the only policy in which he was ever vehemently energetic was -the attempt in the first days of his reign to invade Ireland in the -interests of the Catholics, and to secure the control of the Crown of -England by {12} means of the anti-Jacobite party.[14] He was, as -Llorente truly says, more fit himself for a Dominican friar's frock -than a regal mantle; and if rigid obedience to the directions of his -spiritual guides had enabled him to root out Protestant dissent from -Christendom, as he rooted out the Moriscos from his realms, Philip III. -would have succeeded where his greater father and grandfather failed. - -[Sidenote: The Philips compared] - -But devotion was not enough to secure the triumph of Spain; fervent -belief in the divine approval was not enough. Both Philip II. and the -Spaniards of his time possessed those qualities to excess, and yet they -had failed. What was needed now, even to avert catastrophe, were -orderly organisation, industry, celerity in council and in action, -economical adaptation of ways and means, ready resource and a flexible -conscience; in short, statesmanship,--and these were the very qualities -which Philip III. conspicuously lacked. With the accession of Philip -III. (1598) the weak point in the system of the Emperor and his son had -come out; and their laboriously constructed political machine had -broken down. Under Philip II. himself, in his later recluse years, it -had grown rusty and sluggish, but whilst the mainspring, the monarch, -had laboured ceaselessly, treating his ministers as clerks, and raising -them from the gutter that they might be his tools alone, the wheels at -least went round; but when the monarch in whom all motion was centred -left off working, and did nothing but dance and pray alternately, then -came paralysis {13} and consequent disaster. "Ah! Don Cristobal; I -fear they will rule him," groaned Philip II. on his agonised deathbed; -and, though too late, he had guessed his son's character aright. -Thenceforward the favourite, Lerma or another, was monarch in all but -name; and each problem of government as it arose, or was submitted to -the King, was considered by Philip III. not in its broad political -aspects, but as a case of private conscience to be quibbled over by -confessors and theologians, and finally decided with timorous -heart-searching on grounds apart from national interests or expediency. - -Philip II. himself had all his life been sternly conscientious, -according to his lights, and his inflexibility had been one of the main -causes of the partial failure of his policy and the exhaustion of his -country. He was a strong, slow, persistent man, unwavering in his -methods, as he was consistent in his objects; but he was withal a -statesman of vast ability, with the power of self-persuasion that all -great statesmen must possess, and he played the game of international -politics with mundane pieces, though he convinced himself and others -that they were divine. His son and grandson, as will be seen in the -course of this book, had not his power of self-conviction; they lived -in an age of growing national disillusionment, and were swayed mainly -by sentimental, traditional, and devotional considerations. They were -for ever unlocking with trembling hands the secret closet of their -conscience, to assure themselves that indeed no stain rested there. -Having seen that all was spotless in their own breasts, they {14} were -content to sit with crossed hands, in almost Oriental fatalism, -throwing the whole responsibility for what happened, or failed to -happen, upon the divine decrees. _They_ had satisfied their confessor -and their conscience in the course they had taken, and if things went -awry after that it was not _their_ fault.[15] This was no doubt all -very saintly and good; but it meant calamity as a system of government -when its professors were pitted against rivals unhampered by such -scruples and limitations. - -It may seem paradoxical to assert that the more purely religious -character of the motives that swayed Philip III. and Philip IV., than -of those which influenced Philip II., resulted from a weakening of the -exalted devotional faith that had dominated Spain during the greater -part of the sixteenth century; and yet, if it be carefully considered, -such will prove to be the case. A faith so fervent as that which -carried the men-at-arms and explorers of the Emperor and his son -triumphant through the world left no room for doubt. What _they_ did -could not be wrong, because they were chosen to do God's own work; and -for that all means were sanctified. They did not need to be {15} for -ever pulling their consciences up by the roots to satisfy themselves -that the fruit was good. If Philip II. ordered murder to be committed, -or the Emperor seized private or ecclesiastical property for his own -purposes; if hundreds of inconvenient political persons were consigned -to a living tomb in the galleys and dungeons of the Inquisition, we may -be assured that no qualms of conscience were felt in consequence by the -first two sovereigns of the Spanish house of Austria; for the spiritual -fervour, which was the secret of the unity and power of their realms, -made all things right which were done in furtherance of objects which -were considered sacred: and throughout the Reformation period the -Spanish sovereigns quite honestly and unhesitatingly employed religious -forms and professions to attain purely political ends.[16] But after -the accession of Philip III. disillusion and faintness of faith set in, -and the assurance of divine selection grew weaker. People in Spain -were, it is true, more outwardly devout than ever, for the Inquisition -increased in strength as it became more independent and less a -political engine in the hands of the weak monarch; but the constant -timid misgivings of governors and people, the universal recourse of -gentle and simple to priests, friars, and nuns for guidance, -consolation, and reassurance, were of themselves a proof that the old -robust self-sufficing faith was declining; and in the course of this -history we shall see how {16} the process continued hand in hand with -the national decadence; the devotional influence upon political action -increasing as religious faith grew less positive and conscience more -clamorous. - -We have seen the wasteful splendour with which young Philip's infancy -was surrounded: it will be necessary now for us to examine the state of -the country at the time, in order that we may be able to trace in -future pages the consequences of Philip's action and character when he -came to the throne. Most of the contemporary chroniclers of the reign -whose works remain to us, men like Novoa, Davila, Porreño, Cabrera, -Malvezzi, and Torquemada, courtiers or placemen all, lose themselves in -hyperbolical ecstasy at the colossal riches and greatness of the -sovereign who could afford to spend in feasts and shows such vast sums -as those squandered on the christening of Prince Philip Dominic and -similar celebrations: but they were too much taken up with the pomp and -glitter of their patrons, and in recording the interminable lists of -high-sounding titles and glittering garments, to give much attention to -the reverse side of the picture. For that we must turn to other -authorities, especially to the narratives of foreign visitors, and to -the remonstrances of the unfortunate members of the Cortes of Castile, -who, between the despairing and indignant orders of their constituents, -and the ceaseless pressure of the sovereign for fresh supplies of -money, were obliged to speak plainly, though fruitlessly, of the ruin -that impended unless matters were reformed.[17] - -{17} - -[Sidenote: State of Spain in 1600] - -The first Cortes of the third Philip's reign (1598), when Lerma -demanded the previously unheard-of vote of eighteen million ducats, -spread over six years, to be raised by a tax on wine, oil, meat, etc., -earnestly prayed the King to attend to their long-neglected petitions -for a readjustment of expenditure and taxation. When the sum was -voted, the King's promise of reform was, as usual, broken, and the -Cortes then told the King that his country was already ruined and could -pay no more. "Castile is depopulated, as you may see; the people in -the villages being now insufficient for the urgently necessary -agricultural work: and an infinite number of places formerly possessing -a hundred households are now reduced to ten, and many to none at -all."[18] The common people were starving: the formerly prosperous -cloth-weaving industry was rapidly being strangled by the terrible -"_alcabala_" tax, imposed upon all commodities every time they changed -hands by sale. The price of necessary articles was enormously and -constantly rising, owing to the tampering of {18} Lerma with the -currency, the dwarfing of industry by the _alcabala_, town tolls, local -octrois, and the greatly increasing demand for commodities by America. -Whilst the sternest decrees were issued in rapid succession against -luxury in dress and living, the advent of Lerma and the host of greedy -aristocrats to power had caused a perfect frenzy for magnificence in -attire; and the vast amounts of money spent in costly stuffs and -precious embroideries, etc., were almost entirely sent abroad, inasmuch -as the Spanish manufacturers and dealers in such wares were not only -impeded in the production and distribution of them by the economical -causes mentioned, but were practically the only classes punished for -infraction of the sumptuary decrees. Thus the great sums that arrived -in Seville every year from the Indies to a large extent never -penetrated Spain at all, but were transhipped at once to other -countries, either in exchange for foreign commodities which unwise -sumptuary decrees and faulty finance prevented from being produced in -Spain, or else to pay the Genoese and German -loan-mongers,--_asentistas_, as they were called,--who on usurious -terms were always ready to provide money against future revenue for the -wasteful shows by means of which the idea of Spain's abounding wealth -and power was kept up. What portion of the American gold and silver -did reach the Spanish people themselves was mostly hoarded or buried to -keep it from the grasp of tax-farmers, thieves, and extortioners of all -sorts, to whom a man of known wealth was simply looked upon as fair -prey. The copper money, genuine and forged, with which the country -{19} was flooded[19] was the only sort commonly current, and this had -been by decree (1603) raised to double its face value, again increasing -the price of articles of prime necessity to the poorer purchaser; -whilst the nobles and other wealthier people who possessed hoarded -silver and gold lived comparatively cheaply. - -[Sidenote: Spain at Philip's birth] - -In the very year 1605, when, as we have seen, money was squandered in -Valladolid without limit, every source of national revenue had been -pledged for years in advance; and a year or two previously the King's -officers had been forced to beg from door to door for so-called -voluntary contributions of not less than fifty reals, for the daily -expenses of the royal household. The revenue in this year was stated -to be nominally 23,859,787 copper ducats of the value of 2s. 5-1/3d. -each,--more than enough, if it had been received, to meet every -necessary expenditure; but peculation and corruption were so universal, -contraband and evasion so general, that according to the Venetian -ambassador, every branch of the administration was starved, the -national defences in a deplorable condition, and the King unable to -raise an army of more than 20,000 or 30,000 men in Spain.[20] In the -meanwhile Lerma and his family and friends and their respective -adherents were piling up possessions and riches beyond computation. -The first act of Philip III. on his accession had been to give to his -favourite the right to receive what presents {20} were offered to him, -and Lerma had exercised the privilege to the full. What the chief -minister did the subordinates imitated. Rodrigo Calderon, the -favourite of the favourite, and Franquesa, the clerk of the council of -finance, were found in their subsequent disgrace to have hoarded -immense quantities of gold and silver; and every one of the twenty -Viceroys, forty-six Governor-Generals, and their infinite underlings, -robbed as much money as he could grasp, the sooner to come and swagger -in the Court amidst a squalid, starving population, of which every man -was striving within his limits to imitate his betters, and to share in -the easily won riches of official corruption.[21] The one prosperous -trade was the service of the King or the service of his servants; and -thus, whilst the sovereign himself was blind and deaf to all but his -innocent frivolities, and the superstitious awe that constituted his -religion, Spain grew yearly poorer and more miserable as a nation, and -the favoured classes, the nobles and the clergy, practically exempt -from taxation, waxed ever fatter, more insolent, and more lavish. - -[Sidenote: Spain's responsibilities] - -The policy and aims of Philip II. had kept his realms at war for a -generation. The fatal possession of the Flemish and Dutch territories -{21} of the House of Burgundy and the traditions of Catholic unity had -cursed poor Castile with a European policy, and had driven Spain into -constant war with Protestant England, her natural ally; but Philip II. -on his deathbed had done his best to lighten his son's burden. -Flanders was left to his dear daughter Isabel, and her destined -husband, the Cardinal-Archduke Albert, with reversion, unfortunately, -to Spain, in the probable case of failure of issue from the Infanta. -To this extent Spain was relieved. There was no longer any material -need for her to spend her blood and money in fighting the Protestants, -either for the Emperor or for the new Archduchess of Flanders; who -herself, and especially her husband, were content to let the Protestant -Dutch go their own way, whilst she enjoyed in peace her inherited -Catholic Belgic sovereignty. The exhaustion of Spain and his own -avarice had tended to make Lerma pacific; and, as we have seen, peace -was arranged both with France and England: it must be confessed, on -extremely favourable terms for Spain, as early in the reign of Philip -III. as was practicable. The war with the Dutch in support of the -Infanta still dragged on; for the Spaniards would bate not a jot of -their pride, and Maurice of Nassau and his Hollanders were in no -submissive mood after holding their own for forty years. The Infanta -and her husband ardently longed for peace, and were ready to -acknowledge the independence of Holland; but Philip III. was full of -scruples of conscience as to the morality of formally ceding territory -to Protestants, even when he could not hold it himself, {22} and it was -1609 before the punctilious haggling ended, and the famous truce of -twelve years was signed, practically giving the stout Dutchmen the -independence for which they had fought so well. - -Spain was then at peace for the first time within most men's memory; -and, with prudence, economy, and good government, might yet have -repaired the disasters that had befallen her. The promotion of -production, the rehabilitation of labour, a return to the frugal, -honest life which prevailed before the nation was led to its splendid -hysteria by the imperial connection, would have enabled the great -revenues from the Indies to be kept in Spain, whose shipping was now -for a time free from the depredations of privateers. But we have seen -how demoralised the whole people had grown. Long wars in foreign -lands, usually against Protestants or infidels, the craze for discovery -and profitable adventure in the Indies, and the dwarfing of industry, -except for the very poor, humble, plodding folk, had made the vast -majority of Spaniards scornful of labour; and in any case it would have -been hard to set men to work again. The attempt even was never -seriously made. Peace for Philip III. and his people did not mean an -opportunity for setting their house in order and reorganising the -nation, because they did not even yet fully recognise the hopelessness -of the national dream of domination through the unity of Christendom on -Spanish Catholic lines. - -[Sidenote: The Moriscos] - -For the realisation of this dream absolute unity of faith in Spain -itself was the first necessary condition. The country was peopled by -several {23} unamalgamated racial and political elements, and had been -artificially unified by the religious exaltation resulting from the -conquest of Granada and the fierce doctrinal pride fostered by the -Inquisition, artfully utilised for political ends by Ferdinand the -Catholic and his successors. The weak point of the sacred bond that -held Spaniards together was the large hard-working Moorish population -scattered over the Peninsula, and especially numerous in the -south-west. In spite of pledges and promises of toleration, Christian -baptism had been forced upon these people. Taxes and disabilities of -all sorts had been piled upon them, insulting and oppressive rules had -been made to their detriment, alternate cruelty and persuasion had been -resorted to in vain: the Moriscos at heart remained true to their own -faith, however humbly they conformed to the Christian rites imposed -upon them. They were still the most thrifty toilers; the carrying -trade of the Peninsula was almost entirely in their hands, and their -means of inter-communication were thus better than those enjoyed even -by Christian Spaniards. How to deal with this alien element so as to -eliminate the danger that existed from their presence in a Christian -state, the realisation of whose great ambition depended upon unbroken -religious unification, had puzzled the minds of Spanish statesmen for -years. It had been practically decided at one time (1581) by Philip -II. to take the whole Morisco population out to sea and sink the ships -that carried them; Gomez Davila of Toledo urged Philip III. in 1598 to -massacre the whole of them, whilst others more humane advocated the -forcible abduction {24} of all the children, the sterilisation of the -males, and other heroic measures. For a time also the milder spirits, -such as Father Las Casas, prayed that gentler methods might be tried; -but the attitude of the Moriscos themselves and the bigotry of the -churchmen soon silenced the voice of mercy. - -For years the Moriscos had been plotting with Spain's enemies; with -Henry IV. of France, with Elizabeth of England, with the Duke of Savoy, -with the Sultan, with the King of Fez, or whoever else would promise -them aid to break up the Spanish monarchy; and the very day that the -Prince Philip Dominic was born (8th April 1605) was fixed for the great -Moslem rising at Valencia which should deliver Eastern Spain to the -French King. The plot was discovered in time, and this frustrated -treason had added to the religious fervour of the baptism, which has -been described at the beginning of this chapter. Thenceforward the -black cloud that loomed over the folk of Moorish blood grew ever -darker. Not the religious bigots alone, but statesmen too, intent only -on the immediate problem before them, urged that if unity of -Christendom was the necessary condition of Spain's greatness, then the -faith within her own realms must be made pure and solid beyond all -question or doubt, let the sacrifice be what it might.[22] Racial -jealousy, economical rivalry, and envy of the superior financial -position of the frugal Moriscos over that of their Christian -neighbours, {25} aided the forces of religious bigotry and political -expediency: and, just as the baptism of Prince Philip had coincided in -point of time with the discovery of the Moorish treason, so did the -next ceremony of his infant life coincide with the fatal decision to -exterminate root and branch from Spain all those in whose veins was -known to flow the blood of the Moslem races. For the attainment of the -views of both statesmen and churchmen of the day, purblind as they were -to the larger issues, the resolution to expel the Moriscos was -necessary, but, as will be seen later, it was disastrous industrially -and economically. - -In accordance with the condition of political science of the time, the -results of the measure were indeed neither considered nor understood in -the latter aspects.[23] It was discussed in the King's Council, first -as a point of conscience, and secondly as a political necessity, and -the breathing time given to Spain by the peace with the Protestants -after forty years of strife, instead of being employed in the repair -and recuperation of national forces, was seized upon by those who yet -pursued the chimera of domination by religious unification, to deplete -still further the already exhausted country by the expulsion of the -principal productive element of {26} its population, amidst the fervent -applause of the idle and thriftless majority. - -And still the frenzy of waste and magnificence in all classes went on, -for no men saw fully yet that ruin was the inevitable result of a state -of society in which luxurious idleness, or the pretence of it, was -alone regarded as honourable, and where the honey was seized by the -drones of the hive before workers had stored it. On the 13th January -1608 the ceremony of swearing allegiance to the child Philip as heir to -the Crown of Spain was celebrated in the church of St. Geronimo in -Madrid,[24] with a lavishness that almost rivalled that of his baptism. -Once more the King, in white satin and spangles and overloaded with -gems, walked in procession with the fair-haired fragile Queen, even -more splendidly bedight than he;[25] once more the lavish Lerma led the -baby Prince as sponsor, and the courtiers who followed vied with the -favourite in the magnificence of their attire; once more Cardinal -Sandoval de Rojas with a crowd of prelates invested the act with all -the solemn state of which the Church was capable, and in the courtly -fashion of his house substituted a kiss for the canonical blow in the -ceremony of confirmation.[26] Madrid was {27} ablaze with light, and -the ball in the palace at night surpassed anything that the now deposed -Valladolid could show; but over all the glitter the black cloud -hovered, and even whilst the ceremony of homage was being celebrated, -the Council of State, despairing now of the conversion of the Moriscos -by softer methods, and alarmed at the prospects of a great invasion -from Morocco, practically decided to clear the soil of Spain of the -descendants of its former conquerors. - -Of the details of the expulsion this is not the place to speak. We are -principally concerned with it here to show that Philip IV. was bound -from his earliest infancy to an inherited policy, and that the seeds of -social and national decadence were sown before his time. He was no -Hercules to root them out, but was forced with bitter anguish to -witness the riches and power of his realms choked and destroyed by the -noxious growth which grew to maturity in his time: whilst he wept and -prayed for the miraculous remedy that never comes, or sought -forgetfulness in vicious indulgence that added private remorse to his -public sorrow. - -[Sidenote: Philip's childhood] - -Young Philip's education and the surroundings of his childhood were not -calculated to increase his self-reliance or independence of judgment. -His devout, delicate, Austrian mother died in childbirth when he was -but six years old, and his father's awestricken devotion thereafter -grew {28} more mystic than ever. Friars surrounded him, dictating the -most trifling as well as the most important acts of his life; -supernatural visions and heavenly voices assured him of divine favour -in his intervals of terrified despair which reduced him almost to -lunacy,[27] and the little boy who was to be the heir of his gilded -misery was left to the care of cloistered churchmen, whose ideal of -goodness was the suppression of all natural impulse and the extinction -of personal initiative as opposed to the dread fatalism which made them -supreme. - -Beyond dull, ceremonious visits to the royal convent of the Discalced -Carmelites, hard by the palace of Madrid, the little Prince saw no -relaxation from prayers and lessons, but an occasional stage play or -masque performed by himself and his young courtiers of similar age. -Even as a small child this was young Philip's sole delight; and so long -as he could declaim verse before his father's Court, or listen to the -declamation of others, he was content. On one occasion, in 1614, it is -recorded in a gossiping letter of the time, that the Prince, who was -then nine years old, represented the character of cupid before the King -and his family in the room in the palace devoted to such shows; and as -he had to make his entry upon the stage in a high ornamental chariot, -the jolting of the vehicle made the poor child seasick; and the God of -love, when he advanced to the footlights, was reduced to a most -unlovely plight in face of the dignified audience, {29} though we are -told that he "performed his part very prettily." There were those who -shook grave heads, especially some of the friars, at this early -indulgence of the heir of Spain in his passion for a pastime so little -in accord with the traditional dignity of the royal house;[28] but -little Philip himself very soon learnt his lesson, for he was an apt -pupil, and even as a youth assumed a staid gravity on all public and -ceremonious occasions entirely at variance with his demeanour in -private. - -In the meanwhile the country was sunk in the most abject misery. -Corruption and plunder of the national resources by Lerma and his -favourites and their hangers-on had at last aroused the resentment, or -perhaps the jealousy, of rival self-seekers. Spain was at war again, -and a league of all liberal Europe under Henry IV. of France was -pledged to humble finally the inflated pretensions of the house of -Austria; but just as Lerma's star was waning, and the prompt ruin of -Spain seemed imminent, a circumstance happened that gave a new lease of -life to the proud dreams of the Philips, and made the subsequent -downfall during the reign we have to record the more complete. - -In May 1610 the dagger of a crazy fanatic ended the glorious life of -"Henry of Navarre"; and the coalition against Spain broke down, and -gave way to a struggle between his widow Marie de Medici and James I. -of England to secure the friendship of the decadent power which still -loomed so large and asserted its high claims so haughtily. The Queen -Regent of France, papal and clerical as she {30} was, succeeded where -crafty, servile James Stuart failed; and in 1612 the eldest daughter of -Spain, the Infanta Ana, was betrothed in Madrid by proxy to the boy -King of France, Louis XIII., and young Philip, Prince of Asturias, -became the affianced husband of Isabel of Bourbon, the elder daughter -of Henry IV., the great Béarnais. Of the lavish splendour that -accompanied the betrothals in Madrid this is not the place to -speak,[29] but when Lerma's fall was at last approaching, engineered by -his own son the Duke of Uceda, in 1615, King Philip III. and his -pompous Court travelled north in an interminable cavalcade to exchange -the brides on the frontier. - -[Sidenote: Philip's betrothal] - -Prince Philip remained at the ancient Castilian capital of Burgos, -whilst the dark-eyed young beauty who was destined to be his wife rode, -surrounded by Spanish nobles, from the little frontier stream through -San Sebastian and Vittoria to meet her eleven year old bridegroom. The -boy and his father rode a league or two out of Burgos to greet the -girl, who it was fondly hoped would cement France and Spain together -for the fulfilment of the impossible old dream of Christian unity -dictated from Madrid; and eye-witnesses tell that the pale little -milksop Prince, with his lank sandy hair and his red hanging under-lip, -gazed speechless in admiration of the pretty bright-eyed child, in -unbecoming Spanish dress, who was destined to be the companion of his -youth and prime. The next day Burgos was in a blaze of splendour to -welcome the future Queen, who rode on her white palfrey and her silver -sidesaddle through {31} the narrow frowning streets to the glorious -cathedral; and then, from city to city, through stark Castile, the -little bride, smiling and happy, and her pale boy bridegroom, followed -by the most splendid Court in Christendom, slowly made their way to the -crowning triumph of the capital.[30] - -In the gorgeous crowd of courtiers that accompanied the King on his -long journey to and from the French frontier, intrigue and falsity were -rife. The Duke of Lerma's favourite, Calderon, had languished in a -dungeon already for five years, and the spoilt favourite himself knew -that his fall had been plotted long since by his son and the powerful -clerical clique that swayed the timorous soul of Philip III. But Lerma -was making a brave fight for his dignity and vast wealth. Philip III. -was kind and tender-hearted, and the habit of subjection to his -favourite was hard to break, so that his enemies had to tread warily. -Their plan was to place gradually around the King and his heir nobles -whom Lerma had failed to satisfy with sufficient bribes. One of them -was a young man of twenty-eight, perhaps the most forceful of them all, -Caspar de Guzman, Count of Olivares, son of that proud minister of -Philip II. who had bullied and hoodwinked Sixtus V. into supporting the -Armada in 1588. For years Caspar de Guzman, and his father before him, -had fruitlessly besought Lerma to convert their peerage of Castile into -a grandeeship of Spain; and on the journey to France with the King, the -Count, though his branch of the great Guzman {32} house was less rich -than noble, had striven to show by the splendour of his train that if -he was not a grandee he was magnificent enough to be one.[31] - -Philip III. loved lavishness, especially to dazzle the French at this -juncture, and was easily persuaded by Lerma's false son to make the -Count of Olivares a gentleman of the chamber to the Prince. At first -young Philip disliked his masterful attendant, whose imperious manner -and stern looks frightened the sensitive boy; but gradually, as the -latter grew older and more curious, the address and cleverness of -Olivares asserted their influence over the weaker spirit of the Prince. -Olivares was supposed by Uceda to be acting entirely in his interest, -and had persuaded the latter to give him complete control of the -Prince's household, which he took care to pack with friends pledged to -himself. When Lerma was finally dismissed with a cardinal's hat and -all his riches, young Philip was anxious to know why so great a -minister had been disgraced. Olivares was always ready to enlighten -the lad, and would spend long periods chatting with him alone as the -Prince lay in bed, or as he was riding. In answer to Philip's -questions about Lerma, he impressed upon him the insolence of -favourites generally, their noxious public influence, their evil effect -upon monarchs, and much more to the same purport, pointed at Uceda the -new minister quite as much as at his fallen father. The sufferings of -the people were described vividly to the sympathising boy, who was told -of the vast plunder held by Lerma and his family from the national -resources, and the noble task awaiting a monarch who would {33} govern -his realm himself and redress the wrongs of his subjects. Young -Philip's youthful ambition was aroused, and thenceforward he listened -to his mentor eagerly; whilst he ostentatiously frowned in public upon -the Duke of Uceda.[32] - -[Sidenote: Results of Lerma's rule] - -Spain, notwithstanding the change of favourites, went from bad to -worse. The vast sums spent by the King upon the building of new -convents and in sumptuous shows were still wrung from the humblest -classes, who alone did any profitable work, and in vain was the sainted -image of the Virgin of Atocha carried in regal state through the -streets of the capital, in the hope of averting widespread famine. -Lerma at least, in his long ministry, had managed to conceal from the -indolent King the utter ruin that threatened; but the ineptitude of the -new favourites made the misery patent even to him. The knowledge -overwhelmed his feeble spirit, and his long spells of despair were but -rarely relieved now by the frivolities that formerly delighted him. -Ill and failing as he was, and his poor spirit broken, he prayed the -Council of Castile to tell him the truth as to the condition of his -people, and to suggest remedies for their ills. The report, which -reached him in February 1619, finally opened his eyes, now that it was -too late, to the appalling results of his rule; and, stricken with -panic fear that he would be damned eternally for his life-long neglect -of duty, the poor King broke down {34} utterly. He knew that his -strength was ebbing, and forgiveness for himself was his first thought, -and then to pray that his son might do better than he had done. - -To distract him, his favourites persuaded him to make a royal progress -to Portugal, with all the old lavish splendour, to witness the taking -of the oath by the Portuguese Cortes to young Philip as heir to the -throne. For months the cities of Portugal were the scene of prodigal -pomp and devotion, that once more drove out of the muddled brain of the -King all thought of the misery he had left behind him in Castile; and -as he sat, on the 14th July 1619, under his gold and silken canopy in -his palace at Lisbon, dressed in white taffeta and gold, and surrounded -by the nobles of Portugal and Spain, it seemed as if the lying fable -that made him personally the master of boundless wealth must be true, -and that his stark and ruined realm was overflowing with happy -abundance.[33] By his side sat his hopeful son Philip, a tall slim lad -of fourteen, wearing a white satin suit covered with gold and gems, and -surmounted by a black velvet shoulder-cape a mass of bullion -embroidery; and as the representatives of the Portuguese nation bent -the knee and swore to accept him as King when his father should die, in -exchange for his assurance that their ancient rights should be -respected, little thought any of the glittering throng that the pale -long-faced boy with the loose lower lip would, out of indolent -amiability, cause rivers of blood to run between Portugal {35} and -Spain, and that all the oaths sworn that day on both sides would be -broken. Little dreamed they, either, that the dark-visaged man with -the big square head, who stood behind the Prince's chair, was to be the -mover of this calamity, and of the final disruption of his young -master's great inheritance. Olivares, secure in his hold now over the -Prince, left Lisbon to go to the home of his house in Seville for a -time, knowing well that the jarring rivals around the boy would soon -make his return to Court the more welcome. The King was ill and like -to die on his way back to Madrid,[34] and Olivares was near the Prince -at the critical time, more influential than ever. - -[Sidenote: Death of Philip III.] - -Philip was precocious, and Olivares encouraged his precocity. By his -influence it was decided that the married life of the fifteen and a -half year old Prince and his pretty French bride should commence in -November 1620, at the suburban palace of the Pardo; and thenceforward, -whilst the poor King, in alternate fits of agonised remorse and -hysterical hope, clung to his mouldering relics of dead saints for -comfort, and to the frocks of his attendant friars for reassurance -against the wrath of the Most High, his son Philip was yearning -impatiently for the coming of the time when he might as King carry into -effect the lessons his mentor Olivares had whispered to him; banish the -whole brood of Sandoval y Rojas, and revive, as {36} by magic, the -potency of his country and the happiness of his people. - -Through the month of March 1621, King Philip III. lay dying in his -palace at Madrid, overlooking the bare Castilian plain.[35] He was not -much over forty years of age, but though his malady was slight his -vitality had fled, and all desire to prolong his disillusioned life. -His remorse and horror of heaven's vengeance were terrible to behold, -though during all his reign his habits had been those of a frivolous -friar rather than of a bad man, which he certainly was not.[36] On the -30th March young Philip took a last farewell of his father. "I have -sent for you," said the King, "that you may see how it all ends"; and -he gave the weeping lad similar advice to that given by his own greater -father, Philip II., to him on his deathbed, counsel to be treated in a -similar way. He was to marry his sister Maria to the German Emperor, -and to set his face sternly against all temptations to make a less -Catholic alliance for her; for James of England {37} had been striving -hard, seconded by Gondomar, to win her for Charles, Prince of Wales, -and to secure the Palatinate of the Rhine for his son-in-law Frederick. -The dying Philip urged his son to strive for the happiness of his -people, cherish his sisters and brothers, to avoid new counsellors, and -to stand steadfast to the faith of Spain; but when the young Prince -left the room Uceda and his crew knew that it was to go straight and -take counsel of Olivares and his supporters for making a clean sweep of -all those who had not bent the knee to the cadet of the house of -Guzman, the dark man with the bent shoulders, the big square head, -flashing fierce black eyes, and brusque imperious manner, who was -already assuming the airs of a master. - -For many months the palace had been a swarming hive of intriguers, -where hate, jealousy, and uncharitableness reigned supreme; but one by -one the friends of the Sandovals had been pushed into the background, -and no one but Olivares and his creatures were now allowed to approach -the lad who was soon to be King of Spain. It was clear to Uceda that -he was not strong enough to resist the coming storm alone; perhaps the -father he had ousted, the Cardinal Duke of Lerma, who had acted on the -death of Philip II. as Olivares was acting now, might with his -experience and prestige yet win the day. The dying King had already -raised the exile of all the other courtiers who had been banished from -Court; though on their return they had been excluded by Olivares from -access to the Prince; and now, in the last days of the King's life, -Uceda obtained {38} from him a decree recalling the Duke of Lerma. - -Like a thunderbolt the news fell in the camp of the Guzmans. Olivares -summoned his kin, headed by the wisest of them, old Baltasar de Zuñiga. -From this meeting Olivares went to the Prince and told him that as his -father was dying it was necessary to look ahead and take measures for -securing prompt obedience when the crucial moment came. Young Philip -acquiesced, for he was as wax in the hands of his imperious mentor; and -Olivares, thus reinforced, proceeded to the King's apartments, where by -cajolery and threats he obtained from the two great nobles on duty, the -aged Duke of Infantado and the Marquis of Malpica, not only a knowledge -of the provisions of the King's will, but also a promise that prompt -information of everything that passed in the death chamber should be -sent direct to the Prince's adviser. The Cardinal Duke was hurrying -across Castile towards Madrid, full of hope for a revival of his -greatness; for young Philip, whom he had dandled as a babe, always -liked him, and had wept for his "Gossip," as he called him, when he had -been banished from Court. If once the Duke reached Madrid, Guzman was -in danger, and no time was to be lost. So the Prince, at the bidding -of Olivares, took the bold and dangerous course of assuming sovereign -power to countermand his father's orders whilst yet the King lived. - -Young Philip was alone in the dusk of the evening in his panelled -chamber in the old palace of Madrid, when the president of the Council -of Castile, the highest functionary in Spain and {39} Archbishop of -Burgos, stood bowing before him in obedience to his call. The Prince, -who lounged against a carved oak sideboard, was dressed in black, and -his long sallow face had assumed the haughty immobility that for the -rest of his life was his official mask of majesty. "I have sent for -you, he mumbled to the Archbishop in slow, measured tones, to direct -you to despatch a member of the Council to forbid the Duke of Lerma -from entering Castile, and to command him to return immediately to -Valladolid to await my orders."[37] The Archbishop knelt and promised -obedience, though he knew, we are told, that if the King recovered he -would have to suffer for his weak compliance with an illegal -command.[38] - -There was little to fear in the world now, however, from Philip III., -who in the intervals of his bodily anguish was occupied solely in his -panic-stricken intercessions for pardon. His room was encumbered with -ghastly remains of saintly humanity, and the sacred offices succeeded -each other day and night: but around the bed worldly ambitions were -raging bitterly. In the morning of the 30th March a consultation of -physicians pronounced the end to be near; and the Duke of Uceda, as -principal minister and first chamberlain, announced his intention of -conveying the news to the Prince. Then the Duke of Infantado, secure -in the favour of Olivares, to whom only two days before he had betrayed -the secrets of the {40} death chamber, broke out tempestuously: "No, -indeed; that is my place, for the Prince has specially ordered me to -go." Uceda knew his day was past, and meekly bent his head: and thus, -in the midst of greedy bickering, his nerveless hand grasping to the -last the rough crucifix that had comforted the glazing eyes of his -grandfather the Emperor, and his father Philip II., the third Philip -passed the dread divide, revered and beloved by the people whom his -ineptitude had ruined, because he had still upheld throughout Europe -the claim of his house to impose Christian orthodoxy upon the world, -and had purged the sacred soil of Spain of the taint of Moorish blood, -to his country's permanent undoing. - -Olivares had played his cards cleverly. For weeks he had feigned a -desire to seek retirement in his home at Andalusia, knowing well that -young Philip, in the welter of difficulties and intrigues that -surrounded him, looked to him alone for guidance; and the adviser had -only to hint at a wish to retire for the Prince to assent to whatever -he demanded. As the King lay dying Uceda had met Olivares in the -corridor. "How goes it," he asked, "in the Prince's chamber?" "All is -mine," replied the Count. "All!" exclaimed the Duke of Uceda ruefully; -"Yes, without exception," retorted Olivares; "for his Highness -overrates me in all things but my goodwill."[39] Before many hours had -passed Uceda and his kin knew to their cost that Olivares had not -boasted in vain. All was {41} indeed his, and the strong hand fell -ruthlessly upon those who had ruled and plundered Spain since the -greatest of the Philips had passed his heavy crown to his weak son -twenty-two years before. - - - -[1] See a curious contemporary, unpublished, account by Don Geronimo -Gascon de Torquemada. Add. MSS. 10,236 British Museum. He says that -the Town Council scattered 12,000 silver reals in the plaza on -Saturday, 9th April, and that 30,000 wax candles, with as many sheets -of white paper to wrap round them for torches, were distributed to the -poor; the whole population of the city at the time being between 50,000 -and 60,000. - -[2] Narrative of Matias de Novoa, _Documentos Ineditos_, vol. lx. - -[3] The vehement protest of Ribera is reproduced _in extenso_ in Gil -Gonzalez Davila's _Vida y Hechos de Phelipe III_. Original MS. in -possession of the author. Also published, Madrid, 1771. Ribera it was -who principally promoted the expulsion of the Moriscos a few years -later. - -[4] Gongora's sonnet, for instance, which is thus Englished by Churton-- - - "Our Queen had borne a Prince. When all were gay, - A Lutheran envoy came across the main. - With some six hundred followers in his train,-- - All knaves of Luther's brood. His proud array - Cost us, in one fair fortnight and a day, - A million ducats of the gold of Spain, - In jewels, feasting crowds, and pageant play. - But then he brought us, for our greater gain, - The peace King James on Calvin's Bible swore. - Well! we baptized our Prince; Heaven bless the child! - But why make Luther rich, and leave Spain poor? - What witch our dancing courtiers' wits beguiled?-- - Cervantes, write these doings: they surpass - Your grave Don Quixote, Sancho and his ass." - -See also Cervantes' ballad of the Churching of Queen Margaret, in his -Exemplary Novel of _The Little Gipsy_, written, however, some years -after the event. - -[5] Don Juan Fernandez de Velasco, hereditary Great Constable of -Castile, Duke of Frias, who in the previous year, 1604, had gone to -England to conclude with James I. the Treaty of Peace. - -[6] So at least say the eye-witnesses; though it can hardly have been a -more violent downpour than that which overtook the present writer on -the same spot, and at a similar date, in a recent year, when, with -hardly five minutes' notice, the road was converted into a rushing -torrent several inches deep, though previously no rain had fallen for -months. - -[7] Cabrera (_Documentos Ineditos_) says that care was taken that no -sacred pictures were placed in the rooms, for fear of offence, though -they were hung with fine tapestries. Three new beds, he says, were -bought for Howard and his sons, etc. As an instance of the great care -taken on both sides to avoid offence, Davila mentions that Howard, -having learnt that two of his gentlemen had brought English Bibles with -them, insisted upon their being returned to the ship; and Gascon de -Torquemada asserts that the Englishmen were forbidden to dispute with -Spaniards, right or wrong, on pain of death. - -[8] "Todos tienen lindos trajes y altos cuerpos; y en habiendo entrado -en conversacion con nosotros se apartan luego, y hacen cabriolas, -cantando entre dientes: y aunque entre ellos usan esto no lo usava el -Almirante." Gascon de Torquemada's MS B.M., Add. MSS. 10,236. Cabrera -de Cordova (_Relacion de las Cosas Sucedidas desde 1599 hasta_ 1614) -also mentions the "cabriolas" or skipping of the English gentlemen in -the grand ball given in their honour on the 16th June by the King. The -passion for dancing "high and disposedly" was at the time considered -peculiarly English, and Englishmen are frequently referred to in -Spanish letters of the time as being naturally volatile and mercurial, -in marked contrast with their latter-day descendants. - -[9] See Geronimo Gascon de Torquemada's MS. B.M., Add. MSS. 10,936. - -[10] Full accounts of Howard's reception may be found in Torquemada's -MS. already quoted, in Novoa's relation (_Documentos Ineditos_, 60 and -61), in Cabrera de Cordova, in Davila already quoted, and in Yepes' -_Felipe III_. Madrid, 1723. - -[11] Cervantes thus writes on the subject-- - - "This pearl that Thou to us hast given, - Star of Austria's diadem: - What crafty plans, what high designs, - Are shattered by this peerless gem. - What hopes within our breasts are raised, - What soaring schemes have come to nought, - What fears are by his birth aroused. - What havoc with ambition wrought!" - -MacColl's translation of "The Exemplary Novels." - -[12] With him, we are told, walked the Princes of Savoy and all the -grandees and prelates present in Valladolid, the household of each -parsonage being dressed in new liveries for the occasion, those of the -royal servants being white and crimson trimmed with gold. The English -ambassador Howard witnessed the procession, as he did later in the day -that of the baptism, from a corner balcony in Count Rivadavia's house, -his garments glittering with diamonds, and the collar of the Garter on -his shoulder. It was noticed that when the King passed beneath the -Englishman doffed his bonnet and made a deep reverence. Porreño, _Vida -y Hechos de Phelipe III_. - -[13] Cabrera, _Relacion de las Cosas Sucedidas desde 1599 hasta 1614_. -In addition to the authorities already quoted, there is a curious -account of the celebrations referred to, sometimes attributed to -Cervantes, called _Relacion de lo Subcedido en la Ciudad da -Valladolid_, etc. Published at Valladolid in 1605. - -[14] A detailed account of these attempts will be found in _Treason and -Plot_, by the present writer, and in the fourth volume of his -_Calendars of Spanish State Papers of the Reign of Elizabeth_. - -[15] When the capital of Spain was again transferred to Madrid in 1606, -Queen Margarita was much opposed to and distressed at the change. -Porreño relates that she went to take leave of her favourite nuns at -Valladolid with tears in her eyes, and when asked by the nuns why she -did not persuade the King to remain at Valladolid, which agreed so well -with his wife and children, she replied that "nothing on earth could -move the King now, as the removal of the capital to Madrid had now been -presented to him as a case of conscience." "Thus," says Porreño, in -admiration, "he was ready to sacrifice the welfare of his wife and -children, and all earthly considerations, for his conscience' sake!" -Spaniards of the period thought that no higher praise than this could -be given to any man. - -[16] For instance, Charles' unblushing manipulation of the Council of -Trent in 1545-46, the juggle with Paul III. about the Italian -principalities, and the clever hoodwinking of Sixtus V. as to the real -objects of the Armada of 1588. - -[17] It must be borne in mind that the Cortes of Castile (which -comprised Castile, Leon, Andalucia, etc., and consisted of thirty-six -deputies for eighteen cities) had, after the abortive rising of the -Comuneros early in the reign of Charles V., in a great measure allowed -the control of supply to slip from its hands, and was rapidly becoming -effete; all the members being bribed and influenced by grants and -favours of the Court. The three Cortes of the Crown of Aragon, -however, still held their own purse-strings, and always made supply a -matter of bargain. For this reason practically the whole of the -growing national burden rested upon wretched Castile. - -[18] Danvila y Collado, _El Poder Civil en España_, vol. 6. In this -petition the Cortes told the King that, whereas it had cost twelve -years previously 60 ducats to maintain a student and his servant at -Salamanca for a year, it now cost 120. Wages had risen for a -bricklayer from 4 reals to 8, and for a labourer from 2 reals to 4; a -trimmed felt hat which had previously cost 12 reals now cost 24. -Segovia cloth, of which the price was formerly 3 ducats a piece, now -fetched nearly double. The ducats quoted are the so-called copper -ducat of 2_s._ 5-1/3_d._, the real being the silver real worth about -6_d._ - -[19] The quantity of copper coin in circulation increased in five or -six years from 6 millions of ducats' worth to 28 millions. - -[20] Contarini to the Doge and Senate of Venice (_Relazioni degli -Ambasciatori Veneziani_). - -[21] Navarrete says, speaking of the luxury of the Court at this -period--and we shall see that it was exceeded later--"The smallest -hidalgo insisted upon his wife only going out in a carriage, and that -her equipage should be as showy as that of the greatest gentleman at -Court. Not even a carpenter or a saddler, or any other artizan, was -seen but he must be dressed in velvet or satin like a nobleman. He -must needs wear his sword and his dagger, and have a guitar hanging on -the wall of his shop." When it is remembered that the production and -distribution in Spain itself of the precious stuffs mentioned were -hampered at every point, it will be understood how great and constant -the drain of wealth was from a country which now exported little but -the products of its soil. - -[22] For details of the expulsion see, _inter alia_, Fray Jaime Bleda's -_Cronica de los Moros de España_ (Valencia, 1618); _The Moriscos of -Spain_, by C. H. Lea (London, 1901); _Memorable Expulsion_, etc., by -Guadalajara (Pamplona, 1614); and Porreño's _Felipe III_. - -[23] The wise minister of Philip II., Idiaquez, in 1595 almost alone -saw the economical evil of the expulsion. In an important letter to a -colleague (MS. Loyola No. 1., 31, Royal Academy of History, Madrid) he -rebuked the general idea that Spain would be richer for the expulsion -of the Moriscos, and pointed out that they almost alone were creating -national wealth by their industry, frugality, and skill in agriculture. -"But all this," he says, "is of no consideration in exchange for -putting away from our throat the knife which threatens it so long as -these people remain amongst us in their present condition and we in -ours." - -[24] The ancient church in the Prado where this ceremony always took -place, and where the young King of Spain and his English bride were -married recently. - -[25] "His Majesty wore a white doublet and trunks with a grey satin -cloak, all embroidered with bugles and gold spangles and lined with -ermine. White shoes and a black velvet cap with strings of pearls and -diamonds and a plume of white feathers sprinkled with magnificent -diamonds; a sword beautifully chased and an embroidered belt; a ruff -with crimson silk ribs and the grand collar of the Golden Fleece." See -a curious contemporary MS. account of the ceremony. British Museum -MSS., Egerton, 367. - -[26] The Prince was nevertheless so frightened that the silken bands -necessary in the ceremony meant an intention to bleed him, and he cried -so much in consequence, that he had to be led to a little chair at his -mother's knee before he could be pacified; and there his sister, the -Infanta Ana, weighed down by her stiff gorgeousness, knelt and did -homage, to be followed by the cardinal, the nobles, and the Cortes. -_Ibid_. - -[27] Gil Gonzalez de Avila, in his MS. _Historia de Phelipe III._, -gives many admiring instances of the King's mystic communications with -the heavenly powers, and of his attacks of religious panic. (Original -MS. in my possession.) - -[28] Cabrera de Cordova, _Cosas Sucedidas a la Corte_, etc., _desde_ -1599 á 1614. - -[29] A full account of the crazy magnificence on the occasion will be -found in _Documenios Ineditos_, lxi. - -[30] An unpublished account of the progress by an eye-witness is in -Add. MSS. 102,36, British Museum. See also _Queens of Old Spain_, by -Martin Hume, and _Documenios Ineditos_, lxi. - -[31] Malvezzi, _Historia de Felipe III._, Yañez. - -[32] Matias de Novoa, _Felipe III_. _Doctimentos Ineditos_, lxi. This -writer was a chamberlain of Philip IV. and an agent of Olivares; but -receiving from the latter no reward, he wrote a series of bitter -attacks upon him. - -[33] The King's and the Prince's splendid dresses and adornments on -this occasion are described fully by Porreño in _Dichos y Hechos de Don -Felipe III_. - -[34] His recovery from this grave illness after the doctors had given -up hope was ascribed to the miraculous effect produced by the dead body -of the newly beatified Saint Isidore of Madrid, which was brought to -his bedside at Covarrubias. The King kissed and embraced the corpse, -and improved from that hour. - -[35] The ridiculous story, related by entirely untrustworthy French -travellers, of the cause of Philip's fatal illness being the Court -etiquette, which forbade any attendant but a high noble who happened to -be absent to remove a brazier from too close proximity to the King, may -be dismissed as a fable. Anything which exaggerated the strangeness, -the romance, and the inflation of Spanish manners found ready belief in -seventeenth-century France, and has done so ever since. The absurd -ideas relative to Spain even at the present time are mainly due to this -insistence on the part of French writers in seeing everything Spanish -through the coloured medium of the romantic school. Madame D'Aulnoy's -overdone "local colour" and evidently invented stories are largely -responsible for this, aided by Bassompiere Saint Simon, Mme. Villars, -and the later romantic school of French novelists. - -[36] Terrible accounts of Philip's awful deathbed are given by Gil -Gonzales de Avila, his chronicler and friend, in his _Historia de -Felipe III._, original MS. in my possession, in Yañez's additions to -Malvezzi, and in Novoa, _Documentos Ineditos_, lxi.; all contemporaries. - -[37] Novoa, _Documentos Ineditos_, lxi. - -[38] Novoa says that when the Archbishop signed the order he broke into -tears and cast away the pen he had used. - -[39] _Fragmentos Historicos de la Vida de D. Caspar de Guzman_, etc. -Unpublished contemporary MS. biography of Olivares in my possession; -the work of his partisan Vera y Figueroa, Count de la Roca. - - - - -{42} - -CHAPTER II - -ACCESSION OF PHILIP IV.--OLIVARES THE VICE-KING--CONDITION OF THE -COUNTRY--MEASURES ADOPTED BY THE NEW KING--RETRENCHMENT--MODE OF LIFE -OF PHILIP AND HIS MINISTER--PHILIP'S IDLENESS--HIS -APOLOGIA--DISSOLUTENESS OF THE CAPITAL--VILLA MEDIANA--THE AMUSEMENTS -OF THE KING AND COURT--A SUMPTUOUS SHOW--ARRIVAL OF THE PRINCE OF WALES -IN MADRID--HIS PROCEEDINGS--OLIVARES AND BUCKINGHAM - - -Prince Philip lay in his great square tentlike bedstead in the palace -of Madrid, at nine o'clock on the morning of the 31st March 1621, when -an usher announced his Dominican confessor, Sotomayor. The friar -entered, and, kneeling by the bedside with a grave face, saluted his -new sovereign as King Philip IV. For a moment the boy was overwhelmed -at the long-looked-for news, and bade the attendants draw the curtains -close that he might indulge his grief unseen. But soon the eager -worshippers of the risen sun flocked into the room to pay their court -to the new monarch when he should deign to show his face. Anon there -was stir in the antechamber, and the crowd divided, bowing low as the -stern, masterful man who was now lord over all stalked through the -room, accompanied by his aged uncle the white-haired {43} Don Baltasar -de Zuñiga, destined by him to be nominally the King's chief minister, -behind whom Olivares might rule unchecked. Advancing to the King's -bed, Olivares threw back the curtains and peremptorily told Philip that -he must get up, for there was much to be done. Uceda was still -officially first minister and great chamberlain, with right of free -access to the Sovereign; but when, a few moments later, he and his -secretary entered the antechamber, amidst the scarcely concealed sneers -of the courtiers, and the whisper reached Philip that they were coming, -the King leapt from his bed and cried out that no one else was to be -admitted until he was dressed. - -[Sidenote: The rise of Olivares] - -Dressing on this occasion was a long process, for the young King broke -down with grief and excitement several times whilst his attendants were -preparing him for public audience; and Uceda, in the antechamber, fumed -and fretted at the insult put upon him by the King, who thus -disregarded his father's dying injunctions in the first moments of his -bereavement. Whilst Uceda awaited the King's pleasure, Olivares, -leaving the bed-chamber, met his falling rival face to face, and a -violent altercation took place as to the premature action of Philip in -ordering the Duke of Lerma, a Prince of the Church now, and immune from -lay commands, to stay his journey to Madrid. Pointing to the State -papers, seals, and keys in the hands of the secretary who accompanied -him, Uceda asked who but the Duke of Lerma was worthy of taking charge -of them. "My uncle, Don Baltasar de Zuñiga is here," replied Olivares, -"to do so, and to give to the State the advantage {44} of his long -experience, and wisdom second to none." Uceda was then notified that -the King, being dressed, would receive him; and entering the room, he -knelt and proffered to Philip the seals and papers of his office. -Pouting and frowning, the King waved his hand towards the sideboard, -and said, "Put them there," and Uceda went out unthanked, to weep his -now certain ruin and disgrace.[1] - -Whilst the King was busy condoling with his young wife and sister and -his two brothers Carlos and Fernando, and receiving the homage of his -nobles, the preparations were hastily made in the great hall of the -Alcazar for the lying in state of the body of Philip III. in his habit -as a friar of St. Francis. And as the muffled death bells boomed from -the steeples of the capital, one man at least there was whose heart -fainted at the sound. "The King is dead, and so am I," cried Don -Rodrigo de Calderon from the prison where he had suffered and -languished for years, the scapegoat for others, borne down by -accusations innumerable, from theft to witchcraft and regicide. In his -pride and power he had piled up wealth beyond compute, as his master -Lerma had done, but it is clear now that the other charges against him -were mainly false. His long trial had resulted in no mortal crime -being proved, and had Philip III. lived he would doubtless have been -pardoned; but he had belonged to the old greedy gang, and Olivares had -no mercy upon them. Before Philip's nine days mourning reclusion in -the {45} monastery of St. Geronimo was ended a clean sweep was made of -the men who had surrounded the dead King. Calderon's head fell on the -scaffold in the Plaza Mayor of Madrid; the great Duke of Osuna, who had -ruled Naples with so high a hand as to be accused of the wish to make -himself a King, was incarcerated and persecuted till his proud heart -broke; Uceda met with a similar fate; the powerful confessor Aliaga was -disgraced and banished; and even Lerma was not spared, though he fought -stoutly for his plunder; and all the clan of Sandoval and Rojas were -trampled under the heels of the Guzmans and their allies. - -[Sidenote: Olivares supreme] - -The state of things which the new Sovereign had to face was positively -appalling. The details of the abject penury and misery universal -throughout Spain, except amongst those who managed the public revenues -and their numerous hangers-on, sound almost incredible. Idleness and -pretence were everywhere. Insolent gentlemen in velvet doublets and no -shirts, workmen who strutted and clattered in ruffs and rapiers, -seeking prey as sham soldiers instead of earning wages by honest -handicrafts, led poets, and paid satirists, gamesters, swindlers, -bravos and cutpurses, pretended students who lived like the rest of the -idle crew on alms and effrontery, crowds of friars and priests whose -only attraction to their cloth was the sloth which it excused; ladies, -rouged and overdressed, who deliberately and purposely aped the look -and manners of prostitutes,--these were the prevailing types of the -capital, as described by eyewitnesses innumerable, as well as by the -romancers who revelled in the colour, movement, and squalid {46} -picturesqueness of such a society.[2] And to maintain the real and -false splendour in Madrid the starving agriculturists, who had not -abandoned their holdings in sheer despair, were ground down to their -last real by the crushing alcabala tax, by local tolls and octrois, and -by the heartless extortions of the tax farmers. - -There is no doubt that, so far as their light extended, both the King -and Olivares sincerely wished to reform abuses of which the results -were patent to all. Young Philip himself was good hearted and kindly, -as his father had been, but far more sensual and less devout in his -habits. Though in public he assumed the marble gravity traditional -thenceforward in Spanish kings, he was gay and witty in private -discourse with those whose society he enjoyed, especially writers and -players. His love of books, music, and pictures, as well as of poetry -and the drama, made him, as time went on, the greatest patron of -authors and artists in Spain's golden age of social and political -decadence. But idleness marred all his qualities, and the lust for -pleasure which he was powerless to resist made him the slave of -favourites and his passions all his life. A man such as this, endowed -with a gentle heart and a tender conscience, was doomed to a life of -misery and remorse in the intervals of his thoughtless pleasures; and -in the course of this book we shall see that sorrow ever followed close -on joy's footsteps in the life of the "Planet King," until final ruin -overtook the nation, cursed with the gayest and wickedest Court since -that of {47} Heliogabalus, and all was quenched in a great wave of -tears. - -[Sidenote: Philip and his minister] - -The man to whom Philip handed his conscience, as has been described, on -the first day of his reign, was nearly twenty years his senior. An -indefatigable worker, with an ambition as voracious as his industry, -Olivares was the exact reverse of the idle, courtly, conciliatory -Lerma. His greed was not personal, as that of Lerma had been, though -his love of power led him to absorb as many offices as he. He was -vehement and voluble, arrogant and impatient even with the King, and -impressed upon Philip incessantly the need for exertion on his own -part.[3] Able as he unquestionably was, he appraised his ability too -highly, and contemned all opinions but his own; whilst his attitude -towards the foreign Powers was insolent in the extreme, and quite -unwarranted by Spain's position at the time. From an economic point of -view, Olivares, though he began his rule by cutting down expenses in -drastic fashion, was no wiser than his predecessors; though his ruling -idea that the political unity of Spain was the thing primarily needful -was sage and statesmanlike. But in this he was before his time, and -his disregard for provincial traditions and rights in his determination -to force unity of sacrifice upon the country, led to his own ruin and -the disintegration of Spain. The portraits of him by Velazquez enable -us to see the man as he lived,--stern, dark, and masterful, {48} with -bulging forehead and sunken eyes and mouth, his massive shoulders bowed -by the weight of his ponderous head, we know instinctively that such a -man would either dominate or die. He was the finest horseman in Spain, -and he treated men as he treated his big-boned chargers, breaking them -to obedience by force of will and persistence. - -Such was the man who led Spain during the crucial period which was to -decide, not only whether France or Spain should prevail politically, -but whether the culture and civilisation of Europe should in future -receive its impulse and colour from Spanish or French influences. In -that great contest Spain was beaten, not so much because Olivares was -inferior to Richelieu, as because of the old tradition that hampered -Spain at home and abroad and pitted a decentralised country, where -productive industry had been stifled and the sources of wealth choked, -against a homogeneous nation where active work was fostered, and whose -resources were at the command of the central authority.[4] - -[Sidenote: Olivares made a grandee] - -This much it was necessary to say in order to make clear the manner of -men that in future ruled the Court of which we have to write: a King to -whom pleasure was a business; and a minister to whom business alone was -pleasure, who loved the reality of rule whilst his master loved the -ceremonial of it. Not many days passed before the ambition of the -Guzmans for the grandeeship was satisfied. The King was still passing -his first days of mourning in the monastery of St. Geronimo when the -sermon of the day, either by chance or {49} design, inculcated the need -for properly rewarding services done to us. The sermon over, Philip -went to dinner, the room being crowded with nobles, amongst whom was -Uceda, not yet finally banished. When the King had finished his meal -and the cloth was drawn, Olivares entered very unobtrusively, and -sidled against the wall behind the other nobles in attendance, well -knowing, probably, what was coming. The King, catching his eye, said: -"Let us obey the good friar who preached to-day; Count of Olivares, be -covered!" This was the form used in the raising of a peer to the -grandeeship, and Olivares, putting on his wide-brimmed hat, threw -himself at the King's feet with his uncle and those of his kin who were -in the room, overjoyed at the honour done to their house; and their joy -was increased when, a few hours later, Uceda was told that he must -surrender to Olivares at once one of his two great offices in the -household. - -Offices and honours thenceforward crowded upon the favourite, who was -soon made Duke of San Lucar and principal chamberlain. Almost -ostentatiously he professed a desire to leave politics entirely to his -uncle, and to confine himself to the duties of his household offices -near the King. Nobody was deceived by his apparent modesty, for even -before Zuñiga's death, which happened in a year, it was known that his -nephew's long personal conversations with the King, facilitated by his -courtly palace duties, were mainly concerned with questions of -Government and State. The Count-Duke, as he came to be called -universally, would allow nothing to be done for the King but by -himself. Before Philip was out of bed the minister {50} was the first -to enter the room, draw the curtains and open the window. Then on his -knees by the bedside he rehearsed the business of the coming day. -Every garment that the King put on passed first through the hands of -Olivares, who stood by whilst Philip dressed. After the midday meal, -at which Olivares was often present, the minister was wont to amuse the -King by entertaining chat, detailing the gossip of the capital, and -late in the evening he attended to give him an account of the -despatches received, and consult him as to the answers, after which he -saw the monarch to bed.[5] This constant attendance upon the King made -it impossible for any person not an absolute creature of Olivares to -approach Philip's ear with doubt as to the policy of the favourite in -political matters. - -[Sidenote: State of Spain] - -When Philip's first parliament met, a few months after his accession, -it was stated in the assembly that so terrible was the distress that -"people had abandoned their lands and were now wandering on the roads, -living on herbs and roots, or else travelling to provinces where they -had not to pay the awful food excises and alcabalas"; whilst every -source of revenue was anticipated for years to come on usurious -terms.[6] Philip himself, in an important original paper hitherto -unpublished (British Museum, Egerton MSS. 338), gives the following -account of the state of affairs he had to face on his accession, whilst -complaining of the little help he had received from his officers: "I -found {51} finance so exhausted (apart from the dreadful state it had -been left in at the death of Philip II., who had pledged it deeply) -that all resources were anticipated for several years, and my patrimony -had been so reduced that in my father's time alone 96,000,000 crowns -had been granted in gifts, etc.; besides what had been spent in the -other realms (_i.e._ Aragon, Catalonia, etc.), from which no returns -have been received. The currency had been raised to three times its -face value, an unheard-of thing in any realm.... Ecclesiastical -affairs were in such disorder, that it was asserted from Rome that -innumerable dispensations for simony had been obtained for -archbishoprics, bishoprics, prebends, etc.... As for justice, on the -very first day of my reign I was obliged to put my foot down, as will -be recollected, ... for the ministers who received bribes were more -numerous than those who did not ... My State, too, was so discredited -that in the truce that the Dutch had made with my father they were -treated as independent sovereigns, although every minister, from the -King my father and the Archduke downward, refused to acknowledge such a -claim.... I had only seven ships of war in the fleet.... India and -the Indies were well-nigh lost.... The truce with Flanders was just -expiring.... German affairs were more pressing than ever.... The -marriage of the Prince of Wales with my sister was so far advanced that -it seemed impossible to avoid it without a great war, which, indeed, -followed, as we could not give way on the religious point.[7] Portugal -was discontented {52} with the Viceroy, ... whilst all the other parts -of the monarchy was neglected or misgoverned.... We were at war with -Venice; the Kingdom of Naples was almost in revolt, and the money there -was utterly corrupted. All this was from no fault of my father, nor of -his predecessors, as all the world knows, but simply because God so -ordained it." - -This document, written by Philip himself a few years afterwards for his -own justification, proves how pressing was the need for an abatement of -untenable claims on the part of Spain to interfere with the affairs of -other nations, and the absolute necessity for a policy of retrenchment. -And yet at the bidding of Olivares, against the opinion even of wise -old Zuñiga, the first minister, the interminable war with the Dutch for -the assertion of Spain's sovereignty over Holland was resumed as soon -as the truce ended, only a few months after the young King's accession. - -[Sidenote: Philip's policy] - -In his address to his first Cortes, Philip struck the unwise note of -Dominican intolerance and pride {53} which had pervaded his baptism, -setting forth in the midst of the miserable state of things just -described that his first duty as a Spanish sovereign was, "with holy -zeal befitting so Catholic a Prince, to undertake the defence and -exaltation of our holy Catholic faith; ... to aid the Emperor in -Bohemia; to fight the rebel Hollanders again, and to defend everywhere -our sacred faith and the authority of the Holy See." So, whilst -Olivares made efforts to stop the peculation of high officers of State, -to compel restitution of past plunder, to prevent further alienation of -national property, and to reduce to a minimum the cost of the royal -establishment, and whilst he passed ferocious sumptuary laws enjoining -modesty and economy in dress, the real root of the evil was not -touched; for taxation continued to strangle production and fell mainly -upon the poor, and the wasteful drain of unnecessary wars for an -exploded idea continued as if Spain was still wallowing in wealth. -Good, therefore, as the intentions of Olivares may have been, it is -clear that he was a disastrous adviser for an inexperienced, idle young -sovereign of sixteen. - -And if his political influence was unfortunate, his social and moral -influence was no less evil. There exists, for instance, in manuscript -in various collections, and notably in the British Museum (Egerton MSS. -329), a pregnant correspondence between the Archbishop of Granada, -Philip's tutor, and Olivares, written shortly after the accession, in -which the Archbishop indignantly reproaches the favourite, who was -certainly old enough to know better, for taking the young King out into -the streets of the capital at night, and introducing him {54} into evil -company. "People," says the prelate, "are gossiping about it all over -Madrid, and things are being said about it which add little to the -Sovereign's credit or dignity." Madrid is, even now, fond of scandal, -but early in the seventeenth century, isolated as it was from the -world, Philip's capital found its most piquant pursuit from morn till -night in slander and tittle-tattle, both in the form of malicious -satirical verses that passed from hand to hand, and in whispered -immoralities touching high and low. The long raised walk by the side -wall of the Church of St. Philip at the entrance of the Calle Mayor -(High Street), from the Puerta del Sol, opposite the still standing -Oñate Palace, was the recognised centre of such confidences, and came -to be called by the appropriate name of the Mentidero (Liars' Walk). -The Archbishop in his letter proceeds to say that not only have these -people begun to whisper things about the King's proceedings which were -better unsaid; but the example shown of a young monarch and his -principal minister scouring the streets at night in search of adventure -is a bad one for the people at large; and he reminds Olivares of the -great grief and anxiety of the late King on this very account, and of -his dread that his youthful heir was already before his death being -inducted into dissipation. The answer to the bold prelate's -remonstrance is just such as might have been expected from the arrogant -favourite. He tells him, in effect, that he is an impertinent meddler, -and ought to be ashamed, at his age and in his high position, to -trouble him with the vulgar gossip of the streets! "The King is -sixteen," he says, "and he (Olivares) is thirty-four, {55} and it is -not to be expected that they are to be kept in ignorance of what is -going on in the world. It is good that the King should see all phases -of life, bad as well as good. Besides, he never trusts the King with -anyone else"; and the favourite's letter ends with a barely concealed -threat that if the Archbishop does not mind his own business in future, -ill might befall him. - -[Sidenote: Philip's early profligacy] - -Early, however, as was Philip's introduction into the profligacy that -was the curse of his life, and the endless subject of his remorse in -later years, he was a gallant young husband to his pretty French wife, -though with the fall of her mother, Marie de Medici, and her Italianate -crew the political object of the marriage had already failed, and -France and Spain, once more at issue, were rapidly drifting into war. -Scandalous and notorious as Philip's infidelity to his wife very soon -became, he appears to have been devotedly attached to her, and was -violently jealous of any appearance of special love or homage to her -beauty. She, on her part, true daughter of the gallant _Béarnais_ as -she was, was gay and debonair in her bearing, and followed, though -decorously, the fashion in Spain of her time, which allowed women an -amount of licence of speech with gallants impossible in other countries -or at other periods.[8] As {56} with all other ladies of the Court, -there was unkind tittle-tattle about the gay young Queen; but -apparently without the slightest foundation, though a supposed passion -for her on the part of one of the most brilliant nobles of the Court -led to tragic results for the gallant. - -[Illustration: ISABEL DE BOURBON, FIRST WIFE OF PHILIP IV. _From a -portrait by Velazquez in the possession of Edward Huth, Esq._] - -At a royal bull-fight--one of the earliest shows to celebrate the -King's accession in the summer of 1621--the Count of Villa Mediana, Don -Juan de Tassis, rode into the arena at the head of his troop of -cavaliers, bearing as his device a mass of silver coins called "reals" -(or royals), and above them the audacious motto of "My loves are ----," -which was taken to mean, in conjunction with his daring glances and -marked salutes, that his love was set upon the Queen. The Count was -over forty years of age, and no beauty; and his malicious satirical -verses had been aimed at everybody in Court, from the King downward. -He was therefore well provided with enemies, who were ready to place -the worst construction on his acts. It is now proved--as far as any -such thing can be proved[9]--that the real object of the Count's -regards was a lady named Doña Francisca de Tavara, with whom the King -was carrying on an intrigue at the time. But in either case the young -King's jealousy was aroused, and his annoyance was increased by an -innocent {57} remark of his wife that "Villa Mediana aimed well." "Ah!" -replied Philip crossly, "but he aims too high"; and soon the -ill-natured story with due embellishments was being whispered all over -Madrid.[10] - -[Sidenote: Count de Villa Mediana] - -But in the following spring of 1622 there was a great series of -festivals at Aranjuez, where the Court was then in residence, to -celebrate Philip's seventeenth birthday. Already the glamour of the -stage had seized upon Philip and his wife, and one of the attractions -of the rejoicings was the representation in a temporary theatre of -canvas erected amidst the trees on the "island garden," and beautifully -adorned, of a comedy in verse by Count de Villa Mediana dedicated to -the Queen. The comedy was called _La Gloria de Niquea_, and Isabel -herself was to personate the goddess of beauty. It was night, and the -flimsy structure of silk and canvas was brilliantly lit with wax lights -when all the Court had assembled to see the show; the young King and -his two brothers and sister being seated in front of the stage, and the -Queen in the retiring-room behind the scenes. The prologue had been -finished successfully, and the audience were awaiting the withdrawing -of the curtain that screened the stage, when a piercing shriek went up -from the back, and a moment afterwards a long tongue of flame licked up -half the drapery before the stage, and immediately the whole place was -ablaze. Panic seized upon the splendid mob, and there was a rush to -escape. The King succeeded in fighting his way out with difficulty, -and made his {58} way to the back of the stage in search of his wife. -In the densely wooded gardens that surrounded the blazing structure he -sought for a time in vain, but at last found that Villa Mediana had -been before him, and that the half-fainting figure of the Queen was -lying in the Count's arms. Whatever may have been the truth of the -matter, this, at all events, made a delightful _bonne bouche_ for the -scandal-mongers, who hated Villa Mediana for his atrabilious gibes, and -it soon became noised abroad that the Count had planned the whole -affair, and had purposely set fire to the theatre that he might gain -the credit of having saved the Queen, and enjoy the satisfaction of -having clasped her in his arms, if but for a moment. - -[Sidenote: Murder of Villa Mediana] - -Four months afterwards, in August 1622, Villa Mediana was returning -home in his coach soon after dark, when, from an archway in the Calle -Mayor, opposite the alley leading to the Church of St. Gines, there -darted the cloaked figure of a man, who discharged at him a bolt from a -crossbow which pierced his chest. The Count had just time to leap from -the coach and draw his sword, shouting "It is done," when he fell dead -upon the road. Villa Mediana had been noted in a splendid Court as the -most splendid and extravagant courtier. Amongst men to whom gallantry -was an obsession, he was looked upon as the most gallant; in a society -of literary and artistic dilettanti, he was held to be the most -critical and refined; and his murder, almost at his own door in the -midst of the capital, caused a profound sensation. Murders in the open -streets, it is true, had become scandalously frequent, mostly, it was -said, prompted {59} by private vengeance, and rarely punished; but the -killing of Villa Mediana in the circumstances related set tongues -wagging in a way that had not been equalled since that luckless -secretary of Don Juan of Austria, Escovedo, had been assassinated -nearly fifty years before by the secret orders of Philip II. As if by -common consent, all fingers pointed at young King Philip as the -instigator of the crime.[11] It was asserted that the man who struck -the blow was one Alonso Mateo, a crossbowman of the King; but though -hundreds affirmed it, neither he nor any other was ever prosecuted for -the crime, and the immortal Lope de Vega, who firmly believed that the -young Sovereign connived at the murder of the Duke of Lemos, the former -minister of his father, in November 1622, only interpreted the general -belief in the capital, if it was indeed he who wrote that whoever -struck the fatal blow at Villa Mediana, "_the impulse that guided it -was sovereign_." - -Whilst murders such as this were of frequent occurrence in the capital, -whilst war was looming daily closer, whilst industry lay ruined and the -fields unproductive, whilst poverty and famine stalked unchecked -through the land, the nobles and officials dependent upon the Court -grew richer in plunder and more insolent in ostentation, {60} -notwithstanding the sumptuary decrees and the frantic efforts of Philip -and Olivares to impose strict economy in one direction, as a -counterbalance to lavish squandering in others. Almost any pretext was -good enough for Philip to seize for a wasteful show. In after-times -people blamed Olivares for purposely leading the lad into these -frivolous extravagances, with the set object of diverting him from his -duty; but I am inclined to believe that this view is an unjust one as -regards the beginning of the reign. Olivares, of course, wished to -please and flatter his master; but whilst he worked like a giant -himself, and behind a perfect multitude of boards and juntas contrived -to keep in his own hands supreme control of national affairs, he -unquestionably urged Philip again and again to apply himself diligently -to work and to spend less time in pleasure.[12] - -[Sidenote: Devotions and diversions] - -Philip's own inclinations led him to idle and profitless pleasures, -especially those which lent themselves to theatrical display or -ostentatious decorations. The bull-fights, combats between wild -beasts, equestrian parades, cane tourneys, masques, balls, comedies and -banquets, alternated with religious processions and church ceremonies. -In these rejoicings Philip and his wife took equal pleasure. It was -the Augustan age of Spanish literature, and the drama of intrigue which -Spaniards had invented to delight Europe in future was then in its full -flood of malicious fertility. From October 1622 every Sunday and -Thursday, except during the height of summer, dramas {61} were -performed by regular actors and actresses in the private theatre of the -palace, the Queen being nominally the principal patron of the pastime. -Some of the comedies then first represented may be mentioned as -indicating the taste of the time. "The Scorned Sweetheart," "Jealousy -of a Horse," and "The Loss of Spain" were three plays by Pedro Valdes, -for which the Queen paid 300 reals, or £6 each. "The Fortunate -Farmer," "The Woman's Avenger," "The Husband of his Sister," and "The -Power of Opportunity" were other plays paid for by the Queen; and the -total number of new dramas represented in the Queen's apartments in the -palace during the winter of 1622-23 was forty-three, the fees for which -reached 13,500 reals, equal to £270.[13] - -The favourite convent of the Discalced Carmelites, by the Church of St. -Martin, was the scene of constant royal visits and semi-religious -dissipations, and one of the most pompous of the ceremonious -festivities that beguiled the dazzled crowd at the beginning of the -reign was the series of shows that celebrated the canonisation of three -of the most popular of Spanish saints in 1622, when all Madrid, in -alternating devotional ecstasy and frivolous jollity, followed the King -and his wife in honouring St. Isidore, the husbandman, now the patron -of Madrid, St. Teresa of Avila, and St. Ignatius Loyola, founder of the -Jesuits. Accompanied by the bull-fights and ceremonial trials of -accused heretics, called _autos-de-fe_, which specially delighted the -crowd, this canonisation fete also {62} revived an ancient Spanish -diversion, which thenceforward became under Philip's patronage one of -the most highly appreciated of the pleasures of his literary Court, -namely, the Literary Academies, as they were called, and Floral Games, -or poetical competitions, in which the poetasters tried their mettle -one against the other, in hope of gaining the ear of powerful patrons -for their verses. It was a struggle of keen wits; for in no time or -court was poetry, especially satirical and dramatic poetry, ever so -fashionable; and that it degenerated later into preciosity, -extravagance, and affectation was the natural result of the universal -struggle to gain a hearing in a chorus of verse. - -[Sidenote: An equestrian masque] - -There are abundant and for the most part tedious contemporary -descriptions of these various courtly festivities, descriptions usually -as pompous and dry as is to our taste the affected frivolity of the -festivities themselves.[14] But though these turgid productions cannot -be quoted to any great length in a book like the present, which is -intended to suggest a general picture of the Court and times rather -than a series of minute sectional photographs, an idea may be gained of -the scale upon which the festivities were arranged, by giving a rigidly -condensed translation of the account of a great masque and equestrian -display given by Philip and his brother Carlos on the 26th February -1623.[15] - -{63} - -"All the Court was anxious for the day when his Majesty and the Infante -Don Carlos should honour and delight it with the promised feast. It -took place on Palm Sunday, with a magnificent mask notable not only for -its beauty, its ingenuity, and costly garments, and the high nobles and -gentlemen who took part, but also because his Majesty and his Highness -appeared in it. - -"Four enclosed courses had been made; the principal one before the -palace, and the others before the Convent of Discalced Carmelites, in -the Plaza Mayor, and at the Gate of Guadalajara,[16] many (side) -streets being barricaded and occupied by mounted alguacils -(constables), and no coaches being allowed in the streets. The best -horses Andalucia could breed or the world could see were brought out -that day, with glittering trappings and harness, liveries, devices and -accoutrements, richer than had ever been beheld. The King had ordered -all the maskers to be ready mounted at the Convent of the -Incarnation[17] at one o'clock, a stage and canopy having been erected -there from which his Majesty was to mount. At about two o'clock the -Spanish and German Guards arrived,[18] very smart and handsome, under -Don Fernando Verdugo and the Marquis de Rentin; and soon afterwards the -{64} royal horses came, having gone in procession through the streets -where the maskers were to pass. This was the order in which they came. -First twelve drummers, thirty trumpeters, and eight minstrels, all on -horseback, and dressed in white and black velvet; after them came the -pioneers on foot, and then the royal grooms, and thirty-six splendidly -caparisoned horses covered with housings of crimson velvet fringed with -gold, bearing upon each a crown of cloth of gold and a cipher of -"Philip IV." They were led by thirty-six lackeys, some in black and -some in crimson, their garments being trimmed with frizzed velvet, like -embroidery. The farriers came next, distinguished from the lackeys by -wearing caps instead of hats. Thirty-six postillions followed, dressed -like slaves in silvered plush on a black ground, with hats to match.... - -[Sidenote: An equestrian parade] - -"The first noble to put in an appearance (_i.e._ at the Incarnation) -was Don Pedro de Toledo, Marquis of Villafranca, general of the Spanish -cavalry. He was dressed in black, with cape and bonnet, and bore the -insignia and baton of a general. With him came twelve lackeys in -liveries of black velvet trimmed with gold, and twelve pages dressed -similarly, but with white plumes in their caps. In like guise came the -Marquis of Flores D'Avila, chief equerry of the King, whose noble -presence and snowy hair, even if he had been alone, would have sufficed -to dignify the feast. When the greater part of the nobles, the flower -of Spain, had collected, the sun, to speak in poetical terms, envious -of so much splendour and majesty, summoned up dark clouds which for a -long time ceased not to pour water upon the festival. The {65} -feelings on the matter of the rain were divided. First it was a pity -if the show were spoilt, the preparations being more beautiful and -costly than had ever been made for a masquerade at Court, there being -forty-eight pairs of horsemen, each with different liveries, besides -his Majesty and his brother. The livery of the King and the Count of -Olivares was steel grey with white plumes, whilst those of the Infante -and the Marquis de Carpio were black and white with plumes to match. -The second emotion aroused by the rain was rejoicing at the good it -would do to the poor people who needed it so much for their crops, even -though the maskers and merry-makers had to take shelter under the -eaves. But soon the sky cleared, and the rain ceased; so that all were -satisfied. The clarions by and by rang out and announced that the King -and the Infante had mounted, and the maskers did the same. Then Don -Fernando Verdugo and the Guards clearing the way, Don Pedro de Toledo -led the cavalcade to the palace, where the course ended in front of the -balcony in which our lady the Queen with the Infanta Maria, and the -Cardinal Archbishop of Toledo, the Infante Fernando, were seated, the -ladies in waiting occupying the rest of the balconies of the royal -apartment. If I described the precious stones, the gold, the rich -dresses and the wealth displayed, this work would be a long one. The -first to run was Don Pedro de Toledo, with his accustomed gravity and -dignity; and, having reached the end of the course, he bowed low to the -Queen and their royal Highnesses, and then made a signal for the rest -of the maskers to follow one {66} another along the course. (Here -follow the resounding names of the ninety-six Spanish nobles, dukes, -marquises, and counts who formed the company.) The last pair to run -were his Majesty the King and the Count of Olivares, with the dexterity -and gallantry to be expected of them. The effect was strange and -brilliant in the extreme, for each pair of horsemen wore different -colours and devices. The splendid squadron was closed by the Spanish -and German Guards and other troops, led by Verdugo. All the horsemen -rode with great rapidity, but the Infante Carlos and the Marquis of -Carpio went by like a flash of lightning, to the astonishment of -everyone. This pair had hardly covered half the course when the Queen -and the Infanta and the Cardinal Infante stood up in their balcony, -because they saw that the King and the Count of Olivares were starting -out, they being the last to run. They swept by, not on steeds, as it -seemed, but on the wind itself, wafted onward by the blessings of those -who saw them. Again they covered the course thus, and then the whole -cavalcade rode to the plaza before the Convent of the Discalced -Carmelites." - - -At various parts of the capital the same sumptuous show was repeated; -the most popular and crowded exhibition being in the great square (the -Plaza Mayor) then recently built, and but little altered since that -time. The King, we are told, rode a beautiful bay stallion presented -to him by the Marquis of Carpio; and when the running was over and -night fell the horsemen still paraded the streets, which were -illuminated by thousands {67} of torches, the cost of the feast having -amounted to more than 200,000 ducats. - -[Sidenote: Two strangers in Madrid] - -But ten days after the wasteful ostentation just described an event -happened which not only stirred Spain and all Europe, but was an -occasion for the display of lavishness by Philip that threw into the -shade all the festivities that had gone before it. Between five and -six in the evening of the 7th March 1623, as the twilight began to -fall, two young Englishmen, travel-stained and unaccompanied, rode into -the noisome, unpaved streets of Madrid. Inquiring the way to the house -of the English ambassador, the Earl of Bristol, they were directed to -the "house of the seven chimneys," lying in a retired street off the -Calle de Alcalá. When they arrived there, the elder of the two -travellers was told, in answer to his summons at the wicket, that his -Excellency the ambassador was busy, and could not be disturbed. The -visitor persisted, and sent word that he brought an important letter -from Sir Francis Cottington, who was on his way from England, and had -broken down on the road a day's journey away. At length, upon being -admitted, the cloaked and dishevelled stranger, shouldering a small -valise that formed their only luggage, left his younger companion in -the shadow of the wall across the way to guard the horses during his -parley with the ambassador. - -Lord Bristol (Sir John Digby) was full of care, for matters were not -going very smoothly with the difficult negotiation upon the successful -issue of which his whole future depended, as well as great -international issues. For twelve years he {68} had been backwards and -forwards to Spain as King James' ambassador to bring about a marriage -of the Prince of Wales with the Infanta Maria. James Stuart was a -cunning fool, who was easily beaten in diplomacy, because he flattered -himself that he could beat everybody else in duplicity. Most of his -life, from long before he inherited the English crown, he had been -playing the same game: trying to make other men his tools by pretending -to agree with them. He had professed himself both Catholic and -Protestant so often that now no one believed or trusted him, least of -all the Catholics, whom he had deceived again and again. - -[Sidenote: The English match] - -When it had been necessary for Philip III. and Lerma to divert England -from a threatened coalition with France, they had feigned to listen to -the British King's advances, which they had previously repelled with -scorn. Though insincere, they always had in view the prospect of -gaining great immediate advantages for the Catholics of England, and -subsequently they hoped the re-entry of Great Britain into the fold of -the Church. The King of Spain and his minister had also been somewhat -led astray by the sanguine hopes in this direction, given by their own -ambassador in London, Count de Gondomar, whose diplomatic position was -as much at stake as that of the Earl of Bristol. Gondomar, confident, -as well he might be, of his power to bend King James ultimately to his -will, had, there is no doubt, systematically minimised for years the -obstacles to the match on both sides, and had led both his own -Government and King James to believe that the other side would -ultimately make concessions, which {69} we now see clearly would have -been impossible for either. James or his son dared not become openly -Catholic, nor could they force the English Parliament to reverse the -whole religious policy of the last half century at the bidding of a -foreign Power; whilst, with their traditions behind them, it was -equally impossible for Philip and Lerma to mate their Princess with a -"heretic." In order to keep James from breaking away from Spain, the -intrigue had for some years past been transferred to Rome, where a -dispensation from the Pope for the marriage was being interminably -discussed. - -This was the position when Philip IV. ascended the throne, and it is -quite certain that, whatever may have been the real intentions of the -ministers of Philip III. at an earlier period, neither Philip IV. nor -Olivares, with their revived arrogant claims for Spain as the -dictatress of Europe, meant to marry the Infanta to the English Prince -against the dying injunction of Philip III., unless, indeed, and even -that is doubtful, upon terms quite impossible for the English to -accept.[19] Bristol had {70} been sent once more to Madrid as -ambassador in June 1622. He had found Olivares and Philip full of soft -words about the match, though he promptly guessed that their real aim -was still to delay matters, whilst securing Catholic concessions from -England, and he urged King James to insist upon a settlement of the -points at issue.[20] - -Whilst he was labouring at his impossible task, and almost despairing -of success, an underhand intrigue was carried on behind his back by -those who thought that his diplomatic caution stood in the way of a -settlement of the affair. James badly wanted ready money in form of a -dowry for his son's bride, and a guarantee that the Palatinate should -be restored by the Emperor to his son-in-law, Frederick. Olivares -wanted to lead England on to the slope of Catholicism, and to ensure -Spain's hegemony over Europe. Gondomar, who had returned to Spain, and -Buckingham, whom he had bought, wanted to gain the honour and profit of -having effected so important a match. So, at Gondomar's instance, -Buckingham sent his half-Spanish secretary, Endymion Porter, a late -page of Olivares, to Madrid with secret orders to promise religious -concessions, which, had they been known in England, would have caused -serious trouble, and to hint that the Prince himself might come to -Spain to fetch his bride. Porter, who was no diplomatist, saw Olivares -early in November 1622, and bluntly asked for assurance that in return -for the concessions promised, Spain would at once consent to the -marriage and force the Emperor to restore the Palatinate to the -Elector, {71} at which Olivares haughtily scoffed, and said that, as -for the match, he did not know what Porter meant.[21] Bristol soon -heard of this, and quite lost heart, but he did not know that Endymion -took back to London a private message from Gondomar to Buckingham, -telling him that the only way to make the match was for the Prince to -come suddenly to Madrid incognito and force the hands of the -slow-moving diplomatists, who would be unable to draw back when the -honour of England was so far pledged. - -Poetic and romantic Prince Charles was soon won over to so compromising -and dangerous a course; but King James wept and slobbered like a -frightened infant when "Baby" and "Steenie" wrung from him unwilling -permission to undertake so hare-brained an adventure.[22] Only -Cottington and Porter were to go with them to Spain, and the former at -least, who knew Spain well, was dead against the voyage; but -Buckingham's violence gained the day. Distancing all posts, and riding -for a fortnight an average of sixty miles a day, through France and -over the rough mule tracks in the north of Spain, {72} the little party -pushed onwards. Cottington and Porter were distanced and left behind a -day's journey from Madrid; and when the man with the valise, who gave -his name as Thomas Smith, entered Lord Bristol's study, and, throwing -aside his cloak and hat, disclosed the handsome face of "Steenie," the -Marquis of Buckingham, the King's favourite, the ambassador was in -dismay, increased almost to terror when he learnt that the Prince of -Wales, the only son of King James, masquerading under the name of John -Smith, was holding the horses on the other side of the dark street.[23] - -[Sidenote: Charles and Buckingham] - -What was to be done? The presence of the heir of England could not be -hidden for many hours from gossiping Madrid, for the couriers from -Paris, where he had been recognised, were following close upon his -heels. A voyage to Spain in those days was a far greater adventure -than an expedition to Thibet would be now, and the temerity, nay the -foolhardiness, of putting such a pledge as the Prince of Wales -unconditionally in the hands of the Spaniards, who if they chose to -detain him could exact what terms they liked as the price of his safe -return, struck the harassed ambassador with alarm. "My Lord Bristol in -a kind of astonishment brought him (_i.e._ Prince Charles) up to his -chamber, where he presently called for pen and ink, and despatched a -post that night to England to acquaint his Majesty how in less than -sixteen days he was come safely to the Court of Spain."[24] - -After grave discussion in Bristol's room, it was {73} decided to send -at once for Gondomar, to whom, as Buckingham well knew, the arrival of -the Prince would cause no surprise. It was past nine o'clock at night -when Gondomar entered the "house with the seven chimneys," full of glee -at the success of his bold diplomacy; and not long afterwards he was at -the door of Olivares' rooms' in the palace, anxious to give to the -favourite the first news of the great event. The Count-Duke was seated -at supper as Gondomar entered the apartment. The famous Spanish -ambassador in England owed much of his success to the assumed bluff -jocosity with which he was wont to cover his cunning; but when he -bounced into the Count-Duke's supper chamber on this occasion, he was -so exuberant in his joy that grave Olivares looked up in surprise, and -said: "Ah, Count! what brings you here at such an hour as this? You -look as jolly as if you had the King of England himself in Madrid." -"If we have not the King," chuckled Gondomar, "we have the next best -thing to him,--the Prince of Wales."[25] - -Olivares was far from sharing Gondomar's delight. To him the news -meant infinite anxiety, danger, and expenditure; for not only must the -Prince be entertained lavishly, but somehow he must be got rid of -without marrying the Infanta, and if possible without a national war -with England for the slight put upon the Prince. The Count-Duke -hurried to the King's apartments with the great news, and Philip was as -much taken aback as his minister, for young as he was he fully -understood the gravity of the situation. One thing, however, {74} he -was quite determined upon. Already the adulation of which he had been -made the object, and the high hopes aroused by the new measures and men -that had been introduced upon his accession, had convinced the lad he -was the heaven-sent instrument destined to restore to Spain its proud -supremacy over a united Christendom, and religious exaltation had -claimed him henceforth for its own, however ungodly his daily life -might be. When Olivares had laid before him the difficulties that -arose from the unexpected descent of Charles Stuart upon them, Philip -rose, and walking to where a figure of Christ crucified hung at the -head of his bed, he kissed the feet of the figure, and burst out into -the following impassioned oath: "O Lord! I swear to Thee by the human -and divine alliance crucified that in Thee I adore, and upon whose feet -I seal this pledge with my lips, that not only shall the coming of this -Prince be powerless to make me concede one point in the matter of the -Catholic religion, not in accordance with what Thy Vicar the Pontiff of -Rome may resolve, but even if I were to lose all the realms I enjoy, by -Thy grace I will not give way a single iota." Then turning to Olivares -(who says that this was one of the only two oaths he ever knew the King -to take), Philip told him they must nevertheless fulfil the duties of -hospitality that the Prince had thrown upon them.[26] - -For the greater part of that night the minister worked hard laying out -all the plans for the entertainment of the Prince, and for avoiding -without giving mortal offence the marriage he sought. At {75} eight -o'clock next morning a meeting of high councillors, with Gondomar and -the King's confessor, met in the Count-Duke's room in the palace, the -result of their deliberations, being highly characteristic: namely, -"first, to offer public prayers to God in thanks for the event, and in -supplication for His guidance"; and secondly, to instruct Gondomar to -sound Buckingham and Cottington (who was expected to arrive that day) -as to how far the King of England might be squeezed, "in order to bring -this visit to be a great and very signal service to the Church."[27] - -[Sidenote: Olivares meets Buckingham] - -A dozen knotty points of etiquette had to be settled, and Gondomar was -busy all day speeding backward and forward between the palace and the -"house with the seven chimneys";[28] but at last it was arranged that -the pride of Olivares should be saved from making the first visit, by -the device of an apparently chance meeting with Buckingham. Already -Madrid was agog with the news that some great personage, the King of -England some said, had arrived in disguise; and when, late on Saturday -afternoon, the great swaying gilded coach of Olivares, with its leather -curtains, its six gaudily decked mules, and its crowd of liveried -servants and pages around it, was seen threading the green {76} alleys -of the gardens below the palace on the banks of the Manzanares, all the -idlers on "Liars Walk" knew that the Count-Duke was going to meet, "by -chance," the Admiral of England, the favourite of his King. When the -carriages met, Olivares alighted and greeted Buckingham half-way -between their coaches, where, with carefully arranged politeness and -high-flown compliments, as false as they were pompous, the great Guzman -first measured his strength with brilliant, rash, unscrupulous George -Villiers. - -After many professions of delight on both sides, the Count-Duke entered -the English coach with Buckingham, Bristol, and Cottington, and for an -hour they drove in close confabulation. On their return they entered -the palace gateway, and Olivares secretly led Buckingham into the -King's presence, where again the compliments were repeated. There is -no doubt that the Spaniards, from the King downward, were flattered -with the embarrassing visit, which was a patent proof, it was proudly -claimed, of the reality of Spain's regained power and superiority under -the new régime, when the heir of England came wooing her at so great a -risk. So Philip was all smiles to Buckingham; and when the latter -returned to the "house with the seven chimneys," Olivares insisted upon -accompanying him to greet the Prince personally in the King's name, the -Spanish narratives say that the Count-Duke performed his part with all -the dignity and splendour characteristic of him; but Howel, who was in -Madrid at the time, and knew Porter well, writes that the Count-Duke -"knelt, and kissed his (_i.e._ the Prince's) hands and hugged his -thighs, {77} and delivered how immeasurably glad his Catholic Majesty -was at his coming, and other high compliments, which Mr. Porter did -interpret."[29] - -During the interview Charles expressed his ardent desire to see his -lady love, the Infanta--"to discover the wooer," as Buckingham called -it; and it was agreed that on the next day, Sunday, 9th March, the -coaches of the royal family should parade the Prado, where the Infanta -should be distinguished by a blue ribbon tied round her arm; and the -Prince in Bristol's coach might meet the royal party as if by chance, -and incognito. Little enough of incognito there was about the affair, -when, at four o'clock in the afternoon the ambassador's coach with the -Prince, Buckingham, Aston, Gondomar, and Bristol in it, stood in the -narrow street of the Puerta de Guadalajara in the Calle Mayor to await -the coming of the King's party. Every foot of the streets was crowded -with sightseers, and the pride and joy of the show-loving Madrileños -knew no bounds. By and by the long line of coaches accompanying the -King rumbled by, and at last young Philip with his pretty dark-eyed -girl wife, his two young brothers, Carlos and Fernando, almost exact -replicas of himself, with their lank sandy hair, their long white -faces, thick red lips, under-hung jaws and great pale eyes. In the -door-seat of the carriage sat the Infanta Maria. She was much like her -brothers: "a very comely lady, rather of Flemish complexion than -Spanish, fair haired, and carrying a most pure mixture of red and white -in her face. She is full and big lipped, {78} which is held a beauty -rather than a blemish."[30] As the King's carriage passed that of the -Prince, Philip, who was not supposed to see Charles, bowed low, as did -his brothers, to Lord Bristol; but it was noticed that the Infanta -first flushed and then turned deadly pale as her lover's eyes fell upon -her. - -The poor girl, indeed, was getting seriously alarmed. She was, of -course, devout and ignorant. To her heretics were an abomination, and -the prospect of living amongst such was worse than death. Her monkish -confessor painted in lurid colours the horror of the fate that -threatened her; worse than hell it was, he said, to lie by a heretic's -side, and bear heretic children. Only that morning she had sent her -confidential lady, Margaret Tavara, to Olivares, passionately -protesting against the marriage being seriously negotiated. She would, -she said, take refuge in the Convent of the Discalced Carmelites, and -assume the nun's veil the moment she heard that the capitulations were -signed. Charles on his part appears to have been really smitten with -the pink and white charms of the little lady, and played the eager -wooer well. The Prince and Buckingham writing to their "Dear Dad and -Gossip" (the King) calls this first meeting "a private obligation -hidden from nobody; for there was the Pope's Nuncio, the Emperor's -ambassador, the French, and all the streets filled with guards and -other people. Before the King's coach went the best of the nobility, -after followed by the ladies of the Court. We sat in an invisible -coach, because nobody was suffered {79} to take notice of it, though -seen by all the world."[31] The cavalcades then wended their ways by -different roads to the Prado, where, parading up and down, the Prince -had several opportunities of looking upon his blushing sweetheart. -Soon Olivares came and entered the Prince's coach; and again fulsome -compliments passed as they drove back to the English embassy.[32] - -Buckingham, indeed, was fairly dazzled and deceived, for both he and -Charles believed now that the match was as good as completed. Alas! -they did not know Olivares or Spanish methods so well as Bristol did. - - -[Sidenote: "Steenie's" letter to James I.] - -"If we can judge by outward shows," wrote Charles and Steenie to the -King, "or general speeches, we have reason to condemn your ambassadors -for rather writing too sparingly than too much. To conclude, we find -the Conde de Olivares so overvaluing our journey, he is so full of real -courtesy, that we can do no less than beseech your Majesty to write the -kindest letter of thanks and acknowledgment you can unto him. He said, -no later to us than this morning, that if the Pope would not give a -dispensation for a wife they would give the Infanta to thy Baby as his -wench,[33] {80} and hath this day written to Cardinal Ludovico, the -Pope's nephew, that the King of England hath put such an obligation -upon this King in sending his son hither, that he entreats him to make -haste of the dispensation, for he can deny nothing that is in his -kingdom.... The Pope's Nuncio works as maliciously and as actively as -he can against us, but receives such rude answers that we hope he will -soon weary on't. We make this collection that the Pope will be very -loth to grant a dispensation, which, if he will not do, then we would -gladly have your directions how far we may engage you in the -acknowledgment of the Pope's special power, for we almost find, if you -will be contented to acknowledge the Pope as chief head under Christ, -that the match will be made without him."[34] - - -It is difficult to know what to condemn most in this astounding -letter,--whether the simplicity that made Buckingham so easy a dupe of -Olivares' soft speeches, or the proposal at the end, which, as the -reply shows, was too much even for King James, that the latter should -abandon the main condition upon which he held the Protestant crown of -England. It is clear that the intention of {81} Olivares was to cast -upon the Pope the whole of the blame for the failure of the match, and -this, at least from the Spanish point of view, was a statesmanlike -policy, although the full falsity of it is evident to us now that we -have before us the communications that passed between Madrid and Rome -on the subject.[35] - -[Sidenote: Charles in Madrid] - -Leaving Charles at the embassy after the drive, Olivares and -Buckingham, with Porter as their interpreter, re-entered a coach and -drove off in the gathering darkness to the gardens behind the palace, -to arrange the details of the coming private interview to be held that -night between Philip and the English Prince. Whilst the coach, with -Olivares and Buckingham, was in the green alleys of the garden, a man, -unaccompanied, with his cloak masking his face, and sword and buckler -by his side, was seen walking towards them. "This is the King," said -Olivares, to Steenie's intense astonishment. "Is it possible," -exclaimed Buckingham, "that you have a King who can walk like that? -What a marvel!" and, leaping from the carriage, he knelt and kissed the -young King's hand. Entering the coach again, the party, accompanied -now by the King, were driven through the quiet streets of the unlit -capital, for it was ten o'clock at night, to the Prado, where the -Prince, with Gondomar, Bristol, Aston, and Cottington, in another -coach, awaited their coming. Descending and embracing warmly, the King -and Prince then re-entered the carriage with Bristol alone, and for -more than half an hour discoursed amiable banalities in the darkness -under the overhanging trees of the promenade. - -{82} - -Thenceforward Buckingham and Olivares by agreement changed offices, the -former constituting himself chief equerry in waiting to Philip, whilst -Olivares attended Prince Charles. In pursuance of this idea, the suite -of apartments in the palace occupied by Olivares as master of the horse -were hastily prepared with great magnificence for the occupation of the -English Prince; and whilst their redecoration and furnishing were being -accomplished, Charles was invited to transfer his lodging to the rooms -in the monastery of St. Geronimo in the Prado, to which the Kings of -Spain usually retired in times of mourning, and previous to state -entries to the capital, an invitation which he did not accept. - -In the week that followed the first meeting of Charles and his host, -until Sunday the 16th March,[36] which was the day fixed for his public -entry into the city, Madrid was astir with excitement. The pragmatic -decrees recently promulgated forbidding starched and fluted ruffs, -embroidered dresses, and the use of gold in tissues, and generally -suppressing extravagance of living, were all suspended by proclamation -during the visit of the Prince; the streets were ordered to be swept -and garnished, and the houses on the line of route richly adorned; and -Madrid, by the morning of the day fixed for the public entry, had -covered its squalor and dirt by an overcoating of finery. All the -gaols, too, were emptied of prisoners, by way of welcoming the English -guest.[37] - -In the week of waiting Charles sought permission {83} to visit Philip -privately in return for the interview in the Prado on Sunday night, and -he and Buckingham gave the following account of the meeting to their -"Dear Dad and Gossip." - - -"The next day your Baby desired to kiss the King's hand privately in -the palace, which was granted, and thus performed. First, the King -would not suffer him to come to his chamber, but met him at the -stair-foot, then entered into the coach and walked in his park. The -greatest matter that passed between them was compliments, ... and then -by force he would needs convey him (_i.e._ Charles) half way home, in -which doing they were both almost overthrown in brick pits. Two days -after we met his Majesty again in his park with his two brothers; they -spent their time in seeing his men kill partridges flying and conies -running with a gun."[38] - - -In the meanwhile the people with pride and delight had quite satisfied -themselves that the coming of the Prince meant the intended conversion -of himself to Catholicism and the return of England to the fold of the -Church,[39] and Olivares pressed this {84} point so persistently and -publicly upon Charles, that Buckingham himself began to take fright. -He noticed that whenever the Count-Duke found himself near Charles, -which indeed was continually, he turned the conversation towards the -Catholic religion. Charles was young, the son of a Catholic mother, -and was certainly for the time smitten by the Catholic Infanta: his -father had professed himself Catholic again and again; and at this -moment was writing thus to his "Sweet boys": "I send you, my Baby, two -of your fittest chaplains for this purpose, Mawe and Wren, together -with all stuff and ornaments fit for the service of God. I have fully -instructed them, so as all their behaviour and service shall, I hope, -prove decent and agreeable to the service of the primitive Church; _and -yet as near the Roman form as can lawfully be done; for it hath ever -been my way to go with the Church of Rome usque ad aras_." But -whatever may have been the tendencies of Charles himself, Buckingham in -his saner moments, and certainly Bristol, must have seen the pitfall -laid for the Prince, and thus early, in the midst of all the -complimentary billing and cooing before the state entry, the young -adventurers began to realise the {85} difficulty of the task, which -looked so easy from a distance. - -On the day following the state entry, Charles and Buckingham wrote to -the King-- - - -"For our chief business, we find them by outward shows as desirous of -it as ourselves, yet they are hankering upon a conversion; for they say -that there can be no firm friendship without union in religion, but -they put no question in bestowing their sister, and we put the other -quite out of the question, because neither our conscience nor the time -serves for it."[40] - - -Delay, as they said, was the worst denial; for King James was in a -hurry,--in a hurry to get his heir married, in a hurry for the -Infanta's dowry, and in a hurry to get the Palatinate back for his -son-in-law; and as yet the priests were still squabbling over the -dispensation in Rome, and Olivares, equally with his master, was -determined to delay until either England became practically Catholic, -or the English themselves broke off the negotiations by refusing the -terms upon which Rome, prompted by the Spanish agents, alone would -consent to the match. This, indeed, as Olivares saw, was the only -slender chance of preventing war with England, and to avoid throwing -James into the arms of France. - - - -[1] Novoa, who was present at the scene described, _Documentos -Ineditos_, lxi. - -[2] Especially Gil Blas, Guzman de Alfarache, Marcos de Obregon, -Estevanillo Gonzales, and El Diablo Cojuelo. - -[3] This was constantly denied by his many enemies, but original -documents, to which I shall refer later, will prove that in this as in -so many other things they did him an injustice, whatever his real aim -might have been. - -[4] _Cambridge Modern History_, vol. iv. "Spain," by Martin Hume. - -[5] _Fragmentos Historicos MSS._, by Vera y Figueroa, also Novoa, and -Yañez,; and _Relazioni degli Ambassciatori Veneti_, British Museum -MSS., Add. 8701. - -[6] _Discursos y Apuntamientos_, by Lison y Biedma, a member of this -Parliament. (Secretly printed book of the period in my possession, -which gives a sad picture of affairs.) - -[7] There are two letters in _Cabala_--the first from Philip to -Olivares, and the second the minister's reply to the King--which show -that there was never any intention on their part of carrying the -English match through. The long letter from Olivares to the King is an -adaptation of a Spanish original which is well known, and to which I -shall refer later, proposing the marriage of Charles with the Emperor's -daughter; but the King's letter which produced Olivares' reply is not, -to my knowledge, printed elsewhere. - -"The King my father declared at his death that his intention never was -to marry my sister the Infanta Doña Maria with the Prince of Wales, -which your uncle Don Baltasar well understood; for he so treated this -match with an intention to delay it, notwithstanding it is so far -advanced that, considering with all the averseness unto it of the -Infanta, it is high time to seek some means to divert the treaty which -I would have you discover, and I will make it good whatsoever it may -be; but in all other things procure the satisfaction of the King of -Great Britain, who hath deserved very much, and it shall content me, so -that it be not the match." This must have been written before Charles' -arrival in Madrid. - -[8] Nearly all foreigners who visited Madrid during the reign of Philip -IV. remarked the extraordinary liberty which existed in the demeanour -of the women, even ladies of high birth and position, no doubt a -reaction from the conventual strictness with which they had been kept -during the two previous reigns. There is no need to multiply -authorities; but the following passage, from the report of the Venetian -ambassador in Spain at the time of Olivares' fall, will give an idea of -the prevailing laxity--even in the royal entourage. "In the royal -palace the gentlemen are permitted to carry on with the ladies of the -Queen the relations they call 'gallanting,' in which lavishness, -ostentation, and expenditure are carried to such an extraordinary -excess as to be beyond belief, although here it is considered the most -ordinary thing in the world, for rivalry and competition do away with -all moderation. Those who go the greatest lengths are held in the -highest esteem, not only by the courtiers in general, but also by the -royal personages, who make quite a recreation of hearing the accounts -of the presents given and attentions paid to them, that the ladies -narrate daily to their Majesties." British Museum MS., Add. 8701. - -[9] Address; by J. E. Hartzenbusch, _Transactions of the Royal Spanish -Academy_, 1861. - -[10] It is fair to say that this story depends upon the very -untrustworthy evidence of Mme. D'Aulnoy. - -[11] The tradition that this was the case existed from the first, and -has never been lost; although most of the stories of the relations of -Villa Mediana with the Queen are quite unsupported by serious -contemporary evidence. Lord Holland, in his _Lope de Vega_, says that -only a few days after Philip's accession, the Prime Minister Zuñiga, -Olivares' uncle, warned Villa Mediana that his life was in danger. The -tradition that Philip was involved in the murder from motives of -jealousy is too firm and long-standing to be ignored, though whether -his jealousy concerned his wife is very doubtful. - -[12] Transcripts (contemporary) of these letters, etc., to which -reference will be made later, are in British Museum, Egerton MSS. 338. - -[13] _Historia del Arte Dramatica en España_, from the German of A. F. -Schack. - -[14] Especially in the MS. of the Royal Academy of History, Madrid by -Soto y Aguilar, one of the courtiers and writers of the time, and in -the MS. at the National Library at Madrid (M. 299) called Noticias de -Madrid. These are contemporary news letters from 1621 to 1627. - -[15] From the Soto y Aguilar MS. already mentioned. - -[16] This was a narrow street forming part of the line of the Calle -Mayor, in which it is now incorporated. It is quite close to the other -three courses. - -[17] A tremendous and costly monastic house (of which the church still -stands in the Calle Mayor) upon which Philip III. and his wife had -squandered incredible sums. - -[18] This is very Spanish. The whole of the company had been ordered -to be ready mounted at one o'clock, and yet the royal guard which was -to keep the space and maintain order did not appear until an hour -later, the maskers of course coming later still. - -[19] In a document quoted on page 51, it will have been noticed that -Philip refers to the match as being one that it was necessary to avoid, -even at the cost of a war with England. In a notable document in -Spanish in the British Museum (MSS. Add. 14,043), reproduced by the -Camden Society under the editorship of Dr. Gardiner (_El Hecho de los -Tratados de Matrimonio_, etc.), there is a long memorandum written by -Olivares for Philip's information in 1622, proposing as a way out of -the difficulty the marriage of the Infanta to the son of the Emperor, -the marriage of the Prince of Wales with the Emperor's elder daughter, -and the betrothal of the Palatine's eldest son Maurice to the second -daughter on condition that the Prince was sent to Vienna to be brought -up as a Catholic, the Palatinate being restored to him after his -marriage. This solution, however, it is quite evident, would have been -unacceptable to James for many reasons. In any case it is quite clear -that when Charles appeared in Madrid, Olivares had no intention of -allowing the Infanta to marry him, unless indeed England became -Catholic. - -[20] The Earl of Bristol's defence. _Camden Society Miscellany_, vol. -vi. - -[21] A very interesting and, as I believe, unpublished contemporary -manuscript account of the proceedings of Charles and Buckingham in -Madrid, and of the events that followed their return to London, so far -as regards the Spanish match, has been brought to my notice whilst this -chapter is being written. The manuscript, evidently an original, -appears to have been the work of someone who accompanied the Prince in -his journey. Many expressions in it are the same as those which I have -quoted from other sources, especially from certain letters of Endymion -Porter in the Record Office, and from those of Buckingham to the King, -most of which were written by Porter. I am therefore led to the -conclusion that this interesting new document, which is the property of -Dr. Rosedale of the Royal Society of Literature, is the work of -Endymion Porter. I am informed that it will shortly be published by -the Society. - -[22] Clarendon, _Great Rebellion_. - -[23] Howel's _Familiar Letters_. Howel was in Madrid at the time. - -[24] Howel's _Familiar Letters_. - -[25] _Fragmentos Historicos de la Vida de Caspar de Guzman_, etc. MS. -by Count de la Roca in my possession. - -[26] _Fragmentos Historicos_, etc. MS. by Count de la Roca, the great -friend and confidant of Olivares. - -[27] _Hecho de los Tratados_, etc., British Museum MS., Add. 14,043, -and Camden Society. - -[28] Gondomar had been raised to the Council of State during the early -morning sitting, and on his first visit that day (Saturday) to the -English embassy he came rushing to the Prince in his usual boisterously -jocose fashion, saying that he had a strange piece of news to convey. -"An Englishman had been sworn a Privy Councillor of Spain," meaning, as -Howel (who tells the story) says, himself, who, he professed, was an -Englishman at heart. This was the kind of joke by which he had managed -to dominate King James. - -[29] _Familiar Letters_. The sequence of events, meetings, etc., as -given in _Life and Times of James I._, is untrustworthy. - -[30] Howel. - -[31] Hardwicke, _State Papers_. Charles and Buckingham to the King. - -[32] We are told that on this occasion Olivares, notwithstanding the -Prince's remonstrance, insisted upon taking the humble seat at the -carriage doorstep; and that throughout the whole visit he treated -Charles with the same honours as he did the King, kneeling when he -spoke to him, kissing his hand, etc. Charles, on the other hand, -appears to have been equally polite to Olivares; but Buckingham soon -got tired of an attitude so unusual to him, and behaved himself with -extraordinary rudeness and ill-breeding, as will be told later. _Hecho -de los Tratados_, etc. - -[33] Lord Bristol, in his defence (Camden Miscellany, vi.) gives an -account of a conversation in the coach when the Prince, Bristol, -Gondomar, Olivares, Buckingham, and Aston were waiting for the royal -party to pass on the Sunday referred to in the text. This shows how -entirely Olivares had convinced them all of his sincerity. Gondomar in -boastful mood had asked Olivares if he was not justified now in all he -had written from England about the real desire of King James for the -marriage; and whether Bristol and himself had not proved themselves -honest men. "Yes," replied Olivares, "you may both say your _Nunc -Dimitis_ now, and trouble no more about it, except to claim the reward -of success." No blame, he said, could attach to them in any case. - -[34] Hardwicke, _State Papers_. - -[35] _Hecho de los Tratados_, etc. B.M. MSS. Add. 14,043. - -[36] The dates given throughout are old style, according to the English -calendar of the time. The Spanish dates are ten days later. - -[37] MSS. Soto y Aguilar. - -[38] Hardwicke, _State Papers_. - -[39] Most of the poets and poetasters of the Court were convinced of -this, and the romantic love-making of the Prince, who for the sweet -eyes of the Infanta was to make England Catholic, inspired many verses. -Howel sends to a friend in England one stanza of such a poem written at -this time, he says by Lope de Vega-- - - Carlos Estuardo, soy, - Que siendo amor mi guia. - Al cielo de España voy. - Par ver mi estrella Maria. - - Charles Stuart, here am I, - Guided by love afar - Into the Spanish sky, - To see Maria my star. - -Gongora's fine sonnet, translated by Churton, is worth quoting entire-- - - Fair from his cradle springs the star of day, - Rock'd on bright waves fair sinks his parting light: - Such be thy course, in sunlike beauty bright, - Daughter of kings and born to be as they. - The world's majestic wonder. Lo! thy ray - Hath called a royal bird, in venturous flight, - From realms where keen Arcturus fires by night - The polar skies: from regions far away - He wheels on swiftest wing: within thy sphere - Secure his bold eye drinks the soft clear fires. - Now Heaven and Love be kind; and both ordain - What time his suit shall win thy beauty's ear. - The Northern Eagle won with chaste desires, - By Truth's pure light may live to God again. - -[40] Hardwicke, _State Papers_. - - - - -{86} - -CHAPTER III - -STATE ENTRY OF CHARLES INTO MADRID--GREAT FESTIVITIES--HIS -LOVE-MAKING--ATTEMPTS TO CONVERT THE PRINCE--THE REAL INTENTION OF -OLIVARES--HIS CLEVER PROCRASTINATION--CHARLES AND BUCKINGHAM LOSE -PATIENCE--HOWEL'S STORY OF CHARLES AND THE INFANTA--THE FEELING AGAINST -BUCKINGHAM--ANXIETY OF KING JAMES--HIS CORRESPONDENCE WITH "BABY AND -STEENIE"--CHARLES DECIDES TO DEPART--FURTHER DELAY--THE DIPLOMACY OF -OLIVARES--BUCKINGHAM AND ARCHY ARMSTRONG--DEPARTURE OF CHARLES--HIS -RETURN HOME, AND THE ENGLISH DISILLUSION - - -All being ready for the public entry of Charles on Sunday, 16th, the -Prince, though he declined the invitation to sleep the previous night -at the monastery of St. Geronimo, as was customary with Spanish -sovereigns who entered the capital in state, went thither early in the -morning, and was entertained at a sumptuous banquet by the Count -Gondomar, as near as he could manage it in English fashion. Then, as -was also the usage with Spanish sovereigns, all the members of the -numerous Councils and juntas rode in full state, accompanied by their -officers and escorts, to pay their respects to the Prince. Charles -received this glittering crowd, numbering some hundreds, standing by a -velvet-covered {87} table beneath a canopy of silver tissue in the -royal apartment of the monastery, the empty throne being behind him, -and the walls of the chambers covered with rich hangings and pictures, -amongst which were portraits of King James and his councillors. As -each pompously named official knelt and begged permission to kiss the -Prince's hand, Charles gracefully threw his arms upon their shoulders -instead, and raised them from the ground.[1] The impression generally -produced by the Prince now and during his stay was excellent, and it -was noticed throughout that he never took advantage, as Buckingham and -the crowd of noisy English courtiers who soon arrived in Spain did, of -the Spanish politeness which places everything at the disposal of a -guest. The behaviour of these courtiers, indeed, and especially -Buckingham's insolence, very soon produced disgust amongst the grave, -courteous Spaniards. - -[Sidenote: The state entry] - -At midday, when the councils had retired and taken their places on the -line of route, a flourish of drums and pipes heralded the coming of the -Spanish Guard in orange and scarlet to the monastery, followed by the -German Guard, in crimson satin and gold with white sleeves and plumed -caps; {88} then came the municipality of Madrid, with a great following -of town officers dressed in orange satin with silver spangles. Nobles -and princes followed in pairs, led by Prince Edward of Portugal and the -Count of Villamor, each pair of high gentlemen resplendent in satin, -velvet and gold, jingling and flashing on their showy Andalusian -horses. Following these and a hundred other ostentatious groups, the -mention of which would fill pages, King Philip left his palace as the -great clock in the courtyard--one of the marvels of Madrid--struck the -hour of one, and reached a side door of the monastery in his coach by a -circuitous route. Until three o'clock Charles and Philip chatted in -friendly converse, and then the signal was given for the cortege to -start, the King and Prince mounting their horses at the same moment. - -The drums, pipes, clarionets, and trumpets led off followed by judges, -officials, courtiers, and nobles, heralds, guards, pages, lacqueys, and -grooms by the hundred, upon whose grand dresses Soto y Aguilar dwells -with tedious minuteness. Then came the King and the Prince, under a -canopy of white damask and gold, mounted upon silver poles borne by six -officers of the corporation, the Prince riding on the right hand of his -host. They must have looked a gallant pair, for they were mere youths, -and both fine horsemen. Olivares and Buckingham side by side followed -them, and then came a great troop of Spanish grandees with the English -ambassadors and officers. Through the streets, decked lavishly, and -crowded with cheering people, flattered at the coming conversion of -England by means of Spain the cavalcade rode {89} by the Puerta del Sol -and Calle Mayor to the ancient Alcazar upon the cliff, which looks -across the arid plain to the snow-capped Guadarramas. On the line of -route national dances and the eternal comedies were played until the -Prince approached, when special dances were performed in his honour, at -which, we are told, he was much delighted. Upon entering the palace -the King himself conveyed the Prince to his apartments, and surpassed -himself in courtly welcome to his guest; and that same night the Queen -sent to the Prince a great present of white linen for table use and -personal wear, with a rich dressing gown and toilet paraphernalia in a -scented casket with gold keys.[2] It was all as Howel wrote, "a very -glorious sight to behold, for the custom of the Spaniard is, tho' he go -plain in his ordinary habit, yet upon some great festival or cause of -triumph there's none goes beyond him in gaudiness."[3] - -The next day the municipality of Madrid celebrated a royal bull-fight -on a scale of magnificence rarely approached. The great Plaza Mayor of -Madrid, 340 feet square, was surrounded by stagings, and every one of -the hundreds of balconies of the high houses overlooking the plaza was -hung with crimson silk and gold, and filled with noblemen and ladies -whose names were as splendid as the clothes, of which Solo y Aguilar[4] -spares us no detail. The royal balcony was erected on the first floor -of the municipal bakery (still standing), {90} and must have been a -mass of crimson and cloth of gold, with its hangings, its canopies, its -curtains, and its balustrades. Every council and board, and under -Olivares they were infinite, had its special tribune. Nobles, -officials, officers, and foreign representatives, all of whose fine -garb the literary quarter-master details for us until his description -produces but a vague impression of sumptuous stuffs without end, -smothered in bullion, arrived in procession to occupy their places as -spectators or actors in the glittering show. The English visitors were -accommodated in a special stand occupying the opening of the Street of -Bitterness (Calle de Amargura), which gave rise to much satirical -comment. When all was ready, and around the vast plaza a packed mass -of bedizened humanity had assembled, the royal coaches entered and -drove around the arena to the central entrance of the Queen's balcony -before the bakehouse. Here Isabel alighted, dressed, we are told, like -the Infanta, who accompanied her, in brown silk embroidered with gold, -and covered with gems, the plumes of their jaunty toques being white -and brown, sprinkled with diamonds. With them came the two Infantes, -Carlos, in black velvet and gold, with diamond chains and buttons, and -the boy Cardinal Infante Fernando, in the purple of his ecclesiastical -rank. Behind them came scores of ladies, and then officers of the -Guards, and finally a "great company of Spanish and English gentlemen, -courtiers, grandees, and attendants." - -The Prince of Wales was very beautifully dressed in black with white -plumes, and was mounted on {91} a bright bay horse, whilst the King, -also in sober brown, for it was Lent, rode a silver grey charger, "both -horses showing by their majestic port that they were conscious of the -preciousness of their burdens." After them rode the Admiral of England -(_i.e._ Buckingham) and the Count of Olivares, with the English -ambassador, councillors of state, gentlemen-in-waiting, and archers of -the guard.... The Queen and Infanta sat in the right-hand balcony, and -separated only by a rail from them in the next balcony were Don Carlos, -the King, the Prince of Wales, and the Cardinal Infante Don Fernando; -the Marquis of Buckingham, the Count of Olivares, and the other English -and Spanish gentlemen being in the balcony on the left. The trumpets -sounded, and when a hundred lacqueys, in brown jerkins and floating -silver ribbons, had cleared the arena, the Duke of Cea pranced in on a -grey horse, preceded by fifty lacqueys in doublets of cloth of silver -and fawn-coloured breeches, wearing silver thread caps, and followed by -a group of famous bull-fighters. The Duke bowed low before the royal -balcony, whereupon Prince Charles uncovered. Then came the Duke of -Maqueda, with his gallant party, who performed the same courtly -ceremony as the Duke of Cea, "looking like a Cæsar," as Soto y Aguilar -says. And so noble after noble, each with his glittering train of -mounted gentlemen and host of servants, passed before the King and his -English guest, until, in the written description of the scene, gorgeous -fabrics, fine colours, and precious metals seem to lose their separate -significance, so lavish is the repetition of them. - -{92} - -Then came the many bulls, each despatched by a grandee's spear -(_rejon_); many hairbreadth escapes being recorded, but no noble -killed. When the feast was ended the rain was falling heavily, and we -are told by the courtly chronicler "that amidst the falling torrents -there fell a torrent of pages with torches who inundated with light the -realms of darkness." It would be tedious to give particulars of the -many such shows provided for Prince Charles, but at one subsequent -bullfight, more splendid still, described by Soto, no less than twenty -bulls were done to death by noble bull-fighters on horseback, and -prodigality itself ran riot to show the English Prince how rich Spain -was. - -For three days more the rejoicings of the State entry of Charles went -on day and night: comedies, music, cane tourneys, and illumination and -fireworks continuing without cessation. Even Buckingham was dazzled, -extravagant as he was, and he says in his letter to the King-- - - -They "made their entry with as great a triumph as could be, where he -(Philip) forced your Baby (Charles) to ride on his right hand.... This -entry was made just as when the Kings of Castile came first to the -crown, all prisoners set at liberty, and no office nor matter of grace -falls but is put into your Baby's hands to dispose of.... We had -almost forgotten to tell you that the first thing they did at their -arrival in the palace was to visit the Queen, where grew a quarrel -between your Baby and lady for want of a salutation; but your dog's -(_i.e._ Buckingham's) opinion is that it is an artificial forced -quarrel to beget hereafter greater kindness." - - -{93} - -[Sidenote: Charles in love] - -But in this letter, written the day after the state entry, when the -municipality were offering as a present to Buckingham the costly canopy -that had served in the ceremony,[5] the flustered visitors forgot to -tell the King how his "Baby" liked the Infanta, whom he had now seen at -close quarters for the first time, and a hurried little note was -scribbled and enclosed with the letter just quoted, saying-- - - -"Baby Charles himself is so touched at the heart that he confesses that -all he ever saw is nothing to her[6] (_i.e._ the Infanta), and swears -that if he want her there shall be blows. I (Buckingham) shall lose no -time in hastening their conjunction, in which I shall please him, her, -you, and myself most of all, in thereby getting liberty to make the -speedier haste to lay myself at your feet; for never none longed more -to be in the arms of his mistress. So, craving your blessing, I end, -your humble slave and dog, Steenie."[7] - - -But withal the negotiations got no nearer. The dispensation still -tarried in Rome, and Olivares staved off all definite discussion, on -the lying {94} pretext that he did not know upon what the Pope would -insist. To keep things going and beguile the English, the Count-Duke -persuaded Charles to listen to a disputation in the monastery of St. -Geronimo as to the truth of the Catholic religion, and set all the most -persuasive clerics of the Court upon the task of converting the English -Prince. An English priest named Wallsfort (?) was specially charged to -tackle Buckingham, in conjunction with Friar Francisco de Jesus, the -King's preacher; but, as may be supposed, with little success, though -they asserted that Buckingham, though a heretic for political reasons, -was really a Catholic at heart. But when the great attempt was made to -bring to bear all the priestly artillery in Madrid upon the Prince's -Protestantism, and Charles showed some signs of acquiescence in the -Catholic arguments,[8] Buckingham put his foot down firmly, and rudely -told Olivares he should not allow the Prince to continue the -discussion, to which Olivares retorted by warning him that any attempt -to introduce the Protestant chaplains from England into the Prince's -apartment in the palace would be resisted by force,[9] for all their -pretence that the {95} rites they used were similar to those of Rome. -Charles, indeed, flattered himself with the idea that he had half -converted the Infanta's confessor, Rahosa,[10] though certainly no -signs appear of it in the subsequent actions of the priest. In every -diocese in Spain, too, orders were given that religious processions, -rogations, and penitential exercises should be celebrated in all -churches and convents, in supplication to God for the fortunate issue -of the negotiations for the marriage, which, of course, meant the -conversion of the Prince and his country, whilst ecclesiastics were -bombarding the King and Olivares with solemn addresses, denouncing the -idea of the marriage of the Infanta to any Prince not a devout Catholic. - -[Sidente: Attempts at conversion] - -It is fair to say that Olivares, whilst professing platonically an -ardent desire for the match, never attempted to disguise that it would -only be conceded on terms quite impossible for England. The -self-deception was indeed entirely on the part of Buckingham and the -Englishmen of Catholic leanings whose hopes prompted the belief. From -the first no pretence was made on the Spanish side of trusting to the -word, or even the oath, of King James; the Spaniards knew him too well. -Deeds must precede words, repeated Olivares again and again. The -Catholics of England must have full toleration, and Parliament must -repeal the Penal Acts of Elizabeth against them before the Infanta left -Spain. James was ready to promise much, and did promise much at -various times, though not so much as Buckingham; but it was clear that -he could not coerce the English {96} Parliament into a course of action -that would have made his crown not worth a week's purchase; and, charm -as he and Buckingham might, the Spaniards never budged an inch on the -main point, amiable and flattering as they were to Charles, in the -hope, probably, that some solid concession to the English Catholics -might be wrung from his father, in any case, as a preliminary to the -more than problematical marriage. - -It is impossible in this book to follow the daily changing phases of -the negotiations through the many months that the Prince stayed in -Madrid, but some accounts, contained in the correspondence and other -contemporary manuscripts, of the manner in which he and his followers -passed their time at Court, will convey the best idea of the dexterity -with which Olivares beguiled and befooled the Prince and his advisers -into the position which threw upon them the onus of a rupture, whilst -the Spaniards appeared to be only too anxious for the marriage and for -the friendship of England. - -Charles usually spent his afternoons with Philip or Olivares, -witnessing fencing bouts or other sports from a window in the palace, -or walking in the garden, or in hunting the boar or hawking; and though -he did not accompany the King and Court in their frequent visits to the -Discalced Carmelite convent, or to the other religious houses where -celebrations were held he often saw the processions from closed -jalousies, or through the drawn leather curtains of a coach. The -mornings were passed in studying Spanish or writing, and in the evening -he frequently visited the royal family, where, on a few occasions, the -Infanta was present. {97} One such visit, on Easter Day 1623, is thus -described in Bristol's diary[11]-- - - -"In the morning the Prince sent to desire leave to repay the visit and -the _buenas pascuas_ he had received the day before, and was -accordingly appointed about four o'clock in the afternoon to be brought -up by a private way to the King, with whom, when he had been a short -space and performed that compliment, he intimated a desire to do the -like to the Queen, and was presently conducted by the King, who -accompanied him publicly, attended by all the grandees and great -ministers of the Court, from his own side of the square, which is on -the opposite side of the palace (to the Queen's), and there found the -Queen and the Infanta together, attended by all the ladies of the -Court. This being the first time that his Highness had personally -visited the Infanta, there were four chairs set: in the middlemost sat -the Queen and the Infanta, on the right hand of the Queen sat the -Prince, and on the left of them all sat the King. When the Prince had -given the Queen the _buenas pascuas_ (_i.e._ compliments of the -season), and passed some other compliments of gratitude for the favours -he had received from her since his coming to this Court, in which it -pleased his Highness to call me (_i.e._ Bristol) to do him service as -interpreter, he rose out of his chair and went towards the Infanta, who -likewise rose to entertain (_i.e._ to receive) him; and, after fitting -courtesies on both sides performed, the Prince {98} told her that the -great friendship which was between his Catholic Majesty and the King -his father, had brought him to this Court to make a personal -acknowledgment thereof, and to assure, for his part, the desire he had -to continue and increase the same, and that he was glad on this -occasion to kiss her Highness's hands and offer her his services. To -which the Infanta answered, that she did highly esteem what the Prince -had said unto her. His Highness then told her that he had been -troubled to understand that of late she had not been in perfect health, -and asked her how she had passed the Lent, and how she did now, -whereunto the Infanta answered: "_Que quedava buena á servicio de su -Alteza_ (that she was now well, and at his Highness's service). The -Prince then retired himself to his chair and sat down again by the -Queen, with whom he passed some short compliments, and so they all -rose, and with much courtesy took their leaves. - -[Sidenote: Charles's lovemaking] - -"And I do assure you (_i.e._ Mr. Secretary Conway, to whom the diary -was sent) that in all things the Prince's comportment was so natural -and suitable to his quality and greatness, that he hath given instant -cause to the Spaniards to admire him, as I find they generally do. -From hence he was conducted by the King in the same equipage that he -had come thither unto the King's side, where, when the King had -entertained his Highness awhile with beholding from a window certain -masters and gentlemen exercising fencing before them, the King had him -to another window which looketh upon a large place before the -court-gate, and, telling the Prince that he would only go and {99} see -the Queen, took his brother, Don Carlos, with him, and left the Infante -Cardinal with the Prince, expecting his return. - -"But before much time had passed there appeared about three score of -the principal nobility of the kingdom in the gallery (_i.e._ course) -before the window, who were very richly apparelled with embroideries, -and being on horseback came two and two together their several careers. -They all had their faces uncovered save only the King, Don Carlos, the -Count of Olivares, and the Marquis of Carpio, who wore vizards."[12] - - -The extremely slow courtship here described seems to have struck -Charles as unsatisfactory, and a few weeks afterwards, probably -encouraged by the general laxity and freedom he saw about him in the -intercourse of the sexes, the Prince seriously violated the royal -etiquette by an attempt to make love to the Infanta in less formal -fashion. Howel tells the story in a letter to Tom Porter: - - -"Not long since the Prince, understanding that the Infanta was used to -go some mornings to the _Casa de Campo_, a summer-house the King hath -on t'other side of the river, to gather May-dew, he rose {100} betimes -and went thither, taking your brother (_i.e._ Endymion Porter) with -him. They were let into the house, and so into the garden; but the -Infanta was in the orchard, there being a high partition-wall between, -and the door, doubly bolted, the Prince got on the top of the wall and -sprung down a great height, and so made towards her. But she, spying -him first of all the rest, gave a shriek and ran back. The old marquis -that was then her guardian came towards the Prince and fell on his -knees, conjuring his Highness to retire, in regard that he hazarded his -head if he admitted any to her company. So the door was opened, and he -came out under that wall over which he had got in. I have seen him -watch a long hour together in a close coach in the open street to see -her as she went abroad. I cannot say that the Prince did ever talk -with her privately, yet publicly often, my Lord of Bristol being -interpreter; but the King sat hard by, to overhear all. Our cousin -Archy (_i.e._ Archy Armstrong, King James's jester, who had joined -Charles in Madrid with a large number of English courtiers) hath more -privileges than any, for he often goes with his fool's coat where the -Infanta is with her _meninas_ (maids) and ladies of honour, and keeps -a'blowing and blustering among them, and slurts out what he lists."[13] - - -Festivities kept Charles well occupied; and; now that his father's -courtiers had joined him {101} with full baggage, he could play the -Prince more effectively than on his first arrival. King James, indeed, -seems to have imagined that by gifts and ostentation he could carry the -point he had at heart,[14] though in one of his letters to his "sweet -boys" he says that "for the honour of England he had curtailed the -train of courtiers that went by sea of a number of rascals." Those who -went, however, behaved very badly, and did little to {102} raise -Spanish opinion of English nobles generally. Buckingham was accused of -having introduced bad company even into the palace, and to have behaved -outrageously to the women who acted on the stage during a comedy. "For -outward usage" (writes Howel in July), "there is all industry used to -give the Prince and his servants all possible contentment, and some of -the King's own servants wait upon them at table in the palace, where I -am sorry to hear some of them jeer at the Spanish fare, and use other -slighting speeches and demeanour."[15] Worst of all, many of these -fine gallants went out of their way to offend Spanish religious -susceptibilities; and Howel mentions one such case which nearly led to -grave trouble. One of the Prince's pages, Mr. Washington, had died of -fever, and before his death an English priest named Ballard visited -him, in the hope of converting him. Sir Edmund Verney met the priest -on the stairs, and attacked him, first with words and then with blows. - - -"The business was like to gather very ill blood and to come to a great -height, had not Count Gondomar quashed it; which I believe he could not -have done unless the times had been favourable, for such is the -reverence they bear to the Church here, and so holy a conceit have they -of all ecclesiastics, that the greatest Don in Spain will tremble to -offer the meanest of them any outrage or affront. Count Gondomar hath -also helped to free some English that were in the Inquisition in Toledo -and Seville, and I could allege {103} many instances how ready and -cheerful he is to assist any Englishman whatsoever, notwithstanding the -base affronts he hath often received from the London boys.[16] I heard -a merry saying of his to the Queen, who, discoursing with him of the -greatness of London, and whether it was as populous as Madrid: "Yes, -madam," he said, "and more populous when I came away, though I believe -there's scarce a man left now, but all women and children, for all the -men both in court and city were ready booted and spurred to go away." - - -[Sidenote: English courtiers in Madrid] - -Madrid was not quite so full of English courtiers as that, though their -presence was conspicuous and assertive enough at Court. At the weekly -representation of the comedies in the palace, only the royal party were -provided with chairs; the ladies, in the usual Spanish Court fashion, -being seated on cushions on the floor, and the gentlemen standing -behind the royal family. This did not suit either Buckingham or the -most ostentatious nobleman of his time, the upstart Hay, Earl of -Carlisle, and they both fumed and fretted at what they considered a -slight upon them. Buckingham, of course, was obliged to stay, but Hay -and many others of the insolent crew left Madrid in dudgeon before the -great heats came on. Hay, indeed, found it extremely difficult to -obtain audience of the Infanta, whom the English already called -Princess of Wales; and when, after much importunity, he was admitted, -"he was brought into a room where the Infanta was placed on a throne -{104} aloft, gloriously set forth with her ladies about her: my lord, -with his compliments, motions, and approaches, could not draw from her -so much as the least nod, she remaining all the while as immovable as -the image of the Virgin Mary.... At his coming away the Infanta gave -him leave to kneel to her above an hour, whereupon our great ladies -begin to consult how they shall demean herself when she comes."[17] - -[Sidenote: Marriage negotiations] - -During the whole of the spring, matters in Madrid remained thus, the -arrival of the dispensation being constantly delayed, whilst England -was being every day more deeply pledged to an impossible policy by the -folly of Buckingham and Charles and the eagerness of King James. James -had made the fatal mistake--after saying, through Bristol, that the -Pope's dispensation meant nothing whatever to him--of sending agents, -Father Gage particularly, to Rome to negotiate for the dispensation to -be modified and expedited, and he showed himself more squeezable on the -religious point at every turn of the negotiation. "As for myself," he -wrote to his son and Buckingham late in March, "I would with all my -heart give my consent that the Bishop of Rome should have the first -seat. I, being a western King, would go with the Patriarch of the -West. And as for his temporal seigniory of Rome I do not quarrel with -that either. Let him, in God's name, be _primus episcopus inter omnes -episcopos, et princeps episcoporum_, so it be no otherwise but as St. -Peter was _princeps episcoporum_." So confident were they all that no -serious hitch would stand in the way of the wedding {105} at last, that -the fleet which was intended to carry back the Infanta and her husband -to England was ready to sail for Spain in April, and the silly doting -King was busy settling the smallest details of the voyage for the -comfort of his "sweet boys." - -At length, late in April, news came to Madrid that the dispensation was -on its way to Spain, but "clogged" with new guarantees and conditions -in favour of English Catholics, which Buckingham still thought he could -avoid granting, and asked that the English fleet should be sent to -Corunna at once to convey them back triumphant with the Infanta. They -soon found that matters were not so easily settled, for, as we know -now, Olivares was determined that no marriage should take place, and a -device for delay was easily found in the assembly of a commission of -divines at St. Geronimo to discuss how far the conditions of the -dispensation might be modified. Buckingham conceived the extraordinary -plan of asking James to give a blank commission to his son, and Charles -accordingly wrote to his father to send him the following pledge signed -by his own hand: "_We do hereby promise by the word of a King that -whatsoever you, our son, shall promise in our name we shall punctually -perform_." "Sir, I confess," wrote the Prince, "that this is an ample -trust; and if it were not mere necessity I should not be so bold"; and -Buckingham accompanied the Prince's letter by a note that he knew would -touch the King. "This letter of your son's is written out of an -extraordinary desire to be soon with you again. He thinks if you sign -thus much, though they would be glad (which he doth not yet discover) -{106} to make any further delay, this will disappoint them. The -discretion of your Baby you need not doubt."[18] Needless to say, the -weak King sent the power as requested, in order, as he wrote, "that ye -may speedily and happily return and light in the arms of your dear Dad." - -Provided with this unlimited pledge, the Prince and Buckingham, -assisted by Bristol, Aston, and Cottington, met a commission appointed -by Philip. For weeks the discussions continued. In vain the English -pointed out the impossibility of acceding to the demands that religious -toleration in England should be decreed forthwith, and that the consent -of the English Parliament should be obtained within a year or so for -the abrogation of all the penal laws against English Catholics, with -the many other points which were now insisted upon by the Pope for the -first time. The Pope had even written a letter direct to Charles, -urging his immediate conversion; and Charles had further compromised -himself by answering it in a way which, although vague, would have -caused, if it had been known, intense indignation in England. As the -English negotiators advanced, Olivares retired, whilst Buckingham -became daily more impatient and angry, throwing the blame now entirely -upon the Count-Duke.[19] - -At length, at the end of May, Buckingham came to an open quarrel with -Olivares, and threatened to leave with the Prince at once and abandon -the negotiation. This angry departure did not {107} suit the -Spaniards; and, after much protest and entreaty on the part of Philip -and Olivares, it was agreed that the Prince should stay in Madrid at -least until King James was made acquainted with the point insisted -upon, and sent his instructions; although, after having consented to -remain, Charles, seeing the persistent attempts to put pressure upon -him to marry at once on the Pope's conditions, endeavoured to withdraw -his promise altogether and retire. Eventually, however, the cajolery -of Olivares prevailed, and Cottington went off post haste to England, -carrying with him the details of the Spanish papal demands. In the -letter written by Charles and Buckingham to James, and taken by -Cottington, they still express a hope that he may accede to the terms, -though they dared not do so themselves without his consent. - - -"Dear Dad and Gossip," this letter runs, "the Pope having written a -courteous letter to me, your Baby, I have been bold to write to him an -answer.... We make no doubt but to have the opinions of the busy -divines reversed (for already the Count of Olivares hath put out ten of -the worst), so that your Majesty will be pleased to begin to put in -execution the favour towards your Roman Catholic subjects, and ye will -be bound by your oath as soon as the Infanta comes over, which we hope -you will do for the hastening of us home, with this protestation to -reverse all, if there be any delay in the marriage. We send you here -the articles as they are to go, the oaths, public and private, that you -and your Baby are to {108} take, with the councils, wherein if you -scare at the least clause of your private oath (where you promise that -the Parliament shall revoke all penal laws against the Papists within -three years), we thought good to tell your Majesty our opinion, which -is that if you think you may do it in that time (which we think you may -if you do your best), although it take not effect, you have not broken -your word, for this promise is only security that you will do your -best. The Spanish ambassador for respect of the Pope will present to -you the articles as they came from Rome, as likewise to require that -the delivery of the Infanta may be deferred till the spring.... We -both humbly beg of your Majesty that you will confirm these articles -soon, and press earnestly for our speedy return."[20] - - -King James was in despair when he received this letter and Cottington's -intelligence. Olivares had cleverly turned the whole negotiation on -the acceptance by the English of the religious demands, and had -remained quite unpledged as to the restoration of the Palatinate, which -was the thing nearest to James' heart. The reply of the King is too -characteristic for compression, and is here reproduced entire. - - -"My sweet Boys, your letter by Cottington hath strucken me dead! I -fear it shall very much shorten my days, and I am more perplexed that I -know not how to satisfy the people's expectation here; neither know I -what to say to our Council, for the fleet that staid upon a wind {109} -this fortnight. Rutland and all abroad must now be staid, and I know -not what reason I shall pretend for doing it. But as for my advice and -directions that ye crave in case they will not alter their decree, it -is, in a word, to come speedily away, if ye can get leave, and give -over all treaty. And this I speak without respect of any security they -may offer, except ye never look to see your old Dad again, whom I fear -ye shall never see if ye see him not before winter. Alas! I now -repent me sore that ever I suffered you to go away. I care for match, -nor nothing, so I may once have you in my arms again. God grant it! -God grant it! God grant it! Amen, amen, amen! I protest ye shall be -as heartily welcome as if ye had done all things ye went for, so that I -may once more have you in my arms again, and God bless you both, my -sweet son and my only best sweet servant, and let me hear from you -quickly with all speed as ye love my life; and so God send you a happy, -joyful meeting in the arms of your dear Dad.-- - -JAMES R. - -GREENWICH, 14 _June_ 1623." - - -The poor King was nearer to his difficulties than was Buckingham, for -Archbishop Abbott and the English Puritan divines were becoming -clamorous at all this coquetting with the Scarlet Lady, and to have -conceded openly a half of the papal demands as payment for the Spanish -match would have meant a revolution in England. In the meanwhile -Charles and Buckingham continued their struggle to get the conditions -modified; whilst Olivares, supported by his theologians, still {110} -insisted that the marriage might be celebrated conditionally in Madrid, -to be confirmed at some future time when the measures in favour of the -English Catholics had been put into operation. - -The events of the next few weeks are related by the Spanish -authority,[21] very differently from the version given by the Prince -and Buckingham to King James. The Spaniards aver that Charles' -counter-proposals and amendments were considered exhaustively by the -various commissions, and unhesitatingly rejected, the Prince, in his -final interview with Olivares on the subject, when the answer was given -to him, signifying his intention to return to England at once, and -requesting an audience to take leave of the King. The Prince is -represented by the Spaniards to have asked Bristol to draw up for him a -valedictory address which he might read to Philip, but when Lord -Bristol submitted his draft the Prince expressed dissatisfaction with -it, and said that he would trust to the inspiration of the moment and -take leave of the King in his own words. The leave-taking was fixed -for the 17th July, in the evening, and when Charles, with Buckingham -and the whole of his train, were in the presence of Philip, to the -intense astonishment and dismay of Bristol, the Prince expressed his -intention of accepting the conditions laid down by the Spaniards with -regard to religion, and said that he would, in his father's name, give -due security for their fulfilment. Couriers were sent post haste to -Rome to obtain the Pope's final consent to the slightly modified -conditions accepted by Charles; and for a time {111} the Spanish Court -ostensibly regarded the marriage as irrevocably fixed. - -This is the story as told by the Spaniards, and it is probably not far -from the truth; but in the letters to King James[22] the Prince and -Buckingham naturally represent the conditions they accepted as being an -important modification of the previous Spanish demands, which, so far -as can be seen, they were not. On the very day when the reconsidered -conditions were first handed to Charles, and, according to the Spanish -story, rejected, he and Buckingham wrote to King James. (26th June-6th -July.) - - -"DEAR DAD AND GOSSIP,--Though late, yet at last we have gotten the -articles drawn up in the forms we sent you by Lord Rochford, without -any new addition or alteration. The foolery of the Conde de Olivares -hath been the cause of this long delay, who would willingly against -thee have pulled it out of the junta's and Council's hands and put it -into a wrangling lawyer's, a favourite of his, who, like himself, had -not only put it into odious form, but had slipped in a multitude of new -unreasonable, undemanded, and ungranted conditions, which the Council -yielded unto merely out of fear; for when we met the junta they did not -make one answer to our many objections, but confessed with blushing -faces that we had more than reason on our side; and concluded with us -that the same oath should serve which passed between Queen Mary and -King Philip (II.) being put to the end of every article which is to be -sworn {112} to. By this you may guess the little favour with which -they proceed with us, first delaying us as long as they possibly can, -then, when things are concluded, they throw in new particulars in hope -that they will pass, out of our desire to make haste. But when our -business is done we shall joy in it the more that we have overcome so -many difficulties, and in the meantime we expect pity at your hands. -But for the love of God and our business let nothing fall from you to -discover anything of this, and comfort yourself that all will end well -to your contentment and honour. Our return now will depend upon your -quick despatch of these, for we thank God we find the heats such here -that we may well travel both evenings and mornings. The divines have -not yet recalled their sentence, but the Conde tells us that he hath -converted very many of them, yet keeps his old form in giving us no -hope of anything till the business speaks it itself. But we dare say -they dare not break it upon this, nor, we think, upon any other, except -the affairs of Christendom should smile strangely upon them." - - -How completely Olivares had outwitted them is plain by this letter. He -still insisted verbally upon the whole of the pretensions originally -formulated, but had by subtle hints led them into the self-deceiving -condition displayed by their fatuous words in the letter just quoted. - -A few hours only after the above letter was written, the courier Crofts -arrived in Madrid with King James' peremptory order for his son to -return, printed on page 109. With this order in {113} their hands, -Charles and Buckingham thought to bring matters to a crisis, and, as -they say, told Olivares with a sad face that the King of England had -ordered them to return immediately. How, they asked him, could they -obey the command without sacrificing the marriage? - - -"His answer was that there were two good ways to do the business and -one ill one. The two good ones were either with your Baby's -conversion, or to do it with trust, putting all things freely with the -Infanta into our hands. The ill one was to bargain and stick upon -conditions as long as they could. As for the first (_i.e._ conversion) -we had utterly rejected it; and, for the second, he confessed that if -he were King he would do it; and, as he is, it lay in his power to do -it: but he cast many doubts, lest he should hereafter suffer for it if -it should not succeed. The last he confessed impossible, since your -command was so peremptory. To conclude, he left us with a promise to -consider it; and when I, your dog (_i.e._ Buckingham) conveyed him to -the door, he bade me cheer up my heart, and your Baby's, both. Our -opinion is the longest time we can stay here is a month, and not that -neither without bringing the Infanta with us. If we find ourselves -sure of that, look for us sooner. Whichever of these resolutions be -taken, you shall hear from us shortly, that you may in that time give -order for the fleet. We must once more entreat your Majesty to make -all the haste you can to return those papers confirmed, and in the -meantime give order for the execution of all these things (_i.e._ the -abrogation of {114} all penal enactments against Catholics, and the -granting of religious toleration, etc.), and let us here know so -much."[23] - - -The next night Charles sent for Olivares, and asked him what advice he -had to give him. The matter was still under discussion, replied the -minister; and two or three days more would have to be given before King -Philip could send his final decision. Charles and Buckingham demurred -at further delay, and again talked of immediate departure; but, as -usual, Olivares hinted and implied much, whilst he pledged himself to -nothing, and when he returned he left "Baby" and "Steenie" once more in -a fool's paradise of confident hope. From day to day they were thus -kept; Olivares hinting that as soon as news came that King James had -given liberty to English Catholics, all obstacles would be removed, and -the Infanta might accompany her bridegroom to England. Charles and his -adviser begged James urgently and often to fulfil their promises in -this respect without delay; for, said they, they were convinced that -Olivares would stand out no longer when the news came. - - -"We know you will think a little more time will be well spent to bring -her with us, when by that means we may upon equaller terms treat with -them of other things. Do your best there (_i.e._ in England), and we -will not fail of ours here.... Of all this we must entreat you to -speak nothing; for if you do our labour here will be the harder, and -when it shall be hoped there and not take {115} effect they will be the -more discontented.[24] I, your Baby, have, since this conclusion, been -with my mistress, and she sits publicly with me at the plays, and -within these two or three days shall take place of the Queen as -Princess of England." - - -James in London was sorely perplexed, for the Marquis of Hinojosa and -Carlos Coloma, the Spanish ambassadors, were pressing him still more to -make the concessions to the English Catholics thorough and irrevocable; -whilst the Council, even Buckingham's sycophantic creatures, Conway and -Calvert, the Secretaries of State, were ill at ease. But the step had -to be taken, and James, with many prickings of conscience, or more -worldly fears, summoned his Council at Whitehall on Sunday the 20th -July, and, after feasting the two Spanish ambassadors, the King of -England took an oath before them and a Catholic priest, with Cottington -and the two Secretaries of State only in attendance, to comply with all -the conditions of the marriage which had been accepted in Madrid, the -English Catholics being given immediate and complete toleration.[25] -This ceremony in the palace of Whitehall having come to an end, King -James was entering his coach to go to the Spanish embassy, and take a -secret oath there to obtain within a {116} given time the abrogation by -Parliament of all the penal laws, when, as he says, Lord Andover, -travel-stained with his long rapid journey from Madrid, "came stepping -in the door like a ghost," and delivered the letter from Charles and -Buckingham, saying that the Spaniards were insisting upon deferring the -departure of the Infanta until the spring, to give time for the -reception of the Pope's consent to the modified conditions, and for the -full execution of the decrees, relieving the English Catholics from -their disabilities. - -[Sidenote: Charles outwitted] - -Poor James must have seen now clearly that he had been outwitted. He -was pledged, pledged up to the hilt. He had just solemnly sworn to -accept all the Spanish conditions. His son was still in the hands of -Spain; no promise whatever binding Spain had been given for the return -of the Palatinate to Frederick; and now the gage that he and his -shallow favourite had thought would guarantee their demands upon Spain -was not to be delivered until next spring, which might mean never! - - -"This course is both a dishonour to me and double charges, if I must -send two fleets. But if they will not send her till March, then let -them, in God's name, send her by their own fleet, ... but if no better -may be, do ye hasten your business: the fleet shall be at you as soon -as wind and weather can serve, and this bearer (_i.e._ Cottington) will -bring you the power to treat for the Palatinate, and in the matter of -Holland. And, sweet Baby, go on with the contract, and the best -assurance ye can get of sending her next year. But, upon {117} my -blessing, lie not with her in Spain, except ye be sure to bring her -with you; and forget not to make them keep their former conditions -anent the portion (_i.e._ dowry), otherwise both my Baby and I are -bankrupt for ever." - - -Cottington lost no time; and by the 5th (15th N.S.) August was back -again in Madrid with the news of the King of England's compliance on -oath with the Spanish conditions. Again the divines, at Olivares' -bidding, began wrangling over the form and substance of James' oath; -for Hinojosa, the Spanish ambassador in England, had reported -unfavourably upon the real intentions of James towards the Catholics, -and three weeks more passed before the whole marriage treaty was -embodied in a formal document, which Charles, on the 28th August (7th -September), swore solemnly on the Gospels in the hands of the Patriarch -of the Indies to fulfil, whilst Philip simply promised that the -marriage should take place _when the Pope's consent arrived_, in which -case the Infanta should be sent to England in the following spring. It -was indeed a triumph for the diplomacy of Olivares, and Charles -endeavoured to save appearances by asking, now that it was too late, -for some assurance that the Pope's consent would be given by Christmas -and the marriage solemnised. Philip was all smiles. Nothing would -delight him better; but, as it was a case of conscience, the -theologians must decide. When they met to do so they raked up many -stories, old and new, to show that Englishmen could not be trusted -further than you could see them in matters of religion, and decided -that all of {118} King James's promises to the Catholics must come into -actual effect before any further step could be taken by Philip. -Cottington, it appears, had fallen ill with the fatigue of his rapid -journey; and, in the belief that he was dying, sent for a priest and -confessed himself a Catholic, yet as soon as the fit passed off and he -recovered he withdrew his professions, and this was cited as a proof of -the falsity of Englishmen. The story, already quoted from Howel, of -Varney's coming to fisticuffs with the English priest Ballard was made -the most of. Besides, said they, a gentleman of King Philip's chamber -only the other day had seen on a sideboard in Prince Charles's -apartment, in the palace of the Catholic King himself, "a Protestant -catechism in which all the heresies and errors are taught, translated -into Spanish and richly and curiously bound." This was really too -shocking, and the divines decided that Charles was not to be trusted an -inch beyond the conventions already made. - -[Sidenote: A hollow betrothal] - -In vain a grander bull-fight than ever was given to celebrate the -so-called betrothal, in which Charles cut a gallant figure in white -satin, and in which, amidst a mad prodigality of splendour, -three-and-twenty bulls were done to death by nobles;[26] in vain -feasts[27] and banquets hailed {119} Charles as the husband of a -Spanish Princess, and the future restorer of England to the Catholic -faith; both Charles and Buckingham now saw that they had been fooled, -and were only anxious to get away with a good face and such dignity as -they might. Olivares personally still pretended to be eager for the -match, and feigned a desire to send the Infanta with the Prince, "to -turn them all out of Spain together, as he said jocosely"; but -Buckingham now profoundly distrusted him--and, indeed, told him at this -juncture that he would always be his enemy--and was determined that the -Prince should not be further pledged to the marriage, unless the -Infanta accompanied them to England. "Send us peremptory commands to -come away, with all possible speed," they wrote to King James; "we -desire this, not that we fear we shall need it, but in case we have, -that your son, who hath expressed much affection to the Infanta, may -press his coming away under colour of your command without appearing an -ill lover." - -The love romance, in good truth, was at an end, and the foolish -adventure had resulted in one side being pledged to a course that -threatened the stability of England, whilst the other was bound to -nothing whatever, since the Pope's consent would be given or withheld -as Spain desired. Worst blow of all to King James was the contemptuous -treatment of his demands about the Palatinate. {120} "As for the -business of the Palatinate," wrote Charles to his father, "now that we -have pressed them we have discovered these two impediments: first, they -say they have no hope to accommodate it without the marriage of your -grandchild with the Emperor's daughter, ... to be brought up in the -Emperor's Court; and the second is, that though they will restore his -lands (to the Palatine) they will not restore his honour." It was, -indeed, time that Charles was gone, for the sorry part he and -Buckingham had played in Madrid, and their long absence, had provoked -serious discontent in England; and even Archy Armstrong in Madrid, with -his fool's privilege, goaded Buckingham with taunts and sneers, until -the enraged favourite threatened that he would have him hanged. "No -one ever heard of a fool being hanged for talking," retorted Archy, -"but many Dukes in England have been hanged for insolence."[28] - -On the 29th August (8th September, N.S.), Charles was conducted in -state by Philip to take his leave of the Queen and the Infanta, to whom -he made all manner of professions and promises. Buckingham on this -occasion did not accompany the Prince, being desirous, as the Spaniards -said, of having a separate honour for himself; but even whilst this -ostentatious ceremony was being used towards him, a secret paper was -being drafted by skilful hands and brains in Madrid that was destined -to precede him and the Prince to London, and to set before King James -the long tale of Buckingham's transgressions and omissions whilst in -Spain, his violence, his rudeness, his lack of {121} diplomacy, his -inexpertness in affairs, his pride and insolence. The Spaniards, -indeed, had determined to make Buckingham the scapegoat as an -additional security for themselves, and they, or rather Olivares, thus -laid the foundation of the spoilt favourite's ruin. - -Splendid presents were given on both sides: Philip sending to his guest -four-and-twenty Spanish and Arab horses and six mares, twenty hackneys -in velvet housings, fringed and embroidered with gold, two pairs of -fine Spanish asses for the stud, a dagger, a sword, and a pistol, all -richly encrusted with diamonds, eighty muskets and eighty crossbows and -a hundred of the best swords in Spain; whilst Charles, in return for -this, apart from his gifts to the King, gave to the bearer of his -presents a great diamond jewel. Buckingham also received from the King -a fine stud of horses and mares, with arms and jewels of immense -value.[29] The Queen's present to Charles consisted of an enormous -quantity of linen under-garments of great fineness, worked by the -discalced nuns, fifty dressed and perfumed skins, and two hundred and -fifty scented glove skins of great rarity and value; whilst Olivares, -knowing Charles' artistic tastes and the interest he had taken in the -fine pictures in the palace, presented him with many beautiful -paintings, some chamber hangings, and three Sedan chairs, fit, as Soto -says, for the greatest king on earth; one entirely of tortoiseshell and -gold, these chairs being for the use in London of King James, the -Prince of Wales, and Buckingham respectively. All the principal -courtiers came {122} with similar gifts; but when, with many false -tears on both sides, Charles went to the Convent of the Discalced -Carmelites to take a last private farewell of his betrothed, she gave -him, amongst many rich and beautiful toys, perfumes, and the like, a -letter from which she said she hoped great things would come. It was -addressed to a saintly nun at Carrion, which lay in his road towards -the sea, and the Infanta prayed that he would visit and confer with the -holy woman for the good of his soul.[30] She made Charles promise her, -moreover, that he would have a care for the Catholics of England, for -any one of whom, she said, she would lay down her life. - -Charles was as lavish in his gifts as were his hosts, jewels of -inestimable value being given to the King and Queen, and, indeed, to -everybody, apparently, with whom the Prince had been brought into -contact at the Spanish Court. The Infanta received from her lover a -string of two hundred and fifty great perfect pearls, with similar -pearls for the ears and breast, and a diamond ornament so precious -"that no one dared to estimate its value."[31] Amongst the shower of -jewels that fell upon the Spanish courtiers, that which came to -Olivares seems to have been one of the most precious. It was the great -"Portuguese" diamond of purest water, that once had been the pride of -the crown jewels of Portugal, and had been brought to England by the -pretender Don Antonio, who, {123} whilst his jewels lasted, had found -so warm a welcome in the Court of Elizabeth. - -At dawn on Saturday, 30th August, King Philip and his brother Carlos, -with their English guest, and followed by hundreds of gallant -gentlemen, rode across the bridge of Segovia out of the Castilian -capital, over the arid plain towards the vast monastery palace of the -Escorial in the Guadarramas, the enduring gloomy monument of the first -of the Spanish Philips. The next day was spent in seeing the wonders -of the building, and on Monday hunting in the woods and moors around -occupied the day. On Tuesday morning, 3rd September, the party set -forth, and a few miles on the road the King, after an alfresco luncheon -and a long private conversation with his guest, took final leave of -Charles, with much ceremonial salutation and professions of eternal -regard. That night the English Prince, in whose coach travelled -Buckingham, Bristol, and Gondomar, arrived at the village of -Guadarrama, and the next night was spent at the ancient city of Segovia. - -Charles had left in Bristol's hands a power to conclude the marriage on -the arrival in Madrid of the consent of the Pope to the modified -conditions; but at Segovia he signed two letters, one to King Philip -reiterating his intention and desire to carry the match through, and -the other revoking the full powers he had given to Bristol to conclude -the espousals when the Pope's consent arrived, on the ground that there -was nothing in the conventions to prevent the Infanta from embracing a -conventual life after the {124} marriage.[32] With Charles's slow -progress through Spain to Santander[33], and so to England, this book -has naught to do, nor with the extraordinary set of intrigues by which, -to Bristol's indignation and subsequent ruin, Buckingham on his return -drew the pliant James into alliance with France against Spain. - -Bristol, during his short further stay in Madrid, laboured hard, aided -by Gondomar, to keep the negotiations afoot, the Spanish party in the -English Court endeavoured with the same object to arouse the fears of -James against Buckingham, and nearly succeeded in doing it. Bristol's -colleague and successor at Madrid, Sir Walter Aston, hoping to smooth -matters, incurred Buckingham's violent resentment by provisionally -agreeing to a day for the espousals, when at last the Pope's -conditional consent came. James, and now apparently Charles, had quite -made up their minds that no marriage should take place without the -Palatinate being surrendered by the Emperor; and Philip, as Olivares -had said again and again, would never coerce his Catholic kinsman to do -that for the sake of a heretic. Thenceforward though the bickering -both in Madrid and London still continued for months, the marriage of -Charles and the Infanta was impracticable, and the unwise attempt to -force the hands of cunning statesmen by a romantic _coup de théâtre_ -came to the undignified and unsuccessful end that it deserved. - -{125} - -[Sidenote: Failure of the match] - -The Spaniards pretended that the match would have been carried through -but for Buckingham's bad faith and his personal quarrel with Olivares, -and they found it convenient to defend their own character for -sincerity by using the favourite for a scapegoat. But it is quite -certain now, with the abundant authoritative documents before us, that, -except upon quite impossible conditions, there never was any intention -on the part of Philip and Olivares to give the Infanta to Charles. -Olivares played the game with consummate skill, obtaining concessions -to the English Catholics, which, if they had been sincerely carried -out, would have endangered James's crown; and presenting to Europe the -spectacle of the English King and Prince soliciting an alliance with -Spain in a way which allowed such a rebuff to be administered to -England as might have made the great Elizabeth turn in her grave. - -That Buckingham was keenly alive to his defeat, and was determined to -avenge it upon Spain, is seen in his letter to James as soon as he left -Madrid,[34] and by the strenuous and successful efforts which he made -on his return to London to defeat the Spanish party, to which he had, -thanks to Gondomar's bribery, formerly belonged. The subsequent -ignominious war with Spain into which England was dragged by Buckingham -and the French alliance, was a fitting sequel, in its inept -mismanagement, to the utter foolishness of the policy which had -precipitated it. The comparison between {126} the incompetence of Sir -Edward Cecil with his disorganised and futile fleet before Cadiz in -1625, and the English attack upon the same city in 1596 under Howard, -Raleigh, and Essex, is as complete and humiliating as the contrast -between shallow Buckingham and sagacious Burghley, or between the -doting poltroon whose letters to his "sweet Boys" we have seen, and the -proudly patriotic termagant whom he succeeded on the throne of England. - - - - -[1] Soto y Aguilar. Another unpublished contemporary account in -Spanish of the state entry in the British Museum, MSS. Add. 10,236, -says that Charles advanced to the centre of the room and took off his -hat as the councillors entered. It is mentioned that Charles retained -his English dress and had "a gallant figure" (bizarro en el talle). He -was noticed to doff his hat whenever Philip did on passing a church or -sacred image, and this greatly impressed the crowd in his favour. When -the royal personages arrived at the palace at half-past six, having -taken three hours to cover the distance of about a mile from St. -Geronimo to the palace, the Prince was led to salute the Queen, Lord -Bristol kneeling before them to interpret their conversation. This -account is very enthusiastic as to Charles' graciousness and dignity. - -[2] MS. Soto y Aguilar. - -[3] _Familiar Letters_. - -[4] MS. Royal Academy of History, Madrid. Transcript in my possession. -The writer, in this official capacity, was present at all these feasts. - -[5] MS. Soto y Aguilar. - -[6] Charles really seems to have fallen in love with her. Howel writes -in July. "There are comedians once a week come to the palace, where, -under a great canopy the Queen and the Infanta sit in the middle and -our Prince and Don Carlos on the Queen's right hand, and the little -Cardinal on the Infanta's left hand. I have seen the Prince have his -eyes immovably fixed upon the Infanta half an hour together in a -thoughtful speculative posture, which sure would needs be tedious -unless affection did sweeten it. It was no handsome comparison of -Olivares that he watched her as a cat doth a mouse." Endymion Porter, -writing to his wife soon after the Prince's arrival in Spain, says: -"The Prince hath taken such a liking to his mistress that now he loves -her as much for her beauty as he can for being sister to so great a -King. She deserves it, for never was there a fairer creature." _State -Papers, Domestic_, March 1623. - -[7] Hardwicke, _State Papers_. - -[8] From a somewhat ungenerous letter from Charles to Bristol (who was -made the scapegoat), written on the 21st January 1625, he says: "you -will remember how at our first coming into Spain, when taking upon you -to be so wise as to foresee our intention to change our religion, you -were so far from dissuading us that you offered your services and -secrecy to concur in it; and in many other open conferences pressing to -show how convenient it was for us to be Roman Catholic, it being -impossible in your opinion to do any great action otherwise." The -letter is full of reproaches and condemnation of Bristol's conduct, but -it is quite clear that Bristol saw the only condition under which the -match was possible from the first, which Charles and Buckingham, -deceived by Olivares, did not. Cabala (ed. 1691) p. 188. - -[9] _Hecho de los Tratados_. Camden Society. - -[10] Carey, Earl of Monmouth, _Guerre d' Italia_. - -[11] Lord Bristol's diary, MS. in the Advocates' Library, Edinburgh, -gives a minute account of the Prince's movements from day to day. - -[12] Soto y Aguilar gives a glowing and pompous account of this -festivity, which, according to him, was a cane tournament and -competition of horsemanship got up in honour of Charles by the Admiral -of Castile. Charles is described as being dressed in black satin, with -the blue ribbon and jewel of the Garter on his breast, the simplicity -of his garb being praised as being very distinguished in appearance, as -it may well have been amidst so gorgeous a crowd as that described by -Soto. It should be noted, however, that Philip himself rarely dressed -in bright colours, though his red doublet in the Dulwich College -picture is splendid enough, his favourite colour being brown with steel -or silver trimmings. On this occasion he is described as being dressed -in this way, with a chain consisting of four linked jewelled crowns on -his breast. - -[13] _Familiar Letters_. Several references are made in Spanish -documents of Archy's insolence whilst in Madrid, though that was no new -thing in Philip's Court, where the buffoons were numerous. - -[14] Writing on the 17th March, he says: "I send you also your robes of -the order, which you must not forget to wear upon St. George's day, and -dine together in them if they come in time, which I pray God they may, -for it will be a goodly sight for the Spaniards to see my two boys dine -in them. I send you also the jewels I promised; some of mine, and such -of yours, I mean both of you, as are worthy of sending. For my Baby's -presenting to his mistress, I send him an old double cross of Lorraine, -not so rich as ancient, and yet not contemptible for the value, a good -looking-glass with my picture in it to be hung at her girdle, which ye -must tell her ye have caused it so to be enchanted by art magic as -whensoever she shall be pleased to look in it she shall see the fairest -lady that either her brother's or your father's dominions can afford. -Ye shall present her with two long fair diamonds set like an anchor, -and a fair pendant diamond hanging to them; ye shall give her a goodly -rope of pearls, ye shall give her a carcanet or collar, thirteen great -ball rubies and thirteen knots or conques of pearls, and ye shall give -her a head dressing of two-and-twenty great pear pearls; and ye shall -give her three goodly peak pendants, diamonds whereof the biggest to be -worn at a needle on the forehead and one in each ear. For my Baby's -own wearing ye have two good jewels of your own, your round brooch of -diamonds and your triangle diamond with the great round pearl, and I -send ye for your wearing three bretheren that ye know full well, but -newly set; the mirror of France, the fellow of the Portugal diamond, -which I would wish you to wear alone in your hat with a little black -feather. You have also good diamond buttons of your own to be set to a -doublet or jerkin. As for your 'J,' it may serve as a present for a -Don. As for thee, my sweet Gossip, I send thee a fair table diamond, -which I would once have given thee before if thou would'st have taken -it for wearing in thy hat or where thou pleases; and if my Baby will -spare thee two long diamonds in form of an anchor it were fit for an -Admiral to wear." After minute instructions as to how Charles is to -give his presents to the Infanta, the King continues: "I have also sent -four other crosses of meaner value, with a great pointed diamond in a -ring, which will save charges in presents to Dons, according to -quality; but I will send with the fleet divers other jewels for -presents." Hardwicke, _State Papers_. - -[15] _Familiar Letters_. - -[16] Gondomar was specially obnoxious to the London prentices, who -attacked him in his carriage on more than one occasion. - -[17] News-letter from London. - -[18] Hardwicke, _State Papers_. - -[19] Full details of the discussion from day to day are in _El Hecho de -los Tratados_, etc. Camden Society. - -[20] Hardwicke, State Papers. - -[21] _Hecho de los Tratados_. Camden Society. - -[22] Hardwicke, _State Papers_. - -[23] Hardwicke, _State Papers_. - -[24] The meaning of this somewhat obscure passage, appears to be that -if King James made public the conditions to which he was to pledge -himself the opposition in England might prevent the measures promised -from being carried out, in which case the disappointment in Spain would -be redoubled. - -[25] Secretary Conway to Buckingham. Hardwicke, _State Papers_. -Conway says concerning this: "The acts of favour are gone for the -King's signature, which, known, will create cold sweat and fear until -the return of his Highness." - -[26] Soto y Aguilar MS. - -[27] One of these, a cane tourney, is fully described in a Spanish -account translated in Somers' Tracts. Philip was always a lover of -this showy diversion, in which bodies of gaily clad horsemen manoeuvred -in opposing squadrons, throwing small cane javelins at each other, the -skilful horsemanship being the criterion of excellence. After the -usual parade through the gaily decked streets, in which Philip and -Charles rode side by side, the King went to the palace of the Countess -de Miranda to change his dress and prepare for the evolutions. The -palace was splendidly fitted up with white damask for his reception; -the halls being artificially cooled and perfumed. His hostess received -him in state at the door, and served him with a refection, "consisting -of all manner of conserves, dried suckets and rosewater confections of -eight different sorts." Philip, by the way, was a great lover of -sweetmeats. - -[28] _Hecho de los Tratados_. - -[29] They are all described, _ad nauseam_, in the Soto y Aguilar MS. - -[30] The Nuncio sent the same night a special messenger to the nun, -directing her how she was to endeavour to do the great service to the -Catholic Church. - -[31] These jewels were afterwards returned when the match was abandoned. - -[32] Lord Bristol's remonstrance to the Prince on this disingenuous -proceeding is in Cabala, p. 101. - -[33] Buckingham, in his haughty letter of rebuke to Aston (Cabala, -120), says that Charles wrote to Aston from Santander to the effect -that he would never marry the Infanta unless good conditions were -agreed to with regard to the Palatinate. Aston's letters from Madrid -are in Cabala. - -[34] I'll bring all things with me you have desired except the Infanta, -which hath almost broken my heart, because your, your son's, and the -nation's honour is touched by the miss of it. Hardwicke, _State -Papers_. - - - - -{127} - -CHAPTER IV - -FOREIGN WAR RENDERED INEVITABLE BY OLIVARES' POLICY--ITS EFFECT IN -SPAIN--CONDITION OF THE COURT--WASTE, IDLENESS, AND OSTENTATION OF ALL -CLASSES--EXTRAVAGANCE IN DRESS--PHILIP'S EFFORTS TO REFORM -MANNERS--RETRENCHMENT IN HIS HOUSEHOLD--THE SUMPTUARY ENACTMENTS--THE -_GOLILLA_--THE INDUSTRY OF OLIVARES--HIS CHARACTER AND APPEARANCE--HIS -MAIN OBJECT TO SECURE POLITICAL AND FISCAL UNITY IN SPAIN--THE -DIFFICULTIES IN THE WAY OF THIS--THE COMEDIES--THEATRES IN -MADRID--PHILIP'S LOVE FOR THE STAGE--AN AUTO-DE-FE--LORD WIMBLEDON'S -ATTACK ON CADIZ--RICHELIEU'S LEAGUE AGAINST SPAIN--SPANISH -SUCCESSES--"PHILIP THE GREAT"--VISIT OF THE KING TO ARAGON AND -CATALONIA IN 1626--DISCONTENT AND DISSENSION--PHILIP'S LIFE TRAGEDY - - -The policy of Olivares, which had estranged England and revived the -haughty old claims of Spain to dictate to Europe, had already begun to -produce widespread effects. France, no longer under the papal Italian -rule of the Queen-mother, but in the firm hands of Richelieu, could not -be expected to submit to such claims now; and during 1624 Europe once -more divided itself into two camps, one to assert and the other to -dispute the {128} supremacy of the house of Austria under the hegemony -of Spain. Richelieu did not believe in beginning the game until he -held all the cards in his hands, and delayed an open declaration of war -until he could join with him in a league against Spain, the United -Provinces, and Savoy, and had bought at least the neutrality if not the -active aid of England. - -[Sidenote: A corrupt capital] - -In the meanwhile we will glance at the effects which had been produced -in Spain, and particularly in the Court, by the joint action of the -young King and his mentor, the Count-Duke. The ruin and disappearance -of the greedy crew that had followed Lerma and his family, and the -accession of a promising youth like Philip IV. to the throne, had -filled the lieges with the belief that, as if by a fairy wand, all -Spain's troubles would cease and national power and general prosperity -would flood the long-suffering land with joy. The happy dream was of -short duration, for the ills were too deep seated to be quickly cured, -if even wise measures had been adopted. But the reforms of Olivares -had been merely of a palliative character, leaving the system and -incidence of taxation radically bad. Whilst rigid investigation of -past peculations was effected, whilst the squandering of the royal -resources in grants was limited, and economy severely enjoined in the -expenditure of private citizens, the most lavish waste was perpetrated -in other directions; and this, with the cost incurred by a forward -foreign policy, had, in the three years that succeeded the accession of -Philip, again brought affairs to a crisis, in which the national penury -was the conspicuous fact. - -{129} - -As soon as the echoes had died away of the festivals that had been -organised to dazzle the English Prince, the discontent of the people -began to find voice amongst those whose mordant speech and fluent pen -were so eager always to seize upon a pretext for the exercise of their -powers. Quevedo, the greatest wit of his time, who had once more been -recalled from the exile into which his biting satire so often cast -him,[1] and was the idol both of the quidnuncs of Liars' Walk and of -the dilettante nobles of the Court, launched his darts against the -grumblers, and told Spaniards boldly that the continued misery was the -fault of the degenerate race of his countrymen, "the well perfumed but -ill conducted hosts" who impatiently resisted or evaded the decrees of -those who endeavoured to mend matters. - -The decrees, it is true, were from their intricacy and their -thoroughness not easy to follow, for they sought to revolutionise the -customs and ways of life rendered familiar by almost immemorial usage. -The evils to be cured had been patent to all, but the remedies were too -sudden and too drastic to be effectual. When Philip had first come to -the throne, and the new broom was to be wielded, the reforming member -of the Cortes, Lison y Biedma, had told the King[2]-- - - -"Your subjects spend and waste great sums in the abuse of costly garb, -with so many varieties of trimmings that the making costs more than the -{130} stuff; and as soon as the clothes are made there is a change of -fashion and the money has to be spent over again. When they marry the -wealth they squander on dress alone ruins them, and they remain in debt -for the rest of their lives; ... such is the excess that the wife of an -artisan nowadays needs as much finery as a lady, even though she have -to get money for it by dishonest means and to the offence of God.... -As for collars and ruffs, the disorder in their use is very scandalous. -A single ruff of linen with its making and ravelling will cost over 200 -reals, and six reals every time it is dressed, which at the end of the -year doubles its cost, and much money is thus wasted. Besides, many -strong, able young men are employed in dressing and goffering these -extravagant things, who might be better employed in work necessary for -the commonwealth or in tilling the ground. The servants, too, have to -be paid higher wages in consequence of the money they spend in wearing -these collars, which indeed consumes most of what they earn; and a -great quantity of wheat is wasted in starch which is sorely wanted for -food. The fine linens to make these collars have, moreover, to be -brought from abroad, and money has to be sent out of the country to pay -for them. With respect to coaches, great evil is caused and offence -given to God, seeing the disquiet they bring to women who own them; for -they never stay at home, but leave their children and servants to run -riot, with the evil example of the mistress being always gadding -abroad. The art of horsemanship is dying out, and those who ought to -be mounted crowd, six or eight of them together, {131} in a coach, -talking to wenches rather than learning how to ride. Very different -gentlemen, indeed, will they grow up who have all their youth been -lolling about in coaches instead of riding." - - -And so on, almost every item of the daily life of Madrid is shown by -the writers of the day to be vicious, wasteful, and corrupt. Idlers -crowd in the monasteries, and hosts of other idlers, sham students, -poetasters, bullies, and beggars, depend for their daily sustenance -upon the garlic soup and crusts which are doled out at the gates from -the superfluity of the friars; and servants, with or without wages, but -living slothfully upon their patron's food in tawdry finery and squalid -plenty, pester the noble houses from stable court to roof.[3] Philip -and Olivares in the early days did not lack courage, and they came out -with a decree so drastic to restrict the wearing of rich clothes, the -abuse of ornament, and the possession of rich furniture, the use of -trimmings, bullion, silks, velvets, embroideries, and fringes, and to -limit the employment of silver and gold plate for household use,[4] as -to be quite inoperative; besides which, almost as soon as the decree -was promulgated the visit of Charles Stuart caused its suspension. - -The number of servants to be kept was rigidly restricted, the use of -coaches was only to be allowed to people of a certain rank, women were -forbidden to drive up and down unattended by father or {132} husband, -and, what caused more gibes than anything else, the houses of ill fame, -of which, in the alleys leading out of the Calle Mayor, there was an -enormous number, were ordered to be closed. Above all, the most severe -orders were given against the wearing of ruffs and the using of starch -for any purpose. Pillory, confiscation, and exile were to be the fate -of any person who wore any pleated or goffered linen in any shape, and -the broad, flat Walloon collar, which fell upon the shoulders, alone -was to be allowed. Alguacils were provided with shears, and at a given -signal raided the fashionable promenades, cutting the fine lace ruffs -which the fops still insisted upon wearing, seizing and burning the -stocks of them in the shops, lopping hat-brims to the requisite -narrowness, confiscating jewels, and even snipping off the lovelocks -before the ears which were the mark of the exquisite. - -The ladies, too, were no better treated, and many a brazen-faced madam -was hauled out of her trundling coach and put to shame, or had portions -of her forbidden finery profaned by the coarse hands of catchpoles. -The Calle Mayor and the Prado were up in arms at such sacrilege, and -bewailed the time when, the stern pragmatics notwithstanding, each -hidalgo and his dame who could get money or credit dressed as -splendidly as they liked. The worst of it was, that except the time -when all the Court was ablaze with the welcome to its English visitor, -the King, for the first time, followed his own pragmatics. Philip, -like his grandfather, disliked gorgeous attire for himself; though, -when the dignity of his position demanded it, he could be refulgent. -He was, moreover, {133} sincerely desirous of remedying the terrible -penury that existed everywhere. He had been told by his advisers that -one of the ways to do this was to limit personal expenditure, in order -that there might be more money for the State to spend, and he -endeavoured in his own person to set the example of economy. - -[Sidenote: Philip's reforms] - -Philip has left a document in his own hand,[5] setting forth the -reforms he introduced in the service of his own palace (February 1624). -It is addressed to the master of the household, the Duke of Infantado, -and although far too long to reproduce entire here, some few passages -of it may be quoted, as showing that, severe as the cutting down might -be, the royal household was still much larger than would now be -considered necessary for a monarch.[6] The distressed condition of the -public revenues, says the King, the many calls upon it, the end of the -truce with the Dutch, and Spain's many foes on sea and land, make it -imperative to cut down every unnecessary expense. A beginning is to be -made in the salary of the master of the household himself, all _future_ -holders of the office to receive a million maravedis less salary -(_i.e._ £330 less), but to retain all the perquisites of the office. -Only the four senior stewards are in future to be paid, the rest to -serve without payment, but to retain their rations, with some small -reductions, namely, the dish of chicken custard or rice is to be -suppressed, and the {134} allowance of twenty pounds of ice hitherto -given to each steward daily to be stopped. The number of "gentlemen of -the mouth" is in future to be restricted to fifty, the gentlemen of the -chambers to forty, who are not to have more than two lacqueys each. -The pages in future are to be only twenty-four. The numbers of -officials of the bakery, fruitery, cellar, spicery, chandlery, and -butchery are all reduced to what still seems an extravagant personnel -according to modern ideas, and the old scandal of the enormous -"rations" drawn (and in many cases sold) by all the palace officials is -once more attacked. For instance, the perquisite of sixty wax torches -taken by the chief gentlemen of the bed-chamber is abolished; and only -eight sets of rations are to be served to the gentlemen of the -bed-chamber, whilst the chief groom of the bed-chamber is in future to -go without his fifty reals a month in lieu of salads, and his jam on -fast days. The controller of the household will no longer be entitled -to fresh meat, pastry, bacon, chicken custard, salad and jams, and will -have to content himself in future whilst on a journey with two dishes -of roast meat and one dish of boiled, and two dishes for supper,--"and -he must not take anything out of the store." - -[Sidenote: Philip's household economies] - -Through every branch of the household this process of reduction was -decreed by Philip, and even the pay of the guards was rigidly cut down. -The members of the Spanish guard had recently had their pay doubled to -200 ducats a month, and now found themselves reduced to their former -pay of 100. The King, by these reforms, decreed that a saving of -67,300 ducats a year was to {135} be effected. In another manuscript -of the King's,[7] in which a year or two afterwards he recapitulates -his personal efforts to remedy the evils of his country, he refers -particularly to the sacrifices he made in his household for the -commonweal at this time. - - -"I have twice reformed my household," he says, "and although my -servants may be more numerous than before, I have had no other money to -pay them with than honours, and they have received no pecuniary pay. -As for my personal expenses, the moderation of my dress and my rare -feasts prove how modest it is, and I spend no money voluntarily on -myself, for I try to give my vassals an example to avoid vain -ostentation. So I have reconciled myself to ask for nothing for my own -person, but only the indispensable funds for the defence of my realm -and the Catholic faith. I want no more, not a maravedi, from my -vassals, and I charge you (the Council of Castile) on your conscience -to let me know if anything is being spent beyond this." - - -Philip spoke truly and from his heart when he expressed his desire to -avoid as much as possible the oppression of his subjects, but the -science of political economy had not yet been born, and neither he nor -his advisers could see that a system of taxation that largely consisted -of a crushing fine upon every sale of commodities and food stopped -production and trade, and tapped the stream of revenue before it had -time to fructify the land. The money from the Indies, or what was left -of it after the peculations of officers, all {136} drifted abroad -immediately, mostly before landing, to pay for the loans raised on -usurious interest, and in return for the articles of extravagance and -luxury which were forbidden to be made in Spain, or of which the -vicious taxation had killed the production. And so Philip, with the -best of intentions, still, be it remembered, a mere boy of nineteen, -was enclosed in the vicious circle which the impossible policy of -saddling Spain with the defence and assertion of the Catholic faith -throughout the world had imposed upon his doomed house. - -He might, and did, as I have just shown, do his best to economise for -the supposed benefit of his people; but it was his people themselves -who needed reforming. Whilst they complained that matters got no -better, they shouted as loudly as ever that Spain must teach heretics -their error at the point of the pike, and they themselves resisted and -evaded by every means in their power the sumptuary and other measures -intended for the general relief. That these sumptuary measures were to -a great extent absurd, and the methods of enforcing them undignified -and often ridiculous, is, of course, clear to us now; but the -resistance to them was not founded on that ground, but because they -went against the prevailing sentiment of the people, at least the -people of the capital. The general pretentiousness, idleness, and love -of luxury unearned by labour were, indeed, symptomatic of the natural -decadence of society, produced by the unfounded inflation and unreal -exaltation of the nation for the greater part of a century previously. -The decay had gone too far now for any but a great governing genius to -remedy it; {137} and Philip, though good hearted, well meaning, and not -without ability, certainly was not that. The poison had to work itself -out of the national system by slow and painful process, until the -patient, exhausted but sound, could build up its strength again. -Philip, throughout his life a brilliant idler with good heart and a -tender conscience, was condemned to witness the progress of the disease -without being able to understand or remedy it; and to watch at the same -time with failing heart the parallel decline and threatened extinction -of his own historic house. - -Whilst the male, and especially the female, swaggerers of the Calle -Mayor gave grudging and evasive obedience to the royal pragmatics -against extravagance in most respects, there was one enactment of -Philip's which, though at first resisted more sulkily than any of them, -gave rise at length to a new fashion, which was seized upon by the -whole of Spain with avidity, and became for the rest of the -century--seventy-five years--the most entirely characteristic article -of Spanish male dress. The ruffs under Philip III. had become -enormous, and the costly lace edging and elaborate devices for keeping -the frills stiff had made them, perhaps, the most extravagant articles -of dress ever generally and diurnally worn in any country. Many -attempts had been made to suppress them before Philip and Olivares -tried their hands, but all had failed. The alternative collar decreed -by Philip's pragmatics was either a plain linen band or the flat -Walloon collar falling on the shoulders. The former of these was -rejected utterly by people who aspired to be well dressed, as being -mean {138} and lacking in distinction after the spreading splendour of -the "lettuce frill" ruff. The Walloon collar, unstarched, soon got -wrinkled, creased, and soiled; and moreover, it had become to a great -extent identified with the "heretic" Hollanders and unpopular Flemings, -so that Madrid never looked upon it with favour, though the King wore -it after his first pragmatic. The problem was to find a new collar -which should be dignified and stiff without the forbidden starch, "or -other alchemy," as the pragmatics said; should present the light -contrast becoming to swarthy faces, without employing the fine foreign -lawn and lace which the royal decree made illegal, and should render -unnecessary the puritanical wrinkled Walloon. - -[Sidenote: The _golilla_] - -An ingenious tailor in the Calle Mayor, early in 1623, submitted to the -King and to his brother Carlos a new device, consisting of a high -spreading collar of cardboard, covered with white or grey silk on its -inner surface, and on the outside with dark cloth to match the doublet. -By means of heated iron rollers and shellac the cardboard shape was -permanently moulded into a graceful curve which bent outwards at the -height of the chin, presenting in juxtaposition with the face the -surface of light coloured silk.[8] Philip was pleased with the -novelty, which was distinctly more "dressy" than the Walloon, and had -none of the objections of the ruff, and ordered some to be made for his -brother Carlos and himself. The tailor, in {139} high glee, went home -to his shop to make them. But, alas! the pragmatics had forbidden "any -sort of alchemy" to make collars stiff, and, moreover, the Inquisition -was soon told by its spies that some secret incantations, needing the -use of mysterious smoking pots and heated machines turned by handles, -were being performed by the tailor in the Calle Mayor. - -This was suspicious, and smelt of the Evil One; and soon the poor -tailor and his uncanny instruments were haled before the dread tribunal -on suspicion of witchcraft and sorcery. It could not make much of the -tools, but as, in any case, the collars were lined with silk, and that -was against the pragmatic, the poor tailor's stock and instruments were -ordered to be publicly burnt before his door. The tailor, in trouble, -went to Olivares, who was furious at the King's collars being burnt, -and he and the Duke of Infantado sent for the president of the -Inquisition Council, and rated him soundly. The president declared -that he knew not that the strange things were for his Majesty; but -pointed out how dangerously new they were in shape, how mysteriously -stiffened, and how they sinned against the pragmatic. But he was soon -silenced by the Count-Duke, who told him they were the best and most -economical neck-gear ever invented, as they needed no washing or -starching, and would last for a year without further expense. -Philip[9] and Carlos, with many of the courtiers, wore the new -_Golilla_ for the first time during the visit of {140} the Prince of -Wales, and the fashion caught the popular taste. Thenceforward all -Spain, Spanish Italy, and South America wore golillas, the curve, size, -and shape changing somewhat as other fashions changed, but the -principle remained the same, until Spain was born again and a French -King banned the golilla as barbarous, and imposed upon his new subjects -the falling lace cravat and jabot of the eighteenth century. - -Though the satirists and poetasters might gibe anonymously at the small -remedial effect that followed the well-meant measures of the King and -his "bogey," as they called Olivares, and might whisper spitefully, as -they did, that the latter purposely kept Philip absorbed in frivolous -pursuits, the better to be able to rule unchecked himself, the -favourite went on his way sternly and forcefully, pushing aside roughly -those who stood in nis path, and behaving none too generously to those -who aided him. He gave up none of the duties of personal attendance -upon the King, although now the whole of the details of every -department of State passed through his hands. The jealous courtiers, -whose perquisites he had curtailed, sneered beneath their breath at him -for coming into the King's room hung all round with packets of paper, -with similar packets stuck in sheafs under the band of his hat, and -bulging from his pockets, the very way, they said, to disgust with -affairs a youth already disinclined for business and constitutionally -idle. - -[Sidenote: The policy of Olivares] - -It is quite evident, however, that someone had to do the business of -the State; and the numerous and very able State papers and memoranda of -{141} advice from Olivares to Philip, still in existence,[10] show that -every subject of importance was exhaustively explained to the King, -naturally from Olivares' point of view, and that, if Philip left the -executive power in the hands of the minister, it was not because he was -kept in ignorance of the issues involved. Even thus early the main -tendency of Olivares' policy was avowed to the King, a policy which was -in its essence wise and statesmanlike, but impossible of expeditious -consummation. The difficulty which faced Olivares had faced Ferdinand -and Isabel and all subsequent Spanish sovereigns, namely, the want of -political unity of the country. The "Catholic Kings" had attained a -factitious homogeneity by promoting a common spiritual pride, which had -given to Spain the temporary force, already well-nigh dead when -Olivares took the reins. How could Spain face half Europe in arms, and -force orthodoxy on unwilling princes and populations with the resources -of ruined Castile alone? Aragonese and Catalans were rich, but held -their purse-strings tight. Portugal, with its fine harbours and its -rich Oriental trade, held stiffly to the constitution, to respect which -Spanish kings had solemnly sworn, and not a ducat of taxes could be -imposed upon it by the King of Spain without Portuguese consent, or for -other than Portuguese purposes. - -[Sidenote: Olivares advocates unification] - -The expiry of the truce with the Hollanders, and the evident approach -of war after the departure of Charles Stuart from Spain, made necessary -the {142} raising of large funds somehow. It has been shown how -terribly exhausted the national resources of the Castilian realms were; -and the poverty of the country had wrung a cry from the Cortes of -Castile, which met late in 1623 to vote new supplies for three years. -They could not vote, nor could Castile pay, more than the usual amount, -which for the needs of a new war, in addition to the resumed struggle -with Holland, was quite insufficient. It would be necessary, -therefore, for Philip soon to go and face the independent Parliaments -of Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia; and, whilst renewing and taking the -usual oaths, beg for generosity from his eastern subjects. There is -extant a paper,[11] bearing date of 1625, in which Olivares unfolds to -Philip his ideas of the relations that ought to exist between the -various dominions of which Spain consisted: the object in view, as he -says, being to arrange that "in case any of the States was at war, the -rest should be obliged to come to its aid and defence." He cites many -examples, ancient and modern, of the need for national unity in the -matter of finance and reciprocal obligation, and points out for the -benefit of the outer realms of Spain that they can only expect to form -a great Power by making such sacrifices for their King as other -subjects are obliged to make. His idea, evidently, was to use the -obligation of mutual defence as the first step to a complete political -fusion of the crowns, and he tried to gild the pill by saying that each -of the outer realms may now be considered feudatories of Castile, -whereas if they were all united {143} each would be the head. There -was, and is, no sentiment or tradition so strong in these regions, -especially in Catalonia, as that of political independence of Castile, -and any such argument as that of Olivares was bound to meet with stout -resistance if he attempted to enforce it. The very rumour was -sufficient, and even before the journey of Philip to the eastern realms -was begun, in January 1626, ominous murmurs came that Castile might -fight her own battles. The crowns of Aragon would provide money and -men to defend themselves, and pay their stipulated tribute to their -King on the ancient conditions; but that if an attempt was made to -coerce any further payment trouble would ensue. How this threat was -carried out to the bitter end the later pages of this book will tell; -but before we accompany Philip and his mentor on their first regal -visit to the stubborn realms of the east, the further progress of -events in the capital must be told. - -Philip's routine of life had already become fixed, and for many years -to come changed but little. Olivares, as before, was always the first -to enter his room in the morning, and assisted him to rise, afterwards -reciting to him the business of the day, to which, except in the short -but frequent fits of penitence and remorse that throughout his life -plagued him, it is to be feared the King paid but little attention. He -rose early, and ate and drank very soberly, dining at about eleven in -the morning after an early cup of chocolate, and performing his -religious duties. Like all his house, he was a devoted lover of the -chase, and the large preserves in the neighbourhood of all his palaces -provided {144} him with ample sport; besides which, as will be -described in a later chapter, he enjoyed frequent wild boar drives, in -which his fine horsemanship was displayed with advantage. His dress -was usually a close-fitting doublet of brown duffel with trunks to -match, or on occasions of greater ceremony black silk or velvet with -the thin chain and tiny badge of the Golden Fleece at the neck, but no -other ornament. The golilla was almost invariably worn, his doublet -being, for outdoor wear, surmounted by a serviceable long shoulder cape -of similar dark colour. The galligaskins were full, and tied at the -knee with ribbons, and confined at the waist by a leather belt, -square-toed shoes with buckles, and stockings of lighter colour than -the galligaskins, but not usually pure white, completed the leg -coverings, except for hunting wear, when gaiters or boots to the knee -were used. A broad-trimmed felt hat with a band, and sometimes a side -feather, was his head-dress; and in the spring or autumn, when the -cloak would have been too heavy, his outdoor garment over the -close-fitting doublet was a _ropilla_ or outer jacket with false -sleeves cut open and hanging from the shoulder. - -[Sidenote: Diversions of the court] - -Both Philip and his wife Isabel[12] were indefatigable in their pursuit -of pleasure, in which their tastes agreed. The two main amusements -were the theatre and the devotional celebrations in churches and -monasteries; and the immense number of these in Madrid and the -principal cities provided an endless choice of such festivities. The -splendour and glitter which the sumptuary {145} decrees prohibited so -sternly in secular life ran riot in the temples, and a generation -forbidden to be extravagant in their own persons flocked to the garish -festivities of the Church to find the sensuous enjoyment which the mere -sight of richness gave them. No opportunity, indeed, was lost of -getting up a religious show. Philip's second child[13] was born in -November 1623,--the condition of the Queen at the time of Charles -Stuart's departure having been the reason why Philip did not accompany -his guest farther on his road to the coast. The infant Princess, -Margarita Maria, only lived a month; but the ceremonial to celebrate -her baptism reads like the relation of a fairy-tale.[14] - -[Illustration: PHILIP IV. AS A YOUNG MAN. _From a contemporary -portrait in the possession of His Grace the Duke of Wellington at -Strathfieldsaye._] - -In July of the next year, 1624, a splendid {146} opportunity for -devotional display was provided by the action of a madman. The most -crowded church in Madrid was that of the Augustinian Monastery of St. -Philip, at the entrance to the Calle Mayor, upon whose steps and raised -sidewalk the idlers and gossips of the Court met to whisper scandal and -bandy satiric verse. Every morning from matins until the angelus bell -tolled the hour of noon, when the soup and bread at the gates were -doled to hungry authors, stranded poets, and idlers out of luck, Liars' -Walk was full. But rarely had such a sensation of horror pervaded it -as on the day just mentioned, when the congregation rushed in panic -from the church, with cries of horror that a heretic had knelt before -the high altar and had deliberately insulted the Holy Mystery there -displayed.[15] Horror upon horrors! and in the Court of the Catholic -King! For eight days the King and Queen, with all their Court in the -deepest mourning, peregrinated the capital, visiting shrines and making -propitiatory offerings. Every church in Madrid was draped in black, -and processions, rogations, and public flagellations of devotees went -on ceaselessly for a week, during the whole of which time "no stage -plays were allowed, and public women were forbidden {147} to ply their -trade." In the corridors of the palace itself separate altars were -raised for every royal personage, and all the jewels that the crown of -Spain could provide were piled upon them to appease the outraged -divinity. - -[Sidenote: The Theatres of Madrid] - -The deprivation, even for a week, of the pleasures of the theatre must -have been to the citizens of the Court a greater penance for the -offence of the madman than any other; for Spain had literally gone -crazy for the stage, and Philip and his wife led or followed the -fashion eagerly. Actors, or histrions, as they were called, were -popular heroes, and upon the Liars' Walk they swaggered and exchanged -quips with the fecund poets who supplied them with lines of facile -verse by the fathom.[16] There walked Quevedo, with his great -tortoiseshell goggles and his sober black garb; there, observed of all -observers, was the "phoenix of wits," the great Lope; there, Moreto and -Calderon; and there also the rival comedians of the two theatres, the -Corral de la Pacheca and the Teatro de la Cruz, twisted moustachios of -defiance at one another, and talked of the King's compliments at their -last appearance in the palace. - -The two theatres of the capital consisted of large courtyards enclosed -by houses, which were usually held by the owners of the theatres.[17] -A raised stage at the farther end, with tiled eaves {148} and a -curtain, was faced by a number of benches protected from sun and rain -by an awning. In these seats men alone were allowed to sit, whilst in -the open uncovered space behind them other men, who had paid a smaller -sum, witnessed the show standing. On the left hand on the ground level -was a sort of enclosed gallery called the _cazuela_, the stew-pan, -where the women were accommodated; and, as upon the English stage at -the time, some of the more privileged of the gallants were allowed to -be seated on stools upon the stage itself. In the closely grated -windows of the houses surrounding the courtyard the aristocracy saw the -play and the audience without being seen; and as these windows -corresponded with rooms (_aposentos_) in different houses with separate -entrances, but yet in most cases of easy access to the stage, infinite -opportunities for intrigue were provided. So scandalous did this state -of affairs become at a somewhat later period, that murderous affrays -even between the highest nobles of Spain on the subject of the -actresses were of frequent occurrence.[18] Philip, by the Court -etiquette, was not supposed to go to public theatres, and had {149} a -regular stage erected in the Alcazar and other palaces, where comedies -were performed twice a week; but, in fact, he was a constant visitor to -both the public theatres, going, of course, incognito, and often -masked, as was the fashion of the time. There he would sit in one of -the private rooms, unseen behind a heavily grated window, but vigilant -for any new beauty who appeared on the stage or in the cazuela.[19] - -Sometimes, too, the Queen would go with similar precautions, and it is -to be feared, from the stories of eye-witnesses, that her tastes were, -at all events in these joyful early years of her life, not too refined. -Not only was she an ardent lover of the bull-fight, but she would in -the palace or public theatres countenance amusements which would now be -considered coarse. Quarrels and fights between country wenches would -be incited for her to witness unsuspected; nocturnal tumults would be -provoked for her amusement in the gardens of Aranjuez or other palaces; -and it is related that, when she was in one of the grated _aposentos_ -of a public theatre, snakes or noxious reptiles would be secretly let -loose upon the floor or in the _cazuela_, to the confusion and alarm of -the spectators, whilst the gay red-cheeked young {150} Queen would -almost laugh herself into fits to see the stampede. - -[Sidenote: An _auto-de-fé_] - -Nor were bull-fights, comedies, equestrian shows and church spectacles -the only amusements of a Court which actually lived for idle pleasures. -There was another in which poignancy of excitement and devotion of the -peculiar Spanish sort were equally blended; and, though not so frequent -as the other diversions, was still more popular. These were the -_autos-de-fe_. Heretics of the Protestant kind there were now -practically none to burn; but sorcery, impiety, and above all Judaism, -or the suspicion of it, provided enough victims to furnish forth an -occasional public holiday. The description of one such ceremonial at -this period will suffice.[20] It was not long after the mad French -pedlar had outraged the religious proprieties in the Church of St. -Philip, when the branch of the Inquisition at Madrid received advice -from one of its ubiquitous familiars that certain persons, believed to -be of Jewish origin, were in the habit of meeting at the house of a -certain Licentiate in the Calle de las Infantas, where, amongst other -impious rites, they flogged and maltreated a wooden crucifix. Before -many hours had passed, the whole of the accused and their friends were -in the dungeons of the Inquisition; and, as a warning to other -backsliders, it was determined to hold a solemn public ceremonial -judgment of the offenders in the Plaza Mayor of Madrid on Sunday, 4th -July 1624. - -The municipality provided the stands and {151} decorations of the great -square, with a splendidly adorned balcony for the King and Queen, six -other balconies being reserved for the ladies in attendance, with nine -balconies for gentlemen of the palace party; a vast concourse of -citizens filling the public space, and the hundreds of balconies -looking down upon the square. An immense staging was erected facing -the royal balcony, upon which, in their state robes, were to be seated -the Town Council of Madrid, the Inquisition of Toledo, the Supreme -Tribunal, all the Royal Councils and other official bodies. The -ceremonies began on the evening before the great day. At five o'clock -on Saturday afternoon, a solemn procession left the Convent of Doña -Maria de Aragon,[21] near the palace, carrying the gigantic green cross -which upon these occasions held the place of honour. The standard was -borne by the first official noble in the land, the Constable of -Castile, whilst the Admiral of Castile carried the tassels of the -sacred banner. Then, amidst a crowd of priests with flaring waxen -tapers, came the white cross in the hands of the representative of -Toledo, followed by the green cross itself, in the hands of the prior -of St. Thomas. Torch-bearers and faggot-bearers came after, many -scores of them, and the procession closed by long lines of friars -bearing tapers from every monastery in Madrid. - -At seven o'clock the next morning the King and Queen left the palace in -their coach, followed by the whole Court; and when the royal party had -seated themselves in their gay bedizened balconies, the long procession -of the Inquisition, {152} with swaying censers, flaming tapers, and -propitiatory dirges, wound into the plaza under the archway from the -Calle Mayor. First came the alguaciles of the municipality and the -town officials, then the alguaciles of the Court and the officers of -the Royal Council; seventy hooded familiars of the dread tribunal with -their big crosses upon their sombre garb, followed with the crowd of -consultants, notaries, and prosecutors of the Holy Office. After them -walked the municipality of Madrid, then the Chief Constable of the -Inquisition alone, followed by the fiscal of the Inquisition of Toledo -bearing the banner of the Holy Office, whose tassels were held by -fiscals of Castile. The Inquisition of Toledo came next, and then the -Supreme Council of the Inquisition itself, the last and most important -member being Cardinal Zapata, the Inquisitor-General. - -When all had taken their places, the Cardinal, as usual, ascended to -the royal balcony and administered to the King the oath to keep -inviolate the purity of the Church at any cost, an oath afterwards -repeated by the members of the tribunal itself and the Councils. Upon -a lower staging before the official platform were grouped the forty -wretched creatures in their flaming tabards of shame, whose offence -this pompous show was to punish. An interminable sermon was preached -by the King's confessor, Sotomayor, exhorting the accused to repent and -the faithful to increased zeal in the extermination of the enemies of -the holy faith; and then the dread sentences were read out by the -relator. Seven of the accused were condemned to be burned alive that -night {153} outside the gate of the city, and four more were to be -executed in effigy, whilst their bodies rotted for life in the secret -dungeons of the Holy Office; the rest being sent back to their prison, -probably never again to see the light of day, and to suffer unrecorded -tortures until death should release them. The house where the offence -was said to have been committed was doomed to be swept utterly from the -face of the earth, and a church and monastery dedicated to Christ -crucified erected in its place.[22] By the time the condemned were led -away it was three o'clock in the afternoon; and whilst the wretched -prisoners in their _sambenitos_, amidst the curses and insults of the -crowd, went to their doom, the smart company of courtiers, together -with King Philip and his wife, returned to their respective homes and -their much-needed repast, doubtless in an exceedingly self-approving -and pharisaical mood.[23] - -Whilst the King and his people were thus absorbed in the pursuit of -demoralising pleasures, and loudly proclaiming to Europe that Spain had -abandoned none of its past pretensions, the European league against her -had been fully organised. It had been clear to Richelieu from the -beginning of Philip's reign, that unless France struck boldly and -promptly she would be in danger of finding herself once more shut in by -the House of Austria, more solid than ever now that Olivares was -determined to aid the Emperor to keep the {154} Palatinate, and the -blood and treasure of Castile were again to be squandered in fighting -heresy abroad. Spinola, victorious in Germany with Spanish troops, was -seriously threatening the United Provinces, and Spain, in defiance of -treaties, still held by force the Valtelline, which connected Lombardy -with Tyrol. The Duke of Savoy, ambitious and discontented with his -Spanish kinsman, tired of the rôle of catspaw to which he was -condemned, and greedy to seize Lombardy and Genoa, readily listened to -Richelieu's approaches; and England, still smarting under the -humiliation she had suffered from Olivares, did the same, whilst the -United Provinces, already at war with Spain, willingly joined the -enemies of her enemy. Europe found itself for a short time again thus -divided in its old way: France, Savoy, and the Protestant Powers being -on one side; whilst the House of Austria in Germany and Spain, with the -Italian principalities, were on the other. The first object of -Richelieu was to break the territorial circle by ousting the Spaniards -from the Valtelline, which he invaded with French and Swiss troops in -1625. Then followed the ignominious attack upon Cadiz by the English -fleet under Sir Edward Cecil (Lord Wimbledon) in October of the same -year,[24] and Spain thus found herself at war with half Europe. - -[Sidenote: War with France] - -Poor and exhausted as we have seen that the country was, the labours of -Olivares had not been quite without result, and with great effort funds -were raised to present a front to the enemies of {155} the faith worthy -of Spanish traditions. The Queen offered her personal jewels to fight -her own countrymen, the French; the nobles contributed a million ducats -in cash from their ill-gotten hoards; the pulpits and altars of Spain -and the Indies rang with priestly exhortations to sacrifice for the -faith; and the clergy itself undertook to maintain twenty thousand -troops during the war. The property of all French subjects in Spain -was confiscated, and for once the energy of Olivares was felt in all -branches of the Spanish service. It was as if the old times of Philip -II. had returned. Feria and Spinola, the one on land, the other at -sea, forced the French to abandon their conquests in the Valtelline and -Genoa. Spain, in a fever of pride and jubilation, hailed the young -King, who personally had done nothing and had never left Madrid, as -"Philip the Great," and Olivares caused the title to be officially -accorded to his young master. But after a time the diplomacy of the -Spanish Queen of France and Olivares did more to end the war than the -skill of the generals. Richelieu was a cardinal of the Church, and -could not entirely ignore the remonstrances of the Pope, prompted by -Olivares, against his making common cause with heretics to fight the -orthodox Catholic Power; and a treaty between France and Spain was -patched up in January 1626 with regard to the Valtelline, where the -Catholics were to enjoy full liberty of conscience on payment of a -tribute to the Protestant Grisons. - -But in Germany the war, now mainly a religious one, went on, the arms -of the Emperor being to a great extent successful, thanks to {156} the -genius of Tilly and the ample aid in men and money poured into -mid-Europe by Spain. Spanish resources, too, were plentifully sent to -the Infanta Archduchess to carry on the eternal war with the Dutch, who -were, as of yore, upheld by their brother Protestants in England and -France. Once more the Dutch privateers harried Spanish commerce, and -again all traffic between Holland and Spain was prohibited, to Spain's -detriment. But the new-born spurt of energy favoured Spanish arms even -here; for Don Fadrique de Toledo destroyed the Dutch fleet off -Gibraltar, and Spinola at last, after a siege of ten months, captured -Breda. To complete the picture of Spain's unwonted success, the Dutch -were expelled from Guayaquil in South America and from Puerto Rico in -the West Indies, and the Moorish pirates who had harried the -Mediterranean, and even the Spanish coasts, for years, were crushed by -Philip's galleys. - -[Sidenote: "Philip the Great"] - -The pride and jubilation in Spain passed all bounds, and Philip -himself, in a recapitulation of the situation made to the Council of -Castile,[25] sets forth in words of proud satisfaction the rise in the -national prestige that had followed his accession. It is significant, -however, that the occasion that gave rise to this document, -congratulatory and exculpatory at the same time, was the absolute -destitution of the country as a consequence of the expense caused by -the renewal of the war of which they were all so proud. - - -"Our prestige," says the King, "has been {157} immensely improved. We -have had all Europe against us, but we have not been defeated, nor have -our allies lost, whilst our enemies (_i.e._ the French) have sued me -for peace. Last year, 1625, we had nearly 300,000 infantry and cavalry -in our pay, and over 500,000 men of the militia under arms, whilst the -fortresses of Spain are being put into a thorough state of defence. -The fleet, which consisted of only seven vessels on my accession, rose -at one time in 1625 to 108 ships of war at sea, without counting the -vessels at Flanders, and the crews are the most skilful mariners this -realm ever possessed. Thank God, our enemies have never captured one -of my ships, except a solitary hulk. So it may truly be said that we -have recovered our prestige at sea; and fortunately so, for, lacking -our sea power, we should lose not only all the realms we possess, but -religion even in Madrid itself would be ruined, and this is the -principal point to be considered. This very year of 1626 we have had -two royal armies in Flanders and one in the Palatinate, and yet all the -power of France, England, Sweden, Venice, Savoy, Denmark, Holland, -Brandenberg, Saxony, and Weimer could not save Breda from our -victorious arms." - - -In a similar gratulatory spirit the young King reviews the wars in -which Spain has held her own in the Grisons, Venetian territory, -France, and Genoa. - - -"We have," he continues, "held our own against England, both with -regard to the marriage and at Cadiz; and yet, with all this universal -conspiracy against us, I have not depleted my {158} patrimony by 50,000 -ducats. It would be impossible to believe this if I did not see it -with my own eyes, and that my own realms are all quiet and religious. -I have written this paper to you to show you (_i.e._ the Council of -Castile, the supreme administrative, judicial, and financial authority -in Spain) that I have done my part, and have put my own shoulder to the -wheel without sparing sacrifice. I have spent nothing unnecessary upon -myself, and I have made Spain and myself respected by my enemies." - - -The political blindness that afflicted Philip in common with other -Spaniards of the day, is strikingly exhibited in this paper. The -liberty or supremacy of the Valtelline Catholics mattered not one jot -to Spain. The religious fate of Bohemia and the Palatinate was equally -foreign to purely Spanish interests, whilst it must have been patent to -all the world that a recognition of the inevitable independence of -Protestant Holland, which it was clear now Spain could never prevent, -would have resulted in a perfectly honourable peace in that direction, -and would have freed Spain from the drain which was exhausting her. -And yet there is in the document just quoted, and in scores of others -of the period emanating from Philip or his ministers, not one word to -indicate any idea that it was unwise or unstatesmanlike to lead -suffering Spain to utter ruin for the sake of championing the Catholic -faith, and all the causes masquerading under its name, in any part of -Europe. - -[Sidenote: Philip's appeal to Aragon] - -But though Philip and his Castilian subjects were blinded to political -expediency by what they {159} proudly considered their religious -privilege and duty, the subjects of his eastern realms, hardheaded men -of other racial origins and political traditions, had no notion of -allowing themselves to be ruined for a sentimental idea, however -grandiose. When the King had asked the Aragonese Cortes for the usual -grant in 1624, he was told that he must first present himself before -the Aragonese Parliaments (Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia) to take the -usual oath to respect their constitutions, before they could make a -grant; and as they stiffly held to the principle, which the Castilian -Parliament had lost, of "redress before supply," they could vote -nothing until their legislative demands were satisfied. The anger of -Olivares at such a reply may be guessed by the tenour of the document -of his quoted on page 142, but there was no help for it, and Philip -with as good a grace as he might promised to visit his eastern -subjects, perfectly well aware that his progress was not likely to be a -mere voyage of pleasure, as his trip to Andalucia had been a year -previously. - -The disappointed courtier Novoa[26] gives an amusing account of the -meeting of the Council of State which decided upon the King's voyage. -He says that Olivares, "careful as usual of the unessential point and -careless of what was most important," was determined to show off his -oratory, and begged the King and his brothers to sit behind the grating -in the council chamber, where unseen {160} they could watch the -proceedings, in order to hear his speech. The wisest and oldest -councillors in their speeches dwelt upon the gravity of the situation, -and expressed hope that the alliance of their enemies would soon fall -to pieces, and Lord Wimbledon's fleet be wrecked on its way home. - -[Illustration: GASPAR DE GUZMAN, COUNT-DUKE OF OLIVARES. _From a -portrait by Velazquez in the possession of Edward Huth, Esq._] - - -[Sidenote: The policy of Olivares] - -"Then came the Count's turn to speak. Settling himself firmly on his -legs, and thrusting his crutch stick between his bald patch and his -false hair, he made a longer pause than the occasion demanded, and said -that there was no reason for alarm, nor to make so much of the power of -many other potentates, for his Majesty was greater than all of them put -together. Even if France, England, Venice, Holland, Savoy, Piedmont, -Sweden and Denmark were to join together, none of them, and hardly the -whole of them united, were so great as the realms under the dominion of -King Philip. The realm of Castile, they all knew the greatness of, and -so they did of Portugal, Aragon, Valencia, Catalonia, Sicily, Navarre, -Naples, Milan, Flanders, the East Indies and the West and other -islands, and great territories elsewhere. Well, then! if his Majesty -alone had in various parts of the world greater possessions than many -of the others together, why should we be so frightened of the power of -many united?[27] Let his Majesty leave Castile, and as {161} Portugal -is only one realm, Naples and Sicily, so far away and across the sea, -let him go to Aragon, Valencia, and Catalonia. Let him call their -Cortes together, and ask them for supplies. Let him show them how many -years Castile has borne the burden alone, and demand that these three -realms shall do their part in providing men and money for his Majesty; -and those who cannot go to the war themselves, let them provide capable -and experienced men to replace them. By this means we shall be able to -outweigh with our own forces the powers against us, without having to -go and beg for help from foreign princes. Who doubts, he continued, -that by this means we shall raise great armies and fleets to defend the -country. We can then easily send the aid necessary to Italy, Flanders, -and elsewhere, and to our own coasts, so that our enemies will all be -in fear of us, and perhaps will desist from their evil intentions. -This is what appears to me, in the present case, as being necessary to -carry out the plans I have formed, which I cannot explain at this -juncture, but by which I hope to render signal service to his Majesty." - - -Novoa says that Olivares delivered an empty, pompous harangue for two -hours, but that the above was the substance of his speech, and, after -making due allowance for the narrator's bias against Olivares, it is -evident that the speech as given represents fairly the policy by which -Olivares stood and fell. It is difficult to understand how a clever -man could be so blind as he appears to have been to facts that now seem -so patent, namely, that the extent and scattered position of Spain's -{162} vast territories were a source of weakness, rather than of the -strength of which Olivares boasted so vainly; that Philip in resources -was not more powerful than all the enemies together; and that France or -England alone could raise from their own resources, homogeneous and -commercially prosperous as they were, larger and steadier contributions -than could disunited Spain, and especially ruined Castile; whilst the -brave talk of demanding heavy grants of men and money from the eastern -realms of Spain for foreign wars was very soon proved to be hollow. -Olivares thought to bounce and bully Aragon, Catalonia, Valencia, and -later, Portugal, into stultifying their Parliaments and abandoning -their constitutions as Castile had done, but he did not realise the -fact that in adopting this policy _à outrance_ he was pitting himself -against the most powerful sentiment in Spain, namely, local -individuality; and it is not too much to say that all of Spain's -internal troubles from the days of Olivares to the present have sprung -from the attempts to override this sentiment. - -[Sidenote: Philip and the Aragonese] - -The Aragonese nobles were numerous and powerful, and the merchants and -shipmen of Catalonia were immensely more wealthy than any others in -Spain; and even before the King left Madrid it was evident that -Olivares would have to face strenuous opposition. Power so absolute -and so arrogant as his, so regardless of the feelings and the dignity -of others, had already in the six years of his power raised up against -him the bitter, if discreetly veiled, enmity of many of the older -nobles, especially those of the outer realms, and the speech we have -just quoted, shadowing {163} forth his policy in Aragon publicly--in -addition to the document addressed to the King and quoted on page 142, -gave the signal for the gradual drawing together of the elements -against him. - -The King and his brother Carlos left Madrid on the 7th September 1625, -attended by Olivares, his son-in-law, the Marquis of Heliche, the -Admiral of Castile (the Duke of Medina de Rio Seco), the Marquis of -Castel Rodrigo, and other nobles, but with much less state than usual -and a smaller attendance, the plan being to travel rapidly, and "rush" -the three Cortes into voting what was needed. But the Aragonese and -the others were already full of suspicion. The three Cortes had been -convened,--that of Aragon at Barbastro, that of Catalonia at Lerida, -and that of Valencia at Monzon, a town outside the realm of Valencia. -The Valencians had flared up at once, and had sent a deputation to -Madrid to remonstrate with the King for thus disregarding their -privileges. After several interviews with Olivares, who had treated -them very off-handedly, the deputation waited upon him for a final -interview the day before the King left Madrid. "Why should you put -this slight upon us?" asked the Valencians. "You do not act thus with -the Aragonese and Catalans." "Oh!" replied the Count-Duke, "we think -you Valencians are softer." "If you mean," said the offended -deputation, "that we are softer in giving way to the wishes of our King -and his ministers, regardless of our rights, that seems to be a reason -why you should grant our request instead of rejecting it." "Well," -continued Olivares drily, "all I can say is, that the King is {164} -going to Monzon; if the Valencian Cortes are assembled there when he -arrives, well and good. If not, we shall have to take the course we -think best." "Shall I write that to my principals?" said the -spokesman. "You may do as you like," retorted the Count-Duke, as he -called his page to show the deputation out.[28] - -Philip entered Zaragoza, the capital city of Aragon, on the 13th -January 1626, and the official rejoicing of the citizens, though -respectful, was marred by their discontent at the lack of the Court -splendour they looked for; for the Aragonese, though dour, are loyal -and love show. In the great cathedral on the banks of the Ebro, Philip -swore upon the Gospels, held in the hand of the Chief Justice of the -realm, never to impair the liberties of Aragon, and to the Cortes the -King made a pitiable statement of the needs of his realm, and asked for -3330 armed soldiers for the war, and the right of freely enlisting -10,000 more to be drilled and kept ready in case of need. The Deputies -said that such a vote was impossible, but offered instead to provide a -million ducats, payable in ten annual instalments. Philip, with -Olivares at his elbow, was angry and threatening; and at last in -dudgeon he adjourned the Parliament to Calatayud, and hurried off to -Barcelona. - -[Sidenote: Philip and the Valencians] - -But in the meanwhile a much more serious conflict had taken place -between the King and the offended Cortes of Valencia at Monzon. There -for weeks the King was kept waiting. The clergy and popular estates -were bribed and frightened {165} into promising to vote the amount -demanded; but, deaf to the King's anger and the violent threats of -Olivares, the landed gentlemen's estate obstinately stood out. The -expulsion of the Moriscos, their best tenants, they said, had ruined -them, and they could not pay. Philip, in a formal document, almost -raved at their obstinacy, and on one occasion said that there could not -have been loyal gentlemen amongst them, or they would have stabbed a -particularly bold speaker who advocated resistance. It was necessary -that the three estates should vote together, and that the decision -should be unanimous; and at length, in the face of open threats, the -vote was cast as the King demanded, with the exception that one member, -Don Francisco Millan, obstinately held out. He ought to be garroted, -said one of Philip's secretaries, and at the alarmed persuasion of his -colleagues he gave way. But then other difficulties were raised. The -estates could not agree amongst themselves as to their shares of the -vote, but after much wrangling promised to contribute in material, but -not in money, one half as much as the Aragonese paid. This did not -suit Philip, and fresh trouble, more acute than ever, arose. The -Cortes asked the King to stay in Monzon twelve days more, whilst the -Cortes remained in legislative session; to which request the King -replied by a haughty intimation that he should leave next day, and that -the matter of the vote of supply must be settled within half an hour, -which, taking out his watch, he told the deputation had already begun. -This message fell like a thunderbolt upon the Cortes, which had not yet -even discussed any legislation. Some were for {166} defiance, and an -immediate dissolution of the assembly without voting or discussion on -any subject. All night long they sat, considering this grave crisis in -their national history, and at six in the morning a messenger from the -King entered the chamber, and told the members that his Majesty had -decided to punish them by abolishing their famous right of _nemine -discrepante_, by which no vote of supply could be enforced unless it -was unanimous. In future, he said, a bare majority would suffice, and -he was leaving for Barcelona at once. - -This was illegal and unconstitutional, and the Valencians never forgave -it, but, rather than enter then upon the new path of open rebellion--up -to that time an unheard-of thing in Spain since the loss of Castilian -legislative power at Villalar a hundred years before--the Cortes of -Valencia gave way, and at the stern order of the King voted the supply -unconditionally and unanimously; after which the members were expelled -the chamber, and sooner or later an armed struggle between the regal -Castilian power and the Parliament of Valencia was rendered inevitable. -This was the first result of Olivares' attempt to override sentiment -and ancient constitutional rights. - -[Sidenote: Philip and the Catalans] - -Far more serious in the long run was the conflict in the stubborn -Cortes of Catalonia. Even before the King made his splendid state -entry into Barcelona, the dissensions amongst the nobles in immediate -attendance upon him had come at last to an open quarrel. The proud -nobles of ancient title looked down upon the new grandeeship of -Olivares, and his insolence had deeply wounded {167} them. The matter -came to a head upon a trivial point. The King's coach had been -occupied by Philip and his brother Carlos, Olivares, as first minister -and lord chamberlain, the Admiral of Castile as the senior official -grandee by hereditary right, with the Marquis of Heliche, Olivares' -young son-in-law, and the Marquis of Carpio, another relative of the -Count-Duke and acting master of the horse. The party was to pass the -night before entering Barcelona at the house of the Duke of Cardona, -the proudest of Catalan nobles; and when they were setting out in the -morning the King called for his host Cardona to accompany him in his -coach. The Admiral of Castile, determined not to be ousted, pushing -forward, took his place in the coach and refused to move or make way -for Cardona; whereupon the King, in a rage, rebuked the admiral -roughly. To make matters worse, the admiral and his friends at once -threw the blame upon Olivares, and the latter, feigning an attack of -gout, sulked and ostentatiously absented himself from the solemnities -of Holy Week in Barcelona. The King thereupon appointed young Heliche -to replace his father-in-law at court, and consequently to take -precedence of the admiral. This was too much, and the proud noble gave -the King a bit of his mind about his favourite, and ended by flinging -his key, the insignia of office as chamberlain, upon the table, -resigned his Court appointment, and went off to Madrid in a towering -rage, there to be placed under arrest and to suffer all sorts of -investigations and humiliations.[29] - -{168} - -After the splendours and plausibilities of Barcelona,[30] the change to -the hard-fisted Cortes at Lerida was a shock to the King and his -minister. There was no hesitation in the demand of the Catalan Cortes -that they must be heard before they would vote anything at all, and -they were more inclined to ask the King to repay them what they had -advanced to him than to grant him more money. The tone of Philip -towards them at first was supplicatory, for they were rich, strong, and -united. Mildness, however, was wasted upon the Catalans, and the -private meetings of the members and other signs of resistance were -considered to be dangerous. Olivares began to threaten, and gave them -three days to pass the vote, but the Catalans were still unmoved. Then -the Count-Duke, in a panic of fear, suddenly and without notice hurried -Philip back to Madrid (May 1626). The Catalans, when he was gone, -frightened in their turn, voted what was asked for, but all grace in -the act was gone, and a deep chasm thenceforward existed between the -eastern realms and the King's favourite in a hurry, who had tried to -undermine their ancient liberties. - -[Sidenote: The independent parliaments] - -Philip from Madrid tried to appease the Aragonese by voluntarily -reducing the contribution they had at length voted; but the result of -his journey left not only resentment in the hearts of his non-Castilian -subjects, but led to outrageous raids of angry Castilian soldiery into -Aragon, and aroused in the King himself a bitter feeling towards the -{169} peoples who had been the first to challenge the despotic -supremacy which Olivares had taught him was his divine birthright. -Philip, indeed, like his immediate predecessors on the throne, was -saturated with the idea of his divinely delegated authority. To oppose -his will was not disloyalty alone, but impiety, and it was naturally -difficult for him to understand that this view, which was generally -held by his Castilian subjects, whose kingly traditions were -sacerdotal, could not be shared by peoples whose institutions were -based upon a purely elective military monarchy, and feudalism modified -by a representative democracy. How the anger rankled in his breast is -seen in the long exculpatory document which I have several times -quoted, which on his return to Madrid he addressed to the Council of -Castile.[31] In the course of the document, whilst showing how he, -personally, has striven to improve matters, he rates them, and indeed -almost everybody, for so imperfectly seconding his efforts. But the -hardness of his eastern subjects was evidently that which touched him -most. - - -"Anything is better," he says, "than to burden more heavily these poor -unhappy vassals of Castile, who, by their love, their efforts, and -their sufferings have made us masters of the rest of what we possess, -and still preserve it for us, as the head and part principal of our -commonwealth. I would far rather take burdens from these poor people -than impose further sacrifices upon them, and when I think of what they -have to pay, and also the {170} trouble and annoyance they have to -submit to in the collection of it, in good truth I would rather beg for -charity from door to door, if I could, to provide for the funds -necessary for the national defence, than deal so harshly with such -vassals as these.... I grieve in my very soul to see such good -subjects suffer so much from the faults of my ministers. If my own -life-blood would remedy it I would cheerfully give it. And yet, though -you (the Council of Castile) know how this cuts me to the heart, and -though I reproach you, you propose no remedy.... I tried the Cortes of -Aragon, running, as you well know, serious risk, and incurring great -trouble and inconvenience, solely for the purpose of alleviating the -pressure upon these Castilian subjects, and I am directing my efforts -in the same way with my other realms, so that some day I hope we may be -able to lighten the taxes in Castile. God knows, I yearn for the -coming of that day more than to conquer Constantinople." - - -[Sidenote: Philip's life tragedy] - -We shall see as time goes on that this attitude is the one natural to -Philip through all the troubles which gathered blacker and blacker, as -the evil seed sown by him and Olivares grew and ripened. He himself, -acting conscientiously and under divine inspiration, was never wrong in -the measures he adopted. If suffering and adversity came, they always -came either from the wiles of the evil one, or for some wise -inscrutable purpose of God. They were never at this time a consequence -of any want of wisdom or prescience of his. His heart bled, as we see -by his own passionate words quoted above, for the misery of his -subjects, but it never seemed {171} through his life to occur to him -that the way to remedy it was to abandon an untenable position in his -foreign relations, and devote his energies to the concentration of -national resources for the promotion of productive industry and -interior economy. - -This was Philip's tragedy, the tragedy of a lifetime which this book -will try to follow to its sad disillusioned end. The haunting, -sorrow-stricken, compassionate face shows through its proud mask of -impassivity and its leaden eyes deep traces of the terrible struggle -within; of the throes of a man who dared not show his pain, and who in -later years bared his soul but to one woman in the world. Weak of -will, tender of conscience, sensitive of soul. A rake without -conviction, a voluptuary who sought sensuous pleasures from vicious -habit long after they had ceased to be pleasures to him, and yet -expiated them with agonies of remorse which made his soul a raging hell. - -This is the man. Philip the Great! "The Planet King," as the -flattering poets called him; this pale, long-faced, sallow young man of -twenty-one, who came back to his capital in the spring of 1626 already -embittered and disillusioned, confronted by wars and threats of wars on -all sides, overwhelmed with poverty yet inflated with pride: seeking -escape from his troubles in the company of poets, painters, actors, and -courtesans, and in the buffoonery of distorted dwarfs and half-idiotic -monstrosities, whilst the dark heavy man with the big square head and -arrogant mien led the nation down the slope that ended in inevitable -disruption and ruin. - - - -[1] He wrote a series of interesting descriptions of the ceremonies and -feasts in honour of Charles's visit to Madrid. _Terpsichore_. - -[2] _Apuntamientos_. Secretly printed in Madrid, 1623. - -[3] When the Duke of Osuna was arrested early in Philip's reign he had -300 servants resident in his house. - -[4] There are copies of many of these decrees in British Museum MSS. -Add. 9933 and 9934. - -[5] Contemporary transcript by Father Torquemada. MSS. Add. 10,236 -British Museum. The original is in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid. - -[6] It may be noted that Olivares, who of course cut down his own -household, still had 122 servants after that process. _Revista de -Archivos_, iv. p. 20. - -[7] British Museum, Egerton MSS. 338, f. 136. - -[8] The first idea of this collar, which was promptly dubbed _Golilla_ -(little gorget), was merely as a support for the linen Walloon, which -would thus be made to stand out like a ruff, but the silk-lined golilla -alone was soon generally adopted. - -[9] Philip during his life was rarely seen in any other collar, though -in his fine portrait as a young man at Dulwich he wears a large lace -Walloon. - -[10] There is a most important collection of these originals and -transcripts, in the Egerton MSS., British Museum. - -[11] British Museum, Egerton MSS. 338. - -[12] A biography of the Queen is given in the author's _Queens of Old -Spain_. - -[13] The first had been a girl, prematurely born in August 1621, who -died in a few hours. - -[14] There is a very long and detailed account of the ceremony in MS. -(Biblioteca National, Madrid, p.v.c. 27), transcribed by the writer. -The new-born babe was borne down the great staircase of the Alcazar in -the arms of a lady of the house of Spinola, the Count-Duke of Olivares -walking backwards with golden candlesticks escorting the new Princess -to the rooms of her governess, the Countess Duchess of Olivares, in the -ground floor apartment that had only a few months before housed the -Prince of Wales. The King with all his Court attended the Royal Chapel -for the _Te Deum_, pontifically celebrated by the Patriarch and -Cardinal Zapata. For three nights in succession every balcony in -Madrid was illuminated by a wax torch, and at night a great masked -equestrian display of 120 nobles of the Court with new costumes and -liveries was performed, the Count of Olivares and Don Pedro de Toledo -being the most brilliant, and skilful riders. The great cavalcade -paraded the principal streets of the capital, and ran two courses, one -in the Calle Mayor and the other before the Convent of Discalced -Carmelites. The next day the King rode in state with all the Court to -give thanks to the Virgin of Atocha, returning in coaches and admiring -the illuminations. The baptism took place in the little parish church -of St. Gil, hung for the occasion with cloth of gold. There the Nuncio -with cardinals and bishops galore made a Christian of the babe. The -tremendous ceremony, with silver cradle, its rich offerings and its -pompous names, must be taken for granted here, but the pride of the -narrator in the grandeur of it all is significant of the time. There -is extant a news-letter from Don Antonio de Mendoza to the Duke of -Bejar of the date (quoted by Hartzenbusch in his _Calderon_) giving an -account of the great festivity held by Marquis of Alcañices in his -palace in Madrid to celebrate the birth of this Infanta. "Two comedies -by different authors were represented with excellent dancers and a -dance of maskers in which elegance and skill vied with each other; the -great saloon in which it was held inciting envy in the heavenly -spheres, such was the beauty and the brilliancy it contained." - -[15] He was a French pedlar named Reynard de Peralta, and was of course -garotted and burnt by the Inquisition for his crime, which amounted to -a denial of the Immaculate Conception. - -[16] The actors had also another Mentidero or Liars' Walk of their own, -where they were wont to congregate on an open space at the corner of -the Calle de Leon, opposite to what is now the great literary club of -Madrid, the Ateneo. - -[17] The original pretext for the establishment of the public theatres -was to provide funds for the charitable fraternities who partly owned -them, and always received a considerable share of the takings. - -[18] Frequent attempts were made by the authorities to suppress the -scandals and abuses in the theatres, which, although the performances -always took place by daylight, were inevitable in such a state of -society as that we are now describing. It was forbidden, for instance, -for men in the courtyard or pit to converse with women in the cazuela -or on the stage; the actresses were not allowed to dress in masculine -garb, and an alguacil was always to be on duty in the auditorium during -the performance. See Schack's _Historia del arte dramatica en España_; -Pellicer's _Tratado Historico sobre el origen ... de la Comedia en -España_ (1804); _El Corral de la Pacheca_, by Juan Comba; _Origen -Epocas y Progresos del Teatro Español_, by Hugalde (1802), and the -valuable MS. _Memorias Cronologicas sobre el origen ... de Comedias en -España_, by Antonio de Armona, in the Royal Academy of History, Madrid. - -[19] Philip's passion for the theatre was so well understood, that a -comedy formed part of the entertainment at every place he visited. In -the spring of 1624 he made a short but very splendid progress in -Andalucia, and every great noble and city that received him gave him a -new play. On the 18th March the Duke of Medina Sidonia, the great -Andalucian magnate and kinsman of Olivares, entertained the King in his -country house near St. Lucar, and presented a new comedy before him -every day of his stay. On the 7th April we learn that, during his -visit to Granada the King witnessed a comedy in the Alhambra! The King -himself wrote some plays, now lost. - -[20] Leon Pinelo's _Anales Manuscritos de Madrid_ and other -contemporary writings describe many such. - -[21] Now the Senate. - -[22] The site is now converted into a pretty public garden, called the -Plaza de Bilbao. - -[23] The _auto_ is described by Leon Pinelo (_Anales Manuscritos_), by -Montero de los Rios (_Historia de Madrid_), and others. - -[24] A full account of this little known inglorious episode is given -from the Elliot papers in the Camden Society, 1883. - -[25] British Museum, Egerton MSS. 338, 136. - -[26] _Memorias de Matias de Novoa; Ayuda de Camara de Felipe IV_. -These invaluable memoirs, written by a bitter enemy of Olivares, were -formerly supposed to have been written by another favourite courtier of -Philip, called Vivanco. Though vivid, they are unfair to Olivares. - -[27] It is rather a curious fact that the Count-Duke's father, the -second Count of Olivares, had been the first councillor in 1603 to -speak plainly in the Council of Philip in on the projects of Spain to -dominate England. He pointed out very strongly that extension of -territory did not mean increase of power, but the contrary, as it meant -the distribution instead of the concentration of national strength. -See the writer's _Calendar of Spanish State Papers of Elizabeth_, vol. -iv. - -[28] Dormer, _Anales de Aragon_, MS., Royal Academy of History, Madrid. -The published portion of the book only covers the sixteenth century. - -[29] Novoa and British Museum, Egerton MSS. 338. - -[30] There is a most interesting and full unpublished account of -Philip's entry and stay in Barcelona in British Museum, Add. MSS. -10,236, called _Entrada que el Rey Nuestro Señor hizo en la ciudad de -Barcelona y fiestas que se hicieron_, 1626. - -[31] Egerton MSS. 338. - - - - -{172} - -CHAPTER V - -RISE OF THE PARTY OPPOSED TO OLIVARES--THE QUEEN AND THE INFANTES -CARLOS AND FERNANDO--OLIVARES REMONSTRATES WITH PHILIP FOR HIS NEGLECT -OF BUSINESS--PHILIP'S REPLY--ILLNESS OF THE KING--FEARS OF -OLIVARES--PHILIP'S CONSCIENCE--ASPECT OF MADRID AT THE TIME--HABITS OF -THE PEOPLE--A GREAT ARTISTIC CENTRE--MANY FOREIGN -VISITORS--VELAZQUEZ--PHILIP'S LOVE OF ART, LITERATURE, AND THE -DRAMA--CONTEMPORARY DESCRIPTION OF A PLAYHOUSE--PHILIP AND THE -CALDERONA, MOTHER OF DON JUAN OF AUSTRIA--BIRTH AND BAPTISM OF BALTASAR -CARLOS--PHILIP'S FIELD SPORTS--GENERAL SOCIAL DECADENCE - - -On the King's return to Madrid in the spring of 1626 almost -simultaneous baptism of another short-lived infant Princess and the -betrothal of the Infanta Maria, the erstwhile "Princess of Wales," to -the King of Hungary, heir to the empire, gave other pretext for one of -those interminable rounds of pompous shows in which Philip delighted. -The marriage of yet another Princess of the Spanish branch of Hapsburg -to a future emperor was a provocation flung in the face of Europe, and -so Richelieu understood it; and again patiently knitted his plans for -taking up the challenge in due time, and defeating finally the -threatened {173} hegemony of the house of Austria to the detriment of -that of Bourbon. - -[Sidenote: The enemies of Olivares] - -During the absence of the Court at Aragon, the party against Olivares -had taken courage in Madrid; for already it was seen that the young -Queen, full of spirit as she was, chafed under the complete subjection -in which the King was held, and the almost equal tutelage which the -Countess of Olivares endeavoured to exercise over her. Isabel loved -diversion as much as her husband did, though her amusements were less -intellectual than his; but she could not help seeing, even if there had -not been those who were eager to tell her, that the high hopes that the -domination of Olivares had first aroused were very far from being -fulfilled, and that the distress in the country was greater than ever -with the increased drain of the never-ending war. Olivares, moreover, -took no pains to conciliate the Queen, and his attitude towards ladies -in general was frankly insolent and contemptuous. He was determined, -in any case, to brook no possible interference with his supremacy, and -deliberately endeavoured to lessen the Queen's influence by encouraging -the formation of other ties by Philip. Not that Philip, indeed, needed -much encouragement; but a regular network of agents in the principal -cities kept the favourite informed of the appearance of any new and -charming actress on the provincial stage, in order that she might be -brought to the theatres of the capital and placed before the eyes of -the King. - -[Sidenote: The Infantes] - -Nor was the Queen the only person of the family whose influence -Olivares was determined {174} to check. The two young Infantes, the -King's brothers, were now growing into manhood, the elder, Charles, -born in 1607, being twenty years of age, and the Cardinal Infante -Fernando two years younger. A curious memorandum from Olivares to the -King on the subject of his brothers is extant,[1] and shows plainly the -method by which Olivares kept his hold upon the King by arousing -suspicion of all others, even of the members of the royal family. It -appears that at the instance of the minister Philip had appointed a -commission, headed, of course, by Olivares, to consider and report upon -what should be done for the future of the King's brothers; and the -series of memoranda referred to set forth the result of their -deliberations. The points to be settled, says the document, are full -of difficulty, and though there has been a period of nineteen years to -consider it (_i.e._ since the Infante Carlos was born), it is as full -of perplexity as ever. The great danger and risk is to make a choice -of servants for the Princes. "We must approach this by taking into -account the characters and dispositions of their Highnesses. We -consider Don Carlos to be of easy and yielding disposition, and that he -will tend the way that those who are near him may desire. But in Don -Fernando may be seen a greater natural vivacity, which, with a little -help, might be inflamed to a point that would cause serious harm, which -we must try to prevent." It is far better, says Olivares and his -colleagues, to face the matter now {175} than to let it drift until it -becomes unmanageable. "The best thing will be for Fernando to continue -in the ecclesiastic state; but not to take higher steps in it than at -present, in view of the succession.[2] Let him have sufficient money, -but let us be careful not to arouse his spirit and ambition by giving -him the power that too much money bestows, and do not let us in our -generosity to him defraud the poor flocks and the other bishops. Or -else give him the bishopric of Oran and arouse his zeal in Africa, like -Cardinal Ximenez."[3] This project was not approved of by the -commission, as the desire for arms and conquest might set him against -his profession. "Or we might make him Inquisitor-General, in order to -introduce him into government affairs, as was done with Prince Henry -the navigator. But the worst of that is that he is yet very young, and -the Inquisition is a very serious matter. Or we might send him to -Flanders, or even put him into the Council of State here; but if we did -that we must put Carlos in too, and we can see many reasons against -doing so. Carlos, of course, must be married or set to some active -exercise, to keep him employed and out of mischief until God shall -point out to us what had better be done with him. At present there is -no available princess for him." Several princesses are then suggested, -such as one of the Savoy cousins, a younger daughter of the Emperor, -and a sister of the Duke of Lorraine; but all are rejected, and after -an {176} interminable prologue the final recommendation of Olivares is -reached, namely, to get Fernando, evidently the one he dreaded most, -out of the way by sending him to Flanders. But even this is full of -suspicion and difficulty. The people there want a Prince of their own. -The old Infanta might leave him the throne when she died, and the -Flemings might use the Infante to conquer and hold independence of you -with your (_i.e._ Philip's) own arms, and that, of course, must be -avoided. If the States of Flanders could be left without a master when -the Infanta dies, that would be best, but as it cannot be your Majesty -must keep them.[4] Or if your Majesty thought well, you might make him -Grand Admiral and Prince of the Sea. In that capacity, as the -authority would be so much divided, it would not be easy for him to do -anything to your Majesty's detriment, especially as he will be -surrounded by persons of unquestionable fidelity. But it is difficult -to know how we can do this. If he were appointed to supreme command, -both in the Atlantic and the Mediterranean, with both ships and galleys -under him, he would have to depute much of his authority, and we think -this would be good. But still, it would be putting vast power into the -lad's hands. Besides, {177} perhaps he would not be contented with the -place unless a viceroyalty like that of Sicily was attached to it. - -And so every possibility is discussed at length, and every suggestion -either rejected altogether or approved of with many qualifications and -drawbacks, pointing out the danger of giving power to princes. But -though the commission could come to no decided conclusion, Olivares, in -a private letter to Philip, recommended that Carlos should eventually -be made Viceroy of Sicily, and Fernando sent to Flanders with a wise -old household, although, for the present, it was decided that nothing -should be done, except to keep the Princes quiet and as much apart from -affairs as possible. - -I have given to these curious documents perhaps more space than their -intrinsic importance deserved, because they seem to me to illustrate -exactly the almost diabolical distrust that Olivares sought to instil -into the young King, even of his own brothers. Philip's, however, was -an affectionate nature, and he was never soured against his brothers, -as Philip II. by similar Machiavellian counsels from Perez was fatally -estranged from his. Distrust was the note struck everywhere by -Olivares: distrust of relatives, of nobles, even of councillors, except -those who were creatures of his own; and it is evident that on the -return of the Court to Madrid, after the absence of five months in -Aragon, the favourite found the atmosphere less grateful to him than -before. The Queen, as Regent in Philip's absence, had enjoyed an -increase of power and consideration, and the nobles, priests, and -ladies around her had been able to speak more {178} boldly whilst they -were relieved of the alarming presence of the Count-Duke. - -[Sidenote: Philip's idleness] - -Olivares soon struck a blow to regain any power or prestige that he had -lost and to fill his enemies with confusion. The King, as we have -seen, was indolent and pleasure-loving, leaving all the hard work of -the Government to Olivares, upon whom he depended absolutely. The -minister knew full well that without his guidance his master would be -utterly at sea, and the threat of his retirement always brought Philip -to heel. No step, therefore, could have been more effectual in -stopping the mouths of the carpers opposed to the favourite, than for -the latter himself to protest against the King's neglect of his duties. -The State paper in which Olivares remonstrated with the King in the -autumn of 1626 for his lack of attention to work, and the King's reply, -have been printed several times in Spanish; but they deserve to be -quoted here as specimens of the consummate skill of the minister in -facing the situation in which he found himself and his clever -management of the young King.[5] - - -The document is headed, "Paper from the Count-Duke to his Majesty, in -which he urges him to consider and despatch current and private affairs -himself, without obtaining the opinions of the junta, and, above all, -the opinion of the Count-Duke, so that the King himself may, by a step -later, take entire control of affairs of State and Government." "Your -Majesty is good witness of the many times during the long period I have -{179} served you, that I have told you how important it was for your -best interests that people should not only see the result of your own -actions, but that they should also recognise them as such, and give you -the full credit for them, thus also endowing with force those actions -upon which you must needs take counsel. For it is certain, sire, that -in the present state of this republic no other course will remedy our -ills. Let people recognise in your Majesty attention, resolution, a -determination to be obeyed, and if this be not sufficient, let it be -recognised in the orders you give, and even in your own person in -insignificant acts, nay in the most private actions in your own -chamber, where most of the fears which the people entertain have their -origin. I have also on many occasions begged your Majesty to give me -leave to retire, and to recognise how impossible it is for me to -succeed in any of my efforts to serve your Majesty, without your own -attention, resolution, and application to the papers. Feeling, as I -do, the weight of the duty and love I owe to your Majesty, I have tried -to impress this need upon you in the preamble of my various requests; -and to show you how indispensable it is for your Majesty's conscience, -for your reputation, and for the redress of the evils of the -Government, that you should work, or everything will sink to the -bottom, no matter how desperate my efforts may be to keep things going. -I have decided, therefore, to make a last appeal to you, because during -the last few months affairs have become so urgent that there really is -no other course but that your Majesty should put your shoulder to the -wheel, or commit a mortal sin. {180} I must protest, with due respect -to your Majesty, as your humble slave and faithful minister, that if -your Majesty will not at once adopt this resolution, I shall be looked -upon as a traitor if I continue in this place, knowing as I do that, -however I may strive, it is quite impossible, without the personal aid -and support of your Majesty, for me to do what is necessary for the -State, and this is being proved now to me by daily experience. It may -be that the reason why your Majesty will not consent to work and do as -I beg you, arises from the entire confidence you place in me, and that -if I were not here you might apply yourself more to work, because you -might not trust others as you trust me. This thought, together with -the zeal and desire, as God knows, I have to serve your Majesty, have -brought me to the point of saying resolutely, that if your Majesty will -not do as I ask you, I will go away at once without asking your leave -or even letting you know I am going, even though your Majesty may -punish my disobedience by sending me to a fortress, because, God forbid -that I, who owe what I do to your Majesty, should with my eyes open -fail to act as I believe for the best, even at the risk of ruin to -myself and all my kin, a loss which would be well repaid if it resulted -in inducing your Majesty to do what is necessary to remedy the evils -which demand the personal attention of your Majesty. I have said all -that a subject may say, clearly and boldly; I would rather risk your -anger than fail in my duty. The evil is great. Reputation has been -lost, the treasury has been totally exhausted, ministers have grown -venial and slack, taught to {181} neglect the execution of the laws or -to administer them with laxity, and this is one of the great causes of -the evils that afflict the country and justice. Take, I pray you, -sire, the work into your own hands. Let the very name "favourite" -(_privado_) disappear. I will continue to urge your Majesty to -shoulder this burden that God Himself has cast upon you, to labour with -it, if you will, without overworking yourself, but not without work at -all. 4th September 1626." - - -[Sidenote: Philip promises to work] - -The appeal sounds genuine, and no doubt to some extent it was so, for -it did not suit Olivares to be the person to be held solely responsible -for the grave state of things that was already arousing even -long-suffering Castile to passionate protest; and the privation and -misery of the greater part of the population were, it must have been -evident to the Count-Duke, powerful instruments against him in the -hands of his enemies, now growing daily bolder. Philip always wanted -to do well, that was the tragedy of his life, and if good resolutions -had sufficed, no better ruler could have been desired. Any appeal, -moreover, to his conscience always found an immediate echo, though a -fleeting one; and in his reply to the minister the weakness as well as -the rectitude of his character are touchingly displayed. In his own -great sprawling hand Philip wrote on Olivares' letter-- - - -"COUNT,--I have resolved to do as you ask me, for the sake of God, of -myself, and of you. Nothing is boldness from you to me, knowing, as I -do, your zeal and love. I will do it, Count, and I return you this -paper with this reply, so that {182} you may make it an heirloom of -your house, that your descendants may learn how to speak to kings in -matters that touch their fame, and that they may know what an ancestor -they had. I should like to leave it in my archives to teach my -children, if God grant me any, and other kings, how they should submit -to what is just and expedient.--I, THE KING." - - -Whatever may have been Philip's intention, and it is impossible to -doubt his sincerity, his good resolutions, as Olivares probably -foresaw, did not last long; but the cavillers for a time were silenced, -and Olivares at any future crisis could and did always point to his -letter, and shift a full share of his responsibility upon the King. -The responsibility, in good truth, was a heavy one. The constant drain -of men and money to Germany, Italy, and Flanders fell mainly upon the -realms of Castile, where the poverty was greatest. The expulsion of -the Moriscos (1610), the most ingenious and industrious craftsmen in -the land, had already produced its dire effects, and skilled industry, -which formerly paid most of the taxes, had well-nigh disappeared. -Without doing anything to revive manufactures in Spain itself, the -Government of Olivares now began the fatal policy of prohibiting -commerce of all sorts with the countries at war with Spain, which soon -meant all maritime Europe; and the consequence was a complete dearth of -commercial movements, a terrible rise in prices, universal contraband -and untold suffering, which the purblind minister sought to remedy by -the puerile device of suddenly reducing by one half the value of copper -money (May 1627), and {183} fixing a maximum price at which farmers -might sell food stuffs! - -[Sidenote: Illness of the king] - -Anxiety and dissipation acted upon a physique never strong, and Philip, -in the summer of 1627, fell seriously ill in Madrid. The last baby -girl had died, and though the Queen was pregnant, the next heir, -failing issue to the King, was his brother Carlos, a gentle, easy-going -young man, in appearance and character wonderfully like his elder -brother. But for all his gentleness Carlos was no friend of Olivares, -who had taken from his side all the friends he depended upon, most of -them, be it said, kinsmen of Lerma, whose sister had been the Prince's -governess. - -Young Fernando, the cardinal, as we have seen, was much more able and -ardent than his brother; and when courtiers began to shake grave heads -and doctors doubted of the King's recovery, it was Fernando rather than -Carlos who took the lead in resenting the attempts of Olivares to -isolate the King.[6] By means of his wife, also, Olivares endeavoured -to set the Queen against her brothers-in-law, and to extract a pledge -from her that if the King died she would retain the minister in his -place in the interests of her unborn child. As Philip grew worse, and -himself despaired of recovery, the Infantes, strengthened now by a -large party of nobles, made no secret of their anger with Olivares, and -the latter lost heart and fell ill (or, as spiteful Novoa says, feigned -illness), giving himself up for lost, and groaning that everyone {184} -hated him so much that they even wished the King dead in order to get -rid of him. The palace of Madrid became a buzzing nest of intrigues, -in which, however, the principal song was that of gleeful anticipated -vengeance on Olivares and all his kin; though, unknown to his foes, -arrangements had been made by him and his party to seize the Government -and propitiate the Queen and Don Carlos the moment the King died, as he -was expected to from one hour to the other.[7] - -Whilst Olivares still kept his bed from illness and fear, an attendant -entered and said that the King had recovered consciousness and showed -signs of improvement. "Who says so?" cried Olivares, springing up in -his bed. "Dr. Polanco." "Then send Dr. Polanco to me immediately." -Dr. Polanco bore no love to the arrogant favourite, and he came tardily -to the call, and gave a dry and reticent statement of the King's -condition. His Majesty, though better for the moment, he said, could -hardly survive another crisis. But there were other royal physicians -more courtly than Dr. Polanco, and one soon entered the Count-Duke's -room with the welcome news that the King was really better, and had -asked for Olivares. The Count-Duke's malady left him as if by magic at -the news, and in a few minutes he was at Philip's bedside. On the -opposite side of it stood the young Cardinal Infante, who exchanged -with him {185} a glance of undisguised enmity, whilst Carlos at his -side was all mildness, only unselfishly delighted that the King was -better. After a few words of greeting only from the King, who said he -was very ill and in want of rest, Olivares retired, disturbed and -uneasy at the open hatred of him shown by the Cardinal Infante. In the -present state of uncertainty he dared not quarrel with the King's -brother, the cleverest member of the family, and by submissive -diplomacy and professions of devotion soon managed to patch up a -reconciliation with him,[8] whilst resolving in his own mind to lose no -opportunity that offered of getting away from Madrid so inconvenient a -Prince. - -[Sidenote: Philip recovers] - -Again the King's life was despaired of, when, after many mouldering -relics had been piled up fruitlessly, until the King's bedroom looked -like a rag and bone warehouse, the prayed-for miracle was worked by a -shoeless Austin friar, "who brought that admirable and miraculous relic -of the little loaves of St. Nicholas, which the King took from the -hands of the friar with fervent prayers and supplication for divine -help and mercy, and the King recovered."[9] Olivares did not spare -those who had thrown him into such a panic whilst the King lay ill, and -the plans for the future made by the minister's enemies were -represented to Philip as treason against himself. "Ah, sire," he said -on his first long conversation after the King's recovery, "we have had -an anxious time. In future must keep our eyes open." "Yes, no doubt," -assented the King languidly. "As for me," continued the minister, "I -considered {186} myself as already being almost thrown out of the -window. The Infante Fernando, sire, is in very bad hands!" "And how -about Carlos," asked the King, "is he in any better hands?" But though -Philip listened to the whispers of treason against all but those who -were the creatures of Olivares, he was too amiable and kind to allow -any harsh measures against his brothers, and Olivares had to postpone -for the present the greater part of his vengeance.[10] - -[Sidenote: Philip's conscience] - -Philip's tender conscience had, as usual, plagued him during his -illness and convalescence. In later years, as calamity after calamity -fell upon him and his, it became his settled conviction that the wrath -of heaven poured upon his country and upon those whom he loved best in -the world was the awful retribution exacted for his personal -transgressions; but even in this, his first severe illness, apparently -the same idea assailed him, and as soon as he recovered he addressed a -curious and characteristic document to each of his many councils, -treating the administrative actions of his reign as a case of -conscience for himself. The document is dated 14th August 1627, and -the preamble states that it is drawn up for the discharge of the King's -conscience after his serious illness.[11] - - -"1. If I have caused any damage or loss of {187} property to anybody by -any act or order of mine or otherwise, I desire that redress shall be -given to the sufferers. - -"2. If by any means or way property belonging to any person be unjustly -taken or withheld by any act of ours, I command that the wrong be -righted at once. - -"3. Consider the means that can be devised to pay all my debts, so that -in this respect my conscience may be clear, and in future as far as -possible let all necessary expenses be justly met and paid. - -"4. Consider whether any of the contributions payable by my vassals can -be abolished, and what reform is possible, both as to the amounts -levied and the mode of collection. - -"5. If any minister of your Council does any unjust act, if he fails to -administer justice righteously, or if any grievance is inflicted by him -on my subjects, severe punishment must be meted out to him. Great -vigilance must be exercised by you in this respect. - -"6. If, in order to favour or benefit me, any injustice has been done, -it must be redressed at once, regardless of every other consideration. - -"Consider all this maturely, and report to me.--I, THE KING." - - -However well intentioned such decrees as this might be, in the existing -state of the country they were absurd. If a foreign policy was -persisted in which brought Spain into conflict with every progressive -and prosperous country in Europe, which shut the ports of Spain to -foreign commerce, and excluded Spanish ships from foreign harbours; if -a system of finance were persisted in which ruined {188} taxpayers and -paralysed production; if industry was a disgrace and idleness -respectable; if corruption existed from the base to the summit of the -administration at home and abroad, and ostentation, vanity, greed, and -self-indulgence permeated every class of society in the capital, the -heart from which flowed the tainted life-blood of the nation, it was -futile to order redress to be given for individual wrongs, and for the -surface administration to be cleansed, whilst the mass was corrupt; and -it is needless to say that the King's conscience was rapidly lulled to -rest again, leaving matters much as they were before, and as they -remained for years to come, whilst Madrid was the artistic and literary -centre of the world, and the rest of Spain was sunk in utter misery and -debasement. - -[Sidenote: Madrid in 1627] - -A glance at the material and moral aspect of society in Philip's Court -during this period, the flower of his reign and life, will be necessary -in order to understand what followed. After the restoration to Madrid -of its rank as the capital in 1606, the increase in the size and -population of the town had been extraordinary; and it was at this -period that Madrid assumed the extent and appearance that it retained -with little change until the middle of the nineteenth century. As now, -the great palace on its bold spur looking over the Manzanares and the -plains of Castile to the snow-capped Guadarramas, formed the -conspicuous boundary of the capital on the west, and the precipitous -slope on that side to the bridge of Segovia, then recently built, -checked expansion in that direction. But to the north and east the new -{189} streets stretched forth in a way which was at the time looked -upon as prodigious. The Puerta del Sol, the present centre of the -capital, had even in Philip's time begun to acquire importance as -leading to the broad new street of Alcalá, which afforded a less -congested approach to the promenade of the Prado than the ancient and -narrow Carrera de San Geronimo. The Calle Mayor, leading from the -palace to the Puerta del Sol, was not, as now, one broad street in its -entire length, the wide portion being, indeed, only the newer stretch -near the Puerta del Sol, but in the greater part of its length -consisted of a continuous line of narrow and somewhat tortuous streets -called by different names. This, however, being the road to and from -the palace, was the fashionable promenade, especially for the great -swaying coaches then the rage in Madrid. In hot summer nights the dry -bed of the Manzanares attracted fashionable promenaders to enjoy such -coolness as could be found there; whilst the Prado itself, from the -street of Alcalá to the Atocha, on certain occasions, especially on -saints days, church festivals, and in the evenings of spring, was the -crowded resort of the idlers. The Plaza Mayor, or great square, -standing much as it does to-day, had been built in the previous reign, -the houses that enclosed it being capable of accommodating in their -lines of balconies as many as fifty thousand spectators to the -bull-fights, _autos-de-fe_, or equestrian shows, which were held there -on great occasions.[12] - -The construction of the houses, for the most {190} part rapidly run up -to meet the sudden increase of the population--the Court, as has been -explained, attracting everybody in Spain with brains, ambition, or -money--was extremely mean and shabby, the heavy ostentatious palaces of -the nobles, many of which still stand, being surrounded by wretched -little shanties with mud walls and filthy exteriors.[13] The windows -towards the street were heavily grated, and mostly small, which gave a -gloomy dungeon-like appearance to the buildings, whilst the total -absence of drainage made the roadways a mere middenheap, through which -the heavy coaches ploughed, and bespattered the pedestrians. To the -enormous number of strangers and foreigners whom curiosity, politics, -or business brought to Madrid at this period, the filthy condition of -the streets became a byword. The gutters of the houses projecting far -out from the eaves threw great jets of water when it rained into the -middle of the narrow roadways, and with the mere warning of "_Agua va_" -all the house garbage, debris, and excrement were cast forth into the -open street, there to fester until the salutary sun had deodorised it -and reduced it to dust. - -In these streets, and especially in the portion of the Calle Mayor near -the Church of St. Philip and the Puerta del Sol, the idlers of the -capital, {191} which meant the greater part of the population, loved to -promenade for hours every day, preferably in coaches, bandying coarse -jests with the people on foot. This objectless promenading and -gossiping was so characteristic that a special verb was coined to -describe it, namely, to _ruar_. Everybody pretended to be wealthier, -more highly placed, and better dressed than he really was; and though -sumptuary pragmatics and decrees, announced by heralds in the Calle -Mayor, constantly threatened transgressors with all sorts of pains and -penalties, the people, especially the women, continued to defy the law -in their dress and behaviour. The insolent dames would wear outrageous -garments; flattened farthingales (_guardainfantes_) so immensely wide -as to be indecent, starched ruffs, pattens so high with jingling heels -as to be like musical stilts, and would still insist upon covering -their faces, all but one eye, the more to pique curiosity and indulge -with impunity in their not too delicate badinage. - -The large spaces occupied by the frowning religious houses, whilst -adding to the gloom of the city, must have increased its salubrity, in -consequence of the large shady gardens that they usually enjoyed. At -twelve o'clock, when the angelus sounded, the monastery gates opened, -and there came forth a lay brother with an immense cauldron of soup and -a basket of bread, which formed the principal meal of many hundreds of -poor people and idlers all the year round. The students, real or -pretended, who in token of their dependence on these eleemosynary meals -wore a wooden spoon tucked into the brim of their hats, formed a -considerable portion of those who attacked the garlic {192} broth with -avidity. Broken soldiers and led captains, gamblers out of luck and -varlets out of place, fought too for the food with the maimed and -diseased beggars who crowded the most frequented streets at fashionable -hours.[14] In addition to these charity meals given by the religious -houses, there were numerous lay brotherhoods established to relieve the -sick and impotent; and one particular brotherhood, which went its -rounds at night, especially in the outer districts of the capital, was -called by the people the "bread and egg watch," because the brethren -carried with them baskets of bread and eggs to distribute to the needy -whom they found exhausted and homeless by the way. - -It may be asked if Madrid was so forbidding in appearance, as it was -certainly difficult of access and lacking in comfort and convenience, -what was the attraction that drew to it at the time not only the -enriched Spaniards from the Indies, and the ambitious and idle of the -Peninsula itself, but the immense number of foreign visitors who now -frequented it. So far as the Spaniards were concerned, it has already -been explained that by the time of which we are writing the Court had, -in fact, drawn to itself all that was left of available wealth in the -country. There alone could the Spanish love of ostentation be -indulged; there alone could bravery of dress and demeanour find the -attention and emulation it always seeks; there alone could advancement -in any unlaborious career be found, for where all the patronage, -wealth, and taste were, {193} there also must be those who sought -patronage or provided things that taste and wealth alone could buy, and -so the Court--"_la Corte_" as Madrid was always called--shone brightly, -like the last phosphorescent spot in a decaying body, and attracted by -its brilliancy when all the rest of Spain was dark. - -[Sidenote: An artistic capital] - -The fame of the splendid shows of Philip's Court, the traditional -wealth of the monarch, and the reputation for gallantry and gaiety -which the place obtained, brought to it pleasure-seekers from all -Europe. The close connection with Austria naturally attracted Germans -to Spain in numbers; Flemish Catholics were, of course, almost as much -at home in Madrid as in Brussels; whilst the marriage of Philip's -sister Anna of Austria in France had made the romantic view of Spain -fashionable there. The war with France somewhat restricted the French -incursion, but Burgundian and Franche-Comtois craftsmen were numerous, -and the enemies of Richelieu always found a welcome in the Spanish -Court. Italians, especially Neapolitan and Milanese subjects of -Philip, who served in his armies and provided his finest weapons, were -frequent visitors to his capital. It was, moreover, a dilettante age, -when all over Europe, and particularly in Madrid, where for a century -the monarchs had been generous patrons of art, a perfect craze had -seized wealthy people to collect and display rare and beautiful -artistic objects of all sorts, and the ostentatious nobles who -surrounded Philip IV., many of whom had lived in Italy, had shared the -King's love of such objects, and had made their palaces perfect museums -of art treasures of every description. - -{194} - -Olivares himself exacted from viceroys and Spanish officers abroad -presents of tapestries and articles of virtu.[15] The Count of -Monterey and the Marquis of Leganes, both kinsmen of the Count-Duke, -had crammed their palaces with rarities,--clocks, mirrors, enamels, -medals, marqueterie, and paintings; and Monterey, who had been viceroy -of Naples, had brought back with him to Madrid a whole cargo of silver -repoussé work, tapestries, ivory carvings, gems, and such treasures as -the red chalk drawing of the cartoon of Michael Angelo's famous -"Bathers."[16] V. Carducho, who lived in Madrid at the time, describes -in his _Diálogos_ the regular meetings there of connoisseurs and -patrons of art, to inspect, exchange, or criticise paintings, models -and other rare and beautiful things; where, he says, "originals by -Raphael, Correggio, Titian, Tintoretto, Palma, Bassano, and living -painters were admired, and where much taste and knowledge were -displayed." Besides paintings, he continues, there were to be seen at -these meetings "coats of armour and weapons of famous armourers, -damascened swords and daggers, rock crystal work and pyramids and -globes of jasper and glass." On one particular occasion Carducho -mentions that the host of the meeting-place was engaged in arranging -some {195} articles for an exchange he was negotiating with the Admiral -of Castile, a great art patron, whom he was expecting. They comprised -an original by Titian, six heads by Antonio Mor, two bronze statues and -a small culverin, whilst the admiral had left with the host a good copy -of a painting by Caracci; and Carducho mentions that Monterey had there -at the same time an original Madonna by Raphael from the convent of -Discalced Carmelites at Valladolid.[17] - -The agglomeration of such works of art at Madrid during a long period -naturally led to the dispersion of the great collections on the death -or fall of the noble owners, and this was effected by the usual Spanish -form of sale still common, called an _almoneda_, such articles as are -for sale usually remain _in situ_, but on public view, with the prices -marked; and the German ambassador, Count Harrach, mentions no less than -twenty of such almonedas of artistic collections belonging to Madrid -nobles within the space of five years, at a somewhat later period of -Philip's reign than that of which we are now writing.[18] Of one such -noble collector in Madrid (Juan de Espina) Quevedo says: "For years his -house was an epitome of the marvels of Europe, visited by strangers, to -the great honour of our nation, for they had often nothing to tell of -Spain except their recollections of him." - -I have mentioned that one of the presents given by Olivares to the -Prince of Wales on his departure was a set of paintings, but these were -by no means the only pictures that Charles took back {196} with him to -enrich the royal galleries of England. The unfortunate murdered Count -Villa Mediana's great collection was still being dispersed by -_almoneda_ at the time, and here Charles bought several specimens. -Lope de Vega says that the Prince "collected with remarkable zeal all -the paintings that could be had, paying for them excessive prices." He -was unable to persuade Quevedo's friend Espina to sell him the gem of -his collection, two volumes of original drawings by Leonardo da Vinci, -which, however, eventually came to England as the property of Philip -Howard, Earl of Arundel.[19] Many other paintings and precious objects -were secured by Charles during his stay by purchase and gift; and it -may be fairly assumed that so great an art lover as he must have found -his principal solace for his long absence from home in the inspection -and acquisition of objects he prized so highly. In the Calle Mayor, -against the wall of the Oñate Palace, opposite Liars' Walk, on the -raised path along the side of St. Philip's Church, the Spanish painters -of the day, on the lookout for patrons, were wont to exhibit their -canvasses for sale,[20] and some of the modern Spanish pictures that -Charles took home with him were doubtless seen and bought in the course -of his {197} daily promenade through the fashionable street of the -capital. - -[Sidenote: Valezquez in Madrid] - -There was one young painter of the day, a stripling of twenty-four, -though already married and with two children when he arrived in Madrid -at the same time as the Prince of Wales, who at least had no need to -seek purchasers for his canvasses upon the rough side walk, though he -did exhibit them there for the admiring criticism of the connoisseurs -opposite. To have come from Seville, as he did, was, to begin with, a -good credential in the time of Olivares, whose own noble house was of -Andalucia, and who himself was Sevillano to the marrow. But this young -man, Diego Velazquez, had married the daughter of his master, Pacheco, -the best known painter in Seville, and the bosom friend of Francisco de -Rojas, the literary henchman and devoted adherent of Olivares. Three -years before this, Diego had come to Court full of high hopes and -ambitions; for the painting of convent altar-pieces in Seville was a -narrow field for genius, and Diego yearned for the wide recognition -that the "Court" alone could give. But though he had the help of the -Sevillians who abounded in Olivares' household, and notably that of Dr. -Fonseca, the Court chaplain and King's "curtain-drawer" in the royal -chapel, business was so pressing, both for King and minister, in the -early days of the reign, that there was no time to be spared for -portrait painters, and Velazquez returned home disappointed. - -But in the spring of 1623, whilst Charles Stuart was in Madrid, -Fonseca, at Olivares' bidding, wrote to the artist telling him that he -might now {198} with good hope return to Madrid, and sending him fifty -ducats for his travelling expenses. He needed no further urging, nor -did his famous father-in-law, who, if he was not a genius himself, at -least realised genius when he saw it, and together they set forth, with -the assurance that young Diego was going to conquer Madrid. There was -no heart-breaking struggle for him, though his triumph was not so -immediate as he would have wished. The effort to get to the palace, -the fountain of all patronage, was universal; and the rivalry of -competitors was keen. Poets, dramatists, actors, placemen, and artists -were all struggling eagerly to catch the eye of royalty, or the -ministers of royalty, and for a time even Fonseca could not secure for -his protégé an admission to the King's presence. In the meanwhile -Velazquez painted a portrait of the priestly patron Fonseca, in whose -house he lived. As soon as it was finished the chamberlain of the -Cardinal Infante Fernando, the Count de Peñaranda, visited the house by -chance, saw the picture, and insisted upon carrying it off with him to -the palace. Everybody at Court knew the reverend "royal -curtain-drawer" in chapel, and within an hour the portrait had been -seen by all the _palaciegos_, from the King downward, and praised to -the skies. - -Promises were sent to the young painter that he should be commissioned -to portray the King and his brother; but the King's work and play, more -momentarily pressing, still delayed the anticipated honour until the -end of August, when Philip, on his prancing charger--for the King was a -splendid and intrepid horseman--carracoled in the garden of the palace -before the grave, lean young painter {199} with the jet black hair and -flashing Andaluz eyes, who for the first time fixed there upon canvas -the face and form which his genius was to immortalise. Philip was a -good judge of art, and when he saw the picture, though no muscle of his -impassive face moved, he expressed his satisfaction with courteous -condescension. Olivares, vehement as usual, and proud that a Sevillian -should have succeeded, swore that no one else had ever painted the King -as he was, and that in future Diego Velazquez alone should paint his -Majesty. When the last touch was given to it, the great life-sized -equestrian portrait of Philip was exhibited upon the pavement opposite -Liars' Walk, not for sale, but for the astonishment and delight of -loyal Madrileños.[21] - -Diego Velazquez's fortune was made. Within a few weeks he was -appointed Court painter, with a salary of twenty ducats a month, with -extra payment for each picture and a studio in the palace, and -thenceforward pensions and favours of all sorts testified to Olivares' -pride in his fellow-countryman and the King's recognition of a genius. -From the time of the great Emperor and his son the tradition had -existed that intimate familiarity was permissible between the King of -Spain and those household servants whom he cared thus to honour. Both -the Emperor and Philip II. had allowed the greatest liberty to their -jesters, dwarfs, and body servants, and had extended their friendship -to the artist craftsmen who had served them. Philip IV. bettered the -instruction, for he at heart was a poet and an artist himself; and -whilst he {200} delighted in the company of clever people generally, he -distinguished with life-long regard and considerate kindness the young -artist, only a few years older than himself, who did so much to ennoble -and illustrate his Court. In Velazquez's studio in the palace a -leather armchair was always kept sacred for the King, who was wont to -come in unannounced when the fancy seized him, and watch the painter at -work. Indeed, during his stay in Madrid he hardly missed a day in his -visits, and would often come accompanied by his wife to the studio. -There he witnessed, gradually growing under the magic brush, the -counterfeit presentments of those who made up his life, his wives, -brothers, and children, the latter in their chubby babyhood, stiff with -irksome splendour; the distorted and deformed beings who ministered to -the merriment of those whose surroundings were otherwise far from -merry; the poets who solaced his life, the women he loved, the famous -captains of his armies; Spinola, Pimentel, Pulido-Pareja, and the rest -of them; the great Olivares himself, and all the rout of glittering -satellites who revolved around the Planet King. - -[Sidenote: A literary court] - -Philip enjoyed almost as much the society of Quevedo as that of -Velazquez, but the satiric wit was less careful than the painter, and -his medium was more risky; so that, though his biting verse and -malicious prose had in the King an appreciative listener, the poet was -almost as often in exile as in favour.[22] The literary contests and -discussions which amused Philip as he grew older {201} always, when -Quevedo was not in disgrace, benefited by his ready wit. Philip -himself took part in these literary orgies in the palace, frequently -proposing a subject for an impromptu play in the facile blank verse -which comes so trippingly upon Spanish lips. The subject would -sometimes be a sacred one, in which case the treatment was such as -would shock modern ears, though for abject lip devotion the persons who -spoke so slightingly of sacred things were never surpassed. It is -related that on one such occasion Philip set the Creation of the World -as the subject for an impromptu play, assigning to himself the -character of the Maker. The poet, whom he had cast for Adam, made his -part unduly long, and Philip elaborately expressed his grief, as the -Eternal Father, that ever he should have afflicted the world with such -a long-winded Adam. But though these literary diversions had already -become attractive to him at the period at which we are now writing -(1626-1630), the gloomy old Alcazar was not a congenial setting for -frivolity; and it was not until later, when the new suburban palace of -the Buen Retiro was specially devised by Olivares for the purpose, that -the poetic and dramatic exercises of the Court reached their zenith, as -will be related in a future chapter. - -But from the first Philip's devotion to the theatre never wavered, and -in this his people, high and low, agreed with him. The two public -theatres of the capital, the Corral de la Pacheca (on the site of the -present Teatro Espanol) and the Corral de la Cruz, in the street of the -same name, were crowded every day, and sometimes twice a day; {202} the -performance before noon being attended mainly by women, and that of the -afternoon by men, and women of a better class. The appurtenances of -the stage were extremely rough, and the scenery widely adaptable where -it existed at all, as the constant changes of comedy made special -scenery impossible. The plays presented, hundreds of which are still -extant, are marvellous in the inventive fertility of their plots; the -intrigues that spring from mistaken personality, marital wiles, and -lovers' stratagems furnishing the foundations of most of them. The -speeches, according to modern ideas, appear intolerably pompous and -long, but the mere sound of the flowing rhythm pleased the ears of -Spaniards, as similar speeches do to-day, and the Madrileños never grew -weary of their shows. - -[Sidenote: Madrid theatres] - -The following lively description of one of the theatres in the reign of -Philip IV. will give an idea of the scene they presented on a -holiday.[23] - - -You must dine hurriedly at noon, and not stay long at table if you are -going in the afternoon and wish to find a seat. The first thing you do -when you arrive at the door of the theatre is to try to get in without -paying. Many work and as few pay as possible. That is the actor's -first misfortune. It would not be so bad for twenty people to get in -for four farthings, if many more did not try to imitate them. As it -is, if one person gets in without payment others expect to do the same. -Everybody wishes to enjoy the privilege of free admission, in order -that people may see that they are worthy of it. For this reason they -{203} strive so hard to enjoy it that it gives rise to endless disputes -and altercations; with all the more reason that by these means they -usually succeed in their aim. When once a person gets entrance without -payment he adopts it as a general rule, and never wants to pay. A fine -way this to remunerate those who merit some return for their work in -trying to amuse them. And perhaps you will think that he who pays not -is more easy to please. On the contrary, when the actor is not -properly dressed, those who have not paid insult and hiss him most. At -last our man gets into the theatre, and asks those who are seated on -the benches to make room for him.[24] They tell him that there is no -seat for him, but that perhaps one of those who have paid for a seat -will not come, so he had better wait until the guitar players appear -and he may then occupy the vacant seat. This being agreed upon, our -friend goes to the dressing-room to amuse himself in the meanwhile. -There he finds the actresses taking off their usual clothes and -assuming those necessary for their characters; they being sometimes as -naked as if they were going to bed. He stops and stares before one of -them, who, having come through the streets on foot, is changing her -boots by the aid of her servant. This cannot be done without some -sacrifice of decorum, and the poor actress is much put out, {204} but -she dares not protest, because, as her main object is to gain applause, -she is afraid of offending. A hiss, however unjustified, discredits an -actor, because people in general incline more to the censure of others -than to their own judgment. The actress consequently does not suspend -the changing of her boots, and suffers the importunity of the visitor -patiently. In the meanwhile the blockhead never takes his eyes off her. - -"After that he looks from the stage to see what is happening with the -doubtful seat he covets. It is still vacant, and in the hope that the -legitimate owner of it will not come he runs to occupy it. The moment -he does so the owner appears and defends his claim. The other does the -same, and both grow heated and come to blows. The last comer, as he -has come to the theatre for amusement, and finding no amusement in -shouting and fighting, thinks it better to stand for three hours than -to continue clawing, and retires from the fray, another seat being -provided for him by those who have intervened and pacified the dispute. -When this hurly-burly has ended, our intruder settles down quietly and -casts an eye upon the cazuela,[25] and passes in review the women who -fill it. He takes a sudden fancy to one of them, and begins to -manifest his feelings by making signs to her. But, my good friend! you -have surely gone to the theatre to see the play, not the cazuela. - -"It is four o'clock in the afternoon by this time, and the performance -has not begun yet. Our friend, looking vaguely about him, first on one -side and then on another, suddenly feels that {205} someone is pulling -at his cloak. He turns his head and sees an orange-seller, who, -bending towards him between the two spectators behind, whispers in his -ear that the lady who is tapping her knee with her fan has watched with -sincere pleasure the spirit he showed in the quarrel about the seat, -and that it would be a gracious thing if he bought her a dozen oranges -in recognition of her sympathy. Our friend scans the cazuela again, -and sees that the lady in question is the one that caught his fancy -before; so he pays for the oranges, and tells the orangeman to let the -lady know that he will willingly pay for anything else she would like. -When the orangeman disappears with this message, our friend thinks of -nothing else than how he shall approach the lady when they leave the -theatre, cursing the comedy in the meanwhile, which appears to him -interminable, such is his impatience. He signifies his disapproval -aloud, and groans without cause, exciting the musqueteers[26] below to -imitate him and to break forth in offensive cries. This is not only -rude and uncultivated, but monstrously ungrateful, for, of all men, -actors are those who strive hardest to gain applause. What a bad time -they pass, and how laborious whilst they rehearse a piece. And when -the first representation comes, any of them would give a year's wage to -be applauded for his part. What anxiety assails them, what -inexpressible yearning they feel on the stage to please the public. -When they have to cast themselves down from some {206} precipice, they -throw themselves off the painted canvas rock with desperation; when -they have to represent a dying man and to writhe in agony, how they -soil their clothes, which have often cost much money, and tear their -hands with the nails and splinters of the boards!" - - -The rest of the chapter is more concerned with the evils of the actor's -life than with the audience, which is the point most interesting to us; -but it is clear from what has been quoted that the comedies, witty and -facile as they were, nevertheless did not form the only attraction that -drew crowds daily to the theatres of the Court. In the first place, -they were a pretext for the prevailing idleness, and the sure sign of -decadence which manifests itself in the inactive many gazing upon and -criticising the hired exertions of the active few. But the "corrales" -of Madrid are also shown in the above extract, and in hundreds of -allusions in the comedies themselves, to have been places of -assignation and incentives to promiscuous gallantry.[27] The King -himself, behind the impenetrable window grating of a first-floor -private room (_aposento_) first saw many of his mistresses, they were -not mistresses in the sense that prevailed at the Court of the French -Bourbon kings. None of them ever aspired to, or attained, political or -social power, for the distance between the sacrosanct sovereign and -common humanity was too great for that to be possible in Castile. They -were just the creatures Of Philip's caprice, and the {207} momentary -playthings of his passions, none of them retaining hold upon him but -for a very short time. - -[Sidenote: "The _Calderona_"] - -Of his thirty and more illegitimate children, of whom eight were -recognised, the only one that was given princely rank was that Don Juan -of Austria who was beloved by his father above all others of his -offspring. From the theatre, at the period which we are now writing, -Don Juan of Austria sprang. It was at the Corral de la Cruz in 1627 -that Philip first set eyes upon the girl whom one of Olivares' agents -had sent from the country to act upon the Madrid stage. Her name was -Maria Calderon, and at the time she appeared in the capital she was not -more than sixteen years of age. She was no great beauty, but her grace -and fascination were supreme, and her voice was so sweet and her speech -so captivating that Madrid fell in love with her at once.[28] The King -from his aposento was enamoured of her the first time he saw her, and -for him to desire was to enjoy. She was immediately summoned to the -private apartment, that the King might listen more closely to her -lovely voice, and when he heard it the King's love grew fiercer still. -From the corral to the palace was but a step when Philip willed it, and -thenceforward the _Calderona_ became the King's best beloved mistress. -She still acted upon the stage, though gifts and tokens of affection -were piled upon her by the love-lorn King. She, proud of the ineffable -honour vouchsafed to her, became rigidity itself in her virtue, and -turned a hard face to all other lovers. - -{208} - -[Sidenote: Birth of Baltasar Carlos] - -The tradition in Spain made the position of King's mistress not by any -means one to be coveted by most women, since it was understood that -when the liaison ended the lady must immure herself in a convent for -the rest of her life, to prevent such a sacrilege as for the King to -have a successor in any woman's regards. It is told of one young lady -of the Court to whom Philip was making unmistakable advances, that she -shut herself behind a locked door when she knew the amorous King was -seeking her, and cried out to him from the inside: "No, no, sire; I -don't want to be a nun!" The Calderona had no such scruples, either -from natural devotion or because she really felt the honour of the -King's love to be overwhelming. Her son by the King was born on the -17th April 1629, and as soon as the _Calderona_ could leave her room -she sought the King, and, throwing herself at his feet in tears, prayed -for his permission for the mother of his son to sin no more. For it -was enough, she said, to have borne a child to the greatest monarch on -earth, and nothing more was left for her but to devote the rest of her -life to cloistered sanctity. Philip was deeply in love with her still; -all his children by the Queen, none of whom had been sons, had expired -at, or soon after, their births, and this boy by the _Calderona_ was -held to be the most beautiful and perfect child ever seen. Philip -tried hard to alter the resolve of his mistress, but she absolutely -refused to cohabit with him again; and at last, but with sorrow, he -gave way, and the actress Maria Calderon became the abbess of a remote -convent, whilst her child was sent with semi-royal surroundings {209} -to be educated with exquisite care at Ocaña, with a view to his future -greatness. - -This was the background: a vast conspiracy of make-shift and of -make-believe, before which the Court of Philip IV. alternately prayed -and postured unconvinced. An utterly decadent society, of which each -individual was striving to get as much as possible out of life without -giving anything in return; a society which combined besotted -superstition and abject servility to priests and ritual with appalling -impiety, a society that lived from day to day for such pleasures as it -could grasp, knowing that all was crumbling to dissolution beneath its -feet, that squandered and lavished money, mostly ill-gotten, in empty -splendour, whilst the whole nation beyond the mud walls of the "Court" -was sunk in carking penury. And amidst the festivities and stage -plays, the poetical recitals, the battues that stood for sport, and the -_autos-de-fe_ that stood for holiness, "Philip the Great" moved like a -demigod, knowing in his heart of hearts that all was hollow--his wealth -a lie, his dignity a mask, and he himself but a poor sinning trifler -whose coward conscience denied him even pleasure in his sin. - -Philip's love for ostentation had full opportunity for its exercise in -October 1629, when, six months after the birth of his son by the -_Calderona_, an heir was born to the Spanish crowns. The month had -begun with splendour, for on the 3rd October the Prince of Guastalla -had entered the capital as the envoy of the Emperor to marry by proxy -the Infanta Maria for the King of Hungary, heir to the imperial crown. -The whole of the grandees of Spain had gone out to receive him, {210} -and his train of thirty-six pages and lackeys in liveries of black -velvet and gold, and his thirty-six baggage horses with crimson and -gold horse-cloths, the Spanish nobles being so numerous and smart, as -Soto says, that "Madrid looked like another Indies for richness." -Before the splendours of Guastalla's welcome had become dim, the prince -of so many prayers was born, and Madrid settled down to another orgy of -festivities. The magnificence of the baptism in the Church of St. John -near the palace need not be detailed in full; suffice it to say that a -temporary staircase and gallery splendidly adorned with tapestries -descended from the great balcony over the palace portico to the church. -Down this corridor, in a sedan chair of silver and crystal, preceded by -heralds and followed by crowds of nobles, the child was carried very -slowly to its baptism on the lap of the Countess of Olivares. On the -left hand of the chair marched Olivares himself, strangely dressed, as -was remarked at the time, in a long robe of cloth of silver with -sleeves reaching to the ground, his breast crossed by a crimson -baldric--some ceremonial dress, it was thought, of the house of -Austria. Then came the new Queen of Hungary, her nephew's godmother, -and the rest of the high personages, to attend the ceremony. It was -against the etiquette for the King to be there, but he was too proud -and happy to forego the pleasure of seeing the show secretly, which he -did from a closely curtained pew reached from the adjoining house. The -Countess of Olivares, as supreme in the palace as her husband was in -the Government, held the child at the font, seated upon "a chair of -rock {211} crystal, the most costly piece of furniture ever seen in -Europe," whilst cardinals and bishops did their best to make Prince -Baltasar Carlos of Austria a member of the Christian Church. As soon -as the Queen was able to appear, which was on her birthday, she was -feted in her turn as she had never been feted before. Masked -equestrian contests, torchlight parades, bull-fights, and balls -succeeded each other day after day, and in all of them the King and his -brother, Don Carlos, made a gallant appearance.[29] - -[Sidenote: Philip's field sports] - -The fact that both Philip and Olivares were accomplished horsemen made -equestrian pastimes and field sports specially fashionable in this the -best period of Philip's reign. At least two realistic representations -exist of hunting battues in which Philip was seen to great advantage, -reproducing from the brush of the great painter the exact aspect of -such diversions. That in the Ashburton Collection portrays one of the -deer hunts in the leafy glades of Aranjuez, Philip's spring palace on -the Tagus, twenty-eight miles from Madrid. In the wooded park the -afternoon sun glints through the dark verdured trees against the -cloudless sky, and upon a wide stretch of sward a great white canvas -enclosure is erected. Into its gradually narrowing limits the -frightened deer are being driven by beaters, and at the narrow end of -the funnel, the only outlet from the enclosure, the "hunters" are -stationed on prancing steeds. Over the narrowest part of the funnel -neck a leafy bridge or balcony is built, decked with crimson hangings -and furnished with soft cushions, upon which the {212} Queen and her -ladies sit, dressed in brilliant colours. Just beneath them, on -horseback, are the King, his brother Carlos, and the inevitable -Olivares; and as the terrified deer rush past them underneath the -ladies' bower, the cavaliers, with big sharp hunting-knives, slash at -them, killing some, laming others, and leaving those they miss to the -mercies of the hounds that await them beyond. The ground beneath is -drenched with blood, but the ladies smile approvingly upon the -butchery. The exercise demanded a firm seat in the saddle, and great -agility and dexterity in the management of the horse, and it was -universally admitted that no one in Spain shone so brilliantly at these -battues as Philip himself,[30] though Olivares, courtier like, was only -just inferior to him. - -The other picture by Velazquez, which is in the National Gallery in -London, presents a sport somewhat less repugnant to English eyes. The -scene in this case is the hunting seat of the Pardo, a few miles out of -Madrid, and the King, within the canvas walls of the vast enclosure, -is, from the saddle of his caracoling steed, which he sits like a -centaur, thrusting his forked javelin into the flank of the boar as it -rushes past, Olivares being close by, whilst other mounted courtiers in -different {213} parts of the enclosure are participating in the sport. -Inside the enclosure there are stationed some of the heavy -leather-curtained coaches then in use, filled with ladies. The mules -in every case have been unharnessed and put out of the way of a charge -from an infuriated boar; but as the boars were agile when aroused, and -had been known to leap into the carriages themselves, the ladies inside -are armed with dainty little javelins to repel any such attempt; not -very easy to happen, one would imagine, as the heavy leather aprons or -screens that cover the footplate and serve as doors are closed. - -To look upon these pictures is to view the very life of Philip's Court; -the posturing gentlemen outside the enclosure, the prancing gentlemen -inside. Beyond agile showy horsemanship and well-trained steeds, -nothing was called for on the part of those who joined in the sport. -There was no danger, and little exertion needed from the "hunters," for -the quarry was all driven into the enclosure, and could not get away. -One sees that ostentation and "show-off" are the main attraction and -object of the sport; and in the sports, as in the pleasures and -devotions, the same inevitable note is struck: that of selfish -epicureanism that seeks to enjoy sensuously without risk or labour. -Each poor mortal is marked out in his own esteem as the central point -of a brilliant show, and gorges the best of life's banquet to the end, -careless of who pays the scot. - - - -[1] British Museum, Egerton MSS 2081, p. 261. Some of the papers in -question were also published many years ago by Valladares in the -_Semanario Erudito_. - -[2] Fernando was as yet only a deacon, not a full priest, and the King -when this was written had only one child, an epileptic girl infant, who -died soon afterwards. - -[3] _i.e._ the great minister of Isabel and Ferdinand. - -[4] This was the worst possible advice, and its ultimate adoption -consummated the ruin of Spain. Philip II. had left the sovereignty of -Flanders to his daughter the Infanta Isabel and her husband the -Archduke Albert, in the hope that they might remain Catholic and -friendly, but separate thenceforward from the Spanish crown. The -Infanta had no children, and when she died the resumption by Spain of -the sovereignty of Flanders, on the advice of Olivares, was disastrous. -Fernando, in effect, became Governor of Flanders for his brother a few -years afterwards on the death of the Infanta, and turned out a Prince -of great promise, and a military commander of real distinction, but he -died young, and of course unmarried, in Flanders, after years of -ceaseless war. - -[5] Contemporary transcripts are in British Museum, Egerton MSS. 338, -fol. 571. - -[6] Novoa says that Olivares turned Fernando out of his bedroom, which -adjoined that of the King, in order that he (Olivares) might occupy it -during the King's danger. - -[7] The principal conspirator with Olivares is represented by Novoa to -have been the Marquis of Hinojosa who had until recently been the -ambassador in London, and had specially signalised himself by his -bitter enmity against Buckingham, whom he had tried to ruin by means of -statements damaging to him, and impugning his loyalty to King James. -See the correspondence in Cabala. - -[8] Novoa. - -[9] _Ibid._ - -[10] An important series of letters from Olivares to the King soon -after his illness, mainly about the Infantes, their characters, their -friends, and their proceedings, is in Egerton MSS., British Museum, -2081, from which I have already quoted some papers on the same subject -of an earlier date. The whole object of the letters is evidently to -arouse the suspicion of the King against his brothers. - -[11] Contemporary draft, British Museum MSS., Add. 10,236 f. 382. - -[12] All one side of the great square was destroyed by fire a few years -after the time of which we are writing (in 1631). - -[13] The fact of so many of the wretched houses of the capital having -only one storey is explained by the oppressive arrangement which placed -at the disposal of the Court one entire floor of every house of more -than one storey, a right grossly abused by Court hangers-on to quarter -their relatives and friends rent free upon the citizens. In Philip -IV.'s time this oppressive right had been partially commuted to a -payment of 250,000 ducats annually by the municipality, which was -estimated to be one-sixth of the rental value of such houses. Mesonero -Romanes, _El Antigua Madrid_. - -[14] A vivid picture of Madrid of the time is given in _El Diablo -Cojuelo_, by Velez de Guevara, a judge, and favourite of Philip IV. - -[15] In this he only followed the recognised rule of Spanish ministers. -Quevedo, writing from Madrid to his patron the Duke of Osuna, Viceroy -of Sicily, shortly before Philip's accession, says: "Men here are like -strumpets, every one of them has to be bought.... The Marquis of Siete -Iglesias (_i.e._ Calderon) would like a present for his cabinet, and it -would be worth while to send some trifle for his cell to the King's -confessor." The "trifle" he did accept was a diamond reliquary worth -20,000 reals and a splendid altar jewel. - -[16] Carl Justi. - -[17] Carl Justi. - -[18] _Ibid._ - -[19] When Sir Francis Cottington went to Spain to negotiate peace in -1629, Endymion Porter asked him to try and buy these drawings by -Leonardo da Vinci from D. Juan de Espina, whom everybody knows, for -Lord Arundel. The half-Spanish Porter gave a good many other -commissions to Cottington on his departure: some paintings by Titian, -some orange-flower water, some orange confection, a dozen baskets of -oranges, six barrels of large Seville olives, caraways, figs, -chestnuts, marmalade, wine, gloves, perfumes, matting, wine, dried -peaches, fine crocks, etc., in considerable quantities. (Record Office -SP. Spain MS. 34, November 1629.) - -[20] At a somewhat later period Murillo sprang into fame and fortune -through Philip seeing a picture of his exposed for sale here. - -[21] Pacheco, _Arte de la Pintura_. - -[22] He offended Olivares somehow in 1627, and remained in exile until -the minister fell. - -[23] Zabaleta, _El dia de fiesta_, Coimbra, 1666. - -[24] The mere admission to the theatre was, and still is in Spanish -theatres, paid for separately from the seat. And from the extract -quoted it would appear that the bench seats at the time were sometimes -booked beforehand, as they may be to-day. The _entrada_ in Spanish -theatres gives the right to the run of the house, but nothing more. -The noble army of deadheads appears to have been as numerous and -unblushing three hundred years ago in Spain, as they are in England at -the present time. - -[25] The side gallery where the women were seated. - -[26] The men who had only paid for the entrance and stood at the back -of the patio (or pit) were so called, but they soon became a recognised -paid claque. - -[27] The rooms in the top floors were called _desvanes_. The attic -rooms were often occupied by priests. - -[28] Contemporary Italian MS. in British Museum, MSS. Add. 8703. -"Ritratto della nascitá qualitá ed accioni di Don Juan d'Austria." - -[29] All are described _ad nauseam_ in the _Soto y Aguilar_ MS. - -[30] Most of the Spanish kings have been fanatical devotees of the -chase in various forms. During the reign of Philip's father it used to -be said that "Lerma and the woods were King." Philip IV. spent much -time in field sports. In a letter from the Venetian ambassador in -Madrid, enclosed in one from Dermond O'Sullivan Bear to an Irish -correspondent (March 1628), the following passage occurs: "The King is -so inclined to horse exercise and hunting, that Olivares manages to -keep him at it all day, thus leaving the King no time to do anything -but sign the decisions of the Councils, which suits Olivares -perfectly." Record Office, S.P. Spain 34, MSS. - - - - -{214} - -CHAPTER VI - -RENEWED WAR WITH FRANCE LATE IN 1628--RECONCILIATION WITH ENGLAND--THE -PALATINATE AGAIN--COTTINGTON IN MADRID--HIS RECEPTION AND NEGOTIATIONS -WITH OLIVARES AND PHILIP--FETES IN MADRID FOR BIRTH OF THE PRINCE OF -WALES--DEATH OF SPINOLA--TREATY OF CASALE--A "LOCAL PEACE" WITH -FRANCE--SPAIN AND THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR--POVERTY AND MISERY OF THE -COUNTRY--UNPOPULARITY OF OLIVARES--HIS MONOPOLY OF POWER--HIS GREAT -ENTERTAINMENT TO THE KING--HIS INTERVENTION IN PHILIP'S DOMESTIC -AFFAIRS--"DON FRANCISCO FERNANDO OF AUSTRIA"--THE BUEN RETIRO--HOPTON -IN MADRID--HIS DESCRIPTIVE LETTERS--THE INFANTES--PHILIP'S VISIT TO -BARCELONA--DISCONTENT OF THE CORTES--THE INFANTE FERNANDO LEFT AS -GOVERNOR--DEATH OF THE INFANTE CARLOS--DEATH OF THE INFANTA ISABEL IN -FLANDERS--THE INFANTE FERNANDO ON HIS WAY THITHER WINS BATTLE OF -NORDLINGEN--GREAT WAR NOW INEVITABLE WITH FRANCE - - -[Sidenote: Richelieu and Olivares] - -The Spaniards for all their poverty had never ceased to send men and -money in plenty to the Emperor for his eternal war against freedom of -conscience in Germany, and to the Infanta Isabel {215} against Holland. -But Richelieu, hampered with a war with England about the unfulfilled -conditions of Henrietta Maria's marriage contract, had kept the peace -with Spain since January 1626. An English fleet co-operated with the -Huguenots at Rochelle, but Richelieu was equal to the occasion, and he -and Marshal Schomberg together sent back Buckingham and his fleet -disgraced and defeated, with a loss of two-thirds of his force, after -which--late in 1628--Richelieu, relieved of the terrible siege of -Rochelle, could turn his attention again to the doings of Olivares and -the Spaniards. The pretext for fighting this time was the old question -of the duchy of Mantua, which, being vacant, was claimed by a French -and an Italian imperial pretender; and Olivares, thinking in any case -to grab something for Spain, seized the strong place of Casale in -Montferrat, aided and abetted on this occasion by the Duke of Savoy, -who, greedy and discontented as usual, had again changed sides. As -soon as Richelieu was partially free from the struggle with the -Huguenots, he sent a French army to oust the invaders from Mantuan -territory; and once more Philip saw himself pledged to a national war -with France for a cause which was of no interest whatever to his -Spanish subjects; a war in which if he were victor he could gain little -or nothing, whilst if he were vanquished he might lose enormously. - -Olivares began by concentrating his resources, recalling Spinola from -Flanders to meet the French in Italy; and once more smiling upon -England, where Buckingham, smarting under his ignominious defeat at -Oleron by Richelieu, in the previous year, {216} was raising another -fleet at Portsmouth to relieve Rochelle. He was assassinated by Felton -in August 1628, and the fleet under Lord Lindsay arrived too late to -succour the heroic Huguenots, who had been at last obliged to surrender -in October 1628. France was then free to launch her whole force -against Spain, and peace with England, which had been desirable for -Spain before, became an absolute necessity. The need was a bitter one -for Olivares, for friendship and alliance with a heretic power was an -open confession to the world that Spain's proud claim to the possession -of a divine mandate to crush heterodoxy throughout the world could not -be enforced. - -[Sidenote: Reconciliation with England] - -But past insincerities and present inconsistencies on the part of Spain -weighed but little with Charles I. of England against the flattering -vision of obtaining for his German brother-in-law the restoration of -the Palatinate by the influence of Philip, and he welcomed the informal -approaches which for some time past had been made to him by Olivares. -The plotting with the Irish Catholics, which had been busily carried on -from Madrid, through O'Sullivan (Count of Bearhaven), Burke (Marquis of -Mayo), the agents of Tyrone and Tyrconnel and the Irish friars,[1] was -suddenly cooled by Olivares, much to the disgust of the exiles; and the -Irish Dominican who had been sent from Spain to sound Charles I., -reported that peace might now be easily settled in England. -Simultaneously Father Scaglia, an Italian friar, had been sent from -Turin by the Earl of Carlisle to Madrid {217} upon a similar mission, -and reported that he had seen Olivares, and that everything was ready -for Cottington's arrival in Spain to settle terms.[2] Rubens also took -a hand in the game. He was painting industriously in Madrid, and was -in high favour with Philip, but held secret credentials from Charles -I., and wrote enthusiastically about the approaching friendship of the -two countries.[3] The preliminaries were not altogether easy to -arrange. The Irish exiles in Madrid were still clamorous for armed -Spanish aid to their desired rebellion, and were discontented at -Olivares' _volte face_, whilst Charles I. himself, who had been tricked -before by the Count-Duke, wanted something definite about the -Palatinate before he sent Cottington openly to Spain. Scaglia tried -hard and hopefully all through 1628 to get matters in train. Olivares -was graciousness itself in his usual non-committal way;[4] but when the -need for peace became pressing, he tired at last of this slow progress, -and decided to send Rubens to London in the summer of 1629 with the -rank of Secretary of the Council and Ambassador. - -At length, thanks largely to Rubens' personality, {218} all the thorny -preliminaries were settled, and Cottington started in November 1629, -but with strict orders from Charles that he was not to ask for audience -until the Spanish ambassador Coloma, who was being sent from Brussels -but had been delayed, should present himself in London. For Charles -was still distrustful of Olivares, and feared a trick to make him -appear the suppliant for peace. Rubens was prompt in conveying this -suspicion to Olivares, who was quite shocked that anyone should doubt -his sincerity. His letter to Cottington, received by the latter when -he landed at Lisbon, elaborately explains the delay in Coloma's arrival -in London by the necessity for the ambassador to remain with the -Infanta in Flanders for a time until the Marquis of Aytona arrived -there, owing to the loss of Bois le Duc, and ends in a holograph -postscript deploring that he should be so distrusted: "You cannot think -how this business has distressed me!"[5] - -[Sidenote: Cottington's mission, 1630] - -Nothing was left undone by Olivares to win Cottington, always a -pro-Spaniard. He was offered as a present the whole of the customs -dues (£5000) on a great English ship's cargo of goods, allowed by -special licence to enter Lisbon at the same time as he did, which gift -he refused, and all along the road from Lisbon to Madrid evidence of -thought for his comfort met him. On the other hand, Charles I. could -not do enough to honour Coloma when he came to a state dinner at -Whitehall on Twelfth Day, 1630, where there were so many ladies to do -him honour, writes Lord Dorchester to Cottington, "that there were many -fallings out {219} amongst them for spoyling one another's ruffs, by -being so close ranked."[6] But amiable as were the appearances, the -distrust was deep, especially on the side of the English. When -Cottington arrived within a day's journey from Madrid, he sent his -coadjutor, Mr. Arthur Hopton, ahead to discover what preparations were -made to receive him. He learnt, to his surprise, that Philip was -absent from the capital, having gone to escort his sister, the Infanta -Queen of Hungary, on her way to her new home, and that Olivares had -been left behind to do the honours to the English envoy. Cottington -was determined that this should not be, so he dodged the host of -grandees, who had been sent out with coaches and guards to welcome him, -and entered Madrid secretly by night. No sooner had he arrived at his -lodging than Olivares presented himself, but the Englishman flatly -refused to receive him there, and, entering a coach, drove off to the -palace to offer his respects to the Queen in the absence of the King, -and seek audience through Olivares as first minister. - -There, in his apartment, Olivares kept Cottington in converse until -midnight, using all his blandishments to persuade the Englishman that -he meant to deal straightforwardly this time. "All my art of fence," -wrote Cottington, "could not keep him from entering into the principal -business, yet but flashed and intermixed with other points. He could -not doubt, he said, that I had brought orders to renew the peace -negotiations at least. I said yes, if I found good resolutions to give -satisfaction to my King (Charles) and his friends {220} and allies. I -know your meaning, he said, ye would have restitution of the -Palatinate. Yes, said I; but that is not all. You know that my King -has made a league with the States, and their interests must also be -considered." The protestations and heated disputes continued between -them thus for hours; the point of Olivares evidently being to secure -the marriage of the Palgrave's son with a daughter of the Emperor or -other Spanish nominee without a prior restitution of any part of the -Palatinate. At last Olivares rose, and, taking Cottington by the hand, -said: "The King of England shall do the greatest work in Christendom, -for by his means the Palatinate shall be entirely restored, and by his -means also the King of Spain shall find peace in those northern -parts."[7] - -Whilst the two statesmen were talking, the Countess of Olivares entered -with a message from the Queen, to ask after the health of King Charles. -Cottington was rigid. King Charles, he said, had sent a letter to the -Queen by him, though she had not written to him for a good many years; -and when he delivered the letter he had a good mind to tell her so, as -King Charles was very much offended. Both Olivares and his wife were -much concerned at this, and asked Cottington what had better be done. -You may tell the Queen, he replied, that she might write a letter to -King Charles, and send it to the Spanish Ambassador in London before -the King of England's letter was delivered to her. This was promised, -and when finally Cottington was led to the Queen he found her all -smiles and {221} kindness for the ambassador of her brother-in-law, for -matters were complicated terribly by the fact that she was the sister -of Queen Henrietta Maria. - -[Sidenote: Cottington in Madrid] - -Philip was not expected to return to Madrid for several days, and in -the meantime it was necessary for Olivares somehow to worm out the -nature and extent of the Englishman's instructions. On Monday, two -days after the interview just described, Olivares made the excuse of -taking Cottington out hawking, to get him quietly in the country and -alone all day from morn till dark. But they had no sport, says -Cottington ruefully, for the Count-Duke was so eager in his talk that -he forgot all about the hawks. The disputations, now on horseback, now -in a coach, often waxed angry. The States would not have a peace, but -wanted a truce, said Olivares. They will not have either, replied the -Englishman, unless my King's demands are granted. How can we restore -the Palatinate? blustered Olivares, which is held mostly by Bavaria. -Then Cottington in a rage said he should go back to England -immediately, as he saw they had been deceived. If you do, retorted -Olivares, we will make a league of half Europe against you.[8] - -On Friday the King arrived in the capital, and great efforts were made -to persuade Cottington to leave Madrid, and make a state entry, but -this he refused to do. The next best thing was to send the whole Court -in its finest garb to accompany him to the palace for his first -audience with Philip. Nothing could exceed the honour paid him, though -{222} on that occasion nothing political was discussed. But on the -next day, in private conference, Cottington came to close quarters with -Philip. The great question, of course, was that of the Palatinate. -Philip assured Cottington that he would give every satisfaction on that -point if he only had patience until powers came from Germany. As the -Englishman left only half convinced, Philip called him back and asked -him why the English would not accept a suspension of hostilities. -Because, replied Cottington, it would look like a surrender of the -point about the Palatinate. There can be no peace, he said, until that -question is settled. - -[Sidenote: Cottington's negotiations] - -The weeks dragged on, every trifling point being utilised by Olivares -to keep the negotiations afoot, and relieve Spain of the strain of war -with England, without ceding--what it was clear they could not -cede--the restoration of the Palatinate, which was mostly held by the -Germans. An interminable wrangle took place about the titles to be -given to the King of England: whether he should be called Majesty, -which the Spaniards always gave grudgingly to any king but their own. -Then it appeared that the draft protocols sent by Coloma from London -gave Charles the style of "King, etc.," without his full titles, and -"Defender of the Faith." Although it was late at night when the -courier arrived, Cottington hurried off to complain to Philip of this. -The King of England shall be given whatever style he likes, laughed -Philip. Then there was a lengthy squabble about the styles to be used -by the two sister-Queens in writing to each other. When that was -settled, Cottington {223} grumbled incessantly at all this intriguing -with the Catholic Irish rebels, and at Tyrone's presence in Madrid. -Again and again Cottington, tired of Olivares' shilly-shally, was for -returning to England post haste, but the Count-Duke always managed to -smooth matters over by assuring him that they would really use all -their influence to get the Palatinate restored if he only had patience. - -But at length, in March 1630, Cottington's long-suffering gave way. He -saw, he says, that he was being played with, and he sent Hopton to -England to ask permission for him to come home. Charles was loath to -give up hope, but he too was beginning to doubt the good faith of -Philip and his minister, and sent instructions that there must be no -more delay. Spain wants peace, but before peace can be made by -England, Philip must say clearly and promptly what portion of the -Palatinate he will guarantee to restore. When this message from -England was brought to Madrid by Hopton in the middle of May, Philip -and Olivares took fright, for a continuance of the war with England -whilst they were at war with France meant certain ruin for Spain, and -yet they could not take the Palatinate from Catholic hands and restore -it to Protestant Frederick. - -So again the blandishments re-commenced. "Pray tell me your real -opinion," asked Philip of Cottington. "My real opinion, sire, is that -I shall return at once, unless some means be found for making peace -with the Hollanders and raising the ban against Palgrave," replied the -Englishman. Philip very rarely showed anger or emotion of any sort, -but he grew impatient and cross at {224} Cottington's insistence, which -he attributed to his personal desire to return home for domestic -reasons. Rojas, the friend of Velazquez, and Olivares' factotum, came -and implored Cottington as a friend to deal plainly with him, and tell -him whether he was really going home; and Olivares himself sent for him -late at night to ply him with remonstrances and expostulations.[9] - -[Sidenote: Peace with England] - -And thus the juggle went on for months, until at last Charles I., -himself sorely needing peace, gave way and sent instructions to -Cottington to make a treaty with Spain, leaving all questions still -unprejudiced, like the agreement of 1604, with which this book began. -Thenceforward all was straight sailing, for Olivares had once more -worked his way, and attained the peace that was necessary for Spain, -and yet pledging Philip to nothing. Whilst yet the final terms were -being settled, with which Rubens was to be sent to London, news came to -Madrid of the birth of a son and heir to the King of England. On the -15th June, Philip received Cottington in full state to congratulate him -upon the news. Never in the brightest time had the old palace of -Madrid put on a braver aspect, for now that in the essential matter of -peace the King had gained his point, in that of ceremonial rejoicing he -Was determined there should be no shortcoming. Surrounded by a full -gathering of grandees in gold chains, Philip stood under his canopy -dressed in his military garb, almost English in fashion, as he stands -in the Dulwich Gallery portrait, with a splendidly embroidered scarlet -{225} ropilla doublet, a broad lace collar and "paned" hose, his breast -covered with rich jewels and with a great feather in his hat. As Sir -Francis Cottington approached him the King expressed his joy at the -news. He was as glad, he said, as if the son had been his own; and he -had prayed upon his knees for the happiness of the young prince. Then -the delighted Englishman visited the two Infantes to receive their good -wishes, they being, as Cottington says, "no less brave in attire" than -their brother. In the afternoon another state visit was paid to the -Queen, and to the baby Prince Baltasar Carlos, "in cap and feathers and -loaded with charms and jewels." Solemn proclamation of the news was -made by heralds in the public squares; the Calle Mayor and the Plaza -were illuminated as bright as day with wax torches, and a great -firework display was made before the palace. Every religious house in -Madrid held a solemn service of thanks, and all the priors visited the -English ambassador with their congratulations. Four days afterwards, -one of the big royal bull-fights, in honour of the birth of a Prince of -Wales, was given by Philip in the presence of Cottington in the Plaza -Mayor, at which twenty bulls were killed, with many horses and three -men.[10] At length the treaty of peace, the real object of all the -plausibility, was settled. Olivares had won the game again. England -and Spain were at peace, with the Palatinate still unrestored, and -Cottington left Spain, that he knew so well, outwitted for the second -time by the bland procrastination of Spanish diplomacy. - -{226} - -Once more the rivals, Richelieu and Olivares, France and Spain, were -face to face in North Italy; the Pope, Venice, and the new Duke of -Mantua (Nevers) being on the side of France. Richelieu was victorious -almost everywhere over the Spaniards, Germans, and Savoyards. Carlo -Emmanuele sank to the grave broken hearted, leaving his ancient duchy -in the occupation of the French conquerors, and Spinola died of grief -before Casale at the scant support and ungenerous treatment he received -from Spain. His successor, Santa Cruz, patched up an ignominious -treaty with the French in the field, to the violent indignation of the -Spaniards at home; for the country which had paid most for the war had -gained nothing by the peace. But the treaty of Casale was merely a -local pacification between France and Spain. The house of Austria must -be crushed, if France were to be raised to the first rank amongst the -nations. Olivares unhappily could not shake off the imperial -traditions which had been the ruin of Spain; and for many years to come -Spanish men and money wrung from starving Castile were still poured in -an endless stream to fill the armies of the Emperor. Year after year -the deadly struggle went on in Central Europe. Sweden and the -Protestants with France on the one side, the house of Austria and the -Catholics of Germany on the other; with Spain and Spanish Flanders as -the milch cow to provide the wherewithal to face all the progressive -elements of Europe. - -[Sidenote: The Thirty-Years' War] - -With the vicissitudes of this epochal war between antagonistic -civilisations the present book is not directly concerned, but only with -such echoes and influences of it as reached the Court of Spain. {227} -Battles and sieges, the death of heroes and the fall of kings, seared -their deep brand upon the page of history. Spain, bereft of commerce -and almost of industry, might in its agony protest with passionate -tears that it could suffer no more, and lower its dark brows when the -arrogant minister who ruled the fainéant King was mentioned.[11] But -through it all Madrid laughed and rioted with ghastly gaiety and pagan -fatalism, eating, drinking, and making merry, lest before to-morrow it -should die. Outside its mud walls the fields lay bare and arid, in the -provincial cities sloth and apathy ruled supreme over grass-grown -market squares and empty streets; but in the Court, "the only Court," -the Madrileños boastfully called it, shameless waste ran riot still; -flaunting finery elbowed aside the squalid parasites that sought its -smiles and struggled for its scraps; vain shows and vainer posturings -filled the hollow days, and the witling who had pompously declaimed a -turgid epic upon the nation's glory was held a hundred times a greater -hero than he who starved in Flemish dykes, or rotted of putrid fever in -overcrowded hosts before a German city, fighting and dying, as scores -of thousands of them did, for the vague mirage of Spanish honour, of -which the Court of Philip the Great was the centre and the source. - -[Sidenote: The Policy of Olivares] - -There is no doubt that deep discontent {228} smouldered throughout the -country at the results of Olivares' policy. Spaniards were ready -enough to acclaim the privilege and duty of their country to set all -the world right about religion, and to interfere in the quarrels of -Central Europe. The boastful vainglory of Spanish superiority and the -hollow pretence of the King's irresistible power and wealth were as -popular as ever, though evidence of their falsity was patent in every -house in the land. But though by most Spaniards the dire effect was -not traced to its true cause, and they never thought of blaming -themselves for their sufferings, the minister who was the protagonist -of the system was held personally to be the cause of all the trouble. -Already the outer realms, Aragon, Catalonia, Valencia, and Portugal, -understood clearly that Olivares aimed at destroying their ancient -autonomy,[12] and were seething in anger against him and the triflers -at Madrid. The greater nobles, even in Castile itself, disgusted at -the monopolous arrogance of Olivares, stood ostentatiously aloof from -him, only awaiting an opportunity to retaliate. The minister had taken -care to place in the councils persons entirely subservient to him, or -those whose age or feebleness of character made them innocuous. His -principal {229} subordinate ministers were his own kinsmen,--the Count -of Monterey; the Marquis del Carpio; Marquis of Leganes; the Marquis of -Aytona; the Marquis of Heliche, who had married his only daughter, but -to Olivares' intense grief had been left a widower within the year; and -the Duke of Medina de las Torres; Cardinal Zapata, the -Inquisitor-General and member of many Councils, who was old, weak, and -foolish; and the King's confessor, Sotomayor, was a man of no -character, and entirely sold to the minister. - -It will be seen, therefore, that Philip was quite inaccessible to -anyone not in the interests of Olivares. The Queen resented her -husband's isolation, but the minister and his wife kept her also well -under subjection, and her love of pleasure made her almost as easy to -manage as the King. - -If it had been possible, even now, for the whole truth to be told to -Philip as to the real causes of the poverty and wretchedness that -afflicted the country, a prompt reversal of the policy that caused it -might have arrested the ruin. But, in any case, it was unlikely that -such change should be made; for Philip himself failed to see, as did -the friends as well as the foes of Olivares, that only by a frank -acceptance of the fact that Spain must abandon all her old flighty -notions and impossible claims, could prosperity be brought back to the -country. To prevent the danger of Philip's either discovering for -himself or being told by others how deep and growing the discontent of -the country was, Olivares plunged the idle young King more completely -than ever in the pleasures and distractions that occupied most of his -time and thoughts. Hunting, {230} play-going, religious ceremonies, -literary amusements, and other entertainments left no opportunity for -investigation and sustained application to business by the King. It is -evident that now, whatever may have been the case at the beginning of -the reign, the minister deliberately promoted this waste of time for -his own ends; and his efforts to distract the King increased as the -discontent in the country and Court grew. - -[Sidenote: A sumptuous feast] - -On the 1st June 1631, for instance, the Countess of Olivares gave a -sumptuous entertainment to the sovereigns, as she was in the habit of -doing on every possible pretext, in the gardens of her brother, the -Count of Monterey;[13] and this is represented by the contemporary -chronicler, who describes both fetes to have aroused the emulation of -her husband to give another entertainment to the King and Queen on the -night of St. John, three weeks later, that should eclipse all similar -occasions. The document from which I am quoting, written by a -whole-souled admirer of Olivares, is too long and tedious for -reproduction entire here, but a few extracts from it may be interesting -as showing now desperately the Olivares tried to please. - - -"Although there were but few days to arrange everything, the Count-Duke -was determined to show the extreme love and care with which he serves -our Lord the King, and how easily he conquers the most difficult tasks -by means of it. As a beginning of the preparations for the feast, -which {231} was, amongst many other things, to include two new comedies -not yet even thought of, much less written, his Excellency ordered Lope -de Vega to write one, which he did in three days, and D. Francisco de -Quevedo and D. Antonio de Mendoza the other, which they wrote in a -single day, and the comedies were handed to the companies of Avendaño -and Vallejo, the two best now on the boards, to study and rehearse." - - -Notwithstanding his constant state occupations, Olivares is said to -have worked night and day in personally making the preparations for the -great fete. Not only the garden of Monterey, but those on each side of -it[14] were appropriated; and a great Italian architect, who had -designed the wonderful jasper pantheon of the Kings at the Escorial, -was commissioned to build a beautiful open-air theatre and a series of -improvised edifices for the accommodation of the principal guests. -Like magic, thanks to lavish expenditure, there sprang up in the shady -gardens a gorgeously upholstered chamber or bower with chairs of state -for the King and his two brothers, and the customary cushions for the -Queen, placed in a projecting balcony from which the stage could be -seen, with two similar apartments, one on each side, for the suite, and -retired nooks or niches between them, we are told, in which the Count -and Countess of Olivares might watch over the comfort of their guests. -A {232} stage, surrounded and crowned by a multitude of lights in -crystal globes, and decked with flowers, faced the royal pavilions, and -on each side seats were provided for the ladies of the Court, but no -gentleman was allowed to be present. By the wall separating the -gardens from the Prado great stands were erected to accommodate the six -orchestras and choirs that were ordered to be present, and the -gentlemen guests, none of whom were asked to the garden itself. To -each of Olivares' great kinsmen already mentioned was assigned a -department: one was to superintend the rehearsals, another was to take -charge of the marshalling of the coaches and the reception of the royal -guests, another had under his care the refreshments, and so on. - -On the day before the fête the Countess of Olivares dined in the -garden, and witnessed a full dress rehearsal of the whole -entertainment; and Madrid was agog with excitement when, after dark on -the night of St. John, all the grand folk from the palace in their -heavy coaches lumbered down to the Prado to attend the fête. At nine -o'clock the royal party were received by the Countess at the entrance -pavilion which had been erected for the purpose, the united choirs -chanting a pæan of welcome as the King and Queen advanced to the -chamber whence they were to see the comedies. Gentlemen of the -Count-Duke's household on their knees offered to the royal guests and -their suite of ladies perfumes in crystal and gold flasks, scented lace -handkerchiefs, bouquets, scented clay crocks,[15] {233} fans, etc., on -silver salvers. Then, after a flourish of trumpets and an overture on -the guitars, Quevedo's and Mendoza's new comedy was performed by -Vallejo's company. "_Who Lies Most Thrives Most_" was the name of the -piece, and we are told that it was crammed "with the smart sayings and -courtly gallantry of Don Francisco de Quevedo, whose genius is so -favourably known in the world." The principal actress was the famous -Maria de Riquelme,[16] who in verse welcomed the great guests, and -praised the King in a manner that, if he had not been case-hardened to -adulation, would have made an archangel blush, whilst at the same time -several strong hints were introduced that the Count-Duke himself was -only one degree less divine than his master. - -For two hours the stage entertainment went on, with comedies, dances, -poetry and music, all present agreeing that Don Francisco de Quevedo -had in his one day's work put more wit and humour than other authors -would consider sufficient for a dozen comedies. At one of the -intervals, when the first comedy was finished, the King and Queen were -conducted to the adjoining garden of the Duke of Maqueda, where they -found a series of {234} beautiful chambers communicating with one -another, and constructed entirely of flowers and leaves. One of these -was for the King and his brothers, another for the Queen, and the third -for the ladies in attendance, and in each of the rooms were disguises -for the guests. For the King had been provided a long brown cloak, -trimmed with great scrolls of black and silver, and closed by frogs and -olives of wrought silver, a white hat with white and brown plumes, a -shield of scented leather and silver, and a white falling Walloon -collar; similar but diverse disguises being provided for the two -princes. Upon a side table in each flower chamber was a precious -casket of morocco leather and gold filled with choice sweetmeats, a -variety of perfumes, and some of the scented clay vessels of which -Spanish ladies of the day fancied the taste to nibble and even -sometimes to swallow. The Queen's disguise was like that of the King, -but with much more adornment in the way of spangles and the like; and -when the whole party had covered their ordinary garb with these unusual -additions, "strange in shape and fashion," they were led in stately -procession with much attitudinising to see the second comedy, in which, -says the awestricken chronicler, "they lost no jot of the majesty which -is not the least of their inestimable virtues and perfections." - -The assumption of these fantastic disguises by the royal personages is -elaborately apologised for by the chronicler, by whom it was considered -apparently as a somewhat risky and undignified experiment; especially -as, owing to it, no male person except Olivares and his household was -admitted to the gardens themselves; the gentlemen {235} of the Court -being relegated to the stands by the Prado wall, in order that they -might not see the King unbend sufficiently to don a disguise. When -Lope de Vega's new comedy, "_The Night of St. John_," was finished, the -royal party retired to a banqueting-room constructed of flowers in the -other garden on the north. Here a sumptuous supper was served at -midnight, the King and Queen at their high table being served by -Olivares and his wife, everything being done with perfect silence and -order,--"though a multitude of dishes were carried to the musicians, -singers, and gentlemen in the orchestra stands." By the time the -lights were dimming, and the sky was turning to pearly grey beyond the -trees of St. Geronimo, the whole stately company turned out in their -coaches for a drive up and down the Prado; and then back to the palace, -doubtless to sleep.[17] When the dawn broke fully, it was found that, -notwithstanding the prohibition, a perfect host of people, men and -boys, had surreptitiously found their way in from the Prado, and, -hidden in the copses and under the stagings, they had witnessed the -whole show, including the questionable proceeding of risking the -majesty of monarchs by a fancy dress; whereupon the chronicler -attributes the quietness and {236} patience of these intruders to the -awe and reverence inspired by a king, no matter how dressed.[18] - -As will be seen by this curious account, the hand of Olivares was -everywhere. From handing the King his shirt in the morning and drawing -his bed curtains at night, to deciding peace and war for the nation, -the Count-Duke did everything. The King's amusements and amours were -as much his affairs as were the routine duties of Government; and I -unearthed some years ago, and described fully in a former book of -mine,[19] a curious series of original manuscript documents which prove -that at the period now under review (1630-1635) the most secret -domestic concerns of the King were settled by Olivares as a matter of -course. The first document of the series[20] is a note written by -Olivares to the King in 1630, saying that it was high time that a -certain little boy, whose age is given as four years, should be -concealed, and taken away from the people he was then with; so that all -trace of him may be broken. He has, he says, been thinking very deeply -how this is to be done, and, as was usual with him, had found -objections to every solution that has presented itself. But he thinks, -upon the whole, that the child should be secretly put in the care of a -certain gentleman of his acquaintance living at Salamanca, named Don -Juan de Isasi Ydiaquez; and the Count-Duke proposes that this gentleman -should be summoned to Court without telling him why he was wanted; and -"after seeing him, your Majesty may decide." {237} Across this document -Philip has written in his big straggling hand: "It appears very -necessary that something should be done in this matter, and I approve -of your suggestion." - -[Sidenote: One of Philip's sons] - -The rest of the papers unfold the poor sad little mystery. The babe in -question was one of Philip's illegitimate children, christened -Francisco Fernando, and he was probably his first son; born, as we are -told in these papers, at the house of his grand-parents, who were -gentlefolk, between eleven and twelve at night on the 15th May 1626; -Don Francisco de Eraso, Count of Humanes,[21] leading the midwife -thither and being present at the birth, the infant being conveyed -immediately afterwards to the house of Don Baltasar de Alamos, -Councillor of the Treasury, where a nurse awaited him, in whose care he -remained until he was delivered by Olivares to his new keeper, the -hidalgo of Salamanca, who belonged to a notable bureaucratic and -secretarial family. The subsequent short career of the infant does not -enter into our present subject; but it is fully detailed in the -documents: the periodical reports of the child's progress, the grave -discussions of Olivares with physicians and keepers as to his diet and -health; the provisions for his proper education, his clothing and -diversions, his infantile ailments, the most trivial circumstances of -the child's life, are all considered and passed in review by the -minister, upon whose bowed shoulders the whole work of the State -rested. The little left-handed royalty, for all the care with which -his life was surrounded, failed to resist the bleak air {238} of -Salamanca, and on the 17th March 1634 the King's Secretary of State, -Geronimo de Villanueva, of whom we shall hear again, wrote to the -hidalgo Isasi Ydiaquez, saying "that his Majesty had received with the -deepest grief the news of the death of Don Francisco Fernando, who -showed such bright promise for his tender years, and his Majesty highly -appreciated all the care that had been taken with him."[22] And a few -days later, the little corpse, dressed in a red and gold gown, and -enclosed in a black velvet coffin, was carried with all secrecy to the -Escorial, where, in the presence of the inevitable Don Geronimo de -Villanueva, the secretary and confidential agent of the King, the "body -of Don Francisco Fernando, son of his Catholic Majesty Don Felipe IV.," -was handed to the bishop of Avila in the porch of the church, and -buried by the friars in the vaults of their monastery. - -The frowning old Alcazar on the cliff overlooking the Manzanares, so -often mentioned as the scene of Philip's festivities, was unfit for -gaiety, and offered but few attractions to him. The Escorial for -similar reasons was never a favourite residence of his; and Aranjuez -was always insalubrious except in the spring. The Court therefore was -usually in residence in Madrid itself, or in the neighbouring hunting -seat of the Prado. But there was in the extensive and beautiful -grounds attached to the monastery of St. Geronimo at the east gate of -the capital a suite of apartments used {239} by the royal family for -religious or mourning retreats, or for an occasional guest house. It -occurred to Olivares in 1631 that this place might be made more -attractive, and used more frequently as a relief to Philip from the -stern mediæval palace at the other end of the town. The idea began -with the mere levelling of an inequality here, the clearing of a lawn -there, and the building of an aviary and a few fountains and summer -houses. But very soon the Count-Duke's ambition grew, and he and -Philip became fascinated and absorbed in the building of a palace which -became to the reign of Philip what Versailles was to that of Louis XIV. - -[Sidenote: The Buen Retiro] - -The palace of the Buen Retiro was intended by Olivares, and truly was, -a fit setting for the elegant, chivalric, and poetic surroundings of -the King, a light and pretty retreat in the midst of enchanting -gardens, where upon stages under the trees or in high and gilded halls -the witty dissolute comedies might be played to an audience of the -elect. Nothing that the inspiration of genius, the efforts of -flattery, or the exercise of unrestrained expenditure could compass was -spared by Olivares in making the Buen Retiro perfect for its purpose of -keeping the King diverted. An immense territory, in addition to the -monastery grounds, was appropriated for the purpose,[23] and Olivares -exhausted all the horticultural knowledge of the time in laying out -{240} the grounds with lakes, grottoes, and cascades; whilst in a very -short time there arose in all its beauty the palace that in future was -to be the symbol of Philip's elegant, picturesque, but useless reign. - -Even before the building itself was finished, the place was inaugurated -by a ceremony characteristic both of Philip and his minister. On the -1st October 1632, the King paid his visit to see the preparations being -made for the festival to be held in celebration of the birth of an heir -to his sister the Queen of Hungary. When he approached the new royal -house, he was met by Olivares, who had conferred upon himself the post -of honorary Constable of the Palace, bearing upon a silver salver the -gold master-keys of the Buen Retiro.[24] Kneeling, he handed them to -the King, who, touching them with his hand, signified that the bearer -should retain them; and when, later, the festivities commenced in the -recently built rooms, to continue thereafter for many days, Philip and -his wife fairly fell in love with the place, whose lightsome grace was -a revelation to them after the dark old Alcazar. - -First there was a showy cane tourney, in which the King on horseback, -with Olivares at his side, led a glittering troop of riders, Philip -taking part in the festivities, as the flattering poet said, "not as a -king but as a most gallant skilful gentleman." This splendid show the -greatest poet of his time, Lope de Vega, then rapidly sinking into the -grave, celebrated in verse. "The Vega del Parnaso," {241} dedicated to -the first festival of the new palace, was an appropriate swan's song of -the great dramatist, whose inexhaustible wit and invention had done so -much to lead the thoughts of his countrymen to the theatrical -expression of which this new fairy palace was to be the apotheosis. -Afterwards there was one of the usual bull-fights; then running at the -ring, with rich prizes of silver plate, of course won by the King, and -afterwards a ball was held in the unfinished halls, at which, as at a -modern cotillon, "perfumed purses of ducats and rich dress lengths" -were given to the lady dancers.[25] - -[Sidenote: Baltasar Carlos] - -Only a few months before this, the Church of St. Geronimo had been the -scene of another of those stately ceremonials which were the birthright -of Spanish princes. There, upon a splendidly decked staging before the -high altar, the tiny Prince Baltasar Carlos, who had been carried -thither the day before, received the oaths of the Commons of Castile as -heir to the throne. There were two violent altercations for precedence -between nobles, even in the King's presence, before the ceremony; but -all was silence as the chubby princeling, in crimson plush embroidered -with gold, toddled up the nave to the staging, held in leading strings -by his two uncles Carlos and Fernando; the first in a few months to -sink into the grave, a silent, amiable young enigma to the last. The -little Prince, we are told, carried a miniature sword and dagger -covered with enamel and diamonds, and wore a black hat trimmed with -bugles and diamonds, and adorned by scarlet plumes. It is {242} to be -remarked that in most of these festivities Philip himself was faithful -to his love of brown for his dress; and on this occasion is described -as wearing light brown velvet embroidered with gold thread, and wearing -the collar of the Golden Fleece, whilst he rested his hand upon the -shoulder of his gentleman-in-waiting, the Count de Galve, clad smartly -in crimson satin and gold.[26] - -[Sidenote: Financial exactions] - -In the meanwhile, over the tinkling of all this courtly gaiety, there -echoed the distant rumbling of the storm. Mr. Arthur Hopton, the new -English ambassador, left in Madrid to look after English commercial -interests, and to push the eternal question of the Palatinate, wrote to -Lord Dorchester in February 1631: "All the Spanish Barbary garrisons -are starving, but the want of corn here is so great that every grain -from Andalusia is sorely wanted for Castile."[27] But the extravagant -expenditure on the Buen Retiro and on the never-ending war had to be -met somehow, and Olivares had to incur increased odium by inventing new -exactions. "The Count of Olivares," continues Hopton, "being the most -industrious man in his master's service, and more so in the matter of -his revenue than anything else, hath made him an instrument by -directing a new imposition on salt, making the King the owner of all -the salt that is spent, and delivering it out at 40 reals the fanega -(_i.e._ 1½ bushels), whilst remitting 12 per cent. on the wine and oil -excise that had nine years to run. This is a pretty way of imposing -{243} taxation on the clergy and religious without the leave of the -Pope."[28] - -But the salt monopoly was much more than that, as Hopton soon found by -the bitter complaints of the English shipmasters, who, now that the -trade was reopened, had hoped to do a large business again with salt -from Andalucia to England. Olivares replied suavely to all his -remonstrances, that he wished to treat the English better than any -others, but the King _must_ have money, and he hoped the increased -price of salt would not alter the new friendship. It soon turned out -that the new tax was to be in addition to, and not in place of, the -wine and oil excise ("the millions," as it was called); and Hopton -displays almost admiration at the financial resource of Olivares. - - -"He means to keep the millions too, now that he has got the other -voted. I think it may be truly claimed that the inventor of this -project hath discovered a way to bring a greater revenue to this King's -purse than Columbus did that discovered the West Indies. Aragon has -not yet consented, but probably will do so, as the tax is to be imposed -on strangers (_i.e._ those who bought Spanish salt for export). When I -was last with Olivares he let fall a word that makes me think they mean -to satisfy his Majesty (_i.e._ King Charles of England) in another way. -I said it would require good consideration to instruct their ambassador -what reasons to make the imposition appear to be no breach of the -_Article_. {244} He said: 'Doubt it not.' I said it would be fit to -do it presently, for it would be better to come to his Majesty -(Charles) by way of reason than complaint. He replied, 'We are -providing some papers to send to the King (of England) that will not be -unwelcome.'"[29] - - -What this "secret affair," as Hopton calls it, was does not appear; but -doubtless it was one of Olivares' usual mystifications to keep the -English complaints from being pushed too urgently, for the hosts of -English shipmasters so long kept out of Spain by the war, but who were -now crowding into Spanish ports to trade, were clamorous about the -extortion and injustice to which they were subjected. Hopton bribed -Olivares' subordinates heavily, and besieged the minister himself; but -the resources of delay in Spanish diplomacy were infinite, and little -redress could be obtained. Of sweet words Hopton found an abundance -from Olivares, who was always ready to flatter in furtherance of his -aims, and Hopton was inclined to be boastful of English prowess. "All -the rest of the world must pardon me," said Olivares once to him, in -answer to a bit of innocent brag, "but I hold no nation fit to fight in -a royal Armada but England and Spain."[30] - -Money, and ever more money, was Olivares' constant cry. "His time is -principally taken up," says Hopton, "in arranging loans." The price of -salt had been raised to 35 or 40 reals 1½ bushel for inland consumption -or export, an enormous increase "which will bring an exorbitant revenue -{245} if they can enforce it in all the kingdoms. They are also -decreeing a tax on all royal grants, titles, and appointments, which -will also bring a vast revenue." Writing to Lord Dorchester in August -1631, Hopton mentions the excessive price of all commodities in Madrid. -"I can assure your Lordship that only in regard of the value of brass -money, wherein all the trade of this country is done, what was last -year at 30 per cent. and upwards is not now worth 10 per cent., the -charge of living here since last year is one in five increased."[31] - -[Sidenote: Spain's responsibilities] - -Dire news too came from Central Europe, which foreshadowed the need of -yet greater sacrifices for Spain. The meteoric Swede, Gustavus -Adolphus, had entered the field on the side of France (January 1631), -and was sweeping all before him. One imperial city after the other -opened its gates to him, and some of the Emperor's feudatories who had -been considered the most loyal rallied to the victorious enemy. The -empire was altogether inadequate to face the strong new combination -against it, and could only, as usual, appeal to Spain for resources. -Looking back at the position with our present lights, it is impossible -to understand the besotted folly that led Philip and his minister to -assume the main burden of a war such as this. They had nothing -material to gain by it. The religion, and even the territorial -disputes, of the German princes were of no real importance to Spain, -and a nation in the terrible financial and industrial condition of the -latter was not justified in further consummating its ruin for the sake -of an already outworn sentiment. - -{246} - -[Sidenote: Fresh embarrassments] - -Another trouble almost as pressing as the Emperor's war loomed also in -the near future. The old Infanta Isabel was rapidly sinking to her -grave childless; and in accordance with the calamitous agreement of -1598, the Flemish dominions of the house of Burgundy were to revert in -that case to the crown of Spain, a fatal inheritance, the Flemish -States being open to attack from France on one side and Holland on the -other, and destined to keep Spain at war until the final catastrophe -overwhelmed both nation and dynasty. Olivares had kept the two -Infantes in the background until now; though, as we have seen by his -paper of six years before, he had always foreseen the ultimate -necessity of sending Fernando, the young Cardinal, to Flanders as his -brother's representative. Carlos, silent, amiable, unambitious, and -lacking in vitality, gave the minister little cause for anxiety; but -Fernando was by far the cleverest of his house. The nobles of Castile -were already looking to him as a possible leader against Olivares; and -at last it was decided that Fernando should go to Flanders, to be near -his aunt, and succeed as Governor for his brother when the Infanta -should die. Carlos being, as he said, a man of arms, for once plucked -up spirit to protest and claim his right, as senior, to go to Flanders, -but Olivares said that after Baltasar Carlos, "who had growne sickly of -late, and there is some doubt whether the King will have any more -children,"[32] he (Carlos) was his brother's heir, and could not be -allowed to go far away. He was mollified by promises that were never -kept, that {247} he should be sent to command in Portugal or Catalonia; -but in the summer of next year, 1632, as will be told, he sickened and -died unmarried, greatly, no doubt, to the relief of Olivares, who -dreaded the possibility of his being made a figurehead by his -enemies.[33] - -It was not easy to send Fernando to Flanders, even after it was decided -to do so, and many months passed before even the money could be raised -and preparations made for his going. Hopton wrote in August 1631: "The -Infante Cardinal hastens his going to Flanders, and has arranged to -borrow of the Fucars 240,000 ducats at 40,000 per month. The matter is -so forward that the brokers have received the first payment, but I do -not believe that he will go; for if he do it will be no easy matter to -stay Carlos going to Portugal, and it is not likely that the King will -leave the realm so destitute of his brothers, _and expose them to the -familiarity with those who may be dangerous to him_." A month later he -reported that, after all, the young Cardinal was not to go that year, -"but may slip away secretly, in imitation of our King's coming hither." - -In fact, serious news had suddenly reached Olivares from Central -Europe. The battle of Breitenfeld, in which the Emperor's best -General, Tilly, had been routed by Gustavus Adolphus, had made the -latter master of Germany, and if he chose to march on, Vienna itself -was at his mercy. Dismay reigned amongst the imperialists at this -crushing blow, and as soon as Olivares received {248} the news at the -end of September he sent for Hopton, late at night. The Englishman -found him in great agitation. "There is no time for words," he said, -"but for God's sake send to England post haste, telling them to send to -Vienna at once every offer that may facilitate an arrangement with the -Emperor. I speak out of my goodwill to England, and I am sending to -Vienna with the same object." The real end of Olivares' move is -evident. In the critical position of the imperialists, with most of -the Emperor's feudatories falling away and John Frederick of Saxony in -arms against him, joined to Sweden and France, this was the -opportunity, if ever, for England to strike an effectual blow for the -Palatinate. It is true that the Marquis of Hamilton and some Scottish -mercenaries were already with Gustavus Adolphus, but this was not -national war; and if England could be diverted into diplomatic -negotiations during this time of the imperialists' adversity, all might -be well, but if she joined the allies the house of Austria was ruined; -and for the next few weeks, whilst the danger lasted, nothing could -exceed the amiability of Olivares to the English.[34] - -{249} - -Blow after blow continued to fall upon the imperial cause. Gustavus at -Mayence was practically the master of Europe, the Spanish fleet had -been defeated off Flanders. Tilly was utterly crushed and killed at -Ingolstadt, and a revolt had broken out in Spanish Sicily against the -new taxes of Olivares. Worst of all, when the minister decreed that -the salt tax should be levied in the autonomous Basque provinces, the -assembly there flatly refused to pay it. Olivares blustered that he -would send 30,000 soldiers to make them. "We will await their coming," -replied the assembly, "with 3000 and beat them."[35] And so gradually -the policy of Olivares, which kept Spain at war with Europe for a -barren idea, was leading the outer realms of the Peninsula itself -towards rebellion, a thing unheard of for generations, because of their -fear that they too were marked out by the minister to undergo the same -fate as unhappy Castile. - -[Sidenote: Olivares and England] - -In the midst of all his difficulties at home and abroad, the consummate -skill with which Olivares played upon the English statesmen is almost -amusing at this distance of time. Hopton's spirits rose and fell from -week to week, as those of Anstruther did in Vienna. Olivares and the -Emperor understood each other perfectly, and had no difficulty between -them in keeping England quiet with the old bait of the restoration of -the Palatinate. A specimen from Hopton's letters will illustrate the -clever way in which Olivares beguiled his interlocutor. - - -"In the time my memorial was in debate {250} I sometimes took occasion -to see the Conde (_i.e._ Olivares). On one it happened that the _Ave -Maria_ bell rang, and when he had ended his prayer he examined me in -all the material points of our religion, wherein, I perceive, he is not -ignorant. In the sacrament of baptism I said all the essential parts -are the same in both Churches. But, he said, here they say, 'O! he was -christened by a minister; but I (Olivares) tell them that I see no -cause why a man may not as well be saved being christened by a minister -as by a priest.' This was in the palace, on the occasion of the -christening of our Princess, of whom they have begun to talk of as -theirs.[36] When the Duke of Lennox went to kiss the Prince's hand, -the Countess of Olivares, who was present, bade the Prince ask for his -cousin's hand, and said, 'You have a mistress there; and then, turning -to us, she said, 'We are beginning to _galantear_ (_i.e._ to court) -already.' He (Olivares) examined me upon the Lord's supper, and was -much pleased to know the chiefest difference is in the manner of the -presence. He asked me concerning divorces, and approved of the -practice of confession, though, he said, that it was too lightly -practised amongst them. Did we, he asked, receive the blessed Virgin? -I said he who did so was not considered a good Christian. He said, -'The top of the difference is the Pope's supremacy, and the chiefest -scruple was in temporalities, because you would not have him meddle in -matters of Kings.' I said yes; whereupon he shook his head and said no -more. I know his meaning, as {251} things stand between him and the -Pope. He said that if that point could be agreed I think it would not -be hard to reconcile Protestants to the Church."[37] - - -All this talk about marriage and reconciliation in religion had done -duty only ten years before; but apparently the English diplomatists -were as ready as ever to follow the Will o' the Wisp until the time of -danger for Spain had passed and they could safely be shelved. The -young Duke of Lennox was flattered and treated with almost royal -honours, and Hopton himself was quite confused by the sustained -amiability of Olivares. But at length even he began to doubt; and -presented a strongly worded memorial to Philip, calling upon him to -have the Palatinate restored. After inordinate delay the reply to this -was simply another promise to instruct the Spanish ambassador with the -Emperor to urge the matter again upon him. In very truth this eternal -shuttlecock between Vienna and Madrid was growing stale again; and the -English Government did now, when it was too late, what it should have -done at first, namely, talk of preparations for war. But it was only -talk; and though it frightened Olivares for a week or two, Hopton -deplored that the preparations were not being made a good earnest to -fight; "for this is the only way to bring Spain to reason, and they -themselves are making preparations for a big war." - -In fact it was quite evident now to everyone that unless Spain promptly -withdrew her pretensions a great war to the death would have to be -fought with France. Her troops in the Emperor's {252} armies had never -ceased in Central Europe to meet in combat those of Louis XIII., but -the impending resumption of rule by Spain over Catholic Flanders was an -event that again threatened the integrity of France itself; for with -Spanish frontiers, north, south, and east of her, the old position that -had led to the great wars between Charles V. and Francis I. in the -previous century would be repeated; and the new France which had arisen -under Henry IV., and had been strengthened by Richelieu, would never -suffer without a struggle a return to the old state of affairs. Money, -constant, never-ending money, was the first desideratum of King Philip, -if such a war as that foreshadowed, in addition to the struggle in -Germany, was to be undertaken. The outer realms, and especially -Portugal, were in a condition of sulky apprehension; but Philip was -forced to meet the legislatures before he could get money from them. -It was a necessity that he and Olivares dreaded and hated, but it had -to be faced. All the Cortes therefore were summoned. "All to get -money for their great engagements: how great they are they know not -themselves," wrote Hopton. - -[Sidenote: The need for money] - -But money had to be got somehow, even before the Cortes could meet or -King go to his eastern realms. All the taxes had been anticipated, the -loan-mongers had run dry, and the silver from the indies had not -arrived. Writing in February 1632, Hopton says; "They have levied -heavy contributions on the tradesmen of Madrid,[38] but they {253} -press them not hard yet, trying mild means first, and then passing to -violent. However, they spare not those who are known to be moneyed -men; for they have sent to the Duke of Bejar for 100,000 ducats, and to -the Duke of Medina Sidonia, and others in proportion. It will be a -very great sum in all, but will be needed for the war next summer." -Cardinal Borgia contributed 50,000 crowns, and nobles, merchants, and -churchmen were squeezed as they had never been squeezed before, even in -the time of Lerma.[39] In the Cortes of Castile (February 1632) a -spirited protest for once was made, representing the poverty of the -country, and saying that it was unjust to impoverish the land in order -to send vast sums of money to the Emperor for a war useless to -Spain.[40] But, as usual, the deputies, who were bribed heavily, ended -in voting despairingly what was asked; and after taking the oath of -allegiance, as has already been described, to Prince Baltasar Carlos in -the Church of St. Geronimo, they were promptly dismissed. - -[Sidenote: The two Infantes] - -The journey of the King to Aragon was an {254} anxious matter. -Olivares had complicated the situation by aiding Marie de Medici and -Gaston Duke of Orleans in their armed revolt against the government of -Richelieu, to the openly expressed fury of the people of Madrid, who -hated disloyalty to a King, even if he were King of France; and the -rumour prevailed that in revenge for the action of Olivares a French -army was preparing to invade Catalonia and carry the war into Spain -itself. The risk and danger of the King's journey were urged upon -Philip, and discussed at length in his Council; but Olivares, whilst -admitting the risk, concluded that, "considering the penury of your -Majesty's treasury, ... the suffering to be incurred and the risk of -annoyance from the Cortes would be lesser evils than the loss of the -two millions (of ducats) we hope to get."[41] But though the voyage -was decided upon, of one thing Olivares had quite made up his mind, -namely, that the King's two brothers should not be left behind to plot -at liberty the downfall of the favourite they hated. Don Carlos, left -to himself and excluded from all affairs by Olivares, had fallen into a -dissipated mode of life; and both he and his abler brother Fernando -were on terms of intimate friendship with the Count-Duke's enemy, the -Admiral of Castile and his kinsmen, especially with Don Antonio de -Moscoso, who was the inseparable factotum of Don Fernando. A most -interesting paper, transcribed at length by Novoa as being written at -the time by Olivares to the King on the subject of the two Infantes, -shows how bitter and unscrupulous the {255} minister was towards these -two young Princes. The vilest suspicion is expressed as to their -loyalty, and the most cynical distrust of all their actions and words. -It had been decided to send Fernando to Flanders, but for various -reasons he had not yet been allowed to start; and when the voyage of -the King to Barcelona was decided upon, Olivares made his cowardly -secret attack upon him and his brother Carlos in the document in -question.[42] The nobles who are friendly to the Infantes are all -represented as traitors and scoundrels; and the Princes themselves are -credited not only with unworthy behaviour, but also with evil plots and -designs. - - -"In any case," says Olivares, "they must both be separated from all -their friends, and this voyage to Barcelona will offer a good -opportunity for doing it without attracting public notice. Fernando," -he continues, "is already kicking over the traces, and assuming airs on -the strength of his going to Flanders; and the money he has command of -is making him dangerous. He and Carlos are close friends, and their -secret communications indicate an evil bent. Under the pretext of -these Cortes in Barcelona your Majesty might get Fernando and his -servants out of Madrid, saying that you wanted him to look after -ecclesiastical affairs there, and the noble and university members of -the Cortes, leaving him there when you return to deal with and close -the assembly. Moscoso, who has a wife in Madrid and does not like -travelling, would stay here, ... and if he was bold enough to disobey -orders and try to join the Infante, we {256} would soon find means to -upset his projects. As for Don Carlos, when the Admiral is away from -him, and the Prince absent, his household will assume a very different -aspect. Seeing the musters of enemies on our frontiers and the dangers -threatening us on every hand, it will be a good plan to send the -(Catalan) nobles to their own estates, to see what troops they can -raise, giving out that Fernando is to be their leader, surrounding him -with greyheads to keep him more enclosed, and even imprisoned, for it -is a grave crime for him to show annoyance as he does at your Majesty's -orders.... So, Sire, if we get the Admiral away from here there will -be a way to prevent him from returning, and the Infante Fernando may -remain in Barcelona better occupied than he is now, whilst Carlos, -quieter and in better frame of mind, may stay by your Majesty's side." - - -[Sidenote: Philip and the Catalans] - -Philip as usual accepted his mentor's recommendation. The two -Infantes, fully informed by Olivares' enemies of the reason for taking -them away from Madrid, had to accompany their brother to the east, the -Queen remaining behind as Regent. Philip and his brothers, with a -large following of the minister's kin and friends, left Madrid on 12th -April 1632, the two young Princes being almost without attendants. -Fernando's reduced household were sent ahead to Barcelona, and the -Infante cried out aloud that this meant that he was not to return to -Madrid, and that the whole journey to Catalonia had been got up solely -to get him away from Court for good. The Princes, indeed, were almost -in open revolt against Olivares; and {257} it was noticed that they -travelled with loaded pistols at their saddle-bows, a thing never seen -before. After a stay of a week in Valencia, where Cortes were convoked -and swore allegiance to the little Prince Baltasar Carlos, the whole -Court moved on to Barcelona, where the great struggle for money was -expected, for the stout Catalans were determined now that they would -make a stand against the encroachments of Olivares on their liberties. -The Viceroy, the Duke of Cardona, met the King at Murviedro, and warned -him that the Catalans were in a dangerous mood. They objected to vote -any more money, objected to a royal Prince for a Viceroy,--it was the -duty of the King himself, they said, to come to them, and remain whilst -the Cortes were in session, and they would not be contented unless the -King stayed at least four months with them. All along the road the -King and his favourite found the people scowling, and at Tortosa they -broke out in subversive cries because he only stayed a few hours in the -town. - -At Barcelona the King found the Cortes of Catalonia more recalcitrant -than ever, opposing endless difficulties to everything proposed, and -advancing all sorts of old claims with regard to ceremonial and ancient -privilege, each one of which had to be discussed interminably.[43] At -last the ordinary supply was voted without increase, and the Infante -Fernando was accepted by the Catalans as Governor with a sufficiently -ill grace. Fernando himself was furious, and protested to his brother -and Olivares hotly that he was being {258} isolated in the interests of -the latter, without the chance of distinction and elevation that he -would have gained in Flanders. But he was at last reconciled by -mingled flattery, cajolery, and appeals to duty, and remained as -Governor to continue the Cortes, closely surrounded by mentors in the -interests of Olivares.[44] Lerida had refused to send members to the -Barcelona Cortes at all, and as Philip approached the city on his way -home it was given out that he intended to punish it for its -disobedience. Terrified, the city fathers came to meet the King and -pray for pardon, which, only with difficulty and a complete submission, -was partially accorded to them. When the Court arrived at Almadrones, -two or three days' journey from Madrid, they were met by Antonio -Moscoso, with an ostentatious train of followers and servants, on his -way to join the Infante Fernando at Barcelona. This could never be -allowed, and the King's confessor ordered Moscoso to return to Madrid -at once. He appealed and wept in vain at the humiliation of such a -return; but was told that the King's orders must be obeyed without -reply. When he went to kiss Philip's hand, the King, immovable as a -statue, drily asked, "When are you leaving?" "I must speak to the -Count-Duke first, your Majesty," replied Moscoso. "You will be too -late," said Philip, "for he was going to rest at once, and {259} would -not awake till ten at night, in order to set out on the road from -twelve to one."[45] So Moscoso was fain to turn back with a heavy -heart, explaining by the way to Olivares that the Infante had sent for -him, and he meant no harm. But though Olivares tried to lay the whole -of the responsibility upon the King, this insult rankled deeply in the -breast of the Infante Fernando, and was one more mark for vengeance -scored up by the enemies of the minister. An indignant and formal -complaint was made to the King by his brother, and in order to ensure -its attention it was handed to Philip by his wife, much to the dismay -of Olivares, who knew now that Isabel of Bourbon was the head of his -foes, and that he could not dispose of her as he had done of the -Infante. - -[Sidenote: Death of Don Carlos] - -As soon as Philip returned to Madrid, at the end of June 1632, the -occasion was celebrated by another great _auto-de-fé_ in the Plaza -Mayor, where the King and Queen with the Infante Carlos sat in their -balcony from eight in the morning (3rd July 1632) till late in the -afternoon, witnessing the indictment, the preaching of prosy sermons, -and the reading of legal documents, reciting the errors and heresies of -the poor wretches who stood upon the high scaffold in the midst of the -square, dressed in sambenitos. The ghastly rejoicing, such as it was, -soon turned to mourning. The Infante Carlos had fallen ill on the way -home from Barcelona, but had partially recovered on his arrival at -Madrid. The summer was the most oppressive that had been experienced -for years, and the young Infante--he {260} was only twenty-five--fell -ill of fever in Madrid, and died in a few days;[46] and Olivares had -one less difficulty to contend with, though the amiable, unambitious -young man was of himself inoffensive. - -[Sidenote: France and Spain] - -Nor was it long before the other Infante was removed from the path of -Olivares. The old Infanta Isabel ended at last her strenuous life in -1633, and Fernando was sent by way of Italy to the States of Flanders -to govern the fatal dominion for Spain once more, to Spain's ultimate -undoing. Fernando was able and ambitious. From Milan he was to lead a -large Spanish force to Flanders. But affairs had gone ill with the -imperial cause. Gustavus Adolphus, it is true, had fallen; but in the -fight at which he fell he had beaten Wallenstein, with the loss of -12,000 men on the imperialist side. On the appeal of the Emperor, -Fernando turned aside, and a critical moment when the imperialists were -delivering the attack he arrived before the Protestant city of -Nördlingen (September 1634). His presence turned the scale, for a -relieving force {261} of Swedes was just approaching, and the ensuing -battle, one of the most decisive in the Thirty Years' War, was a -crushing defeat to the Swedes and the Protestants. The Cardinal -Infante passed on his way triumphant to his new governship, crowned by -the laurels of victory and the plaudits of his countrymen. But his -active intervention in the war with Spanish Government troops changed -the aspect of the war. The Swedes were no longer the leaders of a -federation of Protestants against a federation of Catholics. It was -clear to Richelieu that unless with the whole force of France he threw -himself into the fray against the house of Austria, not only -Protestantism in Germany would suffer--for that indeed he cared -nothing, but the vital interests of France. And so it happened that -when the Cardinal Infante was entering Brussels in pompous triumph, -Richelieu had already heavily subsidised the Dutch for an active -renewal of their war against him; and within a few months, early in -1635, Spain herself was in the grip of a great national struggle with -France, a struggle which extended as time went on from her Flanders -dominions to her Italian possession, and from the Franche Comté to the -sacred soil of Spain itself. - - - -[1] See letters from Madrid to Eugene Field in the Monastery of -Timoleague, etc., in Record Office, S.P. Spain 34, 1627. - -[2] Scaglia to Carlisle. Record Office, S.P. Spain 34, MS., 19th -January, 1628. - -[3] Rubens to Carlisle. Record Office, S.P. Spain 34, MS., January -1628, etc. - -[4] A good specimen of his style is seen in his reply to a letter from -Scaglia early in April 1629 (Record Office, S.P. Spain 34, MS.), asking -for an audience at the desire of Lord Carlisle, in order to tell -Olivares how much Carlisle esteems him. "I will give this audience to -your lordship very willingly to-night (writes Olivares), and it will -give me most particular pleasure to talk about the Earl of Carlisle, of -whom I am the most affectionate servitor, and have been so all through -the worst tribulations; although when he was here I always considered -him a friend of France.... The differences that have taken place -between us are all owing to French intrigue." - -[5] Record Office, S.P. Spain 34, MS., December 1629. - -[6] Record Office, S.P. Spain 34, 10th January 1630. - -[7] Cottington to Dorchester, 29th January 1630, Record Office, S.P. -Spain 34, MS. - -[8] Cottington to Dorchester, 29th January 1630. Record Office, S.P. -Spain MS. - -[9] Cottington to Dorchester, MS. Record Office, S.P. Spain 34, many -letters in 1630. - -[10] Cottington to Dorchester, July 1630, Record Office, S.P. Spain MS. - -[11] W. Gardiner, writing to Lord Dorchester when Cottington landed at -Lisbon in 1629, says: "This city has now lost all its ancient splendour -since I was here seventeen years ago. It is now completely ruined. -All the merchants are bankrupt, and all their commodities are gone -except their diamonds, Brazil tobacco, and coarse sugar, all of which -are dearer here than in Holland. There is great discontent with -Castilian rule, and especially some new laws whose object is to bring -them more absolutely under the King." Record Office, S.P. Spain 34, MS. - -[12] In a letter sent by Abbé Scaglia to Lord Carlisle in 1628 a long -document is enclosed, drawn up by the Marquis of Leganes, who was -Olivares' principal instrument and a kinsman, advocating the absorption -of Portugal by Spain. The evil and danger of the existing want of -unity are pointed out, and the need to arouse a united national spirit -is enforced. This document, supplementing those of Olivares himself -quoted on an earlier page, show that the propaganda in favour of -national unity was pushed persistently, and the outer realms were -naturally alarmed and disturbed at the threat implied to them. Record -Office, S.P. Spain 34, MS. - -[13] The house and garden of Monterey occupied the centre portion of -the space facing the Salon del Prado between the Calle de Alcalá and -the Carrera de San Geronimo. - -[14] Occupying thus the whole of the space from the Calle de Alcalá to -the Carrera de San Geronimo. That on the north is now covered by the -new Bank of Spain, and that on the south is still the palace of the -Duke of Villahermosa, the descendant of the Duke of Maqueda, to whom it -then belonged. - -[15] These very fine pieces of red biscuit clay unglazed and highly -scented were much prized; and it was a vicious fashion, of ladies -particularly, to masticate or eat this ware. - -[16] This beautiful and gifted actress, the idol of the susceptible -Madrileños, was also for a wonder at that period a decent member of -society. She was a member of the charitable fraternity of Nuestra -Señora de la Novena, and was very devout. She died in 1656, and was -buried at Barcelona in the Augustan Monastery of St. Monica, where -there was a special actors' chapel. Fifty years afterwards, her body, -and even the veil in which it was enveloped, were found incorrupt, and -she was thenceforward considered almost a saint. Juan de Caramuel -wrote of her: "She was a beautiful girl, gifted with so vehement an -imagination that, to the surprise of everyone, when she was acting her -colour changed in accordance with the emotions she portrayed. If the -event represented were a pleasant one, her face was rosy, whilst pallor -cloaked her cheeks when the play was sad and sorrowful. In this she -was unique and inimitable." - -[17] Less than a fortnight after this costly feast, a terrible fire, -which threatened all Madrid with destruction, and demolished in the -three days it lasted half of the Plaza Mayor, took place (7th July -1631). The loss and terror of the people were great; but so wedded was -the capital to shows, that almost before the ashes were extinguished a -great royal bull-fight in the presence of the King and Court was held -in the still smoking square. During the corrida a house in the Plaza -caught fire again, and many of the panic-stricken people in their -efforts to escape were trampled upon and seriously injured. It is -stated that Philip did not even rise from his seat, and ordered the -bull-fight to proceed. - -[18] MS. account reproduced in Mesonero Romanos' _Antigua Madrid_. - -[19] _The Year after the Armada, and Other Historical Studies_. - -[20] Egerton MSS. 329, British Museum. - -[21] This was a well-known noble poet and friend of Philip's in his -dramatic amusements. - -[22] Philip showed his appreciation of the services of Don Juan Isasi -Ydiaquez in the most flattering way, by at once appointing him governor -and tutor of his legitimate son and heir, the promising little Don -Baltasar Carlos, then five years old. - -[23] The vast park of Madrid represents part of the grounds which ran -up from the present line of the Prado to the extreme end of the present -park on the east, and included the whole space from the Alcala to the -Atocha. Olivares had kept his plan secret from the King as long as he -could, having gradually acquired the ground without disclosing his -intention. The Venetian ambassador Corner mentions in 1635 with -surprise that the whole place had sprung up in two years. - -[24] The only portions of the palace now remaining are the Artillery -Museum, and the fine concert hall, built by Philip V., and decorated by -Luca Giordiano. The ancient church of the monastery, of course, still -exists. - -[25] At all these festivities it was the fashion for the company to -pelt each other with egg-shells filled with scent. - -[26] MSS Add. 1026, British Museum. - -[27] Sir Arthur Hopton's Notebook MS., British Museum, Egerton, 1820. - -[28] The meaning of this is that nobles and clergy were exempt from the -food excise, but all consumers of salt would have to pay the increased -price. But, in fact, the excise was not remitted after all. - -[29] Hopton's MS. Notebook, British Museum. - -[30] _Ibid._ - -[31] Hopton's MS. Notebook, British Museum. - -[32] Hopton's MS. Letter-book. - -[33] There is an extremely curious medical report on the health and -habits of Carlos in one of Hopton's letters from Madrid, in July 1632. -MS. Notebook. - -[34] This was indeed the crucial time in the fate of the Palatinate. -In the contest of ambitions in Germany only a bold course, both towards -Spain and the Empire on the part of England, would have been effectual. -But poor Frederick at the Court of Gustavus promptly came to understand -that whilst his English brother-in-law held aloof from the war he could -expect little consideration. At this very period Charles I. was -principally interested in adding to his picture gallery. Cottington, -writing to Hopton, 10th November (O.S.) 1631, says: "You must tell the -Count of Benavente from the King that the copie of the Venus of the -Prado is now ready for him, with a picture of his Majesty, if he will -give him his St. Philip for them. You must remember to send the King -the painted grapes which the poore fellow hath drawn for him." -Hopton's MS. Notebook. - -[35] Hopton's MS. Notebook. - -[36] Mary Stuart, afterwards Princess of Orange, whom it was proposed -to betroth to the Prince Baltasar Carlos. - -[37] Hopton's MS. Notebook, January 1632. - -[38] There is in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, a draft of the royal -order, petitioning those who could afford it to come to the assistance -of the King with money at this juncture (January 1632). - -[39] Hopton, writing at this time, says: "The King told the Cortes that -if the war goes on he will have to call upon them again. Though how -the country will beare it I know not, for in all the kingdom of Castile -their poverty is not to be dissembled. I am informed for a certainty -that the procuradores of Andalucia have told the King plainly that if -the peace with England be kept they will be able to serve him, but if -not they cannot do it." MS. Notebook. - -[40] Hopton, writing during the session of this Cortes, 4th March 1632, -gives an account of the anger of Olivares and the King at the cities -that had not given their representatives full powers to vote supplies, -whilst the cities themselves were very angry at the demand for -6,000,000 ducats (_i.e._ in three years), and a renewal of the excise -in addition to the salt tax. "A decree is lately issued for a donation -through all the realm, which is put into practice by sending gentlemen -of qualitie to every man's doore and taking their almes down as lowe as -foure reales." Hopton's MS. Notebook. - -[41] Decision of the Council of State, 23rd March 1632. Danvila, _El -Poder Civil en España_. - -[42] _Memorias de Matias de Novoa_. vol. i. p. 133. - -[43] They are all set forth in the documents reproduced in Danvila's -_Poder Civil en España_. - -[44] There were endless squabbles between the Infante Fernando and the -Catalan deputies on all manner of subjects. He objected to the -deputies being covered before him; they insisted upon it as their -right. He forbade them to repair and strengthen the city walls; they -at once employed three times as many men on it as before. But, said -Hopton, writing on the subject: "He is doubtless a most sweete young -Prince. All are ready to forgive him and lay all the blame on Count -Oñate, who is with him." MS. Notebook. - -[45] The heat was very great, and the King consequently travelled by -night. Novoa. - -[46] On the 29th July, Hopton wrote: "Don Carlos was sick for seventeen -days with ordinary ague at first, but at the end of eight days it -turned to tabardillo (spotted typhus) with convulsions. My man has -come in from the palace whilst I am sealing up this, and says he is not -yet dead, but cannot live two hours. All things for his funeral are -prepared, and blacks taken up, and servants that are to wait on his -body to ye Escorial are commanded to be in readiness so that your -honour (Coke) may take it that this gallant young Prince is a dead -man." Hopton's MS. Notebook. In another letter he wrote of the -distress of the people at the Infante's death: "The mourning could not -be more hearty for the King, and they have good reason, for he was a -Prince that never offended any man willingly, but did good offices for -all; being bred upp amonge them to as much perfection as they could -expect." Writing an unofficial letter to Cottington on the same day, -Hopton gives some extremely curious private details of the causes of -the Prince's illness, which cannot be here translated. But he -continues: "The poore Conde de Olivares is the scape, goat that must -bear all men's faults; but he is very much afflicted, for he was very -sure of this Prince's love, whatsoever the world sayeth." - - - - -{262} - -CHAPTER VII - -INTRIGUES TO SECURE ENGLISH NEUTRALITY--HOPTON AND OLIVARES--SOCIAL -LAXITY IN MADRID--CHARLES I. APPROACHES SPAIN--THE BUEN RETIRO AND THE -ARTS--WAR IN CATALONIA--DISTRESS IN THE CAPITAL AND FRIVOLITY IN THE -COURT--PREVENTING LAWLESSNESS--THE RECEPTION OF THE PRINCESS OF -CARIGNANO--SIR WALTER ASTON IN MADRID--THE ENGLISH INTRIGUE ABANDONED - - -As Spain drifted nearer and nearer to the inevitable war with France, -Olivares became more friendly with the English. He hinted that Spain -was getting tired of the burden of the Emperor's wars, and might soon -be pleased to give up the Palatinate. At another time he told Hopton -that the Palatine business might be settled in a few hours; and through -all the reverses that were daily befalling the imperial and Spanish -cause the Count-Duke kept a good face. "I never saw him merrier, nor -with greater appearance of confidence. God grant he may have reason," -reported Hopton in the summer of 1633. Rojas, too, who was the -mouthpiece of Olivares, harped constantly on the same string. "They -were most desirous of close friendship with England; but had such -crosses with Germany." At the same time the talk of war with France -grew throughout the {263} country; though Hopton could not understand -how it was possible for them to raise armies or money, for all their -talk, "having neither men sufficient to man their ships nor to till -their ground." - -[Sidenote: Decay of commerce] - -The penury of the country, indeed, was greater than ever. The American -trade, a close monopoly nominally, had previously been the ultimate -resource of Spanish kings in need; but that was failing now. In June -1632 the silver fleet came into Seville, and instead of the treasure -being delivered to its legitimate owners, most of it was seized by the -Government. The merchants utterly lost heart, and when the time came -for the return fleet to leave Seville in the autumn, Hopton wrote: - - -"The Indian fleet is ready to sail, but there is no merchandise nor -merchant ships, and it will cost the King more than it will bring. The -reason for this is that for many years past the trade of the Indies has -decayed, being wholly given up by Spaniards, and kept alive by -strangers. The Spanish merchants think it not worth while to continue -a fleet, as the King keeps in the _Contratacion_ (India House) all the -silver and gold, and hath assumed to himself first the customs, then -the 47 per cent. average, and will not declare his purpose as to the -rest. This has caused such disability and unwillingness to send goods, -and hath brought trade so low, that whereas licences for strangers to -trade there were hardly gotten for 4000 ducats, they are now offering -them for 4000 reales; and I thinke they will shortly be forced to -_hyre_ adventurers. As for the trade in Portugal, that country cannot -do a sixth part of it, and so they are obliged to grant licences {264} -to contract with strangers to trade in Brazil, offering such conditions -as they may trade safely." - - -I have transcribed these lines at length, because they show in vivid -terms how the suicidal system of finance was ruining every class of the -community. The workers, agricultural and urban, especially the former, -had been the first to go under, then the smaller tradesmen, crushed by -the alcabala tax on all sales, and the tampering with the currency; and -the turn now had come of the great merchants and bankers; whilst even -the nobles and churchmen had been bled freely by the last "voluntary -donation."[1] In these circumstances it is not surprising that the -dissatisfaction became almost clamorous in its intensity. Such -pasquins passed from hand to hand on Liars' Walk that people said that -the ghost of Villa Mediana must surely be walking his old haunts again, -so bitter were they. Olivares, it was whispered, had poisoned the -Infante Carlos, and had tried to send Fernando by the same road. The -French were ready with great armies to devastate Spain, only because -Olivares was coquetting with the rebel Orleans. Even the Pope, said -the gossips, was being insulted and flouted by this minister, who was -but an ill-born Jew in disguise.[2] "If you heard," wrote Hopton to -Cottington, in August 1632, "the {265} libels and foolish inventions of -the people against the Conde, you would never desire to be a -favourite."[3] - -[Sidenote: Olivares' difficulties] - -Thus affairs in the capital went from bad to worse. Fanaticism spent -itself upon the loan-mongers, mostly Genoese and Jews with Portuguese -names, who served Olivares in extremity, and many of them, and the -richest, fell into the hands of the Inquisition. There were frequent -hints, uttered beneath bated breath, that if all men had their due -Olivares himself would be burnt in a _sambenito_ outside the gate of -Fuencarral, for he had risen by the devilish arts of sorcery, and kept -the King in his power by witchcraft.[4] Enormous difficulty was -experienced in levying troops for the war, for the country was half -depopulated, and many able-bodied men fled: the old spirit of -confidence in a sacred mission was gone, and they had now no stomach -for a fight provoked by the King's favourite. The Catalans looked on -in sulky suspicion, believing that Olivares needed the soldiers to rob -them of their liberties; whilst in Madrid itself, though there were -only eight {266} companies of troops, "and more idle men to be spared -than in half Spain."[5] The shirkers flocked by thousands into -ecclesiastical and noble service, or in that of the Inquisition, with -little or no pay, in order to escape enlistment.[6] News came daily, -too, of reverses in Flanders, and serious riots in Biscay against the -salt tax; and in the meanwhile the French armies were mustering upon -the Pyrenean frontier to menace Spanish territory when the dread hour -should strike. No spot of brightness indeed appeared anywhere. - -Olivares had opened secret negotiations direct with Charles I. for an -offensive and defiance alliance against France, in union with the party -of Marie de Medici and the Duke of Orleans; and again the English were -sure for a time that now the Palatinate would be restored,--too late, -however, in any case, for poor Frederick, who had just died. But soon -another cause for dispute changed Olivares' tone towards England. -Behind the amiable talk about the Palatinate large bodies of men for -the Spanish service had been raised in Ireland. This, it was seen, -would not do. Charles I. was willing to oblige Spain in return for -concessions in the matter of the Palatinate; and Scottish, or even -English, mercenaries, he said, might be obtained. But {267} Catholic -Irishmen, "utter rebels"! Olivares was told plainly that he could not -have; "for if ever Spain meant to do us harm it would be by means of -the Irish." So the new Irish troops were stopped by England before -they were embarked, and Olivares, in a violent rage, said he had been -betrayed and ruined, and would never trust an Englishman again. -England, indeed, at last was learning what manner of man Olivares was. -Suave and diplomatic when it served his turn, but, whilst gaining -everything, giving nothing but vague promises in exchange. English -shipmasters were still being disgracefully despoiled; not a step had -really been taken for the restoration of the Palatinate; and Charles -was more than justified in insisting upon practical proofs of Spanish -friendship before he stretched a point to help Olivares. - -[Sidenote: A dissolute court] - -Through all this gathering trouble, with deep discontent at home and -menace on all sides, the trivial life in Madrid went on in the usual -way. "The King hath been very sensible of the losse of Rheinsberg," -wrote Hopton in June 1633; "and the Conde hath endeavoured to divert -him with playes and maskes at a new house (Buen Retiro) he hath built -near the St. Geronimo monasterie: a thing of noe great expense for such -a King, yet murmured at by the people, who will allow to governors in -times of misfortune nothing but care."[7] As time went on, Philip had -grown more idle and dissolute than ever; and the tone of the Court had -followed the fashion of the King. The newsletters of the period from -Madrid are simply a collection of atrocious scandals touching {268} the -honour of the highest people in the Court. The blame for this also was -laid, though not very justly, upon Olivares, who, having lost his only -daughter, the Marchioness de Heliche, to his enduring grief, had now -cast the whole of his affection upon his bastard son Julian, whom he -subsequently legitimated, and rechristened Enrique Felipe de Guzman, to -the fury of the nobles who were opposed to him. But this fact, -although it contributed ostensibly to his fall, as the Queen was -persuaded that he had induced Philip to legitimate his own favourite -bastard Don Juan in order that he, Olivares, might have a good -precedent to do likewise with his, was really but a venial fault in a -Court so corrupt as this. - -[Sidenote: A budget of scandal] - -In his private letters to Cottington, Hopton occasionally allowed -himself to tell some of the current scandal concerning courtiers, who -were, of course, well known to Cottington. He appears in one of his -letters to have hinted at a terrible misfortune as having happened to -some highly placed ladies in Madrid, but without giving details. -Charles I. saw the letter, and was much offended apparently that the -scandal should be mentioned vaguely. Hopton (26th October 1633) wrote -an abject letter of apology to King Charles, beseeching pardon, and -saying that he had only mentioned scandal and avoided particulars in -order to save the lady's honour; but in obedience to his Majesty's -orders he would now tell the whole story. - - -"The tragedy began in Cardinal Zapata's house, where there is a niece -of his, daughter of his sister the Countess de Valenzuela, a very fine -lady, and exceedingly well beloved by her uncle, {269} who married her -about two years ago to the eldest son of the Count de Sevilla, with -whom she lived about a year, and, being left a widow, returned to the -protection of the Cardinal, her uncle. In the house there lived a -favourite servant of the Cardinal, one Joseph Cabra, who had entered -the service at Zaragoza as a page, but now occupied the post of highest -trust in the household. The Count of Sevilla's son was jealous of this -man before he died; but since his death the Count his father has -proceeded criminally against the young Countess and Cabra, for living -in adultery together and murdering the husband. It is now certain that -since she became a widow she lived with Cabra and had a child by him, -which made them resolve on a secret marriage. This was concealed for -some months, and divulged at last through a slip of Cabra's, who failed -to pay sufficiently handsomely the officers of the church where they -were married. The whole business then came out. Cabra fled to his own -country, where he thought he would be safe; and there he published -something vindicating his quality. There was no reason, he argued, why -his marriage with the Countess should be considered strange. Others of -greater inequality had been married before; for instance, the Duchess -of Peñaranda and her steward Avellaneda. He knew this, he said, by his -having had access to the secret books of Toledo Cathedral. The Duchess -of Peñaranda was a younger daughter of the Cardinal Duke of Lerma; and -she was known in her youth to have been free, but all passed under her -high spirits. The Duke of Lerma had a page called Avellaneda, who, -{270} being a favourite, was appointed to wait upon his daughter in -those liberties she assumed, and to be the instrument of justification -to her and him. The Duke of Lerma having died, the page was appointed -steward, and although he was already married, she (the Duchess) had a -child by him, who is now five years old. Eighteen months ago, -Avellaneda's wife died, and the Duchess married him. When the bans -were published, her son, the present Duke of Peñaranda, happened to be -present; but the names being common ones he did not suspect, though he -mentioned the matter to his mother as a curious coincidence. This -marriage being discovered by the disclosures in Cabra's pamphlet, threw -all the town in a turmoil. The Duke of Peñaranda assembled in the -house of his sister, the Marchioness of Villena, his confidential -kindred, to consult them as to what had to be done. There it was -decided that he must first kill Avellaneda. When this news reached the -palace, the King sent for the Duke of Peñaranda, and ordered him to do -nothing as he (the King) would take the matter into his own hands. He -sent to Illescas, where Avellaneda was, and had him brought in a cart -to the common prison here; the Duchess being sent to the royal convent -of nuns of St. Domingo el Real,[8] where she still remains. Cabra, who -had caused all this trouble, was also imprisoned, and his wife as well, -though she in her justification said: 'Why punish me, who try to live -in the grace of God?--let them look to those who live like strumpets'; -and amongst those who did so she {271} mentioned the Dowager Duchess of -Pastrana. The affair has caused dreadful scandal, but has been hushed -up. The good old Cardinal (Zapata) has taken so much to heart the -misfortune of his niece, who, after having been committed to the -custody of an Alcalde de Corte, has been sent to a nunnery, that -ill-meaning people say that she is really his daughter. He is so -troubled about it that he has moved to six different houses in six -months, and much mistrust exists. Another thing has arisen out of the -affair. The great distaste to the house of Peñaranda has caused the -Duke to retire from Court. The King was quite willing for him to go, -but did not like his wife to go with him. She is the daughter and heir -to the Marquis of Valdonquilla, the uncle of the Admiral (of Castile), -who, without taking any notice of the King's displeasure, forced her to -follow her husband. But they say the commerce is established." - - -This budget of scandal sent to the King of England shows how utterly -rotten was the moral condition of the Court, when it sufficed for one -disgraceful episode to be made public for a whole string of others to -follow touching the honour of those who stood highest. This scandalous -immorality, arising apparently from the absolute degeneration of -religion into a formula, and of its ceasing to be a guide of conduct, -extended to all classes of society, and terrified stories were told of -horrible irreligious rites being carried on in the conventual houses -themselves by a secret society called the "illumined ones" -(_alumbrados_). The particulars of one awful scandal of the sort, -which {272} was investigated by the Inquisition at this time (1633), -caused great excitement in Madrid. It related to the proceedings of -the nuns of St. Placido of Madrid, who were pronounced by the -Benedictine chaplain, Fray Garcia, to be nearly all possessed of the -devil; and on the pretext of exorcising them he was with them almost -day and night. This went on for three years, when the fact that -twenty-eight out of the thirty nuns in the convent were said to be -possessed appeared so strange and suspicious, that the Inquisition -intervened; and, in the course of a long inquiry and much torture of -the chaplain, uncovered an appalling story of sacrilege, black magic, -and immorality combined, for which all the persons implicated were -severely punished; though a few years afterwards (1638) an attempt was -made to whitewash the condemned.[9] - -It is needless to say that in such a society as this, idle, depraved, -and to all effects pagan under its morbid devotion, the race after -pleasure became ever keener, notwithstanding the disasters abroad and -the misery at home. The Saints' days were excessively numerous, and -the parishes vied with each other in the attractions of their religious -performances; the _autos-de-fe_ alternated with the constant -bull-fights, cane tourneys, and the other festivities so often -described in earlier pages; the amorous adventures of the King became -more frequent, or at all events were more talked about, than before; -and the new palace and garden of the Buen Retiro formed a more suitable -background for such proceedings than the old palace {273} had been. -Every birth in the King's family, every reception of ambassadors, every -royal anniversary, was made the excuse for one of these long series of -festivities. Hopton, writing to Coke in October 1633, says that the -King was then boar killing at the Escorial and Balsain, and that -already the capital was preparing to welcome him back in the following -week with a series of bull-fights and cane tourneys. - - -[Sidenote: The Buen Retiro] - -"Great preparations are being made to warme a new house built near by -the monastery of St. Geronimo, and contrived by Olivares.... The -business seems to be a matter of Olivares' or the King's affection, or -both, as about 1000 men are at work to have the place ready in time. -They are working day and night, as well as Sundays and holidays. I -doubt what will happen when the place is burdened with such a posse of -people as usually resort to such pastimes, the mortar being yet greene, -the building will run some hazard. There is much talk in the town -about it, generally against the charge thereof being taken from the -bellys of the people by an imposition on wine, flesh, etc. They suffer -it worse because they say it is a fancy of the Conde's (Olivares)."[10] - -{274} - -In another letter, Hopton mentions that the house-warming of the Buen -Retiro is to last four days; with bull-fights, running at the ring, -wild beast fights and other similar sports; in which "I may say without -flattery, the King, with his excellent comportment, exceeded all that -came in with him. The house is very richly furnished, and almost all -by presents; for the Conde hath made the matter his own, by whose means -it hath wanted not friends."[11] And then, as if to furnish a fit -commentary upon all this wasteful frivolity, the English ambassador -proceeds to say that trade with the Indies was dead, and that, "if -things go on like this they will not be able to re-establish it, and -that Portuguese Indian trade has been almost quite killed by -neglect."[12] - -[Sidenote: Charles I. and Olivares] - -Whilst the drums were beating in Madrid and other great cities to -enlist recruits to face the French in the coming war, and Olivares, -almost in despair, was casting about for fresh ways of getting large -sums of money, he ceaselessly endeavoured to win England to his side. -It was clear that the old method and the old bait would have to be -changed somewhat, for bland verbal assurances from the Spaniards in -favour of a restoration of the Palatinate, whilst the Emperor was left -unpledged, could no longer impose upon the least suspicious of -diplomatists. The new move was an extraordinary one, and displays -vividly the falsity of Charles I. For some time previous to {275} the -beginning of 1634, Olivares had been delighting Hopton by his -conciliatoriness, and somewhat mystifying him by arch hints as to the -future. Writing on the 24th January 1634, Hopton says that Olivares -was very much better disposed in English affairs than he was wont to -be. "I have done him several services, and try to leave him contented." - -A few weeks after this, an explanation of the Count-Duke's amiability -came to Hopton in the form of a private letter from Windebank, the -Secretary of the King of England, enclosing the copy of an address made -by the resident Spanish agent in London, Nicolalde, to Charles. There -had been a talk for weeks of sending some great personage from Spain as -a special ambassador; but in the meantime Nicolalde had cast soundings -by suggesting a close alliance between England and the Emperor, in -which the Palatine would join. Charles had replied cautiously, saying -that he would consider it if the Palatine were confirmed in the -possession of the territories he now held, and especially the Lower -Palatinate. But the real inwardness of it all was revealed in a -private letter of 13th February from Cottington to Hopton, saying that -Charles was willing to league himself with the Emperor and Spain on -certain conditions, but that Coke, the Secretary of State, was to be -kept entirely in the dark about it, the negotiations being carried on -with the King (Charles) direct through Windebank. The object of the -proposed alliance was, "the expulsion of foreigners from the empire, -and the reduction of the rebels to due obedience," which meant the -crushing of the Dutch Protestants. King Charles, {276} says -Cottington, is quite set upon it. The plan can only miscarry by -incredulity on the part of Olivares, or any waywardness of Nicolalde; -and Charles, as an earnest of his good faith, offers the escort of an -English fleet to the Infante Fernando, if it was intended to send him -to Flanders by sea.[13] - -[Sidenote: Intrigues with Charles I.] - -Behind this there was another mysterious negotiation going on, relating -apparently to a marriage between Charles's eldest daughter Mary Stuart -to Prince Baltasar Carlos, both of whom were children of tender years. -Many close conversations on the subject took place between Hopton, as -the personal mouthpiece of King Charles, and Philip and his minister. -The constant claims and complaints of the English merchants and -shipmasters of Spanish extortion annoyed Hopton almost as much as -Olivares, because they introduced an element of trouble in these loving -confabulations. But Hopton, though zealous to serve his King, was -clearly ill at ease, as well he might be, for it was a dangerous -business for Charles to receive a big money subsidy from SPain, as was -proposed, and to turn the arms of England against the Protestants. -Hopton goes so far, indeed, as to say in his letters to Windebank that -he is not in favour of the subsidy, but that King Charles should fit -out a fleet at his own expense against the Dutch. This will, he says, -be easier, and will leave Charles more free and able to bring the Dutch -to reason. But, he continues, if the matter is undertaken at all, it -must be seen through to the end, or Holland will wax too insolent to be -borne. - -{277} - -Long discussions with the Council of State and with Olivares kept -Hopton busy in Madrid for months; the while the great betrayal proposed -was kept from the Secretary of State and all the responsible ministers -in England, a good foretaste of the policy that led Charles Stuart to -ruin and the block. To the official Secretary of State, Hopton had -much to say about the great preparations being made in Spain for war, -but no word about the secret plan for England to join in it on the -Catholic side. Great loans and levies are constantly being raised, he -reported in April 1634. - - -"This great ship," he wrote, meaning of course Spain, "contains much -water (_i.e._ money), but many leaks, and is always dry. It is certain -that they have made loans this year for 13 millions (of ducats), and -are still treating of more, yet at the end of the year they will -neither have money in their purse, nor army paid, nor nobody contented; -which is to be attributed to the hard terms wherewith they do their -business. For being masters of the mines of gold and silver, and -withal having but few friends, nobody will serve them but for their -interests: and their own subjects are so well conceited of themselves, -as they think they cannot be paid enough."[14] "In their present -levies," he continues, "though they are sorry men, they give them 3 -reales a day, which is 18 pence English, and yet have all they can do -to keep them from running away. Subjects are fearfully hardly pressed. -The hard usage of business men in the Indian trade has made concealment -general, which has greatly reduced the {278} revenue of the crown. -Great measures were taken to discover unregistered treasure in the last -fleet, and they found 600,000 ducats, and will yet find more. But this -again will stop trade." - - -[Sidenote: Approach of war] - -Everything possible was done by Olivares to please the English at this -juncture. The prisoners of the Inquisition at Cadiz were released, -Hopton was made much of, King Charles was the most popular potentate -amongst the idlers of Madrid; whilst the French ambassador, stoned and -insulted in the streets, was fain to take refuge in a monastery twelve -miles away to avoid scandal. "They want our friendship now," wrote -Hopton, "and we may make our market." The English ambassador had his -head quite turned by so much attention, and, to the anger of King -Charles, was drawn by the superior diplomacy of Olivares into going -beyond his instructions in his promises to the Spaniards. The King of -England had been bitten too often by Spanish plausibility not to be -distrustful; and Windebank's letter to Hopton, in May 1634, was almost -violent in its scolding. Hopton had gone so far as to say that the -English had decided to put a powerful army in the field to punish the -insolence of the Dutch, whereas King Charles had only broached it as a -proposition, and Nicolalde in the meanwhile was pledging the Spaniards -to nothing. When Olivares was pressed for guarantees in return for the -English aid he craved, the usual story was told; and by the middle of -July Hopton wrote to Windebank-- - - -"_The_ business, as I expected when I saw them {279} haggling, has come -to naught. They only want to keep us neutral; and the affair is at an -end. I am not sorry, unless the Palatine might be made secure. When I -said they would oblige the gratefullest prince living, Olivares -replied: 'No hay gratitud entre Reyes' (There is no gratitude between -kings)."[15] - - -Olivares was beset on all sides. Detested by the nobles, with nearly -all of whom he was at feud;[16] feared and dreaded by the commercial -community, whom he had ruined; overworked, and at his wits' end to face -the vast present and prospective drains upon the national resources, -striving not only to do all the work of State himself and to direct -everything, but also to keep the King in a good humour by providing an -endless series of amusements for him, the Count-Duke was "so spent with -the burden of business that lies upon him," as Hopton wrote, "as to -deserve pity, if he would only pity himself." There was no class of -people now that did not feel the crushing weight of the war -expenditure, even before the great war with France had begun. In June -1634, Hopton reports that "a new tax had been imposed of one-eighth of -the value of all wine sold in Madrid, with no exception allowed, and -one twenty-fourth of all that is sold in the Castilian realms. All the -shops that sell wine are shut, so that all stock may be registered and -an account be rendered of sales. They think thus to charge the -retailer under great penalties. {280} It is like to be a great -trouble, and the greater part of the benefit will be consumed in -officers and false accounts." "I doe much doubte," he continues, "that -by degrees those impositions will first be laid upon all things of home -fabric and growth, and afterwards upon those things imported from -abroad; and your Honour (Coke) may guess to what immoderation the -revenues of this crown will grow by this means."[17] - -The good, simple ambassador made no allowance for the self-stultifying -operation of oppressive taxation, and if he had reviewed the state of -affairs a few years later, he would have seen, as we shall in the -course of this book, that, so far from benefiting Philip's treasury, -these blighting impositions on the exchange of commodities ended in a -decrease of the revenue. But whilst the citizens were groaning under -impossible burdens, and the curses of a whole nation were following the -careworn Count-Duke, the King, as much afflicted with the troubles of -his people as anyone, but looking upon them as a visitation of -providence, must needs seek in pleasure distraction from his vicarious -sorrow which the oppressed citizens themselves could not escape. - - -"All the Court is at the new house" (_i.e._ the Buen Retiro) "for a -fortnight," wrote Hopton in July 1634, "which time hath been spent in -all manner of entertainments and much to their Majesties' contentment, -wherein the Count of Olivares took great pains, all things being -ordered by himself; and so well, as it savoured of his excellent {281} -judgment in all things, especially in the furniture of the house, which -was such as not to be thought there had been so many curiosities in the -whole kingdom; and this at very little expense, for it was for the most -part done by presents. Howbeit the things that were bought were dearly -and punctually paid for, inasmuch as nobody can wisely complain." - - -[Sidenote: Furnishing the Buen Retiro] - -Doubtless no one could _wisely_ complain, but many had reason to do so, -for few great people with art collections escaped spoliation, and the -other palaces were to a great extent denuded of their treasures, for -the purpose of cramming the Buen Retiro with rarities. Some of the -nobles, like the Auditor Tejada, were artful enough to have copies made -of their best pictures, and sent the copies as originals to the Buen -Retiro. But, as in his case, this was bitterly resented by Olivares if -it was found out. The Marquis of Leganés, the nephew of the -Count-Duke, had a superb collection of pictures and articles of vertu -brought from Flanders and Italy; but when he was called upon to -disgorge, his wife stepped in and claimed the whole collection as her -dowry, and the Marquis was let off with the present of a piece of -tapestry. The chapel was fitted up at the expense of the President of -the Council of Castile; the Infante Fernando continued to send -beautiful objects, many of them spoils of war from Flanders; Olivares' -brother-in-law Monterey had to surrender much of the vast store of -pictures he had collected at Naples; and all the painters in Madrid -were kept busy copying or designing canvasses {282} for the new -palace,[18] under the direction of the King's painter, Don Diego -Velazquez, who, having returned from his long visit to Rome, was now, -and had been for the last three years, again working indefatigably in -his studio in the old Alcazar. - -This, indeed, was the period when the great artist produced some of the -best of his work, such as the Surrender of Breda (the Lanzas), the -portraits of the child Prince Baltasar Carlos, the fine portrait of -Olivares reproduced in this book, and the famous equestrian portrait of -Philip himself. In the midst of all the growing national trouble, this -in many respects was the most brilliant and perhaps the happiest time -of Philip's reign, so far as he personally was concerned. His habits -were fixed and his pleasures keen. His fits of contrition were -frequent, it is true; but they were always banished by fresh pleasures -or amours contrived by Olivares. The {283} King intermittently -attended to State business himself; but the interminable discussions -and reports by the various Councils upon every subject made the -despatch of business peculiarly irksome and tedious. The Spanish -system of a consultative and deliberative bureaucracy, indeed, seemed -specially devised to disgust anyone but a patient laborious plodder -like Philip II. His grandson, impatient of detail and quick of -apprehension, loathed the dull pompous discussions of the Councils, and -not unnaturally was content to hear a summary of results from Olivares, -whose final decision he always confirmed. - -[Sidenote: Philip's domestic life] - -Philip's domestic life at this time had every reason to be happy, -though the growing tension between his wife and Olivares had to some -extent estranged them, and the Queen was, under the influence of the -minister, somewhat ostentatiously excluded from public business, not -unnaturally to her annoyance. She was, however, a good wife, and -shared Philip's frequent pleasures gaily, whilst in devotion of the -peculiar Spanish type she was even more emphatic than he. She had a -woman's reason for her dislike of Olivares, as well as the political -objections to him which were the ultimate cause of his fall. It has -already been mentioned that in pursuance of his system of doing -everybody's work, the minister had taken under his care the management -of the King's affairs of gallantry, and the results thereof. This, of -course, was perfectly well known to the Queen, and the satirical poets -who wrote so copiously of frailty in high places took care to publish -the fact. Even Hopton, when in a gossiping mood, referred to it more -than {284} once. Speaking of the skits that were current about -Olivares and the new palace, he wrote: "He (Olivares) hath had likewise -some harsh words with the Admiral for speaking to the King in -disparagement of his new house; and the Queen hath had her little -saying to him also, for some opinion she had of some secret pleasures -there brought to the King." - -Whatever may have been the sum of Philip's infidelities, and it cannot -be denied that they were numerous, they were never more than temporary -and vulgar intrigues, which, whilst they would naturally annoy his -wife, did not threaten her permanent influence or interfere with her -continuous marital life with her husband. With monotonous regularity -almost every year the Queen gave birth to a child, usually a girl, -whose advent was an excuse for the customary series of costly -festivities so often described in earlier pages, festivities that in -most cases lasted almost as long as the life of the child whose advent -they greeted; for all the infants up to this time (1634) had died -except the sturdy, promising little Baltasar Carlos, who was idolised -by his father and mother, and, so far as the oppressive etiquette of -the Court would allow, was petted by the whole Court. The little -Prince who was born in 1629, had early developed a love for -horsemanship and field sports, and as a baby horseman, hunter, or -soldier, he is presented to the life again and again by Velazquez. -From Flanders his admiring uncle Fernando sent him many presents, -beautiful armour and weapons in miniature, which now adorn the rich -Armeria in Madrid, martial toys, and above all in 1633 what {285} -afterwards became the Prince's favourite steed, a "little devil of a -stallion pony," as the Infante calls him, that had to be lashed -liberally before Baltasar Carlos was allowed to mount him.[19] - -[Sidenote: The Portuguese problem] - -The limited number of his near relatives had become a source of -embarrassment to Philip. Of his two brothers, one, Carlos, had died, -and the other, the Infante Cardinal Fernando, was in Flanders fighting -and working heroically. There were no other Spanish relatives, but the -heir Baltasar Carlos and the beautiful illegitimate son Juan, now -growing into a handsome, clever lad in the secluded castle of Ocaña, -whilst the German archdukes had drifted farther and farther from Spain, -as had the Savoy Princes. It had always been the policy of the house -of Austria to keep the Spanish nobles powerless in the Peninsula. They -might command Spanish armies abroad and act as viceroys across the -seas, but were never to be trusted with executive power in the realms -of Spain; and it had become increasingly difficult, now that the nobles -of the outer realms had grown distrustful of Olivares, to find men of -the respective provinces who were of sufficient rank and could be -trusted to govern the non-Castilian territories in the name of the -King. The principal difficulty was in Portugal, where the widest -autonomy, and every possible guarantee against Spanish oppression, had -been granted by Philip II. But, as we have seen, the tendency for a -long time past, and especially under {286} Olivares, had been to -curtail the rights enjoyed by Portugal since the union of the crowns. - -The promise that none but Portuguese should rule in the country had -been disregarded almost from the first in the appointment of Viceroys. -The Austrian nephew, the Archduke Albert, had reigned under Philip II.; -and Moura, the wise half-Portuguese minister of Philip II., had ruled -Portugal for years under his son. But to appoint a Portuguese noble -now, with Olivares' known policy, would have been highly dangerous, and -the Portuguese would hardly have stood a Spanish noble, even if Philip -had dared to appoint one. The policy of conciliation that Philip II. -had adopted had left the house of Braganza, which had a better claim to -the Portuguese crown than Philip, richer and more powerful than most -sovereigns. The reigning Duke of Braganza had married a sister of the -Spanish Duke of Medina Sidonia, the head of the Guzmans, of which house -Olivares was a cadet; and in normal circumstances Braganza might have -been the ideal man for Viceroy. But the circumstances were not normal. -The deepest discontent reigned in the country at the ruin that had -befallen its trade in consequence of its union with Spain, and -especially at the new taxation for Spanish objects proposed at the -bidding of Olivares; and a subject so powerful and so popular as -Braganza was naturally suspect. The difficulty was met at the end of -1634 by going somewhat far afield for a ruler of Portugal. The younger -daughter of Philip II., the Infanta Catharine, had married Carlo -Emmanuele, Duke of Savoy, in 1585; and one of their daughters, Princess -Margaret, the {287} widowed and dispossessed Duchess of Mantua, a first -cousin of Philip, was brought to Spain to govern Portugal,--the idea -being that, as she was a lady and a foreigner, she would be a safe and -obedient instrument in the hands of Olivares. In November 1634 she -entered Madrid in great state, and at the bull-fights and other -festivities held to celebrate her coming she sat by the side of Philip -and his Queen, which the Madrileños thought a great and unusual honour, -accorded in order to give her higher prestige and authority before she -set out for her fateful government, a figurehead for Olivares' attempts -against Portuguese autonomy. - -[Sidenote: Catalonia] - -Catalonia was more uneasy even than Portugal. There had been a talk -all the summer of the King's going thither to ask for more money, and -the Catalans were in anger at the very idea. So great was the -ill-feeling, that the Viceroy, the Duke of Cardona, a humble servant of -Olivares, thought it safer to keep out of the way of his subjects; and -the Castilian soldiers were daggers-drawn with the people, in whose -houses they were billeted, in defiance of the Catalonian constitution. - -The growing danger from these provinces, and the busy intrigues of -Richelieu with the Dutch, to the intended detriment of Spain, again -drove Olivares to seek a renewal of the suspended negotiations intended -to draw Charles I. into the Catholic camp. At the end of July, -Olivares sent for Hopton in great excitement, to show him an -intercepted letter of the Prince of Orange, which, he said, disclosed a -dangerous plan against England and Spain. "Ah!" said the Count-Duke, -"we ought to have carried out that league of ours." "It {288} was your -fault," replied Hopton, "that it was not concluded. Nicolalde in -London was not authorised to give the necessary pledges." "Well," -retorted. Olivares, "the matter may be arranged now, if you like." -The hint was enough for Charles. The first thing, he said, was to get -rid of Nicolalde, who was unsympathetic; and he sent an English agent -named Taylor to Madrid to recommend this course to Philip. - -Soon negotiations were in full swing again. Some great personage, the -Count of Humanes probably, was to be sent to England, whilst the Duke -of Medina Celi was to go to France, and endeavour to secure the return -of Marie de Medici the Queen-Mother and her son Orleans to France, -which of course would have meant the paralysation of Richelieu. When -the news came of the decisive battle of Nördlingen (page 260), gained -over the Swedes and Weimar by the Infante Fernando, the great -rejoicings and festivities with which Philip greeted the victory -(October 1634), the bonfires and bull-fights and _Te Deums_, did not -disguise the fact that war with France sooner or later must now be -inevitably faced, and the efforts to come to an agreement with England -proceeded more warmly than ever. - -[Sidenote: The agreement with Charles I.] - -In October, at length, Windebank sent to Madrid the draft of the -agreement, and one stands aghast at the unwisdom of Charles and his -secret advisers, in thus showing willingness to betray the Protestant -cause at the hollow charming of Olivares. England was to provide -twenty ships of at least 400 tons each, ostensibly to protect the coast -of England and Ireland; but as soon as {289} the fleet was at sea, -notice was to be given to the Dutch in the form of an ultimatum to -surrender to Spain, or the English would attack them. Spain was -nominally to lend, but really to give, to Charles 200,000 crowns, and -100,000 a month for every month the fleet was at sea.[20] When Hopton -saw Philip with this draft, and as usual raised the question of the -Palatinate as a pendant to the Agreement, only evasive answers were -given to him, and again the negotiations flagged, whilst desperate -efforts were made in Spain itself to force the nobles to raise and arm -soldiers to take the field against France when the expected war should -begin in the spring. - -But whilst Olivares was thus striving to obtain at least the neutrality -of England on the easiest terms for Spain, there was other diplomacy at -work at least as profound and more generous than his. The battle of -Nördlingen had broken up the effective league between Sweden and the -German Protestants, and John Frederick of Saxony, with the other German -Lutherans, soon made terms of compromise with the Emperor, by which -they gained the toleration they sought, and the Thirty Years' War came -to an end, so far as the religious struggle in Germany was concerned. -But the far-reaching schemes of Richelieu would have been frustrated if -the war had ended here, leaving Spain free from the drain of helping -the Emperor; for then she would have had power to deal with Holland -effectually, and re-establish her waning hold over Italy to the injury -of France. So, as war with Spain was necessary for Richelieu, he {290} -took good care to isolate his opponent before it began. He first -effected an alliance with the United Provinces, and intrigued in -Catholic Flanders with the nobles. Then he drew into his net Savoy, -Mantua, and Parma; he occupied the Valtelline again, and Sweden was -coupled to the car of France anew by Axenstiern, whilst, as a last -stroke, he strove hard to include Charles I. in his league with the -Dutch. - -[Sidenote: The intrigue with England] - -At the end of 1634, Olivares sent to Hopton in a great fright at news -that he had heard, to the effect that Charles I. had joined France and -Holland in their league; and bitter complaints were made of the -treatment of Spanish cruisers in English ports and in the Channel. In -one case a Dutch prize had actually been taken away from the Spanish -captors by English vessels, and brought into Dover. What was the -meaning of it? asked Olivares in a towering rage. Was the King of -England going to throw them over after all? A mention of the -Palatinate only made him more furious still. Thus the bickering and -bargaining went on all through the year 1635; Hopton urging Olivares to -send some news worth the carrying by Taylor to London about the -Palatinate, and the Count-Duke wrangling over the details of the -agreement about the subsidy to England, which he swore that Charles had -altered without consultation with Nicolalde. "He (Olivares) is in a -good humour now," wrote Hopton on one occasion; "but he is of a most -dangerous nature, to which we shall always be subject as long as the -business of the Palatinate shall last." - -At length, when Olivares had exhausted the possibilities of -prevarication in Madrid, the secret {291} draught agreement was sent -back to London for further discussion and amendment, and the continued -neutrality of England at least was secured for another breathing space. -One is struck with positive admiration for the masterly way in which, -with this stale bait of the Palatinate, England was beguiled by -Olivares from year to year, and prevented from joining the enemies of -Spain. Richelieu had been bidding for English aid or benevolent -neutrality too, and this was a chance which, if Charles had possessed -any statesmanship worthy of the name, or any national ambition apart -from the advantage of his dynasty, might have enabled England to play -the part of the arbiter in Europe. But, as usual, the chance was -missed by the instability of Charles, and when the cloud of war burst -in the spring of 1635, the negotiations between London and Madrid were -still dragging on. There was a talk at one time of a partition of the -Spanish Netherlands between France and Holland after they should have -been conquered, and this made Charles more eager than ever for the -alliance with Spain to prevent such an eventuality, whilst both -Olivares and Richelieu were glad to keep him wavering with insincere -negotiations. His own condition, moreover, in England was already -becoming difficult; for he had levied the ship money, and had taken the -first fatal step by deciding to dispense with his Parliament; so that a -strong ally with ready money was desirable to him. - -Windebank wrote to Hopton on 27th May 1635: - - -"The French ambassador is pressing King Charles very hard to make a -league with them; and it is {292} not the fault of the Spaniards that -it is not already concluded, for they are going the right way to thrust -us upon the French, though they cannot send a letter or pass an -ambassador without us. This is a strange fascination, and they deserve -to smart for it, as they will dearly if Dunkirk be besieged and his -Majesty help them not."[21] - - -A little later Hopton writes: "Their (the Spaniards) only hope for -Flanders and at sea is the friendship of our King. And yet they retain -their gravity, as if they were the arbiters of the world. I saw the -Conde yesterday, and, though he was a little troubled, yet he is very -confident that all would end to their honour." - - -The conclusion of the precious alliance with King Charles had evidently -at last to be carried through, or further delayed, by more -highly-placed ambassadors than Hopton and Nicolalde; and it was decided -that Sir Walter Aston should go to Madrid and the Count of Humanes to -London. Olivares was, or pretended to be, apprehensive of the coming -of a new English ambassador, but was assured by Hopton that Sir Walter -was all that could be desired from the Spanish point of view. Humanes, -on the other hand, was reported to be "an honest gentleman, but with a -good enough conceipt of himself. Thinking to get great things, he will -be a little hard to deal with in England." But the seas were crowded -with Dutch and French cruisers, and the land route through France was -of course closed to Spaniards, so it was a difficult thing to get -Humanes to England at all, unless he went {293} back in the English -ship that brought Aston. And so month after month of 1635 slipped by, -the war proceeding actively in Flanders against the Infante Cardinal, -and the French troops threatening Catalonia from Perpignan, whilst the -English treaty with Spain was still on the balance. Hopton, in June -1635, told Olivares that this coldness and delay in his proceeding was -producing a bad effect in England, and that unless they stirred -themselves King Charles might look elsewhere. "Upon what ground do you -say that," asked Olivares. "Upon Nicolalde's way of proceeding, and -the delay that is taking place. It makes us think that the whole thing -is a pretence," replied Hopton. "Everything is now practically settled -with very few alterations, and there need be no more delay," Olivares -assured him. - -In July alarming news came to Madrid, that the Infante Cardinal had -sustained severe defeat in the Low Countries (at Tirlemont), and was in -personal danger. The Infante was intensely beloved in Spain, and the -evil tidings "caused great care to their Majesties and the whole Court, -for I cannot express what tenderness all sorts of people show to the -Infante," wrote Hopton; and, almost for the first time, Philip flew -into a violent rage with Olivares, when he learnt that a letter written -by the Infante, asking for further resources, had been concealed from -him. Olivares found himself faced now, as he had never been before, by -a determination on the part of Philip to act in opposition to his -advice. Philip had no lack of personal courage, and under stress was -capable of prolonged exertion. He was burning, {294} too, to -distinguish himself in arms, as his brother had done; and, urged -thereto by many of Olivares' enemies, he was insistent in his wish to -lead his armies in person on the Catalonian frontier, now threatened by -the French. Olivares, knowing that if the King were in the field he -could not keep him isolated, or hope to retain his exclusive hold upon -him, resisted the King's desire to the utmost, and almost daily -squabbles took place between them on the subject. - -[Sidenote: The plot thickens] - -It was clear now to Olivares that the aid of English ships in the -Channel was really in the circumstances desirable for the success of -Spain in Flanders. The road through Lombardy had been rendered -difficult by the adhesion of the several Italian princes to Richelieu's -league, and the war that was proceeding on the Rhine; and the sea route -was equally dangerous by reason of the Dutch and French squadrons. So -the Count-Duke made another desperate attempt to buy Charles Stuart -cheaply, and on trust. Late in July 1635, Olivares sent a very -pressing message to Hopton that he wanted to see him, and when the -ambassador presented himself in the palace, the Count-Duke asked him if -he had a confidential English servant he could lend him, to hurry off -to England at once with despatches for Nicolalde in London. "Yes," -replied Hopton, "my man David Matthew will serve your turn"; and before -many hours had passed David Matthew was speeding on his way to London, -with instructions to the Spanish agent that the maritime treaty was to -be settled at all costs. The question of the Palatinate, Olivares told -Hopton again, should really be {295} settled now, though, not -unnaturally, Hopton had his doubts; for he knew secretly that the rebel -Earl of Tyrone had been brought disguised to Madrid by the Emperor's -ambassador, and was plotting even then with Olivares to raise sedition -in Ireland if King Charles turned to the side of the French. - -Nicolalde in London still went no further than amiable speeches; but at -least Olivares' urgency had the effect of deciding Charles to send Sir -Walter Aston to Spain, though poor Humanes died in Madrid, whilst still -waiting for a ship to carry him, and was replaced as ambassador in -London by Count de Oñate, much to Hopton's delight, who looked upon the -appointment of so highly placed a personage as a great compliment. -"For what he cannot do, nobody can. He is very honest, but somewhat -hasty. In any case it is good to be rid of Nicolalde, who hates us." -Aston, when he arrived at Corunna in September 1635, was received with -ostentatious warmness; and it was evident that his coming meant more -than the mere ratification of a treaty already nearly concluded. -Cottington sent by him what he calls "a merry letter" to Olivares, to -tell him "how French I have become, for the Queen (Henrietta Maria) -dined with me at Hanworth awhile since, and not long after the new -French ambassadors, who now are become my friends, after complaining to -the King of my ill affection to their master's service, calling me -Conde de Olivares." It is plain that Sir Francis Cottington's -"merriment" was intended to convey a hint that unless Olivares was -really prompt this time in closing the deal, Charles would go over to -the French. Hopton was hopeful {296} but doubtful of Aston's better -success than his own, for he knew that the Palatinate still stood in -the way, and that Catholic Philip could never force the Emperor to -restore it to a Protestant. "I believe they wish for a close union," -he wrote, when he was leaving to return to England, "and this King -might revoke the impediment if he liked, but I shall never be convinced -he will do it till he comes to the point."[22] - -Money, as usual, was the great desideratum for Philip, if the war was -to be carried on with hope of success. Cortes were summoned both in -Castile and Barcelona, and the former, as usual, did as they were -asked, and voted 3 million ducats for the year;[23] Olivares having at -the time laid by, {297} as we are told, no less than 8 millions, "which -he will make 16 before the war begins in earnest." Spain was fortunate -that year 1635, too, with the Indies fleet, which arrived in June with -14 millions of ducats, "of which the greater part will reach the King, -besides the good profit he will get out of the confiscations." The -Cortes of Barcelona was, as always, difficult to deal with; and for a -time they were obstinate in their refusal to vote anything at all. But -it was their own country now that was threatened, and on the promise of -the King to relieve them from the levy of men for his armies, the -Cortes of Catalonia agreed to vote him 400,000 ducats, and promised as -much more as they could afford. - -[Sidenote: Philip's revolt] - -Philip's great dispute with Olivares was with regard to his wish to -visit Barcelona during the session of the Cortes, and to remain there -with his army, ready to lead it either to Italy, France, or elsewhere, -as the events of the war might demand. The favourite was shocked at -the King being exposed to such danger, and especially at the idea that -he might leave the country; and he opposed with all his experience and -authority the King's plan. "If Olivares can hinder the King from -engaging his person he will do so. He pretends to give way, so as not -to cross the King, who is set upon it, but he will not fail of ways to -compass {298} that which he wishes."[24] But though Olivares was -determined, Philip was obstinate; and when the minister, as was his -wont, told the King that the Council of State was opposed to his going, -Philip addressed a rescript to the Council, ordering them to discuss -and vote on the question of his going, but that every Councillor should -give his reasons individually to him for the advice he tendered. This -was not in accordance with the usual procedure, and under Olivares' -guidance the Council declined to do it, saying that the Count-Duke's -knowledge of their opinions was so complete that he would report them -to the King. It appears that Philip had given peremptory orders to -Olivares to make every preparation for his immediate departure, and -this was the subject submitted by the minister to the Council for -discussion. With the arrogant Count-Duke dominating them, the -Councillors, who were all his humble servants, of course agreed with -him against the King. Money was short, they said, for the journey; and -the recent successes in Flanders might perhaps make the voyage -unnecessary. In any case, they begged the King not to undertake the -matter lightly. Philip made the best of this halting dissent, replying -that he accepted the advice as to not going for the moment, but ordered -that everything should be made ready for his going at twenty days' -notice if it became necessary.[25] - -[Sidenote: Continued decadence] - -In the meanwhile the never-ending trivial show of Madrid went on. The -idlers still paraded up {299} and down the Calle Mayor or gossiped on -Liars' Walk for the greater part of the day. Philip issued ferocious -but ineffective pragmatics against extravagance in dress and household -appointments;[26] both the public playhouses were filled, and the -comedies applauded by eager crowds as usual. But, on the other hand, -famine had laid its grisly hand everywhere on the arid lands of -Castile, the excise had been increased until even in the capital itself -starvation was not a threat but a reality; the ecclesiastical revenues -were drained as they had never been drained before, and salaries, -pensions, and State debts were either not paid at all or else ruinously -curtailed. In Madrid, penury was now evident even amongst the better -classes;[27] and Philip, who always lived frugally in his own person, -was obliged to write to his brother Fernando, begging him to save to -the utmost: not to allow his household to wear other than plain cloth, -and not to spend a ducat unnecessarily. - -Spanish troops were fighting under the Infante {300} for the -preservation of Flanders, in Germany, in Italy, in the Valtelline, -wherever the enemies of the faith or the allies of Richelieu defied the -Spanish claims; and yet it never entered the head, apparently, either -of Olivares or his master, that these terrible sacrifices were useless -to Spain; except that it was a point of honour to hold the Catholic -States of Flanders that had been the ancient inheritance of its royal -house. Holland was really lost beyond all recovery, though the -stiff-necked pride of Castile would not acknowledge it; the religious -question in Germany had already practically settled itself, and had -left Spain hardly an excuse for fighting for orthodoxy there. All that -was needed, even now, for Spain was to eat her unavoidable leek, to -recognise facts patent to all the world, and to abandon her impossible -pretensions; and peace with France and Holland might have been attained -with ease. But through all the suffering and stress, that if continued -meant national exhaustion, there was no indication anywhere of the -conviction that Spain must voluntarily humble herself or bleed to death. - -[Sidenote: Court diversions] - -The process of social decadence had gone on apace, as was inevitable in -such circumstances. scandals were of constant occurrence. At the end -of 1635, when the grave matters referred to were under discussion, two -nobles, the Marquis del Aguila and Don Juan de Herrera, came to blows -with each other in the theatre of the Buen Retiro Palace, in the -presence of the King himself;[28] {301} and whilst they fled from -justice, a greater noble still, the Count of Sastago, Captain of the -King's Guard, was accused of inciting them to the disturbance. As was -invariably the case, no sooner was one offence mentioned than a dozen -were added to it. The Count, it was said, had sold the sergeancy of -the guard for 1100 ducats; the provedor of the guard paid him fifty -reals every day, filched from the mess bill; he ill-treated his wife, -... and much else of the same sort; and as soon as Count de Sastago was -under lock and key for these offences, no less than three other noble -Counts were competing and quarrelling with each other for his place as -Captain of the Guard;[29] whilst, a few days afterwards, Zapata, the -Lieutenant of the Guard, was carried to prison for making a disturbance -at the entrance of the palace, and breaking down the barriers to get -in, against the royal orders, whilst Prince Baltasar Carlos was coming -out. - - -On New Year's Eve 1636, we are told, "their Majesties went to dine at -the Buen Retiro, where there was in the afternoon a sort of comedy or -festival never seen before in Spain. First there appeared the poet -Atillano, who has come from the Indies, and who may justly be called a -prodigy of the world, as he proved himself to be on this occasion; for -such is his poetic rage, that he utters {302} a perfect torrent of -Castilian verse on any subject proposed to him,[30] and, withal, in -very remarkable style, with much taste and adornments from the -Scriptures and classical authors, brought in most aptly, with -comparisons, emphasis, digressions, and poetic figures, which strike -his hearers with astonishment, many believing that it can only be done -by devilish arts, for he never drops a foot or forgets a syllable.... -After Atillano came Cristobal, the blind man, well known at Court; and -he also showed his skill in turning out couplets impromptu, with his -usual prettiness and propriety, and quite in courtier-like fashion. -But as he lacks erudition, and the other man possesses much, you may -well imagine the difference between them. After the poets came -Calabaza, the dwarfs, the little negro, and the girls they call the -_Count's wrigglers_;[31] and they represented their figures and played -a hundred monkey tricks to raise a laugh. Afterwards the party ended -by a ball and masquerade. It was {303} very good and diverting; and my -lady Countess of Olivares gave the collation to their Majesties." - - -[Sidenote: Progress of the war] - -The year thus fittingly begun in the Court was signalised by the -Cardinal Infante Fernando in Flanders and France by military capacity -which recalled the great days of the Emperor a hundred years before. -The French and Dutch allies were already suspicious of each other, and -were not co-operating cordially; so that Fernando had been able to wear -out the resistance of the French without a general engagement, and -whilst they, disorganised and decimated with famine and disease, -retreated into France, the Infante overran Picardy and Champagne. He -pushed his advance beyond the Somme and to the banks of the Oise, -threatening Paris itself, and elated Olivares planned a simultaneous -invasion of France under the Admiral of Castile, and yet another from -the side of Germany over the frontier of Burgundy. The only one of -these attacks that came to anything was that of the Cardinal Infante; -but even he, either from want of resources or lack of boldness, lagged -on the line of the Somme and Oise until the French had recovered from -their panic. Orange was also marching to aid his ally, and Paris had -raised a great army of citizens to resist further attack; and early in -1637 the Spaniards, under the Cardinal Infante, had retreated into -Flanders again, forced once more to stand on the defensive. But the -net result of the temporary display of Spanish vigour had been to free -the Catalonian frontier from imminent fears from the French, and Philip -had found no excuse for insisting further upon his {304} desire to -place himself in command of his troops in Barcelona. - -A perusal of the gossiping newsletters of the times, though, of course, -much that they record is merely trivial, throws a lurid light upon the -utterly lawless condition of the capital at this grave juncture, when -the nation was supposed to be straining every nerve to prevent -humiliation at the hands of its implacable enemy. It would be -profitless to give details of all, or of any large number, of the -scandals mentioned by the chroniclers from day to day; but as a -specimen a few entries belonging to this year 1636 will give an idea of -the state of affairs in Philip's Court at the time. In January, Don -Antonio Oquendo, the famous naval commander, was at Mass in the church -of Buen Suceso,[32] when a challenge to immediate combat was brought -from the rival admiral Nicholas Spinola. Oquendo just gave himself -time to confess, and then met his opponent, both being mounted and -armed with knives. One of the combatants was wounded before the -passers-by could interfere, and the other fled to hiding.[33] - -[Sidenote: A turbulent capital] - -A day or two later, proclamation was made in the streets that the King -ordered all the Portuguese murderers in Madrid to leave within a week, -or they would be apprehended and sent before the judges, who Were -considering their cases. "The intention of this," sapiently says the -chronicler, "appears to be that they may thus be forced to {305} enlist -as soldiers, and the pragmatic with regard to the number of lackeys -allowed had a similar object." At the same time a scandalous quarrel -was going on between the officers of the Inquisition and the alcaldes -of the Court, or judges of first instance, on some trivial point of -etiquette, but which ended in wholesale excommunication of all the -alcaldes in a body, and several inferior officers on both sides being -condemned and imprisoned by the rival authorities. In the summer -another panic occurred in the Church of St. Philip and on Liars' Walk, -because a heretic shouted some sacrilegious words in the church; and -soon afterwards an offended soldier murdered by a pistol shot a -gentleman named Bilbao on the steps leading to the crowded atrium of -the church, the most frequented spot in Madrid. - -On the 28th July there was a great bull-fight in the Plaza Mayor, which -had attracted a vast concourse of people, as the bulls were said to -have been unusually savage. They must have been so, for several men -were killed; but worse than this, daggers were drawn and a slashing -match commenced under the King's very eyes. Philip, outraged at such -disrespect, ordered the offenders to be arrested. They were handed by -the alguacils to the Archers of the Guard, from whom they managed to -escape. Philip quite lost his temper at this, which he very rarely -did, and rose wrathfully to leave the arena. The Queen pulled him by -the cloak, and coaxed him into sitting again whilst two more bulls and -many horses were done to death. But the King was still unappeased, and -as he went out past the Archers of the Guard {306} he told them "that -they had managed it very nicely. Why were they Archers, he wondered, -and what were they paid for?" the matter ending in mutual -recriminations between the Archers and the alguacils, and the -punishment of the former. - -Matrimonial scandals succeeded each other daily in the Newsletters, and -the highest names in the Court are treated with the utmost scurrility -in this particular; whilst accusations of corruption on the part of -judicial authorities and priests are quite as common. The authorities -whose duty it was to keep order appear to have been as lawless as the -rest of the citizens. The Corregidor[34] (Governor of Madrid) had -occasion in October to call upon the King's upholsterer and valet de -chambre, who was also captain of a newly raised company of militia. -The soldiers in his courtyard, for some reason not stated, snatched the -Corregidor's wand of office from the page who carried it, and, having -broken it, belaboured the boy's back with it. The Corregidor, offended -in his dignity, told the soldiers angrily that he was a member of the -Council of {307} War, and their master; whereupon one of the -men-at-arms thrust his pike against the august breast of the -Corregidor, and threatened to kill him. Upon this a free fight took -place between the alguacils in attendance on the Corregidor and the -soldiers, and after much uproar one of the soldiers was overpowered and -borne off in triumph by the alguacils to the prison of the -municipality, "notwithstanding that it was the feast day of our -seraphic father St. Francis." The Corregidor lost no time, but sat in -judgment at once, and of course found the soldier guilty. But before -the trial was done a great rabble of soldiers assembled outside the -Guildhall (Casa de la Villa) to rescue their comrade from the hands of -justice. The town officers read an order from the balcony that every -soldier was immediately to withdraw, and the stout-hearted Corregidor -himself arrested the ringleader, and, kicking and cuffing, thrust him -into a cell. That afternoon the Corregidor accompanied the first -offender through the streets of Madrid, whilst 200 strokes of the lash -were administered on the poor soldier's bare back, and when the -Corregidor returned to the Guildhall he stood by whilst the other -offender was tortured on the rack. Out of this arose a quarrel royal -between the Council of War, who took the soldiers' part, and the Royal -Council, who were for the civil authorities; and for weeks afterwards -recriminations and punishments were abundantly exchanged. - -There was, indeed, in all spheres a shocking absence of real dignity -and restraint. Crimes of the most horrible description are mentioned -as {308} being prevalent in the better classes;[35] and after the first -outcry they were allowed to go almost unpunished and unchecked. As may -be supposed, in such a state of society superstition of the grossest -description was common. The proceedings of the miracle-working nun of -Carrion, to whom, it will be recollected, the Infanta Maria had -recommended the Prince of Wales, had become so notorious that the -Inquisition had taken her in hand, and condemned her as a witch and an -impostor. But this appears only to have increased her fame for -sanctity, for several books in her praise were burnt by the -Inquisition, and every measure taken to expose her frauds by the Holy -Office; but with so little effect, that after her death, early in 1637, -an edict was read in every church in Madrid pronouncing major -excommunication against all those who retained images, portraits, -signatures, crosses, certificates, beads, or books relating to her.[36] -When the Marquis of Aitona was unwilling to start from Madrid to take -up the governorship of Milan in the spring of 1636, and delayed his -departure from week to week, a fresh pretext for delay, and one -generally praised, was that it would be most unwise for {309} him to -leave Madrid on the Ides of March, because it was the anniversary of -the murder of Cæsar. - -[Sidenote: General lawlessness] - -The lawlessness was not confined even to grown people, but extended to -children. It appears that late in 1636 a pragmatic had been drafted, -but not yet officially promulgated, decreeing that no man in future -might wear in Madrid the long wisp of hair before the ears (_guedejas_) -that had recently become the fashion; and women were strictly forbidden -to appear in the strange farthingales or very wide hoop skirt, -flattened back and front, called _guardainfantes_; "although," says the -chronicler, "it has not yet been proclaimed, the boys are already -hunting women who wear guardainfantes as if they were cows, hissing and -whistling at them, and insulting them dreadfully. To such a length has -this insolence been carried, that mounted alguacils have been posted to -prevent violence, two boys having been killed in the street last -Thursday by attendants upon the women, who had turned upon the -boys."[37] - -Whilst Olivares bore upon his bowed shoulders the whole burden of -government, resorting to the most empirical means to raise money, such -as calling in the copper coin and restamping it to three times its -former value,[38] the King had to be distracted and kept amused by -never-ending entertainments, such as those that have been described -{310} in former pages.[39] Hardly a week passed without some pretext -for a long series of such shows, which now usually took place at the -favourite Buen Retiro. Aston, in one of his letters to Coke in May -1636,[40] describes the festivities of Whitsuntide that year. - - -"Three days of noble feasting," he calls it; "the first day a -masquerade on horseback, in the evening, and bull-fights on the other -two days, with cane tourneys. I was invited to all of them, and had -the particular honour on the first night to be placed in a balcony in -the King's own apartments with the grandees; this being an unusual -honour. On the other days I occupied a special balcony with my own -people. When the welcome news of the Cardinal Infante's victories in -Picardy came to Madrid late in September 1636, the rejoicings were -frantic. His Majesty and all the Court rode to Our Lady of Atocha to -give thanks.... They returned at night through the streets, -illuminated by countless torches; all the Councils having been ordered -to make a celebration in honour of the occasion, they all complied -famously, and with great sumptuousness, each feast having cost 2000 -ducats, and others are yet to come which will surpass them all."[41] - - -{311} - -[Sidenote: Continual festivities] - -A few weeks later, an excuse was found in the expected arrival in -Madrid of the French Bourbon Princess of Carignano, wife of Prince -Thomas of Savoy, who was fighting for the Spanish under the Cardinal -Infante, and it was determined that in her honour the Buen Retiro -should surpass itself. Before the Princess had even embarked for -Spain, the great preparations were begun "to finish the new arena at -the Buen Retiro. Experts have been despatched to the country around -Madrid to obtain the 80,000 planks which will be needed for the -barriers that are to surround it. The work is going on so actively, -both in levelling the ground and erecting the woodwork, that there is -no cessation, even on Sunday or feast days; and the Corregidor has -erected there a scaffolding with a (neck) ring to punish the workmen -who do not complete their task properly, as an example to the others. -A triumphal car is also being made, of which the cover alone is to cost -4000 ducats; and it will be enclosed in glass, in order that the inside -may look more beautiful."[42] - -Another fine feast is described by Aston in June 1636. Writing to -Coke, he says: - - -"The King and Queen retired to Buen Retiro to enjoy the curious gardens -and new waterworks contrived by Olivares, and a great variety of -festivals. One on Midsummer night was of the greatest ostentation and -curiosity I have ever seen in my life. I had {312} the honour to be -invited to it, and had extraordinary favour and respect shown in the -place that was given to me. The entertainment was a play that was made -on purpose to be acted by the three several companies of players of -this town, the intention whereof was so good; the place where it was -acted being set out with three several scenes of much ostentation, and -the disposition of the lights so full of novelty and delight, that I am -highly tempted to give your honour a larger description of it, but that -it would prove to be business enough for a large letter."[43] - - -It was not all feasting and play-going for Sir Walter Aston at the -historic "house with the seven chimneys." When he arrived to replace -Arthur Hopton, early in 1636, the famous agreement between Philip and -Charles was still uncompleted, and the complaints of the English -shipmasters against Spanish oppression were louder and more insistent -than ever. Tyrone and the Desmonds were in Madrid negotiating for the -raising of fresh Catholic Irish regiments for the Spanish service, and -urging Philip to make no terms about the Palatinate unless Charles -would restore the lands of O'Neill. But the aid of an English fleet in -the Channel became more and more desirable to Spain as the war went on; -and it was clear that the old vague promises and smiling plausibilities -of Olivares had at last lost their efficacy with Charles. An -instructive light is thrown upon the methods by which Olivares still -strove to cope with the situation, by an original holograph letter in -the Record Office[44] from Olivares' confidential secretary Rojas, -{313} to the imperial ambassador in Madrid, asking him by King Philip's -orders to "give some words of hope to the English ambassador about the -Palatinate." "It is of the utmost importance that we should make use -of all such expedients as present themselves; as it appears that the -King of England is extremely busy preparing a powerful fleet to be used -to the detriment of this Crown, ... probably against Brazil, in -co-operation with the Hollanders." - -On the 18th June 1636, Olivares wrote a serious letter to Aston, -evidently intended to bring affairs to a crisis. He, Olivares, had -news, he said, of a design of a French naval attack on the English -coast. Aston replied coolly that he had no doubt due measures would be -taken in England to repel any attempt; but in the subsequent interview -he succeeded "in persuading," as he says, "the Conde to assent to the -terms for the co-operation of the English fleet, and Count de Oñate was -instructed to start for England at once. They are really trying to -prove that they desire the King of England's friendship. Indeed, in -the present state of things it is needful for them, and I hope our King -will make wise use of the opportunity."[45] But, withal, the -Palatinate, which was the question nearest to Charles's heart, was -still left open, though Arundel in Vienna was pushing the point there -industriously, while the Palatine himself appealed personally to Philip -by a letter which received no answer. - -When Count de Oñate eventually presented himself before King Charles at -Whitehall, the English King left no doubt that the Palatinate {314} was -uppermost in his mind. Speaking in Latin, he asked Oñate three -questions--"Whether, having notice of the final answer of the Emperor -to Arundel, he hath any power by way of interpretation or otherwise to -qualify the said answer? Whether he hath power from the King of Spain -to deliver to King Charles, or the Prince Elector, that part of the -Lower Palatinate in his (Philip's) possession, and also by this -mediation that part held by the Emperor? Whether he hath commission to -set down in particular those conveniences that his father told Arundel -the King of Spain would insist upon? Whether, in accordance with the -assurance given by the English ambassador in Spain, King Charles may -expect by him (Oñate) any more particular and full satisfaction than -hath yet been delivered?"[46] Needless to say that Oñate had no clear -answers to any of these questions, nor instructions to forward the -matter of the Palatinate definitely; and once more discouragement fell -upon those who had hoped to carry through the treaty. - -Hopton, when he arrived in London and heard the news, wrote to Aston by -Richard Fanshawe, who was on his way to Spain: - - -"A greater change has taken place in our purposes in the last month -than in years before. Our eyes are now opened to the intention of the -house of Austria to keep hold of the Palatinate. They must have a very -mean opinion of us to treat our King with so little courtesy. If his -Majesty gives way to the opinion {315} of his subjects about the -Palatinate, it will prove to Spain their error. It is incredible that -they should act thus. They will certainly lose us if they be not -careful." At the same time, the Spaniards were boasting in Madrid that -"the Palatinate has been put to bed, and the King of England will not -dare to break with us about it." - - -[Sidenote: England again shelved] - -The need of Spain for English co-operation was now once again growing -less urgent, for the star of Richelieu was temporarily dimmed. The -coalition of the Italian princes against Spain had fallen to pieces, -the Dukes of Mantua and Savoy died, and Parma was forced to submit to -Spain. The Valtelline was retaken and occupied by the Spanish troops, -and the Grisons conciliated; whilst Cardinal la Valette's campaign in -1637 against the Infante Cardinal partially failed. In Germany, too, -the French were defeated all along the line, and, worst of all, France -lost Alsace. Richelieu, moreover, was faced by the dangerous Court -intrigues of Gaston of Orleans and his cousin Soissons, and half France -was in smouldering revolt against the taxation imposed by the great -Cardinal. The way across Lombardy and Tyrol to Germany and Flanders by -land was now open to Spanish troops; and Olivares, having kept unstable -Charles of England on the tenterhooks all these years with the bait of -the Palatinate, could now snap his fingers at him, and for a time drop -the mask. - - - -[1] An attempt was made to enforce gifts of this donation from -foreigners, and four English youths at Bilbao resisted, but on Hopton's -representations they were exempt. - -[2] In fact, a notification had been sent to the Pope that the Nuncio -in future would be treated as any other ambassador, and the large -revenue drawn by the Papacy from Spain would be in future taken by the -King. Upon this the Nuncio was withdrawn, and much trouble ensued. - -[3] Corner, the Venetian ambassador in Madrid, writing at the same -period, says: "He (Olivares) is greatly hated both by the grandees and -by the people of all classes, but nobody believes that he can be turned -out of his place.... He is very austere and hard in his dealings with -people, which causes great anger, and the murmurs against him are open -and loud, even the preachers in the pulpits denouncing him; and -everybody is saying that it is a wonder he can stand against it all." - -[4] As if to silence these terrible hints, Olivares had at this time -adopted an ostentatiously saintly mode of life. Corner speaks of him -as living very quietly and in great melancholy since the death of his -only daughter. "He professes to live in much piety and devotion, -confessing and communicating every day. He has so many masses said -daily, and to all appearance lives the life of a devotee. He has now -begun to lie in a coffin in his chamber like a corpse, with tapers -around him, whilst the _de profundis_ is sung; whilst in ordinary -affairs he talks like a capuchin friar, and speaks of the grandeur of -this world with the greatest disdain." - -[5] Hopton's MS. Notebook. - -[6] Hopton, writing soon after this (January 1634), says the levies are -going on very slowly. Yesterday a pragmatic was published limiting the -number of lackeys and squires, all beyond that number are to be -discharged, and so also are those employed in unnecessary trades, so -that many will be at leisure to serve the King. But the pragmatics did -not dare to attack the greater scandal of all, namely, the enormous -number of ruffians who escaped all responsibility to the ordinary laws -by becoming nominally "Familiars" of the Inquisition, or servants, in -the broadest sense, to the religious communities. - -[7] Hopton's MS. Notebook. - -[8] This was an ancient Dominican religious house near the palace, at -the corner of the present Cuesta de Santo Domingo in Madrid. - -[9] Particulars of the case will be found in the contemporary MS., D. -150, Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid. - -[10] On a portion of the site of the Buen Retiro the Countess of -Olivares had formerly had an aviary with a collection of domestic -poultry, in which she and her husband had taken great interest. The -wits of the capital had dubbed the place "the hen-coop"; and the name -was the peg upon which the satirists and poets hung their scurrilous -gibes at the new palace. Corner, the Venetian ambassador at this time, -writes: "The origin of the edifice has become a subject for great -ridicule. The site was occupied by a collection of poultry the -Countess had, and although the hens were curious and pretty of their -sort, it was a source of much wonder and derision that the Count, who -is occupied in such grave business, should have taken such interest in -the hens.... Everybody calls it (the palace) the 'hen-coop,' and -numberless pasquins have been written about it, even Cardinal Richelieu -joking about the hens and the hen-coop to a secretary of the King -(Philip) who was in Paris." - -[11] Hopton's MS. Notebook. Corner also says that anybody who wished -to stand well with Olivares hurried to send some precious thing to -adorn the Buen Retiro. - -[12] _Ibid._ - -[13] Fernando was in Milan, and was already under orders to march to -Flanders overland at this time. - -[14] Hopton's MS. Notebook. - -[15] Hopton's MS. Notebook. - -[16] At this very period the great Don Fadrique de Toledo, son of the -Duke of Alba, was in prison, the victim of Olivares' jealousy, and most -of the grandees avoided Court as much as possible. - -[17] Hopton's MS. Notebook. - -[18] Carl Justi. Presents of paintings were also sent from England. -Coke, for instance, sent, presumably from Charles I., a picture by -Horatio Gentileschi as a present to King Philip. It is extraordinary -to note in the correspondence of the English diplomatists at this -period the constant mention of the sending of pictures to Spain, and -vice versa, mostly for King Charles, but very often also for Lady -Cottington. In May 1633, Hopton writes to Cottington the following -reference to a painter sent to Madrid to copy pictures for Charles I., -which I do not think has been noticed before. "The King's painter is -sending some pieces. He is a very well governed young man and a good -husband (_i.e._ a good manager of money), yet by reason of the -dearenesse of this place, and being willing to live in so handsome a -manner as a man sent by his Majesty, money goes away apace which I -cannot remedy, because I doe not see that he can; but I conceive his -Majesty will have a very good account of him, to whose service I -perceive he hath wholly disposed himself." A little later we are told -that "the King's painter hath fallen sick of a calenture, and grows -worse. I am out of a great deal of money by him." Lady Cottington and -others in England were constantly asking for Labrador's flower and -fruit pieces to be sent to them, and purchases and exchanges of -pictures are often spoken of for King Charles himself. - -[19] The charming picture by Velazquez, here reproduced, represents the -little Prince at about the age of nine on his pony galloping near the -Pardo. There is another charming equestrian portrait of the Prince in -the Duke of Westminster's collection, with Olivares in the background. - -[20] Hopton's MS. Notebook. - -[21] Hopton's MS. Notebook. - -[22] It is curious that during all this period of great international -anxiety and important negotiations, the talk about pictures is still -constantly to be met with in the diplomatic correspondence. At one -time, in June 1635, Suero de Quiñones wished to send two pictures as a -present to King Charles. "I (Hopton) and King (Charles's) painter have -seen them, and think they are good, particularly a Venus and Adonis of -Luqueto. The other piece is by Tintoret. Suero de Quiñones is poor, -but of quality. I know not why he should give his pictures away thus." -But Quiñones, urged doubtless by poverty rather than his quality, did -not give them away after all, and perhaps never intended to do so; for -Hopton writes months afterwards: "Quiñones has played the knave, and -sold his pictures." On another occasion (July of the same year), -Hopton expresses his delight to Cottington that Labrador's paintings -had come to hand at last. "The painter who made the landskips," he -continues, "is now dead, and his pieces are much sought after and -highly prized. I have a few of them and am using diligence to get some -more, at your lordship's service. If the man had lived I think I had -carried him with me to England; for he was grown much out of love with -his own country, and was much my friend." MS. Notebook. - -[23] After they had voted this usual 9 millions to extend over three -years, the Cortes were thunderstruck in the following January 1636, by -a demand of Olivares that they should vote an additional 13 millions. -The members were all paid and submissive; but this was too much even -for them. They flatly refused to vote the sum, which they said it was -quite impossible for their constituents to pay. The royal Council then -at once commenced criminal proceedings against them, whereupon the -members prayed for time to consult their constituents, and orders were -given by the Council to levy the 13 millions of necessary without the -vote: to this abject state had representative institutions been reduced -in the realms of Castile. See Danvila's _Poder Civil en España_, -_Documents_, and Rodriguez Villa's Newsletters, 1636-37. - -[24] Hopton to Coke, 13th June 1635. MS. Notebook. - -[25] Council of State Deliberations of 19th November 1635. Danvila, -_El Poder Civil en España_. - -[26] There was one pragmatic which touched Madrid to the quick, namely, -that which forbade the use of carriages except to a very few privileged -people. So great was the outcry against this, that it was found to be -impossible to enforce it, as the driving about in coaches was the main -pleasure and amusement of every one who could afford it, and of many -people who could not. Whilst, therefore, the pragmatic was rigidly -enforced in the provincial capitals, licences were issued to anyone in -Madrid to own a coach on payment of 100 ducats.--Rodriguez Villa's -Newsletters, January 1636. Other pragmatics were issued at the time, -regulating the courtesy titles, as it was found that too many people -were calling themselves _Lordship_. - -[27] In the Rodriguez Villa's Newsletters at this period, hardly a week -passes without reference to the selling up of some nobleman's -belongings for debt. One of the most ostentatious nobles in Madrid, -the Marquis de las Navas, was soon after this fined for some offence, -and as he had no money an execution was put in on his coaches and -horses, which it was then found were not his own but hired; and his -furniture and even the tapestries of his palace belonged to other -people. - -[28] Both of them got safe away abroad, and the Marquis del Aguila was -condemned to death in his absence. Herrera subsequently issued a -public challenge for the Marquis to meet Him and fight in Switzerland, -and thus explains the affray. The Marquis, he asserts, said in the -theatre that he was drunk, and though he made no reply to this, an hour -afterwards he came behind him and struck him a great blow on the back -of the neck. He (Herrera) then drew his sword, and he and the Marquis -were both seized by the Guard. - -[29] _La Corte y Monarquia de España en_ 1636-1637, a series of -newsletters written by an anonymous grandee in Madrid, edited by A. -Rodriguez Villa. - -[30] Philip had grown very fond of these tests of literary promptitude, -at which he appears to have shone. In Morel Fatio's _Espagne au XVI. -et XVII. Siècle_ there is reproduced the programme of a great burlesque -_Academy_ of this sort, which took place at the Buen Retiro during the -fetes of 1637. There are fourteen items for competition, of which the -following are good specimens: A romance declaring which stomach is most -to be envied, that which will digest great sorrows or great suppers. -An epigram in two Castilian couplets, declaring which is the most -foolish, to be a fool sometimes or to be always discreet. Sixteen -roundels, about a procuress who was dying, much comforted that there -were no proper men left in the world; and just as she is about to -expire, a young man comes in whom she receives with delight, saying to -him, "My friend, you are just in time; there are two beautiful lasses -in there, as good as gold; one dark and the other fair." And as the -youth was hesitating which to choose the expiring old woman cried, "My -son; for heaven's sake take the dark one. This is no time for me to -deceive people." The tale has been drawn out thus, because they say it -is true. - -[31] Las Sabandijas del Conde. - -[32] This church was at the end of the Puerta del Sol, where the Hotel -de Paris now stands. - -[33] Oquendo, only a few weeks later, took command of the galleys at -Cadiz to attack the French fleet, and received 200,000 ducats. - -[34] This was the Count of Montalvo, who must have been more -quarrelsome and punctilious than most of his compeers, for only a few -weeks after the contention here described he had a violent quarrel with -the Council of Castile, the supreme judicial authority, which ended in -the Corregidor himself being imprisoned and heavily fined. It appears -that he had ordered an alguacil to attend him, which the alguacil -refused to do, as he was not under his jurisdiction. The Corregidor's -answer was to cast the man into prison; whereupon the alguacil appealed -to the President of the Council of Castile, who told the Corregidor -that he had exceeded his powers. The touchy Corregidor in a rage burst -out with: "A rebuke to me. By Christ's body, his Majesty the King has -many ministers who do not know what they are doing." The scandalised -president without more ado cast the Corregidor into prison, from which -only after much trouble he was released. - -[35] Particulars of these may be found in Rodriguez Villa's _La Corte y -Monarquia de España en_ 1636-1637, p. 50 and in Barrionuevo's -Newsletters of a subsequent date. With regard to the period now under -review (1636), one of the accused persons under torture was hastily -taken down from the rack, "as he showed an intention of accusing half -Madrid." On this occasion two obscure persons were burnt alive, but -scores of aristocrats whose names are freely mentioned in the letters -escaped with short banishment from Court or no punishment at all. - -[36] It was afterwards stated that one bishop had surrendered thousands -of the nun's letters to the Inquisition, and the Cura of Santa Cruz had -"a room full of crosses, medals, images, and old rags belonging to her, -whilst the Duke of Arschot had two thousand made specially to be -blessed by her." Rodriguez Villa. - -[37] Rodriguez Villa's Newsletter, October 1636. - -[38] This, as Aston wrote, made gold and silver a mere merchandise. -The pragmatics, it is true, fixed the premium on silver at 25 per -cent., but it was at once raised in the open market to 34 per cent. and -more, the resulting distress and dislocation of business being -appalling. Aston to Coke, 29th May 1636. Record Office, S.P. Spanish -MSS. 38. - -[39] In April of this year, 1636, for instance, Philip for some reason -or other was in depressed spirits on Sunday 26th, and was for a time -secretly closeted in the chapel alone in prayer. At once, we are told, -"great and sudden preparations were ordered to be made in the palace -for comedies and interludes, and the comedians were warned to play as -many buffooneries as they could to make his Majesty laugh." An account -in MS. of all that happened in the Court from 1636 to 1642, Biblioteca -Nacional, Madrid, H. 33 - -[40] Record Office, S.P. Spanish MSS. 38 - -[41] Newsletter. Aston also describes the rejoicings on this occasion, -and mentions that Philip "let fall some expressions of regret that his -brother-in-law's affairs had fallen into such bad case." This was a -curious expression, as the brother-in-law in question was the King of -France, and it was Philip's own army that had put him "in bad case." - -[42] Rodriguez Villa. - -[43] Record Office S.P., Spain MSS. 38. - -[44] _Ibid._ - -[45] Aston to Coke, 30th June 1636. Record Office, MSS. S.P., Spain, -39. - -[46] Record Office S.P., Spain MSS. - - - - -{316} - -CHAPTER VIII - -FESTIVITIES IN MADRID--EXTRAVAGANCE AND PENURY--NEW WAYS OF RAISING -MONEY--HOPTON AND WINDEBANK--BATTLE OF THE DOWNS--VIOLENCE IN THE -STREETS OF MADRID--REVOLT OF PORTUGAL--FRENCH INVASION OF SPAIN--REVOLT -OF CATALONIA--PHILIP'S AMOUR WITH THE NUN OF ST. PLACIDO--THE WANE OF -OLIVARES--PHILIP'S VOYAGE TO ARAGON--INTRIGUES AGAINST OLIVARES--FALL -OF OLIVARES - - -[Sidenote: Princess Carignano] - -Nothing even in Spain could exceed the magnificence with which Philip -greeted the Bourbon Princess of Carignano. She was really a person of -little importance, but her significance in Spain for the moment was -that she was a sister of the Count of Soissons, who in France was in -arms against Richelieu; and a foe of the Cardinal was a friend of -Spain. The proud dame was equal to the occasion, and, after endless -discussions as to the exact behaviour of both at a proposed interview -with the English ambassador, Sir Walter Aston decided that he could -not, with due regard for his dignity, meet the Princess at all. The -points of difference seem trivial enough: when Aston was to take off -his hat, how many steps upon the dais the lady was to advance to meet -him, and so on; but the Princess was indignant that the Englishman -{317} should thus haggle over the courtesy due to her, and all Madrid -took malicious part in the squabble.[1] The usual round of festivities -for the Princess, with the addition of a great pig-sticking day with -twenty wild boars at the Pardo, were followed in a fortnight by another -series more sumptuous still, to celebrate, the election of Philip's -brother-in-law to the kingship of the Romans and to the succession of -the imperial throne. Many detailed accounts of these extraordinary -feasts, the greatest ever given in the Buen Retiro, exist;[2] but so -many similar celebrations have been described in this book from Spanish -sources, that it will suffice in this case to quote only Sir Walter -Aston's short description of what he saw. "On the 7th February 1637 -the King came from the Pardo to the Buen Retiro, and he has been busy -ever since arranging the festivities for the election of the King of -the Romans. The feasts began on the 15th, the King being present. A -large place had been specially cleared and levelled before the Buen -Retiro, and built about with uniform scaffolds two storeys high, the -posts and divisions {318} all beautified with paintings and gilding. -The King and the Conde (Olivares) dressed themselves in the house of -Carlo Strada, the _asentista_ (loan-monger), by whom they were richly -presented, not only with jewels but with the whole furniture of the -apartments,[3] which he had provided for each. [Sidenote: A sumptuous -show] His house is in the Carrera de San Geronimo, where the King and -Conde took horse, and, attended by 200 of the nobility and persons of -quality, and two triumphal chariots drawn by 20 oxen apiece, entered -the Plaza, where they performed a curious masquerade after their manner -full of changes, the one half of the horsemen being led by the King and -the other half by the Count-Duke; the King and Conde and all the rest -being richly clad after the same kind. The Plaza was round about set -full of torches in several heights, and postures which had so much -delight and magnificence in the appearance, that those who have looked -curiously into the entertainments of former times say that amongst the -Romans they have not read of any greater ostentation.[4] The charge -hath {319} certainly been very great, but hath cost the King nothing; -for it hath long used this town to defray all extraordinaries either -for his honour or his pleasure. Since then there has been a bull-feast -and some fresh entertainment every day. On Sunday last there was a -masked carnival fit for the Shrove-tide season; so full of variety of -different figures, antique shapes, and several dances, that I have not -seen in a ridiculous way any of more pleasure. Late advices have given -them little contentment; but however their business may go abroad, they -are resolved to make themselves merry at home."[5] - - -However "merry" the Court might be, the need for money was more -pressing than ever. In the same letter that describes these -entertainments, we are told that the Marquis of Castel Rodrigo had been -sent to Seville to demand 800,000 ducats for present needs in Madrid. -"Though he is to demand it as a denature, this King's requests are -{320} understood to be commands, and admit of no reply.[6] The -denature has already begun in this Court, and is to go through the -whole kingdom, everybody being told by way of request what he has to -pay." The Pope, too, who had been for months striving to bring about -peace or a truce, was persuaded to consent that the Spanish clergy -should be mulcted in 500,000 ducats; and when the Indies fleet arrived, -Olivares ordered a similar amount of private treasure in it to be -seized in exchange for assignments, which, says Aston, is commonly a -very slow and lame payment. But the greatest novelty in the way to -raise funds was invented at this juncture by a Jesuit priest in Madrid -named Salazar, and was at once seized upon by Olivares to become until -our own days a principal source of revenue in all civilised States; -namely, the device of using government-stamped paper for all official -and formal documents. This new impost was published in Madrid early in -1637, there being four denominations of stamped paper; respectively of -1, 2, 3, and 4 reals per sheet, to forge which was an offence -punishable by death. The lawyers and people were up in arms against -it, though financiers said it would bring in two million ducats a year, -and the Nuncio and priests flatly refused to conform to {321} it for -the ecclesiastical courts, etc., without the special order of the -Pope.[7] - -[Sidenote: Prices in Madrid] - -The prices of commodities in Madrid had risen enormously in the -previous few years, thanks to the tampering with the coinage and the -oppressive operation of the alcabala tax on all sales; and the figures -given by Hopton at the time to Coke are very significant of the -increased cost of living. Aston, sore and humiliated at the final -failure of the treaty, begged to be recalled; and Hopton, who had not -long returned to England disappointed, and, as he said, shelved, was -again nominated for the embassy at Madrid. But Coke informed him that -his allowance for diet would be in future reduced from £6 to £4 per -day, "as it was in the time of Queen Elizabeth." Sir Arthur Hopton (he -had only just been knighted) wrote feelingly on this matter, pointing -out how unjust the reduction was. - - -"All the diet of table and stables is three times as dear as in Sir -Charles Cornwallis's time, when the £2 a day was first added. A loaf -of bread {322} was then worth 12 maravedis, and is now worth 34.[8] An -azumbre[9] of wine was then worth 12 maravedis, and now sells for 30; a -pound of mutton, which was then worth 17 maravedis, is now worth 40; a -fanega[10] of barley then cost 6 reals,[11] and 16 now. I myself have -paid as much as 26. If this new rule be enforced, the English -ambassador cannot maintain his position, for some of the small Italian -ambassadors have as much as £6." - - -But Hopton need not have exerted himself to obtain the full pay; for -before he could make ready to return to his post a change came over the -scene. Aston had long been puzzled as to what was being arranged in -London. Rumours had reached him that some agreement was on foot -between England and France, but Hopton from London had emphatically -assured him, on the 23rd May 1637, that nothing of the sort was -intended. By the next courier Aston received an enigmatical letter -written by Charles's own hand, which only made the mystery deeper, and -drew from the ambassador an impatient exclamation that he could not -give any useful warning to the English merchants on such a riddle as -that. Why was he not told, he asked, if war was really intended, and -he then could make some use of his knowledge. The King's letter is a -characteristic one, and as it has not to my knowledge ever been -printed, I give it in full. - - -{323} - -"Watt. The darkeness of ther inventions could not suffer my -resolutions to be cleare: so that it was impossible to send you a right -light to walke by. What that is (though uncertaine yet) Secretary -Windebanke will send you worde. They may be assured of my friendship, -but then ther actions not their words must doe it. So referring you to -my Secretaries despatch, I rest your friend Charles R. Theobalds, the -15th June 1637."[12] - - -[Sidenote: English neutrality] - -Aston had not to wait many days for partial enlightenment. Hopton -wrote reminding him of Olivares's dictum that there was no gratitude -amongst princes; but said the Count-Duke might have been more grateful -on this occasion with advantage to himself. Now it was too late; for a -great change had been effected in English policy, and a treaty had been -arranged with France. A few days later, Windebank wrote a long -official despatch, setting forth all the causes for complaint against -the house of Austria, and announcing an alliance with Louis XIII.[13] -But still Aston did not know whether {324} it meant war with Spain, or -simply a neutrality with benevolent tendency towards the French and -Dutch. He learnt before long that all that Richelieu had needed was to -divert Charles from an agreement with Spain, for the Stuart ship was -already steering straight for the breakers, and thenceforward no active -attack from England had to be feared by either of the parties to the -great struggle on the Continent. - -Relations between England and Spain almost came to open hostility when, -in October 1639, the powerful fleet of seventy vessels which Philip had -by a supreme effort fitted out was almost destroyed by the Dutch in the -Downs, and in English waters, where they had taken refuge from Tromp's -pursuing fleet. When the Spanish agent in England sought from Charles -the protection due to a belligerent in neutral waters, the King at once -attempted to bargain for conditions about the Palatinate. But Tromp -was in no mood for scrupulousness, and, taking the matter in his own -hands, whilst Charles was huckstering, boldly attacked and routed the -Spaniards as they lay on the coast of Kent. Olivares was furious, and -demanded redress from the King of England, who, he said, had aided the -Dutch in their attack. Admiral Pennington, to keep up appearances, was -imprisoned for not defending the neutrality of English waters; but that -was all. The Battle of the Downs was a deathblow to Spain's spirited -attempt under Olivares to become again a great naval power, and the -loss of prestige and material then suffered was never fully recovered. - -By the neutrality of England settled in 1637, {325} and the cessation -of the war in the Valtelline and in Italy, the area of the duel to the -death between France and Spain, between Richelieu and Olivares, was -gradually narrowing; but this concentration of the struggle brought -nearer the danger to Spanish territory itself. Great as had been the -pressure brought to bear upon all classes to obtain funds for the war, -the threat of invasion made the cry for money more peremptory than -ever. Not only every noble, but now every knight of an order, was -summoned to provide a horse and arms for himself and servant, and to -hold himself in readiness to join a company; and coach and cart horses -were seized for government use everywhere.[14] A new "donativo" was -decreed for Madrid, and rich men were unmercifully drained.[15] Even -the beggars who lived in squalid plenty were passed in review, in order -to find how many impostors there were who in purse or person could -serve the King. It was found by this inquiry that of 3300 people who -lived by public mendicancy in the capital, only 1300 were really poor -and deserving.[16] On the other hand, as we have seen, at this very -time, with the danger hourly growing, ostentatious expenditure on -pleasure exhausted in a day sums large enough, in relation to the -national revenue, to have provided to a great extent for the more -pressing needs. - -[Sidenote: Poverty and extravagance] - -Peculation and personal lavishness were as remarkable as the public -waste. A Portuguese Count of Linhares, who was Philip's Admiral of the -Galleys of Sicily, arrived in Madrid in February {326} 1637, and in his -first audience he gave to the King a string of diamonds, which was said -to be the handsomest ever seen in Europe, its value being estimated at -considerably over 60,000 ducats. The Count then went to salute the -Queen, to whom he offered a casket with a pair of marvellous earrings. -The Queen, we are told, fell in love with them at once, and without -waiting for ladies or tire-women, snatched her own ornaments from her -ears and put in the new pair. Whilst she was admiring the effect of -them in a mirror the King came in, delighted, to show her his string of -diamonds, which he wore in his hat; and they exchanged many jokes at -each other's vanity. What the Count-Duke received as his present from -Linhares is not stated; but that he was so pleased with Linhares' -generosity that he said, "This is the sort of ministers and viceroys -for his Majesty"; and he thereupon appointed Linhares, much to the -latter's chagrin, Viceroy of Brazil, which post he would only accept on -all manner of new and favourable conditions.[17] - -{327} - -[Sidenote: Noble criminals] - -It was in all respects high time that the noble courtiers who -surrounded Philip should be made to occupy themselves in real warfare -against the enemy of their country, for their quarrels and turbulence -had already reached a point that made them a public reproach. It had -been for more than a century a fixed policy of Spanish kings to keep -the territorial nobles as much as possible excluded from executive -activity in the Peninsula, and to attach them to the personal service -of the monarch at Court. The peerage had been enormously increased -under Philip III. and IV., and the numerous class of newly enriched and -ennobled courtiers and officers that thronged Philip's Court, utterly -idle and corrupt as they were, with no great feudal or military -traditions, had become insolent and pretentious beyond measure. - -The broils of the nobles during the month of festivities in the early -part of 1637 were so scandalous, that it was seriously considered by -Philip and Olivares how they could punish the highly placed -law-breakers, and positively forbid duels altogether. First, the -quidnuncs on Liars' Walk were regaled at the end of January by the -sight of four gentlemen of birth being led past the Calle Mayor to be -hanged instead of beheaded. These criminals had plied their impudent -trade of cloak-snatchers in every street in Madrid, and had, amongst -many other outrages, killed a priest who had objected to part with his -raiment. The Duke of Hijar, a great friend of Olivares and a notable -boaster, had been relieved not only of his cape, but of his sword and -buckler as well; and a considerable band of these ruffians, led by a -{328} young noble of nineteen, one of those hanged, had so terrorised -the streets of the capital as to make them unsafe in broad daylight. -The next day, ten men and women, mostly people of good position, were -whipped through the Calle Mayor as thieves and receivers; and some -highly born gentlemen were condemned to death as housebreakers. "This -place," wrote an eye-witness, "simply swarms with folks of this sort, -and the efforts of the ministers of justice are powerless to stop -them."[18] - -One morning soon afterwards, Madrid woke up to find the walls placarded -with a public challenge from Don Juan de Herrera to the Marquis del -Aguila to meet him and fight to the death in Switzerland. These were -the two nobles who had fought in the presence of the King (page 300), -and had fled from justice to foreign parts; and the subject of -discussion amongst the idlers and satirists in Madrid was whether or -not the Marquis was bound to accept the challenge. But in three days -this subject had to give way to another excitement. Don Juan Pacheco, -eldest son of the Marquis of Cerralbo, had asked the manager of one of -the theatrical companies of the capital, Tomas Fernandez, to represent -a new comedy, in honour of the recovery of his sweetheart, the daughter -of the Marquis of Cadreita, from fever. Fernandez had made other -arrangements for his company and declined to do so; and Pacheco at once -hired a bravo to stab the comedian as he was walking and chatting with -other actors in the open space near the Church of St Sebastian, called -the "Liars' Walk of the Comedians." When the {329} assassin delivered -the blow, this noble employer who was standing close by, shouted: "That -is the way to serve varlets." - -Hardly had the exclamations on this event ceased, than another affray -between gentlemen in broad daylight interested the gossipers. On the -10th February there was dress rehearsal of the mounted masquerade in -the new arena at the Buen Retiro, which has been described on page 318. -The populace broke into the ring, and the royal guard had much trouble -to clear the space for the riders. During the process of clearing, -young Spinola, indignant that he, a Genoese noble, should be hustled, -called out offensively to Don Francisco Zapata, the lieutenant (whom we -have seen in trouble before): "Hi, Don Francisco! don't you know who I -am?" to which Zapata replied: "I don't care who you are"; and in spite -of his threats of vengeance Spinola was "moved on." As Zapata left the -gates of the palace afterwards, he met Spinola waiting for him in the -Prado. "I have a word to say to you," cried the Genoese. "I have no -sword," replied Zapata. "Then I will wait whilst you go and fetch -one," said Spinola; and with that Zapata leapt in a rage from his mule, -and, snatching a sword from a bystander, he fell upon his opponent, -though the pair were separated before blood was shed. - -Another foolish fray over punctilious trifles took place on the -following day between the Count of Salazar and one of the gentlemen in -attendance on the Princess of Carignano, a Milanese Spanish subject who -bore an Italian title of Count de Pozo. The Spanish nobles always -sneered at Italian titles; {330} and Salazar shied at calling Pozo -"Lordship." The latter had retaliated by calling Salazar himself -"Worship" instead of "Lordship," and when he met him in the Calle Mayor -had neglected to bow to him. Worse still, when they met again in the -passage of the Buen Retiro palace leading to the Count-Duke's -apartment, Salazar doffed his hat, and Pozo neglected to return the -salute. In a moment Salazar turned back, and, snatching off Pozo's -wide-brimmed felt hat, gave the owner a tremendous buffet on the face -with it. In a moment swords flew from scabbards, and the two angry -nobles grappled; but they, too, were separated, Salazar taking refuge -in the German embassy, whilst Pozo fled into hiding. The "discourses" -in this case decided that Salazar was in the wrong; but he had many -friends, and held a perfect levee in the German embassy, closely -isolated from suspicious visitors, to prevent a hostile message -reaching him that would need his going out to fight. But by a trick -one of the pages of the Princess of Carignano obtained admission, and -handed him a challenge from Pozo. When the antagonists met next -morning at the place appointed, on the outskirts of the town, they were -both arrested; and even then the two alcaldes who arrested them had a -violent quarrel as to which of them should take Salazar. - -These, and several other scandals of the sort, all happened within the -space of a fortnight; and it is little wonder that the Royal Council, -at the instance of Olivares, discussed the matter and reported to the -King that something must be done. The step decided upon was very -Spanish. All the {331} old fire-eaters and officers of experience were -fighting under the Cardinal Infante in Flanders, and to them the whole -subject was referred for consideration and report; "after which a very -strict pragmatic will be drawn up and published forbidding duels under -heavy penalties, and even making them cases for the Inquisition, or at -least that the principals and their descendants should be degraded. -Either of these two courses would touch Spaniards deeply." Needless to -say that, long before the report from Flanders came to Madrid, if it -ever came, these good resolves were forgotten, and the affrays of noble -ruffians disgraced Madrid uninterruptedly as before. - -[Sidenote: Nearing the crisis] - -Philip and his minister, indeed, had plenty of other things of greater -moment to occupy them than this. From the first we have seen that -Olivares recognised the absolute need for fiscal unity and equality of -sacrifice from all Spain if the old dream of supremacy was to be -enforced and France humiliated. Portugal, Aragon, Catalonia, and -Valencia, naturally jealous of ancient rights which each successive -ruler had sworn to respect, were determined to resist any attack by the -favourite upon their autonomy. I have on many occasions pointed out -that the main explanation of the past, and problem of the future, of -Spanish history is the intensely local and regional character of the -patriotism of the people. In our times the rapid means of -intercommunication between the parts, and the existence of a unified -administrative system for two centuries, have in some directions -rendered this feeling less conspicuous than it was; though in others, -and particularly in Catalonia and the {332} Basque Provinces, it is -still strong and clamant. But in the time of Olivares the sentiment -was absolutely unimpaired. Philip II., even after the rising against -him in Aragon, had done little really to injure the ancient _fueros_, -whilst in Portugal he had gone to the very extreme of prudence in -recognising the separate national rights of his new subjects. Any -attack, or even threat, therefore, on the part of a new and much hated -minister like Olivares upon this, the strongest racial and traditional -sentiment of the most active and enterprising communities in the -Peninsula, was certain to lead to conflict. - -The need for money, nevertheless, was pressing, and however -statesmanlike the aim of the minister may have been if its execution -had been gentle and cautious extending over many years, it became the -height of rashness when forced to an immediate issue. Olivares was -very far from being foolish or naturally rash, and when his policy was -first explained to Philip, soon after his accession, he did not -disguise that his object was difficult to attain, and must be a work of -time.[19] But when once he had embraced the policy which forced upon -Spain {333} costly wars abroad, defeat and ruin for himself was the -only alternative to the dangerous plan of making the autonomous realms -pay their share of the cost of wars undertaken by the King, and of the -rampant waste amongst the decadent crowd in Madrid that had already -bled Castile to exhaustion. - -[Sidenote: Portuguese autonomy] - -For some years the Portuguese had been justly irritated by the giving -to Spaniards of administrative offices in Portugal, and by the -contemptuous way in which Olivares habitually received representations -or remonstrances as to the injuries suffered by Portuguese subjects in -consequence of the union with Castile. The principal instruments of -the Count-Duke in his attempts to rule Portugal on Castilian lines were -two creatures of his--Miguel Vasconcellos and Diego Suarez, both -Portuguese of obscure origin, who had practically superseded the -Duchess of Mantua, Philip's nominal figurehead, who was personally not -unpopular. In 1637, at an attempt to impose a tax on all property in -Portugal for Spanish purposes, risings took place in the Algarves and -Evora, and protests loud and deep came from other Portuguese cities. -Madrid at once announced that the King himself would go with a large -force and conquer his realm of Portugal; but though this was untrue, -the Duke of Medina Sidonia marched into the Algarves with a Spanish -force, whilst another threatened the north of Portugal, and the -Portuguese, unready as yet for the conflict, were cowed by the threat. -But the injury rankled deeply, and when, in the following year 1638, -Olivares summoned to Madrid the Portuguese archbishops, seven nobles -and three {334} Jesuit priests, to discuss the closer unity of the two -countries--an assembly which coincided with the imposition of a new -illegal tax upon the Portuguese as a punishment for the -risings--Portuguese nobles and people alike knew that unless they were -to be enslaved by Castile they must needs fight for their national -existence. - -Thenceforward the great conspiracy that was to bring independence to -Portugal never ceased until victory crowned the attempt. The Duke of -Braganza, the Portuguese pretender with the best right to the throne, -was prodigiously rich and over cautious, but his virile Spanish Guzman -wife was eager and ambitious; whilst her wealthy brother, the Duke of -Medina Sidonia, head of the Guzmans, silently helped forward the scheme -which would make his sister a Queen, and afford him, the most powerful -vassal of the Castilian crown, a precedent for the creation of an -independent principality for himself in Andalucia, free from the weak -and corrupt bureaucracy led by his cousin Olivares in Madrid. - -In the meanwhile the war with France had taken a new aspect. The much -vaunted Spanish invasion of France through Bayonne under the Duke of -Nocera had turned out a ridiculous fiasco, and it was soon evident that -Richelieu meant to make an effort to revenge the attempt by an invasion -of Spain, as well as to retrieve the reverses he had sustained -elsewhere in the previous year. Anna of Austria, the Queen Mother of -France, did her best privately to persuade her brother and Olivares to -terms of peace acceptable to her son; and she sent to Madrid for the -purpose, in the summer of 1637, {335} a Minorite friar, who had many -interviews with Olivares on the subject. But the war had now entered -into a phase which involved the personal rivalry of two all-powerful -statesmen, as well as the prestige of two great nations, so that it had -to be fought to a finish. The blinded courtiers in Madrid, moreover, -openly scoffed at the idea of making peace with France until Spain had -asserted its incontestable superiority;[20] and all that the Minorite -friar took back with him to France was the little finger of Saint -Isidore the Husbandman, the patron of Madrid, which was secretly cut -from the body of the saint in his church in the Calle de Toledo at -midnight, to be sent as a venerated relic to Philip's sister Anna in -Paris.[21] - -[Sidenote: Spain invaded] - -In the summer of 1638, Richelieu was ready to strike his blow on -Spanish soil. Crossing the river Bidasoa at St. Jean de Luz, a French -army rapidly captured Irun and the fine harbour of Pasages, and laid -siege to Fuenterrabia both by sea and by land. The Prince of Condé -(Henri de Bourbon) and the Duke de la Valette were in command on land, -and the Bishop of Bordeaux at sea. An attempt was made by the French -to storm the hill upon which the fortress stands, but the Admiral of -Castile and the Marquis of los Velez, with 6000 men from Navarre and -Guipuzcoa, eager to fight for their own provinces, came opportunely -upon the scene. A dashing charge threw panic into the French camp, and -the besiegers fled headlong to their boats. Spaniards were always -ready enough to fight when well led, and they were fighting for their -own {336} provincial frontiers; and though La Valette was accused by -Richelieu of treachery, and condemned to death in his absence in -England, whither he had fled to join Marie de Medici, his men on this -occasion were fairly beaten by Spanish soldiers, who were irresistible -when they were defending their own provinces. - -[Sidenote: The French repelled] - -The same thing was seen in Catalonia in the following spring, where, -counting upon the notorious disaffection of the Catalans with Olivares' -policy, Condé in the spring of 1639 invaded Roussillon, which then -belonged to Catalonia, and captured Salcés. Peremptory demands for -help came to Madrid, but Olivares was in no hurry to help the Catalans, -and preferred that their own impotence to defend their country without -the aid of Castile should be first demonstrated. The provincial -authorities were stout and determined, and rapidly raised an army of -10,000 men. But the Catalans had no leader yet worthy of the name; -and, though they fought bravely, they fought for a time in vain. They -were badly and timidly led; and 8000 of them died of the plague before -Salcés, in which fortress the French were shut up. Condé, late in the -autumn, came back from Provence with a new French army of 20,000 foot -and 4000 horse to reinforce the French; and though the case seemed -hopeless, the Catalans, ever a dour race, determined to stand and fight -them. Full of confidence, the French army stormed the trenches of the -besieging Catalans on the 1st November. But the ditches and moats were -swollen by autumn rains, and regiment after regiment rushed to the -attack, only to be repelled with terrible loss by the {337} stout -Catalans, behind their earthworks and gabions. Discouragement at last -seized the French, and they fled, leaving the Catalans masters of the -field, and Salcés unrelieved. The fortress surrendered to famine at -the beginning of the year 1640, and the second attempt of Richelieu to -invade Spain failed. Nor were the attempts upon the Catalan coasts by -the French fleet under the Bishop of Bordeaux more successful; for, -after some depredations and the temporary occupation of Spanish ports, -the French fleet was scattered by a storm and returned disabled to -France. Once more it was proved that Spaniards were indomitable when -they were fighting for a deep-seated sentiment. The deepest of all was -local loyalty. Whilst the sentiment of religious selection had been -dominant it had given Spaniards a strength not their own; but that -burning faith was ashes now,[22] and the only thing worth fighting for, -beyond the inborn love of contest, was the independence of the province -that gave them birth, and for this, rather than for a Spain that for -most of them was but a geographical expression, Spaniards were still -ready to sacrifice their lives without stint. - -It was a wretched story that King Philip had to tell the Cortes of -Castile that were assembled in {338} Madrid in the summer of 1638. His -treasury, he said, was more empty than ever; "for he had been obliged -by his duty to oppose all the heretics in Europe in defence of the -Catholic religion, as well as the enemies of his house in Italy, -Germany, Flanders, and Brazil, and a greater war was now on his hands -than had afflicted Spain since the time of Charles V. And although -peace had been discussed through various channels, as yet -unsuccessfully, the surest way to attain tranquillity was to arm more -powerfully than ever, and strike their enemies with dismay." Seventy -two millions and a half of ducats had been raised by loans at 8 per -cent. interest, and spent in the previous six years on war, in addition -to two millions and a quarter for the army in Spain itself. This was -an expenditure unheard of previously in Spain, and it meant that a sum -greater than ever was demanded now of Castile in the form of an -enormous addition to the food excise, and an increase of the alcabala. -The country was depopulated and starving, said the deputies;[23] but -withal the duty of his Majesty as a Christian prince was clear, and, no -matter at what sacrifice, the means for fighting the battle of the -Church and Spain must be found by his faithful vassals. - -And so, through 1638 and 1639, as has already been told, the war went -on, not on the whole unfavourably for Spanish arms, for the French -invasion, at least, was repelled; but more disastrously than ever, for -the overtaxed and ruined people upon whom the crushing burden lay of -providing {339} funds. Talk of peace went on in Madrid all the while. -A secret agent of Richelieu named Pujol was in close though cautious -negotiation with Olivares for three years, both ministers professing -ardent desires for an agreement. But it was clear that neither was -disposed to give way an inch in his claims, and again and again the -Spanish agents declared that on no account would they recognise the -Dutch otherwise than as recalcitrant rebels against their King. In the -circumstances, therefore, peace was impossible; for Holland had not -held her own for seventy years to bow the head now, and in the summer -of 1640 the internal storm which had long been gathering burst upon -Spain, not, we may be sure, to Richelieu's surprise, and all hope for -peace fled. - -[Sidenote: Rebellion in Spain] - -The fatal burden of Philip's inherited task, and the traditions imposed -at his baptism, had led him to embark in impossible wars for an idea; -the need for money to support a policy of Quixotic adventure had -drained Castile; and the unhappy insistence of Olivares in exacting -from the autonomous realms a similar sacrifice, had at last sapped -their loyalty to the sacred personality of the sovereign. Philip, in -the prime of his manhood, after nineteen years of rule, found himself -face to face with rebellion of his own people, as well as with a great -war abroad; whilst the centre of his realm, whither all wealth flowed -and whence all power emanated, was sunk in pagan epicureanism, pride, -pretence, and sloth. - -In earlier chapters we have seen that on both the occasions that Philip -had personally attended the Cortes of the eastern realms, he, and -especially {340} Olivares, had quarrelled bitterly with the deputies, -and had returned to Madrid in anger, leaving a rankling discontent -behind. Olivares since then had lost no opportunity of dealing hardly -with Catalans particularly,--their causes in Madrid being treated with -ostentatious neglect, and their interests passed over, in order, as -Olivares said, to teach them the lesson of obedience; whilst the -Catalans, whose qualities certainly do not include submissiveness, -repaid this treatment by passively resisting the orders that came to -them from the Court. When Roussillon was invaded by the French in the -autumn of 1639, Olivares had been slow to send succour from Castile. -As we have seen, the drain for the foreign war was tremendous, and both -money and men were scarce, even if Olivares had desired to send prompt -aid. But such was not the case; and the main efforts by which the -French were expelled and Salcés captured were those of the Catalans -themselves. The Viceroy was Queralt, Marquis of Santa Coloma, who, -although a Catalan, was devoted heart and soul to Olivares, and had -been chosen as a more pliant instrument for the minister than his -dignified predecessor, the Duke of Cardona. - -To Santa Coloma, whilst the Catalans were straining every nerve to -defend their principality from the French, Olivares and the King -continued to send messages calculated to arouse the deepest resentment -of the people. - - -"Do not," wrote Olivares, "suffer a single man who can work to absent -himself from the field, nor a woman who can bear on her back food or -forage.... {341} If the enterprise can be effected without violating -the privileges of the province, well and good, but if in order to -respect these the service of the King is retarded by one single hour, -he who dares to uphold them at such a cost will be an enemy to God, his -King, his race, and his country.... Make the Catalans understand that -the general welfare of the people and of the troops must be preferred -to all rights and privileges.... You must take great care that the -troops are well lodged and have good beds; and if there are none to be -had, you must not hesitate to take them from the highest people in the -province; for it is better that they should lie on the ground than that -the troops should suffer." - - -[Sidenote: Revolt in Catalonia] - -The reinforcements from Castile and elsewhere that eventually reached -Catalonia under Spinola, Marquis of Balbeses, arrived after most of the -fighting was over, and the French had retired; but orders were given -that these troops should remain quartered in the province. This was a -violation of one of the most cherished rights of the Catalans; and -Spinola made matters worse by his marked insolence to people of the -country, and his public instructions that in every case the troops -lodged in a place were to be stronger than the inhabitants, so that -they should always be the masters. Protests and indignant -remonstrances met with the same contemptuous treatment from Olivares, -Santa Coloma, and Spinola; and as the months wore on the mood of the -Catalans became ever more dangerous. It was announced in the spring of -1640 that the King would go and hold {342} a Cortes in Barcelona; but -to hold Cortes, it was remarked that he did not need the strong armed -force he summoned to attend him. The knights of the orders were again -placed under contribution, and protested in vain that it was an abuse -to press them thus for subordinate military service; the grandees of -Castile were each commanded to provide and pay for four months 100 -soldiers each; and this, on the top of other swollen demands, aroused -higher than ever their hatred of Olivares. The Duke of Arcos said that -he had already paid 900,000 ducats; the Dukes of Priego and Bejar, -800,000 each, and others in like proportion, and that they were at the -end of their resources.[24] The Portuguese nobles saw in the summons -only a pretext for withdrawing them from their own country, and many -went into hiding to avoid compliance with it, whilst others with -feigned acquiescence procrastinated until they could safely throw aside -the mask. - -Whilst Philip was still trifling in Madrid with the usual merrymakings -at the Retiro to celebrate the feast of Corpus Christi in June 1640, -there came flying news from Barcelona that the threatened tempest had -burst. The Catalans, driven to desperation by the exactions and -insolence of the polyglot rabble of troops quartered upon them, had -risen and massacred every Castilian soldier and officer they could -hound down. Santa Coloma himself in flight had sunk by the wayside, -and had been hacked to death by his maddened countrymen; and from -Barcelona through all Catalonia the fiery cross had been borne with -cries, it is true, {343} of "Long Live the King"; but still louder -shouts of "Vengeance," "Liberty," and "Down with the Government." In a -vain attempt to stem the flood the old Duke of Cardona was reappointed -Viceroy; and, after his death shortly afterwards, was succeeded by the -aged Archbishop of Barcelona. But it was too late, and anarchy soon -ruled unchecked. Cardinal Borja, himself a Valencian and an active -minister of Philip's thenceforward, openly declared in the Royal -Council at Madrid that "the revolt could only be drowned in rivers of -blood." - -Again the screw had to be turned, and Olivares was almost in despair. -But he worked like a giant, cajoling and humouring Braganza and the -Portuguese nobles into what he hoped was a better frame of mind, whilst -he depleted the Portuguese frontier of the forces with which he had up -to that time terrorised the sister kingdom. The details of the -Secession War in Catalonia cannot be told here.[25] Suffice to say -that again Philip, supported by the enemies of Olivares, clamoured to -be allowed to lead his troops against the rebel subjects; but it suited -the minister to keep him amused with poetical academies, comedies, -amours, and devotions, rather than to bring him in touch with -realities, and enable him to learn the whole of the dire truth. - -The Marquis of los Velez was sent to Catalonia with such an army as -could be got together, and in the summer he swept through the province, -almost without resistance, until he came to Tarragona and Barcelona, -which places had been occupied, by the invitation of the Catalans, by -{344} French troops. Epernon, who commanded them, again showed the -white feather, and retired; but the stout Catalans, though deserted by -their allies, formally renouncing the rule of the King of Castile and -acknowledging Louis XIII. as their prince, manfully stood behind their -trenches to defend the capital. The attempt to storm the outworks was -made on the 26th January 1641, the Earl of Tyrone leading the Irish -regiment, and falling dead at the first onset. The battle was a -desperate and sanguinary one, but just as victory seemed assured for -the Castilians, a panic seized them; a Catalan attack in their rear -completed the demoralisation, and Barcelona, untaken and victorious, -proclaimed itself a French city, whilst the routed Spanish army -retreated to Tarragona, a mere rabble. Thenceforward French government -troops poured into the principality; and Philip, amidst his alternate -wanton pleasures and agonised remorse in Madrid, realised that the -realms of his fathers were crumbling apart, and that the King of France -ruled with the consent of Spaniards over some of the richest provinces -of Spain. The knowledge struck like death to the heart of Philip, for -up to that hour, kept in the dark by Olivares, he had never understood -the tenacity of the autonomous States, or the danger of tampering with -a deeply rooted national tradition. - -[Sidenote: Secession of Portugal] - -But the news of the secession of Catalonia, terrible as it was, came -only a few weeks after another blow which had affected Philip even -more. The King, in the earlier days of December 1640, was presiding -over one of the ostentatious bullfights that he loved, given in honour -of the Danish {345} ambassador, when a courier from the Portuguese -frontier galloped post haste to the quarters of Olivares in the palace. -Soon Liars' Walk and Calle Mayor were full of grave faces and important -whispers that dreadful news had come from the sister kingdom. In the -palace, even in the Plaza where the bullfight was being held, everybody -knew or guessed the story that had come; yet none dared whisper a hint -to the King, for the sallow, frowning face of the Count-Duke was rigid, -and until he spoke the word none might break the silence. Hours -passed; the bull-fight came to its usual end, and, on returning to the -palace, the King sat at play with his friends. To him entered the -Count-Duke, gay and smiling. "I bring great news for your Majesty," he -said. "What is it?" asked the King, with little concern. "In one -moment, Sire, you have won a great dukedom and vast wealth," replied -the minister. "How so, Conde?" inquired Philip. "Sire, the Duke of -Braganza has gone mad, and has proclaimed himself King of Portugal; so -it will be necessary for you to confiscate all his possessions." The -King's long face fell longer still, and his brow clouded, for all his -minister's jauntiness. He was no fool, and he knew this was tidings of -evil moment. "Let a remedy be found for it," was all he said, turning -anew to his game; and the Count-Duke, as he left the room, looked sad, -as if he saw the beginning of his own eclipse. - -In three hours the long prepared conspiracy had come to a head. -Braganza himself had done little, though he had artfully kept himself -out of the trap which Olivares had cleverly baited for him. - -On the 1st December 1640 the cry had rung {346} through Lisbon, "Long -live King John IV." The hated Vasconcellos had been murdered first, -literally torn to pieces by the crowd; the Duchess of Mantua, Philip's -Vice-Reine, had been respectfully conducted to safety in a convent, and -the Castilians in the city had been interned in the fortress. -Resistance there was none, and no adequate Spanish force to make any; -and although for the rest of Philip's sad life the pretence was kept up -of treating the Portuguese as rebels, and intermittently war was pushed -on the frontier to regain Castilian hold over the country, the -separation was permanent, and Portugal never lost her independence -again.[26] - -[Sidenote: Fresh troubles] - -The volume of discontent against the minister grew apace, and all -Olivares could do was to keep Philip amused, whilst he isolated him -more and more from those who could open his eyes to the true state of -affairs. Several attempts had been made in the past years by rash -individuals to open the King's eyes. Once a young courtier named -Lujanes had thrown himself at the feet of Philip in the royal chapel, -and had shouted to him to beware of Olivares, who was bent upon his -ruin. He was hurried away, and the servile friends of the Count-Duke -shrugged their shoulders and said the poor fellow was a lunatic; but -the next day he died mysteriously in confinement, and the gossips made -no hesitation in saying that he had been poisoned. Other cries to the -same effect had from time to time greeted Philip in the streets and -public diversions; but now they became more frequent and {347} -outspoken. As he was going on a wolf-hunt, cries arose: "Hunt the -French, sire! They are our worst wolves." The disaster of a great -part of the Buen Retiro being burnt down with its sumptuous contents, -during a splendid carnival in February 1641, a few weeks only after the -reception of the ill news from Barcelona and Lisbon, gave fresh cause -for complaint against Olivares. Twice previously the King had been in -danger there by the bursting of reservoirs, and now he ran a worse risk -by the place catching fire.[27] The place was accursed, said the -grumblers; and when the irreparable loss of precious works of art by -the fire had to be made good by "voluntary" offerings of similar things -from private collections, and 60,000 ducats for rebuilding were -extorted from the deputies of the Cortes, with 20,000 from the -municipality of Madrid, 30,000 from the Council of Castile, and 10,000 -from the Council of War, whilst the soldiers in the field were unpaid -and starving, all those who were not absolutely slaves to the -Count-Duke openly cried shame.[28] - -Another trouble occurred at this time which embittered Philip's heart -and conscience for years to come; and this, again, whether true in all -its particulars or not, was added to the heavy account that the people -at large had against the Count-Duke. It will be recollected that a -horrible scandal had taken place in the convent of San Placido in -Madrid in 1632. The matter was hushed up and condoned in 1638, and the -nuns went into residence {348} again. Now, the patron of San Placido -was the King's confidant, and Olivares' henchman, the protonotary -Geronimo de Villanueva, whose mansion in the Calle de Madera adjoined -the convent. Villanueva had always been one of the useful ministers of -Philip's amours, and when his convent was rehabilitated in 1638 he -brought stories of a very beautiful young nun that he had seen there. -Philip and Olivares insisted upon seeing this paragon of loveliness, -and Villanueva, exerting his authority as patron, obtained entrance -into the locutory for the King in disguise; and for many nights in -succession the interviews took place. - -[Sidenote: A convent scandal] - -The affair, though very carefully concealed, began to be whispered, -before the King and his friends had penetrated beyond the grille which -separated them from the beautiful nun; and though Philip's conscience -after an offence was tender enough, it usually did not operate until -after the offence was committed. So determined was he to approach more -nearly to the object of his passion, that Olivares and Villanueva -together managed by bribes and prayers to persuade the nun to consent -to a violation of her vows, and to admit the King. A passage was made -from Villanueva's house to the cellars of the convent to facilitate the -entrance of the King; but before the secret work was finished, the nun, -either conscience-stricken or afraid of consequences, told the abbess -what was going on. The punishments meted out by the Inquisition a few -years before had probably been enough for this good lady; for she -besought Villanueva to desist from so terrible and dangerous a crime, -But Villanueva, anxious to please the King, {349} and being, like most -of the courtiers of his generation, a religious cynic, turned a deaf -ear to her entreaties. When later he led the enamoured King through -the secret passage into the sacred cloister, and to the room where it -was arranged that the meeting should take place, the pair were -horrified to see that the abbess had laid out the nun upon a bier, her -eyes closed, her hands crossed upon her breast clasping a crucifix, -whilst tapers were burning at the head and foot of the bier. This was -too much for Philip, and he fled; but subsequently affairs were -arranged more comfortably, and the amours, we are assured, continued -for some time.[29] - -By and by the Inquisition heard something of what was going on from its -spies. What could be done? The King was too high even for the Holy -Office to touch; yet so awful a sacrilege as this could not be allowed -to go on. The Inquisitor-General was Friar Archbishop Sotomayor, -Philip's own confessor, a creature of Olivares, and a man of -indifferent character; but even he took the King to task severely and -repeatedly for his crime. Subsequently, when Philip probably was tired -of the intrigue, he desisted, and then, after interminable secret -inquiries by the Holy Office, it was decided that Villanueva was guilty -of sacrilege of the worst description, and must be arrested. The King, -remorseful or panic-stricken, was for letting the matter take its -course; but Olivares, trembling now for himself (in 1642), went to the -{350} Inquisitor-General, Sotomayor, with two decrees signed by the -King, one dismissing him and banishing him from Spain, the other giving -him a pension of 12,000 ducats a year for life, on condition that he -resigned the Inquisitor-Generalship and retired to Cordova. Sotomayor -naturally accepted the latter alternative. At the same time strong -measures were taken in Rome by Philip's agents to induce the Pope to -demand the reference of the case to him. The Inquisition obeyed the -Pope's command, and sent the whole of the papers in a casket to Rome by -one of its own confidential officers. Olivares managed to delay his -departure whilst one of the King's painters, perhaps Velazquez, made -several sketches of the messenger's face, which sketches were sent off -post haste to the King's officers in various parts of Italy, with -orders to capture the original secretly wherever he appeared, and send -him closely isolated to Naples, whilst his precious casket of papers -was to be forwarded intact to Olivares. - -The unfortunate messenger, Paredes, landed at Genoa, where he was at -once kidnapped and spirited off to the strong castle of Ovo at Naples, -fated to be kept in close confinement for the rest of his life, fifteen -years. The casket was conveyed with great secrecy to Olivares, who, -with the King, reduced it and its unread contents to ashes in Philip's -private room. The new Inquisitor-General was a Benedictine friar in -the confidence of Queen Isabel, one Diego de Arce; and as no news came -from Rome of the case, letters were written by him and the Council of -the Inquisition to the Pope. The latter, primed by Philip's -ambassador, still {351} kept silence; and as the minutes of the trial -of course could not be found, and the wretched messenger had apparently -vanished from the face of the earth, there were no proofs forthcoming -against Villanueva, who remained under interdiction and in partial -seclusion. - -This, however, could not continue for ever; and when, in 1644, Olivares -had disappeared from the scene, and nothing more was to be feared from -him, Villanueva was formally arrested by the Inquisition, and carried -off to Toledo, where he was taken before the judges in _penitenciæ_; -and, without any particulars being recited, was admonished that he had -sinned enormously by sacrilege and irreligion, whereby he had incurred -the heaviest penalties; but that the Holy Office in its clemency would -absolve him, only imposing upon him the obligation of fasting on -Fridays for the rest of his life, of never entering a convent again, or -speaking to a nun, and of giving 2000 ducats for charity to the Prior -of the Atocha. The King then restored Villanueva to his post, and -imposed perpetual silence with regard to the case against him.[30] -What penalty Philip himself paid for his terrible offence is not known; -though it is said that the clock of the convent, which played the dirge -for the dead each hour, and which existed well within the memory of the -present writer, and perhaps exists still, was one of the King's peace -offerings to the outraged cloister. - -{352} - -[Sidenote: Don Juan legitimated] - -The clouds gathered ever blacker over Olivares. The demands he was -forced to make now for resources to face the French in Catalonia, and -to present some show of attempting the recovery of Portugal, drove the -Castilian nobles and people of means into almost open revolt. The -copper currency was again tampered with, being reduced to one-sixth of -its previous value;[31] and large demands were assessed in silver upon -persons who were assumed to be able to pay. In Madrid alone on this -occasion, 150 people were sent to the dungeons for their inability or -unwillingness to pay all that was asked of them. In addition to the -public causes for the hatred of the people against the minister, there -were also personal reasons of rapidly increasing strength for his -unpopularity with his own class. His arrogance had always offended the -nobles of high lineage, and he now added to it, as if in mere -wantonness, an offence for which even his own kin never forgave him. -His only daughter had died soon after her early marriage; and whatever -may have been Olivares' faults, he was an extremely fond father. He -had, as he grew older, practically adopted his nephew Don Luis de Haro, -son of the Marquis del Carpio, as his heir; but suddenly there appeared -at Court a young man of twenty-eight, up to that time known by another -name, and passing as the son {353} of a small government official in -Madrid. The name now given to this person was Enrique Felipe de -Guzman, and Olivares brought him to the palace and to the King's -apartments, introducing him as his son. The young man was a person of -no breeding or attraction, and his mode of life was far from exemplary, -but Olivares appears to have been perfectly infatuated with him. -Following his own bent, the son had married a lady of good house in -Seville; but Olivares had higher views for him, and, by dint of great -and costly efforts, caused the marriage to be declared invalid. No -people in the world were more tenacious of purity of blood than the -Spanish nobility, whose open immorality of life, indeed, added to their -strictness with regard to their legitimate succession; and, much as -Olivares favoured his new son, and lavishly as, at his instance, Philip -endowed him with rank, resources, and offices, it was difficult to get -him acknowledged as an equal by the proud Guzmans, and much less by the -nobles, who were already bitterly opposed to the minister. But -Olivares was powerful and determined. At his instance, the handsome, -gallant young son of the King, and of the actress the _Calderona_, who -was now twelve years old, was brought to Madrid, and by decree was -given the same semi-royal honours as had been bestowed on the other Don -Juan of Austria, the son of the great Emperor. Queen Isabel had but -two living children, young Baltasar Carlos, the heir, and a younger -girl, Maria Teresa. Baltasar Carlos, who was the same age as his -half-brother, was a promising, sturdy little Prince, immensely popular -with the people of Madrid as he pranced {354} about on his pony, or -raised in his name fresh regiments for the war. But naturally the -Queen his mother was jealous that another son of the King, even better -looking than Baltasar Carlos, should be brought into such close -competition with her own legitimate offspring.[32] - -The significance of the legitimation of Don Juan was seen in a family -council summoned by the Count-Duke, in which Olivares' three sisters, -all great ladies, and their children, were required to greet Enrique -Felipe de Guzman as "Excellency," and a relative.[33] All the -Castilian nobility was up in arms at such an insult; but the disgust -was infinitely deepened when Olivares demanded of the Constable of -Castile, the Duke of Frias, the hand of his daughter for Enrique Felipe -de Guzman, and when the Constable, a weak man, consented to the -indignity-- - - Soy de la Casa de Velasco, - Y de nada hago asco. - - Here great Velasco's chief you see; - Nothing is too vile for me, - -{355} was written by one of the poets of the Calle Mayor, and another -scorpion was added to the lash preparing for the back of Olivares. - -[Sidenote: The son of Olivares] - -The minister was no weakling, and his hand fell heavily upon those who -dared to oppose him. Quevedo's trenchant pen had scarified the vices -and weaknesses of Madrid in a dozen satires: he had scourged the -slothful, vain, pretentious crew that filled the gutters of the slums -and the galleries of the Buen Retiro; but so long as he was friendly to -Olivares none dared to touch him. The moment he turned his glib verse -and bitter prose, addressed to the poet-king himself,[34] to an -exposure of the {356} evils arising from the policy of the favourite, -then isolation in a dark and filthy dungeon was Quevedo's reward. -There, until the favourite's fall, the poet, loaded with chains, was -kept, whilst the vices he had scourged grew greater with impunity. - -The streets of Madrid became more scandalous even than before. Bravos -and assassins almost openly stood for hire; murder and robbery were so -common in broad daylight as to attract only passing notice, and in one -fortnight at this period (1641) there were 110 murders in Madrid alone, -many of them of persons of position.[35] Devout in form as were the -people, even sanctuary was now no protection, and the most hideous -sacrilege went hand in hand with grovelling sanctimoniousness. Fresh -pragmatics, with penalties ferocious in their severity, denounced evil -living, but little notice was taken of them after the first few days. -Women still clattered up and down the Prado and the Calle Mayor on high -jingling pattens, and with great swelling farthingales, their faces -covered and their breasts exposed; cape snatchers still plied their -trade at the street corners, and ruffling bullies picked quarrels for -gain with peaceful citizens. - -{357} - -[Sidenote: Disintegration] - -In Catalonia the Spanish armies and fleet were being beleaguered and -beaten hopelessly (1641). The French King had received the oath of -allegiance from Barcelona, whilst powerful French armies under -Schomberg, De la Motte, and Meilleraie, with Richelieu behind them, -held the principality firmly, cordially seconded by the Catalans -themselves. All Spain, even Madrid, now almost at the end of its -resources, saw that the country was upon the rapid slope that led to -utter ruin. Portugal gone, with hardly as yet a pretence of winning it -back. Catalonia gone, apparently as hopelessly, Andalucia almost in -revolt,[36] and Naples simmering in discontent: a great empire of -formerly loyal people falling into impotent disintegration, and all -fingers pointed at the heavy, frowning, yellow-visaged man, who worked -night and day doing everybody's work, and desperately keeping the King -immersed in trifling pleasures, as the author of all this ruin and -disgrace. - -It was inevitable that it should be so; but it {358} was, of course, -unjust. At the beginning of the reign, and for long afterwards, the -policy that caused the trouble, that of persisting in the inflated -claims of a century before, had been heartily endorsed by the whole -people. They wanted glory, pride, supremacy. They wanted still to act -the part of God's militia, to dragoon the world into one belief--their -own--to boast of the riches of their King and the greatness of their -country. But when at last they understood that a policy abroad of -bombastic meddling and of domestic waste at home was costly, they -turned to rend the man who had carried their vain aspirations into -acts. Olivares was no wiser than other Spanish statesmen of his time. -He could only see with the eyes of his own generation; and his share of -the blame for the ruin that had ensued upon his rule was only greater -because more conspicuous than that of the whole people, who were -blinded and besotted by the foolish hope of enjoying advantages, -national and personal, which were beyond their means. - -In April 1642, Madrid was panic-stricken by the news that the last -reinforcements sent to the seat of war, and raised with such terrible -suffering from the exhausted people, had been overwhelmed by Marshal de -la Motte; and Castile was now powerless to send adequate forces to make -any head against the absolute domination of Catalonia by the French. -The satires and epigrams fell as thick as autumn leaves in Madrid, -urging Philip to wake up and act the man. Louis XIII. was to be -present with his army on Spanish soil at Perpignan, and was already -playing a worthy part in a great national crisis; whilst Philip, his -Spanish {359} brother-in-law, still dangled about the Buen Retiro, busy -in arranging comedies, even writing them, some said; planning -ostentatious shows and affected literary competitions, or, as a change, -speared driven boars at the Pardo. The Queen, a Frenchwoman though she -was, added her tears and entreaties that her husband himself should go -whither his duty called him, no matter at what sacrifice of his ease -and pleasures. - -[Sidenote: Philip goes to the war] - -To do Philip justice, he personally was eager to fulfil his duty; but -long custom had made him almost incapable now of shaking off the yoke -of Olivares and having his own way. For a time the minister and his -obedient Councils opposed every obstacle to the project of the King's -joining the army in the field. The personal danger was made most of; -the incommodity of the voyage, the inconvenience to the troops to be -weighted with the additional responsibility of the safety of the -monarch; the risk of assassination by rebel subjects; even the positive -lack of money for the journey, was urged, again and again, upon Philip -by Olivares. It was useless, moreover, he said, for the King to go -without large reinforcements. On the other hand, the Queen and the -higher nobles, even many of the Councillors, urged that the case was -desperate, and that without the King's personal example Catalonia was -lost for ever to Spain. They even began to whisper that cowardice was -the reason of Olivares' obstinate resistance to the journey; and at -length Philip, aroused for once in his life, put his foot down, -peremptorily silenced the remonstrances of the Council, and tore up its -Memorial opposing his going. - -{360} - -Again the drums were beaten. The cities of Andalucia were appealed to -in the name of loyalty; the nobles and their sons were once more -squeezed. The son of Olivares, with his father's money, raised a -chosen corps with which he made a brilliant show before the King, and -gave an excuse (says Novoa) to put pressure upon other young nobles to -do the like. At last, with infinite effort, a new force was got -together to accompany the King to Aragon; the Queen, working -strenuously, selling her jewels, putting pressure upon pious ladies and -ecclesiastics to subscribe, making much of the popularity of her son -Baltasar Carlos; and for the time putting aside the frivolous pleasures -that had delighted her, to play a part worthy of the daughter of the -gallant Béarnais, Henry of Navarre. - -When news came to Madrid that Louis XIII. was on Spanish soil in -Roussillon, Philip finally determined to go to the front in spite of -Olivares. He would go by Aranjuez, he said, and if the Count-Duke did -not like to join him there he should go without him. This was open -rebellion, but Olivares was too old a hand to gainsay the King, who, -like all weak men, was obstinacy itself when once his mind had been -made up. On the 26th April, Philip, on a splendid charger, with -pistols at his saddle-bow and sword by his side, rode to the Atocha -church to pray to the famous image of the Virgin, and thence by Barajas -and Alcalá de Henares, on his way to the war. Like a lighted -powder-train the enthusiasm flew through the country as the King passed -onward. Not in the memory of living men had a monarch of Spain thus -rode forth to war to fight for his inheritance, and the foul {361} -miasma of sloth and ignoble enjoyment was swept from the hearts of -thousands of young Spaniards, whose spirits were aflame and whose -chivalry was touched anew with the spirit that in times past had made -their sires invincible. - -The Queen was left in Madrid as Regent, with the President of the -Council of Castile and the Marquis de Santa Cruz to aid her; and -Olivares, who knew well the danger of the course he was obliged to -acquiesce in, lagged behind in the capital as long as he dared,--afraid -of the war, sneered some; afraid of leaving the Queen alone, whispered -others; whilst, as time went on, the opinion became general that the -King's going was all a feint to get more money and men. There seemed -good reason for the suspicion; for when Olivares at length joined his -master, it was with plans formed to beguile Philip in the usual way. -Two days were passed in devotion at the shrine of St. James at Alcalá; -then a pompous visit with long festivities to Olivares' own house at -Loeches; and thence to Aranjuez, where and in the neighbourhood nearly -a month was passed in hunting parties, tourneys, and the like, with -frequent visits from the Queen. Again the war spirit in the country -flagged, and the people despaired at so much trifling, when, as the -saying went, there were three Kings on Spanish soil instead of one.[37] - -At length Philip shook himself free again, thanks to the exhortation of -his wife; and on the 20th May rode forth from Aranjuez, now with a -numerous unwieldy train of servants, carriages, and baggage, and -followed by Olivares in terror {362} of assassination, surrounded by -guards whom he beseeched to allow no one to approach him.[38] Olivares -was in mortal fear, too, of an interview between Philip and his cousin -the Duchess of Mantua, the expelled Vicereine of Portugal; whom, much -to her indignation, the minister had forbidden to come to Madrid, and -had secluded under formal restraint at Ocaña, which lay in the road by -which the King must pass. The Duchess, if once she got ear of the King -alone, would tell him how, and why, Portugal had been lost; and in the -long drive during which the Duchess shared the King's coach on his way -to Ocaña, she laid such a story before him, of oppression, cruelty, and -unwise government, as to leave Philip shocked and angered that so much -had been hidden from him. - -[Sidenote: Philip in Aragon] - -Visiting noble houses and shrines on the road, and seizing every -opportunity for delay, Olivares managed to spin out the journey to -Saragossa until the 27th July, when Aragon itself was half overrun by -French raiders. Philip's entry into the city was more fitting for a -monarch's triumphal return from victory than for the opening of a -campaign by a soldier. Soon after his arrival he heard with dismay -that Monzon, the ancient legislative capital, had been occupied by the -French; whilst everywhere his troops were either retiring before the -enemy or being beaten hopelessly. The greater nobles, both Castilian -and Aragonese, systematically avoided contact with Olivares; but the -{363} presence of Philip in the Aragonese capital offered a good -opportunity for a visit of the grandees to him, in order to take -counsel as to what could be done in so calamitous a state of affairs. -Olivares received them almost rudely, and refused them collective -access to the King, whereupon the nobles in high dudgeon shook the dust -of Saragossa from their feet, and to a man swore to be avenged on the -insolent upstart who, they said, was keeping the King prisoner. In -fact, Philip was practically isolated in two rooms whilst at Saragossa, -on the plea of the risk to his life if he went out. Olivares rode -forth every day in a coach closely surrounded by guards, and no one was -allowed to approach him. - -For all the months that Philip passed in the Aragonese city he never -saw his army or approached the enemy, his main amusement being to watch -tennis matches from his window.[39] Roussillon was lost in September, -never to be recovered, when Perpignan fell; and thenceforward every -week brought some story of disgrace and defeat for the Spanish arms; -whilst Philip, in inglorious despair, moped in his seclusion, bereft -even of his cherished amusements. Olivares was growing desperate. -Every courier brought from the stout-hearted Queen Regent in Madrid -messages of encouragement and good cheer. She was working bravely, and -with wonderful success; collecting funds from hoards hitherto -unsuspected, gathering troops and putting heart into them. With her -{364} son by her side she reviewed soldiers, and made herself the idol -of the populace, who for a time had plucked up some hope and pride in -the future of their country. But with the Queen's cheery news to her -husband there always went open or covert blame of Olivares. To the -minister she sent all the plate, jewels, and treasure she could -collect; but he saw from the comparative ease with which she could -raise it, whilst he could not, that she held the winning hand and had -the people behind her. In despair of beating the French in the field, -he stooped to conspire with Cinq Mars against the life of Richelieu -himself. The conspiracy was discovered, and made the feeling against -him personally more bitter than ever. - -Philip could not be kept quite ignorant of the misery and ruin around -him, or of his own undignified position, and he grew moody and -irritable with the minister who had led him to such a pass. Without -even consulting him, he appointed the Marquis of Leganes, a cousin of -Olivares and an experienced soldier, to the chief command of what was -left of his army; and Olivares, foreseeing his disgrace, craved leave -to retire. But this Philip would not allow. He had no other minister -to replace him; he was in the midst of a disastrous war, and he had -neither the energy nor the knowledge necessary to take matters in his -own hand at this juncture. - -[Illustration: PRINCE BALTASAR CARLOS. _From a painting by Velazquez -in the Prado Museum_] - -The Queen in Madrid had no lack of friends and advisers, all of them -enemies of the Guzmans, especially the Counts of Castrillo and Paredes; -but the ostentatious legitimation of Olivares' son Enrique had also -alienated his own most influential {365} kinsman, the Haros, -represented by the Marquis of Carpio, whose son he had disinherited so -far as he was able; and these with other former adherents now joined -the Queen's friends. All Madrid knew that the Queen was against -Olivares; and, safe now from his presence, she made no concealment of -it. "My efforts and my boy's innocence must serve the King for eyes," -she said; "for if he use those of the Count-Duke much longer my son -will be reduced to a poor King of Castile instead of King of Spain." - -When la Motte defeated Philip's army under Leganes before Lerida late -in the autumn (1642), the last hope seemed gone. Torrecusa, the -Neapolitan general who had fought so well in the previous campaigns, -went to Saragossa, and, forcing his way to the King, told him that all -was lost unless a change was made in the direction of affairs. -Torrecusa was mollified with a grandeeship on the spot; but Philip, -overweighed and almost at his wits' end, was fain to return to his -capital, in the desperate hope of raising another army in the spring, -though the citizens of Saragossa prayed him to stay and defend them -against the all-victorious French and Catalans.[40] Alas! he had -neither troops nor money with which to defend them,--no spirit, no -counsel, no hope. - -[Sidenote: Fall of Olivares] - -On the 1st December 1642, Philip turned his face towards Madrid, after -signing decrees, drafted by Olivares, imposing upon Castile new and -crushing impositions with which to raise a fresh army. Another -"voluntary" levy of money was ordered, a new loan authorised, the -seizure of all the church {366} and domestic plate decreed, and a tax -of 7 per cent. upon all real property demanded. Well might the -subjects stand aghast at this. Where, they asked, was the actual money -to come from? The copper was so debased as to be worthless; the only -standard was silver at a high premium (38 per cent.), and of this there -was not enough available for currency, much less to represent the new -demand. When, therefore, Philip entered Madrid by the side of his -wife, all spirits were prepared and eager for the change they saw must -come. As the royal pair passed in their coach from the Retiro to the -palace, blessings loud and long greeted the Queen, such as Philip had -never heard before. - -Olivares understood the signs of the times too. Summoning his -brother-in-law Carpio, he tried to reconcile him, but in vain, and -complained bitterly that all the gentlemen of the King's chamber had -turned his enemies. He talked, indeed, about retiring; but Philip -never moved a muscle of his face, and the minister knew that the course -which had served him so often was powerless to help him now. The -Countess was strong and resourceful, and undertook to bring Philip -round. When she met him in the palace that evening, she spoke much of -her husband's services and efforts, and of the excellent arrangements -he was making for carrying on a successful war in the following spring. -Philip bowed gravely, but made no reply. The day afterwards (14th -January 1643) a courier came from the Emperor, bringing more bad news -to Philip and bitterly attacking Olivares, and this also sank into the -King's mind. - -Moodily the King walked to his wife's apartment {367} that afternoon. -There, to his surprise, he found with her the heir Baltasar Carlos, now -aged fourteen. Casting herself at the King's feet with her son by her -side, the Queen solemnly exhorted him, for the sake of what remained of -their child's inheritance, to cast aside the evil councillor who was -dragging them all to ruin. The King was troubled, for everything with -him was a case of conscience, and he felt that he could trust no one. -On his way from his wife's apartment he traversed a passage where he -was intercepted by an old woman, his foster-mother, Ana de Guevara, who -had been banished by Olivares and had returned without leave. -Kneeling, she in her turn implored Philip to listen to those who loved -him best; and then with a torrent of impassioned eloquence she -impeached the favourite and all his acts: spoke of the national ruin, -of the people's misery, of fields untilled, of looms idle, of the -foreigner reigning over Spanish land, and of people who once were the -soul of loyalty now in revolt against their King, all, all through -Olivares. Philip was overwhelmed, and could only raise her, saying, -"You have spoken truly." - -But still one more blow was to be struck that night at the falling -favourite. The Duchess of Mantua, secretly summoned by the Queen, had -fled from Ocaña, and as fast as post-horses could draw her carriage -through the winter storm she had come to Madrid. Suddenly appearing in -the office of Olivares, she said she had come to see the King, and -required lodging and food. The minister treated her with great -rudeness, and made her wait for four hours before he provided a bad -lodging for her in the house of the Treasury. But she was the {368} -King's cousin; and the next day the Queen introduced her into Philip's -presence, where, this time with documentary proofs, she brought home to -him the responsibility of Olivares and his creatures for the loss of -Portugal. - -That night Philip wrote to his minister, saying that the leave to -retire he had so often craved was now accorded him, and that he might -go where and when he pleased. Olivares, we are told by one who saw -him, stood as if turned to stone as he read the letter; but at length, -recovering his serenity, he turned to his wife and told her that he -needed rest and change, and would shortly leave for a stay at Loeches, -his seat some twelve miles from Madrid, if she would start at once and -prepare the place for his coming. Guessing the truth, she resisted as -much as possible, but was at last forced to obey. On the following -morning, according to his invariable custom for so many years, the -minister entered the King's room early, and knelt before him for a time -in silence. Then he launched forth an eloquent denunciation of those -who had slandered him in the eyes of his master, and in justification -of his efforts. He had failed, he acknowledged; circumstances and the -venom of his enemies had wrecked his best laid schemes for the -exaltation of Spain and the glory of his Sovereign; but at least he -prayed that his loyalty should be recognised, and that, in the -retirement to which he willingly went at the King's behest, he might -carry with him the regard of the master he had so strenuously tried to -serve. - -No word of reply came from the King, whose long sallow face remained as -expressionless as if {369} moulded in putty, and Olivares left the -presence for the moment defeated; but still revolving in his mind other -expedients to regain Philip's favour, or at least to delay his own -fall. First he wrote to his energetic and spirited wife at Loeches, -telling her the whole truth; for where he had failed he thought she -might succeed. When her husband's letter reached the Countess, she was -just taking her seat at table for dinner, "and on reading it not only -did her natural colour fly from her face, but the rouge with which she -covered it, as is the fashion in the palace, paled and left her like a -corpse."[41] Leaving her dinner untouched, the afflicted woman hurried -back to Madrid; and after an interview with her husband tried her -blandishments upon the King as he was on his way through the corridors -to visit his children as usual. She found him unmoved and silent, and -then, rushing to the Queen's apartment, she threw herself at her feet. -But Isabel had suffered under her hard rule too long, and answered -coldly: "What God, the people, and evil happenings have done, Countess, -neither the King nor I can undo." - -Then Olivares summoned to the Retiro his nephew, Don Luis de Haro, -Carpio's son, who he knew was in high favour with the King. He had, he -told him, been a bad uncle to him; but he had brought his father and -him from their remote grange at Carpio, and had made them rich and -powerful; and he begged him, notwithstanding later jealousy, to be a -good nephew to him and plead his cause. Haro saw the King, and gave -him account of several secret points of politics {370} on behalf of the -fallen minister, and asked in his name many and expensive favours for -his servant, all of which Philip granted,[42] but kept silent with -regard to Olivares himself. - -Soon the news was whispered in Madrid; and Liars' Walk was like a -swarming hive. At first men were incredulous. It was all a sham, they -declared; just another trick to squeeze more money out of them on the -pretext that the hated Olivares had gone. But by and by the happy -truth gradually forced itself upon them. The nightmare that had sat -for all these years upon the heart of Spain had been shaken off at -last! And then there burst out such a frantic flood of rejoicing as -Madrid had rarely seen before. We have a King again! cried the crowds -that stood in the great square before the palace; and squibs and -pasquins were handed from hand to hand by the score.[43] But still day -followed day and yet Olivares tarried in the vain hope of averting his -fate. A hundred excuses were found by him for delay: the difficulty of -transport, the condition of his health, his desire to see all those who -had served him well provided for, and much else. Hints reached him in -plenty that his {371} absence was desirable, though he admitted no one -to see him. His keys were demanded, and he sent them; once he saw the -King in public audience, and talked to him of affairs for a quarter of -an hour, but those who stood by remarked that Philip's eyes never once -rested upon him; and again he retired discomfited, with tears coursing -down his cheeks. As the King and Queen, with the Duchess of Mantua in -their coach, went on St. Anthony's day (17th January 1643) to the -Convent of Discalced Carmelites, the people, who now knew everything, -impulsively surged around them with joyous cries: "Our King is King at -last!--God save the King!" - -At length Philip grew impatient at the delay, for he would appoint no -new officers until he was clean quit of Olivares and his crew, and he -decided to hunt for two days at the Escorial in order that measures -might be taken in his absence. No sooner had he left than the Countess -of Olivares made another tearful appeal to the Queen, who dismissed her -promptly; and on the second day (20th January 1643), when Philip was -approaching Madrid on his way back, a great gathering of nobles came -out to meet him. Through Melchior Borja they said that they wished to -place themselves and their possessions at the disposal of their King -once more. Hitherto they had stood aloof, for reasons now known to -him; but so soon as that evil cause was removed they were willing to -stand by him to the death. Then they urged him to change all his -councils and administrative officers, and begin a new régime. - -When Philip entered the palace, he turned to Don Luis de Haro and -asked, "Has he gone?" {372} "No, Sire," was the reply. "Is he waiting -for us to use force?" grumbled the King; and soon the hint was conveyed -to Olivares, and, convinced now of the hopelessness of his case, the -man who had ruled Spain over the King for two-and-twenty disastrous -years slunk out of the capital by unfrequented ways, accompanied by -only four attendants in a coach with closely drawn curtains, in mortal -fear of assassination; for, as his spiteful biographer says, the very -children in the streets would have stoned him to death if they had -known of his flitting.[44] - -Not until the fallen favourite had left Madrid well behind him did -Philip feel himself safe. Summoning to his workroom in one of the -corner towers of the old palace, Cardinals Borja and Spinola, and a -number of the nobles who had opposed Olivares, he addressed a long -speech to them. He was, he said, ardently determined to take the -details of Government into his own hands in future. The Count-Duke had -served him long, well, and zealously; but his health had broken down -and he needed repose. Thenceforward he (the King) would have no -confidential minister, but would work himself as minister, with the aid -and counsel of his hearers, from whom he asked now reports and -suggestions for future remedial action. Oñate, an old man and vain, -hoped for some days that he was to replace Olivares as sole minister, -but the King promptly undeceived him, and declared publicly that in -future he would have no other minister but his wife, whose energy, -{373} wisdom, patriotism he now understood for the first time. - -As for the once powerful minister who had gone into obscurity -broken-hearted, none was so poor as to do him reverence, few -magnanimous enough to give him a good word. Those who had beslavered -him with adulation were the first now to load him with ignominy; even -the Constable of Castile, who had so willingly married his daughter to -Olivares' base son, now stripped of all his honour, claimed that young -Guzman's earlier marriage had been valid after all. When it was -pointed out to the Constable that this would leave his daughter -dishonoured, he replied: "I would rather see my daughter a bawd and -free, than an honest woman and Guzman's wife."[45] - -The many scathing attacks published upon Olivares and his -administration, provoked by his fall, found but one able, though -imprudently frank, answer, which was called _Nicandra_,[46] and is -ascribed to Ahumada, the Prince's tutor, and to that staunch friend of -Velazquez and of the Count-Duke, Francisco de Rioja; but now that the -dust of the convulsion has cleared away, we see that it was Olivares' -methods rather than his principles that were the cause of the disasters -of his rule. The foreign policy which he represented was not his -alone, but was the policy of the immense majority of his countrymen at -the time; and if it had not brought him into antagonism with the {374} -provincial and autonomous traditions of the outer realms of the -Peninsula, the principal factor of his fall would not have existed. -The vast wealth which it was said he had heaped upon himself, -amounting, so his enemies asserted, to the enormous total of 400,000 -ducats a year, was not accumulated for personal gratification or greed, -as had been the case with Lerma, nor were the sums he obtained larger -than were appropriated by his great rival Richelieu. He lived very -quietly, almost humbly, giving the whole of his time to work, and spent -his revenues largely in the entertainment and convenience of the King. - -From Loeches he soon, with the King's permission, retired to Toro, far -away from Court. Even there, divested of his dignities and power, the -envy and hate of his enemies pursued him. More than once in the two -years that followed his retreat the King seemed inclined to recall his -old minister. But watchful eyes and jealous heart always frustrated -such an idea, if it was entertained. Many a time, in fear of such a -calamity to them, the nobles, especially those of Aragon, urged the -King to punish with death a man who had thus betrayed his confidence; -but Philip was neither cruel nor unjust, and naturally drew back from -such a course as this. Once it seemed as if the enemies of Olivares -had almost succeeded; for in reply to an address from the ex-minister -upon public affairs, in which the latter offered his services again, -the King wrote from Saragossa: "In short, Count, I must reign, and my -son must be crowned King of Aragon. This is difficult unless I deliver -your head to my subjects, who {375} demand it unanimously, and I cannot -oppose them any further." - -[Sidenote: The end of Olivares] - -Alas! the head of Olivares was useless to them or to anyone else -thenceforward, for the letter sent him raving mad, and he died on the -22nd July 1645, only two years and a half after his disgrace. -Thenceforward Philip, for good or for evil, stands alone. What is done -he does, and no powerful minister is interposed as a shield between him -and the responsibility for his acts. "Philip the Great" meant well, -but he had yet to learn the lesson that broke his heart: that good -intentions alone are not sufficient to ensure success; and that the -despairing struggles of one conscience-haunted man are powerless to -save a nation that has lost its faith in itself, and its dependence -upon labour as a means to salvation. - - - -[1] She ended by utterly wearing out her welcome, and disgusting -everybody in Madrid by her pride and rapacity and the turbulence of her -followers, and before she left she was supplanted by another great -French lady, the Duchess of Chevreuse, who came to Madrid from London -as an emissary of Marie de Medici, and was received with great -distinction, much to the Princess of Carignano's anger. Needless to -say that nothing came of either of the intrigues, and that Richelieu -kept his hand firmly on the helm until he died in 1642. - -[2] These two series of festivities, which together lasted about a -month, certainly mark the high-water mark of the splendour of the Buen -Retiro. Full descriptions of parts of them have been published by -Mesonero Romanes in _El Antiguo Madrid_, by Morel Fatio in _L'Espagne -au XVI. et XVII. Siècle_, and by at least three contemporary -writers--Mendez Silva, Andrés Sanchez del Espejo, and the Newsletters -in Rodriguez Villa's _Corte y Monarquia de España_, etc. - -[3] The contents of the King's apartment, given by Strada to Philip, -"with a very precious reliquary," was valued at 20,000 ducats. But -this splendid gift did not save Strada from a fine of 200 ducats a few -weeks afterwards, for having addressed Camporedondo, the senior member -of the Council of Finance as "Lordship" whereas by the pragmatic he was -only allowed to be addressed as "Worship." The house Strada lived in -was one he rented from Spinola his fellow-Genoese. As an instance of -the prevailing corruption it may be mentioned that Strada paid 300 -ducats to the author of the official account of these festivities for -the favourable references to him in it. - -[4] The Newsletters say that there were 7000 wax lights, which alone -cost over 8000 ducats, the cost of this one day's feast being 300,000 -ducats--afterwards increased to 500,000 ducats. This enormous -expenditure shocked everybody who thought about the matter. "The -gossips," says the Newsletter, "assert that this great event, which had -no other end than pastime and pleasure, which indeed was pure -ostentation was to show our friend Cardinal Richelieu that there is -plenty more money left in the world to punish his King." But many -persons who dared in the subsequent carnival to blame this waste found -themselves in the dungeons a few days afterwards; and several priests -who preached before Olivares at St. Geronimo in the ensuing Lenten -retreat, and ventured to denounce such wicked extravagance, were -banished from Court. Rodriguez Villa's Newsletters have much to say -about this. - -[5] Aston to Coke, 20th and 25th February 1637.--Record Office, S.P. -Spain MSS. 38. This part of the entertainments had been arranged and -paid for by Philip's state secretary and confidential friend, Geronimo -de Villanueva, Marquis of Villalba, of whom we shall hear later. On -the following Tuesday the regular public carnival took place, and the -licence appears to have been shocking in the extreme. In one of the -cars a donkey was represented as dying in bed, with pretended priests -and friars mocking the most sacred mysteries around him, whilst the -supposed doctors were going through indecent antics. One masker was -covered with habits of knighthood, crosses, and noble insignia, with -the significant motto, "For Sale." Rodriguez Villa. - -[6] Amongst other devices at this period, Olivares in the King's name -appropriated one-third of all the household plate and manufactured -silver in private hands, and ordered each member of the Councils of the -Indies and Castile to provide each month 200 ducats in silver to be -exchanged (for depreciated copper) at the exchange of 25 per cent., the -current rate being 38. A young Irish student at the Escoria came and -said that he had discovered how to convert a mark of silver and a mark -of copper into two marks of pure silver. Olivares accepted the youth's -offer to demonstrate his discovery at the palace before experts, but -after two attempts he ignominiously failed and was imprisoned. - -[7] As may be imagined, Father Salazar's invention produced a perfect -torrent of satires, and the Jesuit himself was sternly reproved by his -ecclesiastical superiors for busying himself in financial affairs. So -bitter was the feeling against him, that he was forced to leave the -Society. Amongst other rumours about him was that he had devised a -government monopoly of drinking water. In the ensuing Lent the pulpits -of Madrid rang in denunciation of Father Salazar; and at the carnival a -masker dressed as a peasant bore a banner inscribed-- - - Sisas alcabalas y papel sellado, - Me tienen desollado. - - With food excise and tax on all I sell. - And now with paper stamps, you've flayed me well. - -The unfortunate masker had to fly to hiding to escape the wrath of -Olivares. - -[8] Thirty-four maravedis at the normal value would be equal to 2½d. - -[9] An azumbre is ancient liquid measure of about 2 quarts. - -[10] A Castilian fanega of grain is 1½ bushel. - -[11] This is the silver real, then worth 6d. - -[12] Record Office, S.P. Spain MSS. 39. - -[13] Although not immediately touching our subject, a very curious set -of letters included in the above in the Record Office may be mentioned. -They relate to Secretary Windebank's young son Christopher, or Kit -Windebank, as he was called. He had been sent under Aston's care to -Spain to see the world; and had been quite carried away by the _genius -loci_ of Madrid, and got out of hand altogether. The scapegrace makes -the best of his proceedings in his letters to his father and mother, -but Aston's reports tell a different tale, and Kit is very angry when -his money is stopped. The worst of it was that he fell in love with a -Spanish girl, and, running away from embassy, married her. At Aston's -instance Olivares threw into prison the priest who married them; but a -thousand legal difficulties existed, he said, to obtaining a divorce, -especially as Kit swore that he would not give up the girl, who was -_enceinte_. At the end, however, he submits sulkily, the girl is sent -to a convent, and young Kit returns home; doubtless to commit bigamy in -due time in England, and continue the knightly family of Windebank. - -[14] It is curious to note that when the census of private coaches was -made in Madrid for this purpose, it was found that there were 900 in -use. - -[15] March 1637, Rodriguez Villa's Newsletters. - -[16] _Ibid._ - -[17] The Portuguese in question was splendidly repaid for his -generosity. and when he left Madrid at the end of the year he had -received the following grants,--"Marquis of Viseu, Count of Linhares -for his eldest son and successors, the post of Marshal of Portugal for -his second son, that of Governor of Ceuta for his third son, an -extension for three years longer of the revenues of the governorship of -Sofala (_i.e._ Mozambique), a grant of 24,000 for his own expenses, -5000 ducats per annum for ever, 2500 ducats perpetual pension for his -daughter-in-law, General on land and sea during his stay in Brazil with -the title of Viceroy, and the title of Lieutenant-Generalin Portugal so -long as the Duchess of Mantua rules there, grants for a second life of -all the pensioned knighthoods he holds, and four pensioned knighthoods -to be disposed of as he likes, and a renewal for three lives of the -pension he holds from the crown." It was said that these grants were -worth 700,000 ducats. This is a fair specimen of the lavishness to -quite a second-rate personage at a time when the nation was in the -deepest distress. Rodriguez Villa's Newsletters, 1637. - -[18] Rodriguez Villa's Newsletter, 1637. - -[19] The following words occur in the famous Memorial on the subject -referred to on page 142, etc.: "Let your Majesty hold as the most -important affair of your State to make yourself _King of Spain_. I -mean, Sire, that you should not content yourself with being King of -Portugal, of Aragon, of Valencia, Count of Barcelona, but that you -should strive and consider with mature and secret counsel to reduce -these realms of which Spain consists to the laws and form of Castile, -without any distinction. If your Majesty succeeds in this, you will be -the most powerful Prince in the world. Nevertheless this is not a -business which can be carried through in a limited time nor do I -suggest that it should be disclosed to anybody, however confidential he -may be; because the desirability of the object is indisputable, and -what is to be done in preparation and anticipation can be done by your -Majesty yourself." - -[20] Rodriguez Villa's Newsletters. - -[21] Aston's letters, MSS., Record Office S.P., Spain. - -[22] How completely the old crusading spirit had decayed is seen in the -derision with which the courtiers in Madrid greeted the saying of -Antonio Mascarenhas, the dignified old-fashioned hidalgo governor of -Tangier. When he visited Madrid he went to present his respects to the -little Prince Baltasar Carlos. "Who are you?" asked the boy. "I am -the gentleman," replied the Portuguese, "who by and by will help your -Highness to conquer the Holy Sepulchre." It was the answer of a -knight-errant, sneered the courtiers, and so it was, but it was this -fervent knight-errantry which had given to Spain the strength it had -possessed, and which under the scoffers and mockers it never could -possess again. - -[23] The speeches are given _in extenso_ in the documents printed in -Danvila's _Poder Civil en España_. - -[24] Novoa, _Memorias_. - -[25] The best contemporary is that by General de Melo, _Guerra de -Cataluña_. - -[26] The details will be found in _Historia de la Conjuracion de -Portugal, Revolutions de Portugal_, Vertot; _Historia del levantamiento -de Portugal_, Seyner; and Canovas de Castello's _Estudios del Reinado -de Felipe IV._, vol. i. - -[27] The King was actually dressing at the time, and with the royal -family escaped to one of the hermitages in the park, though at one time -in danger. Many ladies who were yet in bed fled in their night garb, -and were rescued with difficulty. Novoa. - -[28] _Ibid._ - -[29] The only part of the story which appears open to question is the -continuance of the intrigue after Philip's remorseful flight. There -seems to be some doubt about this. - -[30] The story is told with many embellishments, but the above version -is the most trustworthy. It comes from a contemporary MS., written -after the fall of Olivares, transcribed by Mesonero Romanes in _El -Antiguo_, Madrid. - -[31] August 1642. Novoa, an eye-witness, referring to this time, says; -"Trade and commerce were confused, and the prices rose enormously, so -that people could not find money for boots and clothes; and even -provisions could not be had, as no one would sell. The copper money -was valueless, and people threw it about or forced it upon those to -whom they owed money, as the law gave it currency. The agony and -desperation of the people were intense, and utter despair consumed the -hearts and lives of the people." Novoa, _Memorias_. - -[32] Don Juan was acknowledged in 1642, and the occasion was taken for -a great series of festivities to celebrate the event, though the state -of public affairs at the time was more deplorable than ever. The -Nuncio Panzuolo took a prominent part in the affair, and gave the -Pope's blessing to the young Prince; but it was noted that the Queen, -usually so hearty and debonnaire, was cold and haughty when Don Juan -was led up to kiss her hand and that of Prince Baltasar Carlos. It was -noticed that the latter, prompted apparently by his mother, addressed -his half-brother as _Vos_, You, which was the manner usually adopted -towards nobles, but not to royal personages. An interesting -unpublished paper in Italian in the British Museum gives many curious -particulars of Don Juan's youth, and the details of his legitimation. -Add MSS. 8703. "Ritratto della nascitá qualitá costumi ed accioni de -Don Juan d'Austria." - -[33] A most amusing account of this family council is given by Novoa, -who hits off the respective characters of the three sisters--the -Marchiones of Carpio, Marchioness of Monterey, and Countess of -Alcañizes--very neatly. - -[34] The terrible Memorial, written by Quevedo, exposing in burning -words the state of the country, and calling upon the King to arouse -himself, should be read by anyone who desires confirmation of the -pictures I have tried to trace in this book. The paper was slipped -under the King's napkin at dinner, and was accompanied by a parody -paternoster, beginning as follows-- - - Filipo, que el mundo aclama - Rey del infiel tan temido, - Despierta, que por dormido - Nadie te teme, ni te ama; - Despierta, rey, que la fama - Por todo el orbe pregona - Que es de leon tu corona - Y tu dormir de liròn, - Mira que la adulacion - Te llama con fin siniestro - "Padre Nuestro." - - Hail, Philip, King whom all acclaim, - In fear the infidel to keep, - Awake! for in thy slumber deep - No one doth love or fear thy name. - Awake! oh King, the worlds proclaim - Thy crown on lion's brow to sit, - Thy slumber's but for dormouse fit. - Listen! 'tis flattery's artful wile - That sunk in sloth thy days beguile, - And calls thee, its base ends to foster, - "Pater Noster." - -[35] At this time three of the principal grandees of Spain were -banished from Court by Philip, for scaling the walls of the Retiro at -night and clandestinely making love to the maids of honour. Two years -previously affairs had reached such a scandalous length with the -nobles, that Philip ordered a special commission to inquire into the -matter. As a result a large batch of nobles, two marquises and one of -Philip's chamberlains amongst them, were expelled as persons of known -evil life. But suspicion is aroused by the terms of the decree that -their dissoluteness was not the sole cause of this disgrace, as they -are said to have "frequented gambling houses and there murmured without -any reason at all against the present Government and the higher -officers of the State, although some of them are deeply obliged to the -same." Rodriguez Villa's Newsletter. - -[36] An extremely dangerous conspiracy hatched at this time in -Andalucia was discovered, and contributed much to the increased -unpopularity of the Guzmans. The principal plotters were two of -Olivares' greatest kinsmen, the Duke of Medina Sidonia, brother of the -new Queen of Portugal, and the Marquis of Ayamonte, the object of the -conspiracy being to make Medina Sidonia King of Andalucia by the aid of -the new King of Portugal. Ayamonte had already betrayed to the -Portuguese a conspiracy hatched by Olivares in Lisbon; and then -suggested to Medina Sidonia that the discontent in Andalucia and the -disorganisation in Madrid offered a good opportunity for him to -proclaim himself an independent sovereign. The proud magnate -consented, but the plot was discovered. Olivares did his best to -minimise the matter, and the Duke was let off with a heavy fine, much -humiliation, and a challenge to fight John IV. in single combat; but -Ayamonte lost his head, although his life had been promised if he -divulged the whole plot, which he did. A curious account of how the -plot was discovered is in MSS. Egerton, 2081, British Museum. - -[37] That is to say, Philip, the King of Portugal, and the King of -France. - -[38] It must not be forgotten that Novoa, who says this, was an enemy -of Olivares; though there is no doubt that the minister did believe at -the time that his death was planned. - -[39] These particulars are taken from an interesting Italian MS. in the -British Museum, Add. 8701, from the pen of the Venetian ambassador in -Madrid at the time, and also to some extent from Novoa. - -[40] Novoa ascribes their desire for his presence to the money spent by -the Court. - -[41] So one of her servants who was present told Novoa. - -[42] "I got a pension of 400 ducats," says Novoa; and he relates the -whole of these grants and favours to those who had served Olivares. - -[43] Amongst the skits was a placard that was stuck upon the palace -gates, saying-- - - El dia de San Antonio - Se hicieron milagros dos; - Pues empezó á reinar Dios, - Y del rey se echó el demonio. - - Saint Antonio's day did bring - Of miracles this twain, - 'Twas then the Lord began to reign, - And devil cast from the King. - -[44] Novoa and, also for other details, Newsletters in Valladares' -_Semanario Erudito_, vol. xxxiii. - -[45] Many of these particulars are taken from the Venetian narrative, -British Museum MSS., Add. 8701. - -[46] The work was confiscated by the Inquisition, and the supposed -authors and the printer prosecuted; as were the attacks that gave rise -to it. - - - - -{376} - -CHAPTER IX - -DEATH OF RICHELIEU AND OF THE CARDINAL INFANTE--PHILIP'S GOOD -RESOLUTIONS--HIS CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE NUN OF AGREDA--PHILIP WITH HIS -ARMIES--DEATH OF QUEEN ISABEL OF BOURBON--THE WAR CONTINUES IN -CATALONIA--DEATH OF BALTASAR CARLOS--PHILIP'S GRIEF--HE LOSES -HEART--INFLUENCE OF THE NUN--HIS SECOND MARRIAGE WITH HIS NIECE -MARIANA--HIS LIFE WITH HER--DON LUIS DE HARO--NEGOTIATIONS WITH -ENGLAND--CROMWELL'S ENVOY, ANTHONY ASCHAM--HIS MURDER IN -MADRID--FRIENDSHIP BETWEEN PHILIP AND THE ENGLISH -COMMONWEALTH--CROMWELL SEIZES JAMAICA--WAR WITH ENGLAND - - -[Sidenote: Changed conditions] - -The disappearance from the scene of Olivares seemed to the people of -Madrid to change the national winter into summer. All the evils under -which Spain had groaned so long would vanish, they thought, like snow -before the sunshine; and once more Spain, powerful and rich, would -dictate the law to Europe. Philip swore in solemn fashion to forsake -dissipation and devote himself thenceforward to the welfare of his -people. It was a golden dream whilst it lasted, and for a time it -really did lift Spaniards into some semblance of the old-time faith and -confidence. All the gang {377} of Guzmans were thrust into the -background, and those who had stood aloof were now summoned to the -Councils of the King. Quevedo came from his dungeon, cynically -triumphant; the distribution of business amongst a multitude of -unimportant juntas subservient to Olivares was abolished, and the great -Councils again took executive and administrative charge of the affairs -entrusted to them. The active and intelligent influence of the Queen -was exerted everywhere; and new life was breathed for a time in the -languishing body of the State. - -There were also other great changes nearly coinciding with the fall of -Olivares that increased the hopefulness of Spaniards for the future. -Richelieu died some months before, and the personal rivalry between the -two ministers, which had done so much to embitter the war, disappeared. -Then, in May 1643, the King of France, Louis XIII., died, and Philip's -sister, Anna of Austria, became Queen-regent of France for her -five-year-old son, Louis XIV. Anna had always been a true daughter of -Spain, and deplored the war between the land of her birth and that of -her adoption; and it was hoped that she would find a means to end the -differences. Another event had occurred at the end of 1641, which, -whilst adding to Philip's gloom, made the continuance of the war in the -Netherlands more hopeless than ever. The Cardinal Infante Fernando, -his frail physique worn out by constant campaigning and enfeebled by -fever, died at Brussels;[1] and Philip had no relative now to {378} -stand for Spain in the ancient patrimony of Burgundy. - -With all these changes in the space of two years, the spring of 1643 -seemed to blossom with hopes of peace once more, humiliating as the -terms might be. But again Spanish pride stood in the way, and after -long discussion Philip's new councillors determined that honour -demanded the expulsion of the French from Spanish soil before any -negotiations for peace with them were undertaken. With infinite -difficulty money and men were got together somehow[2] for Philip to -take the field again in Aragon, where the French had arrived within a -few miles of Saragossa. Before he could start on his way thither, -there came from Flanders news of a crushing defeat sustained by General -Melo, who had replaced the Cardinal Infante in the command. Melo at -first had done well; for he was skilled and bold, and had more than -held his own against the allies. But on the 18th May 1643 the terrible -battle of Rocroy was fought, in which Melo himself was captured, Count -de Fuentes was killed, and the Spanish army of 20,000 men, the tried -veterans who were the last remnant of the once invincible _tercios_, -whose fame was world-wide, were put to utter rout by the genius of the -youthful Enghien (Prince of Condé). The Spanish infantry never -regained the prestige they lost at Rocroy, which was to the army of -Spain what the defeat of the Armada was to her {379} navy;[3] and with -the knowledge that disaster was pursuing him on all sides, for the -Portuguese were raiding far into Castile and the French were -threatening the capital of Aragon, Philip left Madrid, his heart -well-nigh breaking, early in June 1643. - -[Sidenote: The nun of Agreda] - -In the five months that had passed since he had dismissed Olivares the -King had tried hard; but already his indolence was casting its -paralysing blight over him; and most of the work of the Government was -handed to Don Luis de Haro, the nephew of Olivares, who went with the -King to Aragon. This time Philip was accompanied by a modest train, -and by little of the ceremonial state that Olivares had deemed needful -for his previous voyage. He travelled slowly, nevertheless, and on the -10th July, as he approached the Aragonese frontier city of Tarazona, he -halted at the humble Convent of the Immaculate Conception at Agreda, -which in the previous few years had been founded by a lady whose fame -for sanctity and wisdom had already become wide, though she was but -forty years of age yet. Maria Coronel had written several mystically -religious books, and the convent under her rule was known for its -rigidity in an age when most cloisters had grown lax. Philip probably -visited the house and its abbess as a usual compliment and duty; but -the visit, whatever its motive, set its mark upon him for the rest of -his life. - -The abbess, Sor Maria, as she was called, must have been a woman of -worldly wisdom as deep as {380} was her piety. She must have impressed -the King, moreover, powerfully as being absolutely disinterested and -free from mundane temptation. He was, as we have seen, almost in -despair at the magnitude of the tasks before him; the strong spirit -upon which he had leant since he was a boy had passed out of his life, -and he knew not whither to turn for unselfish counsel. Sor Maria, -saintly, but keen, with her sad yet half humorous face, and her shrewd, -kindly eyes, seemed to him a very rock of refuge, and in the long talk -he had with her she spoke so wisely, yet so fearlessly, of the -oppressive governance and ungodly methods of Olivares, she urged the -King so powerfully to trust to God and himself alone, to work and pray -and make his people cleanly, that he went forth from Agreda refreshed -in faith and hope, leaving with Sor Maria his command that she was to -write to him her private counsel when she listed, and to pray for him -and his unceasingly with all her saintly soul. - -[Illustration: The nun of Agreda] - -Thenceforward until death snapped the spiritual link that joined them, -the heart of Philip was bared in all its sorrow, its weakness, and its -sin to Sor Maria alone. The haughty face with the pathetic eyes and -great projecting jaw remained unmoved before the world, only the -deepening furrows in it showing the storm that raged within. Men -thought that he was callous and cold; for he suffered silently behind -his mask. But Sor Maria knew, and none but she under heaven, the true -secret of the King's gilded misery. His cry of agony, of remorse, of -pity thenceforward came to the cloistered nun as a surer way to reach -the throne of grace than to all the cardinals, confessors, {381} and -bishops who waited upon his smile, and gently hinted disapproval of -kingly vice. - -At the end of July 1643, Philip entered his city of Saragossa, this -time, to the delight of the jealous Aragonese, unattended by the crowd -of dissolute nobles and courtiers who made love to their wives and -threatened their political liberty.[4] No time was lost now in moving -against the French, who were threatening the centre of Aragon, and the -new commander, Felipe de Silva, whom Olivares' jealousy had consigned -to a prison, showed great energy, and soon changed the appearance of -affairs. It will be useful for our purpose to reproduce the principal -paragraphs of Philip's first letter to the nun on the 4th October 1643, -five weeks after his arrival at Saragossa, the precursor of so long and -important a correspondence.[5] - - -[Sidenote: Philip and Sor Maria] - -"SOR MARIA,--I write to you leaving a half margin, so that your reply -may come on the same paper, and I enjoin and command you not to allow -the contents of this to be communicated to anybody. Since the day that -I was with you I have felt much encouraged by your promise to pray to -God for me, and for success to my realm; for the earnest attachment -towards my well being that I then recognised in you gave me great -confidence and encouragement. As I told you, I left Madrid lacking all -human resources, and trusting only to divine help, which is the sole -way to obtain what {382} we desire. Our Lord has already begun to work -in my favour, bringing in the silver fleet, and relieving Oran[6] when -we least expected it; whereby I have been able, though with infinite -trouble and tardiness for want of money, to dispose my forces here so -that we shall, I hope, start work with them this week. Although I -beseech God and His most holy Mother to succour and aid us, I trust -very little in myself; for I have offended, and still offend very much, -and I justly deserve the punishments and afflictions which I suffer. -And so I appeal to you to fulfil your promise to me, to clamour to God -to guide my actions and my arms, to the end that the quietude of these -realms may be secured, and peace reign throughout Christendom. The -Portuguese rebels still raid the frontiers of Portugal, acting against -God and their natural sovereign. Affairs in Flanders are in great -extremity, and there is risk of a rising unless God will intervene in -my favour; and though affairs in Aragon have somewhat improved with my -presence, I fear that unless we can gain some successes to encourage -people here they are liable to lose heart and to take a course very -injurious to the monarchy. The necessities, of course, are numerous -{383} and great; but I must confess that it is not that which -distresses me most, but the certain conviction that they all arise from -my having offended our Lord. As He knows, I earnestly wish to please -Him and to fulfil my duty in all things; and I desire that, if by any -means you arrive at a knowledge of what it is His holy will that I -should do to placate Him, write to me here, for I am very anxious to do -right, and I do not know in what I err. Some religious people give me -to understand that they have revelations; and that God commands that I -should punish certain persons, and that I should dismiss others from my -service. But you know full well that in this matter of revelations one -must be very careful, and particularly when these religious persons -speak against those who are not really bad, and against whom I have -never discovered anything injurious to me; whilst others are approved -whose proceedings are not usually thought well of. The general opinion -about these persons is that they love turning things over, and that -their truth cannot be depended upon. I do hope that you will keep your -word to me, and will speak with all frankness as to a confessor, for we -kings have much of the confessor in us. Do not let yourself be -influenced by what the world says, for that is little to be depended -upon, seeing the aims of those who move such discourse; but be guided -solely by the inspiration of God, before whom I protest (and I have -just partaken of Him, in the Sacrament) that I desire in all things, -and for all things, to fulfil His sacred law and the obligation which -He has laid upon me as a King. And I hope in His {384} mercy that He -will take pity on our pains and help us out of those afflictions. The -greatest favour that I can receive from His holy hands is that the -punishment He lays upon these realms may be laid upon me; for it is I, -and not they, who really deserve the punishment, for they have always -been true and firm Catholics. I do hope you will console me with your -reply, and that I may have in you a true intercessor with our Lord, -that He may guide and enlighten me, and extricate me from the troubles -in which I am now immersed.--I, THE KING. Saragossa, 4th October 1644." - - -[Sidenote: Philip's inner self] - -In addition to the invaluable and unquestionable glimpse which this -letter affords of public affairs, it gives us the key, more entirely -perhaps than any of the six hundred letters that followed it, to the -real character of the King. He was weak; he confesses to have no -confidence in himself, although in his heart of hearts he is striving -to live well and do his duty. He is unable to struggle successfully -against the worldly pleasures that have captured him, and which he -pursues still, whilst hating himself for doing so. Conscience-haunted, -he is the only sinner, and the terrible conviction forces itself upon -him that his personal sins of omission and commission are to be visited -in awful punishment upon whole nations of innocent people. His natural -justice and his knowledge of men cause him to rebel against the -suggestions that come to him, even under the cloak of religion, to -punish those who in his eyes have done no ill; and behind the regal -purple and the stately port of his great office we see the poor soul, -so remorseful {385} in the knowledge of its sin and insignificance as -to feel unworthy even to pray without a poor nun's intercession to the -appalling deity he thinks he has incensed. And yet, with all this -humility, how the true Spaniard peeps out in the conviction that God -has His eyes specially on him; how God's designs for the universe -revolve around his fortunes, his acts, and his transgressions. Only by -the light of these self-revelatory letters can we see how penetrating -was the genius of Velazquez. The tragic, haunted face of Philip, when -age had palled his pleasures, only told its tale to the painter; and -its pride, its weakness, its mercy and despair, an enigma until now, -are explained to us when, after looking upon his portrait, we read the -King's own words, meant for the eyes of the cloistered nun alone. - -Whilst Philip was, for the first time for twenty years, manfully -struggling against his indolence, and facing his enemies in Aragon, the -Queen, as regent of Castile, was straining every nerve to provide money -for the campaigns; and during the autumn (1643) an army of 16,000 men -was mustered in the various provinces, and sent to the King. Queen -Isabel too put her hand to the Augean stable of Madrid. Murders in the -streets and armed affrays upon trifling pretexts were as numerous as -ever, one Newsletter (25th August) enumerating four or five of such -fatal scandals during the previous few days;[7] one of which--although -that was in Valencia and is given as an instance--is curious: one Iñigo -Velasco, an actor, we are told, having been beheaded "because, -forgetting the humility of his calling, he courted ladies as impudently -as any {386} gentleman could have done." But it was noticed in Madrid -that the punishment now followed the crime more surely and more -promptly:[8] that immorality was attacked more earnestly than before, -and that the large public houses of ill-fame were being rapidly cleared -out by the new President of the Council of Castile. - -The financial officers and others were also having rather a ruthless -time, for secret commissions descended upon them and their papers -without notice one after the other, and scores of thousands of ducats -of ill-gotten plunder had to be disgorged; whilst the friends of -Olivares who had survived his fall, and kept their places, were -gradually made to understand that things had altered for them.[9] The -Countess of Olivares thus far had held firmly to her footing as -Mistress of the Robes, notwithstanding the frowns of the Queen; but the -Duchess of Mantua brought matters to a head with her. As the Countess -aspired to sit upon a seat in the royal carriage instead of in the -doorway, the Duchess rose and said that that was not her place, and she -would leave the carriage. The Queen placated her, but a few days -afterwards {387} the Queen's coach was surrounded in Madrid by a crowd -that cried, "Long live the Queen, and down with the Duchess of -Olivares"; and soon orders came from the King in Aragon that the lady -was to follow her husband into retirement. - -The legitimated son, too, Enrique Felipe de Guzman, who had kept close -to the King as a gentleman-in-waiting, found that the atmosphere at -Court, and especially amongst Aragonese, was antagonistic to him; and -he also was dismissed to join his father.[10] - -[Sidenote: Baltasar Carlos and Juan] - -The only subject of difference between Philip and his wife now was the -rivalry between his two sons. Young Baltasar Carlos had been granted a -separate household, and was already assuming the state befitting the -heir of Spain. Philip was devotedly attached to him, as was his -mother; for, after allowing for all the adulation of courtiers, the -Prince must have been a manly and gracious youth. But Don Juan was -infinitely more handsome, and it was said of extraordinary talent, -although it is fair to say that the actions of his later life hardly -justified the fame of his youth. In any case, Philip was very proud of -him, and now gave him a separate household, with many noble attendants -and officers about him, and, as a separate residence, the suburban -pleasure house called Zarzuela. Don Juan was to be called Serene -Highness, and was to address gentlemen as _Vos_, You, as if he had been -a royal Prince. To {388} add to his importance, he was now made Grand -Master of St. John, and delighted the courtiers with his boyish -assumption of sovereign dignity.[11] Isabel looked askance at all this, -and Baltasar Carlos saw little of his half-brother; but Philip, having -before him the example of his great-grandfather and the other Don Juan, -evidently destined his left-handed son for great things. He had, -moreover, no near male relatives now, and it is clear that there were -ample opportunities for usefulness open to a semi-royal Prince in -Philip's wide dominions. - -[Sidenote: Philip's reformation] - -Philip and his little army in Catalonia and Aragon did well. Monzon -was captured by Silva from the French on the 3rd December, to the -immense solace of the King, who had been beseeching the nun's prayers -for the victory; and with the laurels still on him he returned in -triumph to Madrid to pass the Christmas with his wife. The Queen had -ordered dinner to be prepared for his reception at the Buen Retiro -(14th December), and had gone to meet him at the Atocha, where the holy -image had to be thanked for his safe return. But Philip was a changed -man since the nun's weekly letters of exhortation and encouragement had -reached him; and the palace of past frivolities was not in accordance -with his mood. He would not even enter it, but went, gaily dressed, -through the cheering crowds to the old palace, which if gloomy was yet -kingly. Philip {389} went the next day to the Discalced Carmelites to -pray; but the Queen did not accompany him, for the proud, exacting -Savoy Princess, Duchess of Mantua, who lived in the convent, occupied -the royal apartments, and all manner of questions of etiquette would -have arisen if the Queen had gone with her husband. - -During the few days of staid rejoicings for Christmas, for the splendid -old entertainments were now discontinued,[12] the King wrote to Sor -Maria to ask her to help with her prayers the expected arrival of the -silver fleet from Mexico; and as a mixture of mystic devotion and -worldly aims the King's letter is quaint. - - -"The promise you gave me when I was with you, that your prayers should -not fail me, delighted me much, and I remind you of it in the greatest -necessities. We are expecting hourly, by God's help, the arrival of -the galleons, and you may imagine what depends upon it for us; and -although I hope that, in His mercy, He will bring them safely, I want -to urge you to help me by supplicating His Divine Majesty to do me this -favour. It is true, I do not deserve it, but rather great punishment; -but I have full confidence that He will not permit the total loss of -this monarchy, and that He will continue the successes that He has -begun to give us. I should very much like to succeed in carrying out -the advice you give me in your letter of the 6th {390} instant.[13] I -can assure you I will try to do so; and for my part, I will use every -effort to comply with the will of God, both personally and in official -matters. May He give me grace to do it. I cannot help telling you of -the joy it gave me to come hither and see the Queen and my children, -for my absence had seemed to me very long. They are, thank God, very -well; and although I shall feel keenly leaving such company, I am -preparing to return; for the welfare of my realms must be placed before -all things, even before the pleasure of being with such treasures as -these. God send me the time when I may enjoy them with more -tranquillity." - - -The King's and the nun's prayers were satisfied. A few days after the -letter was written, Madrid was rejoiced to know that the galleons had -arrived safely, "which on this occasion were sorely needed; for the -loans for the frontier fortresses, and for Italy and Flanders, were -held back, and the lenders would not do business without this -guarantee.... They bring five millions (of ducats) for the King, and -almost as much for private owners, with much {391} indigo, etc.... It -is believed that the King will not take any from private people or from -the treasury pensions, so that we all breathe again."[14] In these -somewhat alleviated circumstances, Philip, full of hope, started for -Aragon on 6th February 1644, having signalised his short stay in Madrid -by giving the gold key of chamberlain to Diego Velazquez, "who, they -say, is at the present time the greatest painter in Spain. I -understand there are to be no more honours given this Twelfth Day, as -in other years."[15] - -[Sidenote: Philip again in Aragon] - -Philip, with a very small suite, hurried to Aragon; for already in his -absence his officers were quarrelling amongst themselves about -ridiculous questions of style and precedence, and on the very frontier -a deputation of Aragonese notables met him to ask for the dismissal of -his Commander-in-chief, Felipe Silva, the most successful General he -had; and, although not immediately, Silva, disgusted by the jealousy -that surrounded him--a Portuguese--ultimately went into retirement, to -the lasting loss of Spanish arms. Whilst Philip was busy in Aragon -ordering the coming campaign, the welcome news came to him in March -1644 of the pregnancy of his wife; but soon his joy was dashed with the -intelligence of her miscarriage and illness. The gossips said that, -attended only by the Marquis of Aytona, he rushed to Madrid secretly -for a few days to see her; but whether the cloaked cavalier who came -post from Saragossa was indeed the King is uncertain. In any case, -Philip was with his army during the summer, gradually making way before -the French, and {392} keeping up his resolution to live an exemplary -life; although the nobles and others were beginning to grumble that Don -Luis de Haro was almost as powerful a minister as his uncle Olivares -had been. - -Philip was still rejoicing over the capture of the important city of -Lerida at the middle of August 1644, and the relief of Tarragona in -September, when ill news came to him of his wife's health. She had, it -seems, on the 28th September suffered some sort of choleraic attack -with erysipelas. Messengers were sent to the King, whilst the doctors, -as was their wont, bled the patient copiously until they had left her -bloodless, though with symptoms which now would be recognised at once -as those of diphtheria. Then, in their desperation, the dead body of -St. Isidore the Husbandman and the sainted image of the Atocha were -brought to the palace; though the dying woman protested that she was -unworthy to have them brought to her bedside. But the inflammation of -the throat increased, notwithstanding all the charms of the Church and -the prayers of young Baltasar Carlos, who was devotedly attached to his -mother. There was no church nor convent in Madrid that did not bring -out in procession its crucifixes and most sacred images in Prayer for -the Queen's restoration to health, and the fervent prayers of a whole -people went up in rogation that her life might be spared. - -[Sidenote: Death of the Queen] - -On the 5th October the Queen tried to make a new will, but she was too -weak to sign it, and only left verbal testamentary instructions before -witnesses for the King to be informed of her wishes. At noon that day -she sent for a _fleur de lys_ which {393} formed one of the ornaments -of the crown, and in which there was a fragment of the true Cross. -This she worshipped fervently, and her two children, Baltasar Carlos -and Maria Teresa, were brought to her; but she would not suffer them to -approach her for fear of infection, though she blessed them fervently -from a distance. "There are plenty of Queens for Spain," she sighed; -"but Princes and Princesses are rare." The next day, at a quarter past -four in the afternoon, stout-hearted loyal Isabel of Bourbon breathed -her last, aged 41. Garbed as a Franciscan nun, the body of the Queen -was borne to the Convent of Discalced Carmelites, where she had so -often prayed and diverted herself;[16] and thence soon afterwards it -was carried back again to the palace in grand coffins of lead and -brocade, to lie in state with flaring torches and all the pomp and -circumstances of royal mourning. "Isabels always bring happiness to -Spain," shouted the crowd that adored her, after the fall of Olivares. -She, poor soul, had brought happiness neither to Spain nor to France, -though she did her best and was truly mourned. She had always been -devoutly Catholic; and since the commencement of the war she had grown -stronger in her devotion, and in her determination to reform the -scandalous licence of the Court.[17] Frenchwoman though {394} she was, -no breath of suspicion of her loyalty to her husband's people had ever -been heard during all the years of war with her brother's realm. - -[Sidenote: Philip's grief] - -Philip hastened home as fast as relays of mules would carry him. At -Maranchon, about fifty miles from Madrid, where the King had alighted -to dine at a wretched _venta_, the courier bringing the news of the -Queen's death met him. The ministers and courtiers around the King, -knowing how he loved his wife, avoided telling him the evil tidings at -first; for the anxiety and fatigue of the voyage had told upon him, -"and he had only just dined." But a few miles farther on, at -Almadrones, the news was broken to him in his carriage by the Marquis -of Carpio and his son, the favourite Haro, and the bereaved King begged -to be left alone with his grief. Turning aside from Madrid, now a city -of mourning for him, Philip retired to the Pardo, where, with his son -Baltasar--all that was left to him now, for Maria Teresa was but a -child--for a few days he indulged his sorrow in private. Thence he -went for the official mourning in the old apartment at San Geronimo; -whilst, with the gloomy pomp traditional in Spain, the body of the -Queen was carried at dead of night across {395} the bleak Castilian -plain, with hundreds of monks and nobles following, to the gorgeous new -jasper pantheon at the Escorial reserved for Kings and mothers of -Kings, which, from very dread, Isabel had never dared to enter in her -lifetime.[18] - -Three days after the Queen died her wraith appeared, it is said, before -the nun of Agreda, asking for the prayers of the godly to liberate her -from purgatory for the vain splendour of her attire during her -life.[19] Philip himself was overwhelmed at his loss, and the nun -wrote to him exhortations to resignation and patience; but it was a -month before he could gather sufficient courage to reply: his grief, as -he says, and the many calls upon him having prevented him from doing it -before. "I find myself in the most oppressed state of sorrow -possible," he wrote, "for I have lost in one person everything that can -be lost in this world; and if I did not know, according to the faith -that I profess, that the Lord disposes for us what is best, I do not -know what would become of me." - - -The following spring again saw Philip in the field in Aragon. Things -were going badly with him now, and he was again losing heart. To the -nun he wrote on the 25th March 1645-- - - -"Your letter indeed arrived at a good time; for the cares that surround -me had much afflicted me, and your words have encouraged me. I now -trust that God in His mercy, looking to all Christendom, and to these -realms, which are so pure in their {396} Catholic faith, will not allow -us to be ruined utterly, but will shield and defend them, and grant us -a good peace. Short are the human resources with which I have returned -hither; and what appals me most is to see that my faults alone are -sufficient to provoke the ire of our Lord, and to bring upon me greater -punishments than before. But the greater the punishment, the greater -will be my appeal to faith and hope, as you say; and I will continually -supplicate our Lord to supply with His almighty hand what we need. I -for my part will do all I can, trying not to displease Him, and to -comply with the obligations He has placed upon me, even though in doing -so I risk my own life. I have not hesitated to give up the comforts of -my home, in order to attend personally to the defence of these realms: -for, whilst I thus fulfil this duty, I trust our Lord will not fail me; -but in any extremity I submit to His holy will. I have wished for the -Prince to begin to learn what will fall upon him after my days are -done; and so, though alone, I have brought him with me, and have -confided his health to the hands of God, trusting in His mercy to guard -him, and to guide all his actions to His greater service."[20] - - -The campaign brought reverse after reverse to Philip. Jealousy had -lost him the services of Silva, his best General; and the new French -Viceroy of Catalonia, Count de Harcourt, scattered the Spaniards at -Balaguer, and all Catalonia and most of Aragon lay at his mercy, if he -had been sure of the loyalty of the Catalans, who, truth {397} to say, -were getting somewhat disappointed and tired of their French masters. - -[Sidenote: War in Catalonia] - -The Aragonese mostly remained faithful to Philip, but held firmly to -their privileges; and when in the autumn of 1645 he summoned the Cortes -of Saragossa and Valencia to swear allegiance to Baltasar Carlos, they -drove a hard bargain, and Philip was forced to concede many legislative -demands of the members, in return for sparing votes of supply. The -tale he told to the Castilian Cortes summoned early in 1646 in Madrid -was disconsolate in the extreme. All was spent: the wars still went on -in Flanders, Germany, Italy, and Catalonia, as well as on the -Portuguese frontier, and the regular revenue was utterly insufficient. -The deputies were as much afflicted by the penury of their constituents -as the King was by the emptiness of his treasury, but with many groans -they voted an immediate grant of a million and a half of ducats in -money, and in the following year an extension of the special war -taxation upon food, and leave to sell pensions was granted. - -Almost every week beseeching letters went from Philip to the nun, -praying for her intercession with the Almighty to aid him in his -troubles; and the replies of the good woman were always wise, as she -inculcated hope and labour without remission. Sometimes Philip's faith -weakened, and he almost despaired, for he was convinced that all the -national trouble arose from his personal sins, and yet, as he says, he -could not help sinning. In the meanwhile disasters fell upon his arms -thick and fast, and the national distress became more intense. He -could suffer his own troubles, {398} wrote Philip, for he knew that he -had deserved them; "but to see the sufferings of so many poor innocent -people in these wars and conflicts pierces me to the very heart, and if -with my life's blood I could remedy it I would expend it most -willingly." - -When Philip returned to Madrid for the winter of 1645-46, Sor Maria's -constant exhortations had prevailed upon him to make a determined -attempt to cleanse Madrid of some of its blatant vice in order to win -God's favour. She was particularly strong in her condemnation of the -dress and demeanour of the women of the capital, and a severe pragmatic -on the subject was issued: the playhouses, to the dismay of the -comedy-loving people, were rigorously closed,[21] the press-gangs that -scoured the country for recruits were enjoined to be merciful to the -poor in their operations, and other measures urged by the nun became -the law of the land, whilst the lethal crimes so common in Madrid were -prosecuted now with merciless severity. - -Leaving his capital at least outwardly more decent, Philip travelled -north again in April 1646, accompanied by his promising young son, now -approaching manhood; Pamplona, the capital of Navarre, being taken on -the way, in order that the Navarrese Cortes might swear allegiance to -the heir. No sooner had they entered Pamplona, late in April, than -Baltasar Carlos fell seriously ill of tertian fevers; and the nun's -prayers were frantically supplicated for the boy by his afflicted -father, who would not leave his son's side, although the Aragonese were -getting clamorous for his coming to {399} direct the campaign, which -had already been opened by the enemy, who were actively besieging -Lerida. After two months' delay, Philip at length entered Saragossa in -June, when he received the news of the death of his sister, the Empress -Maria, who had been betrothed to Charles, Prince of Wales. This, -coming on the top of all his other troubles, almost broke the poor King -down. "If I did not recognise that my troubles are sent by God, as -warnings for me to prepare my own salvation, I could hardly tolerate -them.... Help me, Sor Maria, to pray to Him; for my strength is small, -and I fear my weakness." - -[Sidenote: Baltasar Carlos dies] - -A greater blow than all fell upon him soon afterwards. An insincere -embassy had been sent to England some little while before, in order to -frustrate the betrothal of Mary Stuart, daughter of Charles I., with -the Prince of Orange; and the means employed had been the old -suggestion of the marriage of an English Princess with Baltasar Carlos. -It came to nothing, and, so far as the Spaniards were concerned, was a -mere feint from the first, for the real wish of Philip's heart, as it -had been that of his father, was still further to cement the two -branches of the house of Austria, by marrying his heir to the Emperor's -daughter. Imperial ambassadors were at Saragossa when Philip arrived, -and the King wrote cheerfully to the nun soon after, saying that the -marriage of Baltasar Carlos had now been settled, and that his niece -Mariana of Austria was betrothed to his heir. "My son is very much -pleased with his new state, and I am so too, to have chosen such a good -daughter-in-law, as I hold this marriage {400} certain to produce very -beneficial effects to the Catholic religion, which is my sole -aspiration."[22] - -Not many weeks afterwards, on the 7th October, the King in great -trouble writes to the nun-- - - -"I have received your letter, but I confess that I am not in a -condition to reply to it, for our Lord has placed upon me a trial -through which I can hardly live. Since yesterday my son is oppressed -with very extreme fever. It began by severe pains in his body, which -lasted all day; and now he is delirious, and we are in such fear that -we hope it will turn to smallpox, ... of which the doctors say they see -signs. I know, Sor Maria, that I deserve heavy punishments, and that -all that may come to me in this life will be insufficient to repay my -sins; but I do cry now to the divine mercy of our Lord, and the -intercession of His holy Mother; and I beseech you to help with all -your strength." - - -[Sidenote: Philip's despair] - -Three days afterwards, the heart-broken father writes in dull despair -that his son had died. "I have lost," he wrote, "my only son, and such -a son, as you know he was." And for this pain the consolations of the -good woman, though salutary, {401} were weak. Philip bowed his head, -and to all outward seeming was resigned to his loss. He did not rail -against the decrees of Providence that had left him alone in the world, -but his resignation now was a fatalistic hopelessness; for this blow -had finally convinced him that the Most High had doomed him to -affliction, and his people to suffering untold, solely for his sins. -There was no way out of it, even by prayer; and Philip for a time gave -up trying to be good. - -Don Luis de Haro already did most of the work of the State, and Philip -grew still more idle after the death of his son, one of the results of -his indolence being a weakening of the struggle he had fought for four -years against the temptations of the flesh. Sor Maria from her convent -took him to task somewhat seriously for his remissness, and for the -first time Philip defended himself with some spirit[23] with regard to -his dependence upon others. He was anxious to do right, he assured -her; but his great predecessors and all other monarchs had been obliged -to employ ministers, and he did not think he could be doing wrong in -following their example. One man cannot, he says, look into the -execution of all his commands, and must trust to others; "for it does -not accord with the dignity of a monarch to go from one office to the -other to see personally that his decrees are being properly {402} -carried out." When he first came to the throne, he reminds the nun, he -was only sixteen, and, quite naturally in his inexperience, depended -upon a man of more knowledge than himself. Where he had erred was in -keeping that minister supreme too long. Since he dismissed Olivares he -had tried to avoid having a favourite; and the minister who people now -say does everything was brought up with him as a boy, and has always -been irreproachable; but even so, he (Philip) had always refused to -give him the post of sole minister, and he only does what the King -cannot do, namely, look after the raising of funds, and hear the -opinions of people with whom the King cannot discourse. "I, Sor -Maria," he wrote, "do not shirk any labour, for, as anyone can tell -you, I am here seated in this chair continually with my papers before -me and my pen in my hand, dealing with all the reports that are sent to -me here, and with the despatches from abroad; resolving points in -question immediately, and trying to adopt the most proper decision in -each case." - -The nun even took upon herself, as the winter wore on, to tell the King -that it was high time to arrange the new campaign, and follow up the -brilliant defence of Lerida which had ended in the defeat of the French -under Condé himself. The Aragonese thought so too, for the troops -there refused to move for a time unless Philip would come to Saragossa, -as in previous years, to direct the campaign personally. - -[Sidenote: Philip betrothed again] - -The nun could hardly speak very clearly in reprehension of the King's -moral backsliding, although her hints even in this respect are pretty -{403} broad. But his confessor and the other friars around him did not -hesitate to do so; and people other than friars were saying that with -no heir to the crown the King must marry again. So long as Baltasar -Carlos lived, Philip had gently put aside these suggestions by saying -that his hopes were centred in his son; but when after his heir's death -his excesses in the intervals of his poignant contrition shocked the -devotees of his Court, and they added their censure to the pressure of -the laymen for another Queen-Consort, Philip consented, though without -enthusiasm, to marry again. He was only forty-two, but anxiety and -dissipation had aged him, and he was approaching the years when most of -his ancestors had developed the peculiar strain of mystic devotion that -borders upon madness, but his people clamoured for a male heir, for the -Infanta Maria Teresa was only eight, and Don Juan of Austria, popular -as he was, was impossible as King. In the letter which Philip wrote to -the nun, on the 9th January 1647, he says: "I have received a letter -from the Emperor condoling with me for the loss of my son, and at the -same time offering my niece to be my wife. As this agrees with my own -feelings, I think I may decide to accept this marriage, which is -doubtless the most fitting one for me; so I hope that our Lord will -help this with His powerful hand, so that the business may tend to His -service, and to that of my own country"; and a few weeks afterwards he -conveyed to her the intelligence that the match has been arranged. - -Mariana was as yet a child, and the daughter of Philip's sister Maria. -That such a companion {404} can have been really congenial to him it is -difficult to believe, but his subjects needed an heir. The unhappy -tradition that imposed upon Spain the belief in its duty to dictate -orthodoxy to the world was not yet dead, and the solidarity of the -house of Austria was a first condition for its success. Spain had -already paid dearly for such Austrian help as she had obtained, and the -price now given for the further union was a high one indeed; for by -this dire incestuous union of Philip and his niece the consummation of -his country's ruin and the extinction of his dynasty was wrought. What -for the time being was worst of all was, that the support of Austria in -the wars that were finally to exhaust Spain was withdrawn even before -the marriage took place. - -[Sidenote: The treaty of Münster] - -For three years the representatives of the Powers of Europe, invited by -the Emperor, had been laboriously discussing terms for a general -pacification at Osnabrück and Münster. Philip wrote to the nun that -the French demands were so insolent that it was clear that they did not -want peace;[24] but the Hollanders were more inclined to an -accommodation, for they had grown suspicious of the ultimate designs of -Mazarin. After interminable intrigues and self-seeking, however, an -arrangement was arrived at which practically ended the Thirty Years -War; and Spain, beaten to her knees, still burdened with war in -Catalonia, on the Portuguese border, and in Flanders, with her kingdom -of Naples in full revolt, was obliged to accept, at last, what the -world had seen to be inevitable for many {405} years past, the -recognition of Protestant Holland as an independent Power. For nearly -a hundred years the war with her Protestant former dependency had -dragged Spain down, and made her an easy prey to the French, and at -last from the sheer impotence of Spain to struggle longer the Treaty of -Münster (October 1648) was signed by her, which made Holland free and -gave Alsace to France. The central European Powers were satisfied, the -religious compromise was ratified, there was nothing more for the -Emperor to fight for, and he retired from the war with France, leaving -Philip to fight her enemy alone. The long dream of Spain's supremacy -over an orthodox Catholic Europe was indeed dissipated at last; she had -now to fight for the integrity of her own soil and her continued -existence as a great nation, and in this hard strait the empire -deserted her. - -All through the year 1647, Philip remained in Madrid, whilst the wars -in Flanders and Catalonia, as well as on the Portuguese frontier, -dragged on with various fortunes, but on the whole not disastrously for -Spain. The great revolt of Massaniello in Naples for a time threatened -Philip with the loss of the kingdom; when the happy thought came to him -of sending his brilliant young son, Don Juan, thither as his -Commander-in-chief. He arrived at a time when Guise, the French -pretender to the Neapolitan crown, had disgusted the fickle populace -which had formerly acclaimed him, and by a fortunate _coup de main_ Don -Juan recaptured the city for his father in February 1648, to the joy of -most of the inhabitants, who were tired of the anarchy which had lasted -for a year. The exploit {406} raised the popularity of the young -Prince almost as high as that of his famous namesake after Lepanto, and -the rejoicings in Madrid to celebrate the victory made the capital for -a time seem its old self again. - -But though the lieges might still enjoy their brilliant shows as of -yore, Philip himself had become introspective and gloomy; and he -attended the bull-fights and parades with sad, weary face. He wrote -weekly to the nun deploring his frailty, and beseeching her -intercession; but it is clear that he had thrown over most of his good -resolutions, for Don Luis de Haro was as necessary to him as Olivares -had been; and the fragile beauties of the capital found in him again as -ardent an admirer as ever.[25] The departure of the bride who was to -rescue him from his evil life was long delayed for want of money, both -on the part of her father the Emperor, and of Philip;[26] and, -notwithstanding the King's saintly contrition after his faults, the -talk of his loose and idle life began to make him personally unpopular -with many, who thought that his place was with his army in Catalonia -rather than in the Retiro sunk in slothful pleasures.[27] - -{407} - -[Sidenote: An execution] - -In September, a great Aragonese noble of turbulent antecedents, the -Duke of Hijar, with three other nobles of rank, were suddenly seized -and committed to prison in Madrid. The accusation against them was -that they had plotted against the crown: some said in favour of the -King of Portugal, others in favour of France; but the King specially -assured the nun that there had not been discovered any design against -his life. The Duke, as soon as he was arrested, endeavoured to -implicate Sor Maria in the plot, and produced a letter from her to him. -In a note in her own hand on the King's account written to her of the -execution of the prisoners in December, she explains the matter. -Hijar, it appears, had written to her hinting at some plan against the -Government being in contemplation, and asking her advice. She had -replied deploring such wickedness, and had referred him to the King. -The nun says that many had been the attempts to bring her into trouble -about it; but that in all his letters to her referring {408} to the -plot the King had never even mentioned her connection with the matter, -which showed that he, at least, did not believe that she was culpably -concerned. The King, indeed, in his letters rather makes light of the -affair, as being "the most foolish conspiracy ever conceived," and he -evidently did not think that the Duke of Hijar was the prime mover in -the affair; as repeated torture having failed to wring any -incriminatory admissions from the Duke, the judges sentenced him to -perpetual imprisonment only, though we are told that the torture had -made him a cripple for life, both hand and foot. One of the other -conspirators died of a fit in the prison soon after the death sentence -was passed, his fate, as Philip wrote to the nun, being worst of all, -since he had died unabsolved. - -[Sidenote: The "Hijar conspirators"] - -The public execution in the Plaza Mayor of the two principal -conspirators, both nobles, Don Pedro de Silva, Marquis de la Vega de -Sagra, and Don Carlos de Padilla, moved excitement-loving Madrid -profoundly, and several eye-witnesses of the scene have left their -impressions of it. From one unpublished account in the British -Museum[28] the following description is condensed as an example of a -Spanish execution, of the first importance at the time. - -Shortly before noon, on Saturday, the 5th December 1648, the massive -doors of the Carcel de la Corte, opposite the Plaza de Santa Cruz, near -the Atocha entrance of the Plaza Mayor,[29] opened for {409} a sombre -procession to issue therefrom. First came seventy alguacils of the -Court; then followed, amidst tapers and swinging censers, two famous -figures of Christ from the parish church of Santa Cruz opposite, with -the attendant clergy. Then came a saddle mule covered to the ground -with housings of black baize, and led by an executioner. Upon the mule -sat Don Carlos de Padilla, who only on the previous day had been -divested of his honourable habit of a Knight of Santiago. Now, as he -rode disconsolate, a crucifix in his hand and closely surrounded by -many Jesuit fathers, he wore a long gown of black baize, with a cap of -the same, and a steel chain dangled from his right foot. It was -noticed, too, that instead of the almost universal golilla he wore a -white starched Walloon collar unblued. - -After him came on another draped mule the Marquis, Don Pedro, similarly -garbed; but, instead of the collar, wearing the tippet of a Fellow of -the College, of Cuenca at Salamanca. Following the condemned men came -crowds of alguacils, notaries, and officers of justice; and as the -procession swept along dismally, heralded by tolling bells and the -dreary call of the criers for the people to pray for the souls of the -departing, vast crowds stood at every coign of vantage, and were held -back at the end of each side street by guards and alguacils. The -procession did not enter the Plaza by the nearest gate, that of the -Atocha, but debouched into the {410} Calle Mayor, in order to enter the -Plaza by a principal, Guadalajara, portal. It was noticed that as Don -Carlos Padilla reached the entrance by the Guadalajara gate his face -lit up radiantly, and the word passed along the awestruck crowd that a -heavenly vision had brought comfort to him, now that all earthly -comfort had fled. - -The Plaza Mayor itself had been cleared of all its fruit stalls, as if -for a bull-fight; and in the centre (where now stands the statue of -Philip III.) was erected a scaffold, upon which were two uncovered -chairs side by side. Don Carlos de Padilla ascended first the fatal -stair, and, taking his seat upon the left-hand chair with much -serenity, slowly arranged his long gown decorously, whilst the swarm of -priests and friars around him continued their sacred ministrations. -The doomed noble's hands and feet were firmly bound to the chair, and a -strip of black baize blinded his eyes. Then the executioner, stepping -forward, with a large butcher's knife slashed the throat across again -and again. It was remarked that Don Carlos, being a robust man, shed -an immense quantity of blood. Then going behind him, the executioner -with several heavy blows on the nape of the neck severed the head -entirely, and the deed was finished. - -Then came the turn of the Marquis, Don Pedro de Silva, to mount; and as -he reached the top his eyes perforce rested upon the dead body of his -comrade, still bound to the chair. "Blessed be the name of the Lord," -he exclaimed in horror at the ghastly sight, as he took his seat on the -adjoining chair. The strip of baize that had bound the {411} eyes of -Don Carlos was too much soaked with blood to be used for the second -time, and another had to be brought; Don Pedro devoutly repeating the -Creed in the meanwhile. It was noticed that Don Pedro, being a dry, -shrunken little man, shed but little blood; and when his head at last -was severed from the back, as that of Don Carlos had been, the King's -justice was satisfied. The bodies remained in the chairs all that day; -but at one o'clock in the morning the executioner and the widows -shrouded the bodies by the light of two candle-ends, and enclosed them -in rough coffins, in which they were carried in procession, with the -parish cross and eight wax tapers before them, across the Calle Mayor -to the churchyard of St. Gines for burial. The two Christs of Santa -Cruz went with them too, though the clergy were not allowed to -accompany them; for they had claimed the right of burying the bodies in -their own church, which is the parish in which the prison is situated, -and the King had ordered the sepulchre at St. Gines. - -The King had taken no part in the trial of the prisoners, and had -strictly enjoined the five judges specially appointed to investigate -the case to be absolutely impartial, though the nun herself had almost -violently urged that no mercy should be shown against men who aimed at -overturning the Government. The real object of the conspiracy appears -to have been the overthrow of Don Luis de Haro, and the adoption of a -conciliatory policy which would end the warfare in Catalonia and -Portugal, even at the cost of a sacrifice of pride and territory to -Spain. - -Already, when the impressive sight just described {412} was passing in -Madrid, the new girl Queen-Consort was slowly, very slowly, making her -way from city to city of her father's dominions, Tyrol, Hungary, and -Italy, on her way to the expectant arms of her elderly avuncular -bridegroom. Festivities and celebrations greeted her in every town she -entered, and everywhere the inexperienced girl enjoyed her new -importance without restraint. At Trent, Philip's representatives met -her, and thenceforward she travelled as Queen of Spain, staying on her -way for many weeks at each place.[30] The reasons for so long a delay -were several. First, money was scarce for the conveyance of the -tremendous company of 160 Spanish nobles with their households who -accompanied the Queen; secondly, the plague was raging throughout -eastern Spain, where she had to land; and thirdly, she herself was as -yet quite immature, being barely fifteen. - -During all this long delay, which lasted until the late autumn of 1649, -Philip continued to write to the nun, deploring his inability to -overcome the frailty of the flesh, and fervently invoking her aid in -prayer to make him as perfect as he wished to be. Though the world -knew it not at the time, it is quite certain from these letters that -the ecstatic religious mysticism that had taken possession of his -father, grandfather, and great-grandfather at a similar age, had at -this time firmly captured Philip IV. But he, unlike them, still -retained his pleasure-seeking instincts, and with him it was a {413} -never-ending battle between the spirit and the flesh which prevented -him subsequently from sinking into the monkish seclusion of his -ancestors. - -[Sidenote: Queen Mariana] - -At length, whilst Philip was in Madrid in September, a messenger, -bringing for him a beautiful jewel from his bride, came to announce her -landing on Spanish soil at Denia;[31] and the King at once wrote in -delight to the nun, to tell her the news and ask her blessing, to which -the good woman replied by urging him to begin a new life on his -marriage. Mariana had been received at Denia by all the nobles of -Valencia, where the Sandoval interest was strong, and jealousy -surrounded her from the first hour; the Duke of Najera and Maqueda, who -had conducted her from Italy, being dismissed in disgrace as soon as he -landed for some lack of respect reported of him. - -Mariana troubled her head little about such things. She was a -red-cheeked, full-blooded lass, with bright black eyes, and an -insatiable ambition to enjoy and make the most of life. Selfish and -hard-hearted she proved herself to be later, but now in her florid -spring she seemed a gay, happy girl, whose high spirits nothing could -damp, even the prospect of matrimonial life with a worn-out, -disillusioned voluptuary in chronic anxiety about his soul. As she -slowly moved onward through Valencia and Castile, she was entertained -everywhere with feastings and shows which delighted her. At one place, -after dinner, some of the King's {414} dwarfs and buffoons were -introduced to amuse her, at whose antics she screamed with laughter. -The stately Countess of Medillin, a Sandoval, her Mistress of the -Robes, shocked at such a breach of etiquette, reminded her that -sovereigns of Spain never laughed in public. But Mariana snapped her -fingers at such stiffness, and avowed that she should laugh as often as -she saw anything to laugh at; and when the same great lady informed her -that it was a violation of all the Court traditions for her to walk, -she obtained a similar answer. - -As she approached Madrid, Philip, with his young daughter, Maria -Teresa, moved to the Escorial, to be within easy riding distance of the -village of Navalcarnero, where the royal wedding was to be -celebrated.[32] Every few days, letters, gifts, and loving messages -had passed between Philip and his bride since her arrival on Spanish -soil, and he evidently desired to act his part of the anxious lover -irreproachably. When, therefore, he learnt that the Queen was to -arrive at Navalcarnero, on the 6th October, he complied with the -traditional usage of the Spanish Court, and set forth on horseback, and -in perfectly transparent disguise, to look upon his new wife incognito -and without formality for the first time. That he did so to his -satisfaction is on record in his subsequent letters to the nun, for -Mariana was a buxom lass, and as she sat gaily smiling at the comedy -with which she was being entertained before her evening meal, she -doubtless looked an attractive bride. The King {415} retired that -night to a little neighbouring hamlet called Brunete; and betimes in -the morning, with a brave array of courtiers, he rode up to the humble -house in which Mariana was temporarily lodged, whilst she stood smiling -and blushing beneath her plentiful rouge until he approached, when she -made as if to kneel; but he raised her without a word, and led her to -the adjoining chapel, where mass was celebrated before them, and the -marriage was performed by the Primate of Spain, Cardinal Moscoso -Sandoval, with all the state which Navalcarnero could contain. - -After their dining in public at noon, there was a long series of -bull-fights and comedies to go through before the royal pair and their -Court in the great swaying coaches moved on the Escorial, where the -early days of the honeymoon were to be passed. A league from the -palace they were met by the Infanta Maria Teresa, who at once became -the friend and play-fellow of her stepmother, only five years older -than herself, and thenceforward her inseparable companion. The stern -old monastery palace of Philip II. tried its hardest to look gay for -the occasion, with its 11,000 wax lights and its array of fine -courtiers; but gaiety sits badly upon it. Here in diversions, -especially in hunting, the time passed happily for three weeks before -the pair proceeded to the Pardo, nearer Madrid, whilst the capital was -busy putting on the festal garb it loved so much, and had missed for so -long. - -At length all was ready. From the Retiro to the old palace, the entire -length of Madrid, a series of beautiful triumphal arches were erected, -spanning the road. All the fountains, which were ordinarily {416} -unpretending enough, had been turned to account and made to appear -classic temples, whence the Olympian gods and goddesses dispensed -refreshing nectar to the world. The shabby house-fronts were masked by -erections of imitation marble, or hung with splendid tapestries and -armorial shields; in fact, Madrid once more, almost ruined though she -was, managed somehow to raise money enough to make herself handsome -again for a space. Mariana, with her white teeth, rosy painted cheeks, -so full and round, and her frank, unabashed gaiety, captured the hearts -of the Madrileños at once, as she, rode on her splendidly caparisoned -milk-white palfrey, from the Buen Retiro by the Carrera de San -Geronimo, across the Puerta del Sol, and up the Calle Mayor to the -palace. They did not know yet, as they learned later, that she was -greedy and hard, caring nothing for Spain except for what it could give -her.[33] - -[Sidenote: Philip's second marriage] - -Philip was too much immersed in the delights of his honeymoon to write -to the nun for several {417} weeks after his marriage; but when he did -write, on the 17th November, he testified to his full satisfaction with -his new wife. "I confess to you that I do not know how I can thank our -Lord for the favour he has shown me in giving me such a companion; for -all the qualities I have seen up to the present in my niece are great, -and I am extremely content, and desirous not to be ungrateful to Him -who has granted me so singular a boon: showing my gratitude by changing -my life and executing His will in all things." The nun in her reply -places much stress upon the need of the country for an heir to the -crown, and urges the King to be faithful to his wife, if only for that -end; "trying to fix your whole attention and goodwill upon the Queen, -without turning your eyes to other objects strange and curious." -Philip had no great difficulty at the time in following his friend's -advice; for he really was smitten with the fresh charms of his -fifteen-year-old niece-wife. He was full of good resolves and saintly -protestations; he would never go astray again, for he was as anxious -for a son as his people were, though he confided to the nun that he was -in doubt whether his wife was as yet mature enough to bear children, -"although others of her age, which is fifteen years, are so. But it is -easy for our Lord to remedy this, and I hope in His mercy that He will -do so."[34] - -[Illustration: MARIANA DE AUSTRIA: SECOND WIFE OF PHILIP IV. _From a -portrait by Velazquez at the Prado Museum_] - -In the meanwhile, Mariana, the depository of all these hopes, was -diverting herself as best she could, in girlish romps with Maria -Teresa, and in the constant shows, comedies, and masques which were -offered for her pleasure. Once more the {418} Buen Retiro rang with -mirth and blazed with lights. The playhouses of the capital again were -allowed to open their doors; and the Madrileños did their best to -evade, bit by bit, the sumptuary enactments that had kept them in sober -garb and outward gravity of demeanour for seven years of war and -trouble. Neither the war nor the trouble was yet over, for the plague -came almost to the doors of Madrid, and scourged whole provinces; -whilst the war with the French still went on in Catalonia and Flanders, -and Portugal continued to defy successfully the arms of Philip. But, -withal, the drain upon Castile, bad as it still was, became somewhat -less pressing; for Mazarin had his hands full in France with the revolt -of the Fronde, which, of course, Spain helped to the extent of her -possibilities; and the Catalans were far less enamoured with their -French masters than they were at first. Don Juan, the King's son, -moreover, who was now in command in Catalonia, was doing well, and -winning popularity on all sides, whilst the recognition of Dutch -independence by Philip had freed his Indies fleets from their greatest -danger. - -The novelty of the King's honeymoon soon wore off, and in his letters -to the nun he refers to his wife thenceforward kindly and with -solicitude, but as it seems somewhat wearily, and usually in connection -with her many more or less disappointed hopes of maternity, or to her -love for shows and festivities; which it is quite evident from his tone -now palled upon him. Pleasure and the joy of living absorbed most of -Mariana's attention, and, immersed as the King was in business {419} -and devotion, he could have little in common with his young wife. His -own habits were absolutely fixed, and an observer at his Court at the -time says that it was possible to foretell a year beforehand exactly -what the King would do on a given day and hour.[35] His demeanour in -public was like that of a statue, and when he received ambassadors or -ministers it was noticed that no muscle of his face moved but his lips, -and he rarely showing any emotion, even by a smile. Already the -haughty disillusionment, represented by Velazquez so finely in the -later portraits, had been fixed indelibly upon his features, and his -eyes had grown blear with remorseful tears. - -In 1651 a daughter was born to Philip and Mariana, and christened with -the usual extravagant pomp Margaret Maria,[36] but, though oft -expected, the longed-for son came not. Mariana felt her husband -growing colder, and guessed his infidelity. Then she fell homesick and -disappointed, and Philip became anxious. A splendid series of -festivities were arranged at the Buen Retiro to solace and enliven her, -an ingenious Florentine being requisitioned to invent novelties to -attract her attention. But it was all dust and ashes to Philip now. -He speaks in his secret letters always gently of his young wife, -sometimes even almost with enthusiasm of her goodness; but it is plain -to {420} see that there was little sympathy between them,[37] for his -terrible remorse at his moral fragility and evil life, and his grief at -the troubles he firmly believed he was bringing upon his people by his -own backsliding, show that the struggle between the spirit and the -flesh had begun again as severely as ever, and that Mariana was -powerless to keep him entirely faithful to her. She, on her side, had -soon learnt the lesson of the Court. Her face grew cold and haughty, -and her ostentatious German sympathies and repellent Austrian manner -cooled the warm-blooded spontaneous Spaniards towards her. Thus, with -all stately dignity, decorum, and solemnity in outward seeming, the -ill-matched pair lived: passing from Madrid to Aranjuez and the -Escorial at stated seasons, wearily going through the dull, depressing -tale of prearranged devotions and duties; the Queen seeking such -distraction as was possible in comedies and the like, the King spending -much time at his desk, reading the never-ending reports of his Councils -brought to him by Don Luis de Haro, and scribbling in his big -straggling hand on the margins "_Como parece_," or some similar -sentence signifying his acquiescence in the conclusions arrived at by -his advisers. - -[Sidenote: Philip's changed life] - -And behind this dreary changeless round there was, unknown to all but -one lonely cloistered woman, a human soul in mortal pain for -transgressions real and imaginary, which it was unable to avoid, and -yet was convinced were dragging the {421} man it animated and millions -of the people that he loved and pitied to suffering and sorrow. -Philip's constant correspondence with the nun had changed him much; for -it is evident, whatever may have been his shortcomings, that her -exhortations to him to be brave, dutiful, and faithful, and her wise -insistence upon unceasing work and prayer, had made the King watchful -of his own weakness, and kept him from sinking into indifference. It -is highly probable, indeed, that in his constant self-reproach his -failings at this time were exaggerated by him, as those of his father -had been on his deathbed. Certainly, from this time forward he tried -his best, according to his lights and strength, to live worthily, and -to rescue his country from the trouble into which the policy of his -ancestors and himself had dragged it; though still there was no -glimmering of true statesmanship such as was needed in circumstances so -difficult. Philip's spirit was a poor one; and his faith, -notwithstanding his devotion, was far from robust. He continued to -look upon himself and his country as doomed irrevocably by the Almighty -to suffer for his personal sins and those of his generation, and the -only remedy presented to his mind was to plead fervently for mercy -through a saintly soul untouched by the sins of the time. Of the -efficiency even of this resource he needed constant reassurance, and -for ever foresaw disaster whilst he was frantically praying for triumph. - -Lacking in statesmanship as were Philip and all his advisers, it would -nevertheless be unjust to attribute to their ineptitude alone the -troubles that overwhelmed Spain. It has been pointed out {422} that -Philip inherited both his policy and his methods; and so fixed were -they upon the tradition of Charles V. and Philip II., that nothing -short of a real genius or a sudden great catastrophe could have altered -them. But Philip was specially unfortunate in the international -circumstances of his time. The deadly rivalry between the house of -Austria and the house of France had existed since the earliest years of -the sixteenth century; and wars between them had been frequent since -that period. But England had always provided a check to prevent such -wars being fought to the bitter end. It had been a fixed canon of -English foreign policy that the Flemish dominions of the house of -Burgundy, that had descended to the Spanish Kings, must never be -allowed to fall into the hands of France, and when such a danger -threatened, England invariably interfered in favour of Spain; whilst -any aggressive action of France against England, either in Scotland or -elsewhere, usually brought Spain to the side of the English sovereigns. -But the revolutionary war which had overthrown the monarchy of the -Stuarts had for years doomed England to impotence in the struggles of -Europe; and Richelieu and his successor Mazarin had been able to -disregard an influence which had always previously stepped in to -prevent the final humiliation of Spain. Without this immunity from -England's interference, France would never have been free to foment -rebellion in Catalonia and Portugal; and it may be said that Philip to -a great extent owed the extremity of his tribulation to the internal -disturbance in England. - -[Sidenote: Philip and England] - -It will be recollected that after the diplomacy {423} of Olivares had -secured the neutrality of England in the war with France, Sir Arthur -Hopton remained in Madrid as English ambassador, having little to do -but to press the constant complaints of English shipmasters against the -authorities of Spanish ports, and other maritime questions. But in the -late summer of 1641, Olivares had sent to Hopton, and in a long -interview with him had complained that Charles I. had received an -ambassador from the Duke of Braganza, the usurping King of Portugal. -Hopton says[38] that the Count-Duke spoke modestly and without much -bitterness in the matter, and the English envoy at once pointed out -that Charles did not presume to judge of the Duke of Braganza's right -to the crown, but that as English interests in Portugal were very -large, it was needful that he should negotiate with the power wielding -effective control in the country. Sir Arthur, moreover, slyly pointed -out that words only had passed between his King and the Portuguese -envoy, whereas it was with much more than words that the King of Spain -had aided Bavaria to keep the Palatinate. Indeed, with the exception -of constantly harping on the Palatinate in his discussions with Philip -and his ministers, and complaining of the action of the Spanish -ambassador in London, Don Alonso de Cardenas, against Charles I., Sir -Arthur Hopton confined himself practically to the negotiation of -shipping claims,[39] until affairs in England and his lack of money -necessitated his return home in 1644. - -{424} - -When at last the axe fell in Whitehall, on the 30th January 1649, upon -the neck of the Stuart King, Don Alonso de Cardenas, who was accredited -to Charles and not yet to the Parliament, was without definite -instructions how to proceed, and for that or some other reason he did -not identify himself with the Dutch ambassadors in their protest -against the death sentence pronounced upon the King. This may have -been an accident; but it is certain that there was little love lost -between Charles I. and Philip since the visit of the former to Madrid, -and his French marriage. It is true that large numbers of Irish and -English troops had been raised for the Spanish service with his consent -even during the course of the civil war, but his sympathy with -Braganza, and the ostentatiously French leanings of Henrietta Maria, -had, as Charles's troubles increased, estranged Philip from him -personally. It was, moreover, of the highest importance to Philip -that, whoever had command of the English fleet and the Channel, should -be friendly with him. - -[Sidenote: Spain and the Commonwealth] - -It was a serious thing, nevertheless, for Philip, the soul of -legitimacy, to have dealings with rebels and regicides; and when -Cardenas conveyed to Secretary Geronimo de la Torre in Madrid the news -of the tragedy of Whitehall, Philip and his Councils discussed as usual -interminably the best course to be pursued. - - -"Truly," wrote Cardenas, three days after Charles's execution, "I am as -grieved as so dreadful a tragedy as that which has befallen this -unhappy Prince demands. The events both in this country {425} and -abroad have contributed to it, and especially the turmoils in -France.... You will now see that what I wrote to you on the 20th -August was a true forecast, and indeed I wrote it from certain -knowledge I possessed of the designs of these people; namely, that they -would try to do without a King, and if they could not succeed in that -they would choose the Duke of Gloucester.... We are here in utter -chaos, living without religion, King, or law, subject entirely to the -power of the sword, and this faction is bearing itself as the conqueror -of the realm, wherefrom many novelties will spring."[40] - - -The next letter from Cardenas, on the 19th March (N.S.), warned the -Spanish Government that the English were in negotiation with the -French, and that unless prompt steps were taken the danger to Spain -would be great. This intelligence set Philip's Councils considering -again; for unpleasant as it would be to make friends with these -"heretic" regicides, their threatened alliance with France in the war -would have meant certain ruin for Spain. As usual, the Councils -deliberated frequently and at length, and, equally as usual, followed -their tradition of avoiding as long as possible decisive action of any -sort. An agent of the Parliament came to Cardenas in April 1649 to say -that the English Government was desirous of continuing in friendly -relations with Spain, and desired to know if King Philip would receive -an ambassador from them. This was disconcerting; but the embarrassment -was increased by {426} a letter which Sir Francis Cottington wrote to -Cardenas from the Hague, saying that the Prince of Wales (Charles II.) -had instructed him to go to Madrid as his ambassador, and to ask -assistance in his attempts to regain the crown of England. The Council -was determined, if possible, to prevent Cottington from coming until -the attitude of the French towards Charles was known, but they were -very doubtful, on the other hand, about receiving a republican envoy, -and accrediting the Spanish ambassador to the Parliament, and thus -putting Philip in the unenviable position of offending Charles II. and -the legitimist elements in Europe. - -The result of many weeks of deliberation in Madrid was that which might -have been confidently foretold from the first, namely, to cast upon -someone else the responsibility of deciding. Philip accordingly wrote -to the Archduke Leopold, his Governor of Flanders, asking him, in the -first place, to stop Cottington by any pretext until he discovered what -his instructions and object were, or to prevent his going to Madrid at -all if possible without offending him. Cottington was to be assured -secretly of Philip's sympathy with Charles, but to be told that the -best way for Charles to regain his father's crown was to bring about -peace between Spain and France. The Archduke was instructed to rap -Cardenas sharply over the knuckles for saying so much to the agent of -the Parliament, and to instruct him to hold the English revolutionary -Government at arm's length for the present, "until at least it was -solidly established."[41] - -In the meanwhile no formal declaration was {427} to be made on behalf -of Spain, either to Charles II. or to the Parliament; although, with -characteristic duplicity, the former was given the title of Majesty in -a letter antedated, so that the Parliament, if they learnt of it, might -think that it was written before the Stuarts had been excluded from the -succession.[42] And, as if to counterbalance this, Cardenas was -unofficially to convey to the Parliament Philip's satisfaction at their -friendliness. This non-committal attitude, of which Spanish statesmen -were always so fond, soon tired the downright English politicians of -the Parliament, and they began to show their teeth. In July Cardenas -was informed that he would not be treated as an envoy unless he -produced new credentials addressed to the Parliamentary Government, and -he begged Philip either to recall him or to send new credentials. -Philip and his Councils were very loth to do either, intent, as usual, -upon running with the hare and hunting with the hounds. At first it -was agreed by Philip's Council that the King should not recognise the -English Parliament until it was quite clear whether it or Charles II. -was likely to prevail in the end; whilst the Stuart Prince in Holland -was to be treated with full ceremony, but nothing else. Other -Councillors consulted later thought that, as the Parliament was strong -and threatening, the Archduke Leopold in Flanders should be empowered -to give Cardenas temporary leave to go to Belgium on the pretext of -ill-health; but that if any grave occasion should arise another envoy -might be sent temporarily, _duly accredited to the Parliament of -England_; and {428} a small number of Councillors, whilst deploring the -necessity, were in favour of new credentials being sent to Cardenas at -once. The matter was finally submitted to Philip himself, who decided -that the Archduke should act as he thought best.[43] Being in closer -touch with the realities and dangers of the situation in Flanders than -were Philip and his Councillors, the Archduke promptly sent credentials -to Cardenas addressed to the Parliamentary Government of England; and -thus it happened that the ultra-Catholic King of Spain was the first -sovereign in Europe formally to recognise the Puritan revolution in -England, and the Stuarts had to pay thus for the reception of an envoy -of the Braganza King of Portugal by Charles I. years before. - -The chain of grievances between the Stuarts and Philip was unbroken. -The rebuff in Madrid in 1623, the insincere juggling of the Spaniards -about the Palatinate, the marriage of Charles I. to a French Princess, -and the recognition of the Portuguese pretender led now, in 1649, to -the strange and paradoxical position in which Philip, whose Dominican -baptism was described in the first pages of this book, and who ever -since had been the champion of Catholic orthodoxy, made friends with -the stern Ironsides and Puritans of the Long Parliament.[44] It was -important also for Cromwell so to deal with the continental Powers as -to prevent them from extending to Charles the aid he was so -industriously {429} soliciting for the re-establishment of his family -on the throne of England; and if France and Spain, from which Cromwell -had most to fear, could be conciliated, the main danger from without -which threatened the English republic would be avoided. - -It was therefore natural that the Parliamentary Government should be -desirous of establishing as early as possible full diplomatic relations -with Spain. The question was on several occasions pressed upon -Cardenas in London; but it went against the grain for so proud a -sovereign as Philip to receive an ambassador from a Government whose -very existence was a negation of the principle of Spanish sovereignty. -He dared not, however, drive England into the arms of France against -him, and after the usual protracted deliberation the Spanish Council of -State reported upon the letter from Cardenas in these words: "It was a -matter of the gravest importance to pass over so serious an excess as -that which the English had committed in publicly beheading their King -and born ruler; and it would be very worthy of great monarchs to -contribute to the punishment of those who were guilty of such an -atrocious crime."[45] But, nevertheless, whilst they recognised this, -they saw the difficulties in the way of Philip's doing so. Again they -took shelter behind the former reception of the Portuguese envoy by -Charles I., and decided that as yet no other Power had recognised -Charles II. there was no reason why they should take the lead in doing -so, especially as Prince Rupert's fleet was still finding welcome in -Portuguese ports with his prizes. After much preamble of this {430} -sort, Philip's Council made a clean breast of it to each other: the -Parliament of England, with its fleet, was too strong for Spain to -offend, and, distasteful as it might be, the ambassador from the -English Parliament must be allowed to reside in Madrid. Cardenas had -recommended that a bargain should be made, and that Cromwell, in return -for the reception of his envoy in Spain, should refuse to receive a -Portuguese envoy in England; but Philip was afraid of drawing the cord -too tight, and gave orders that the Puritan ambassador should be placed -upon the same footing as the other ministers from foreign Powers -resident in his Court. - -[Sidenote: A Republican envoy] - -The man chosen for the post was one Anthony Ascham. He must have been -in an advanced stage of consumption; for, when he was first appointed -in October 1649, he was doubtful if he could go, and wrote to Lord -President Bradshaw, saying that the haemorrhage of the lungs from which -he suffered was so bad that he must go to his father's house at Boston -to recover before he could set out.[46] However, although still in -wretched health, he safely arrived at Cadiz, though not without an -attack on the voyage from a French man-of-war, on the 17/27 March 1650. -The great Andalucian magnate, Duke of Medina Celi, received him with -all honour, and took him across to Port St. Mary to lodge at his -palace. Ascham wished to go to St. Lucar, as being a quieter place, -and better fitted for an invalid; but, to his surprise and indignation, -he learnt from the Duke that he was not to be allowed to leave Port St. -Mary until instructions came from Madrid. The Duke, indeed, {431} -expressed haughty astonishment that the Parliament should have presumed -to send an envoy at all until they learnt King Philip's pleasure in the -matter. Philip knew all about his coming months before, Ascham -replied; and whatever orders came from Madrid to the Duke, he, Ascham, -would only acknowledge a direct reply to the letter of the Parliament -to King Philip. - -It was clear that, although fear forced the Government in Madrid to -receive the envoy, they were determined to snub him as much as -possible, and during the time Ascham was detained at Port St. Mary, not -unwillingly, for he was still very ill, it was decided that although he -might be sent to Madrid with an escort to ensure his safety, when he -arrived there he was to be kept waiting on various pretexts as long as -possible before even being received by Don Luis de Haro, who was to -avoid all negotiations or agreements when he did see him, until he knew -the tenour of his instructions and his object in coming to Spain;[47] -the intention of Philip and his Councillors evidently being to -compromise themselves as little as possible until it was proved which -party in England would ultimately triumph. Ascham was kept in Port St. -Mary's until almost the middle of May, though treated with ostentatious -respect; and at last, with an escort of six Spanish officers, headed by -a colonel, slowly moved on through the burning Andalucian summer to -Madrid. - -He had naturally expected to be taken, as was usual, to some good -private house retained by the King for his accommodation; but, much to -his {432} surprise, the colonel who was the chief of his escort led him -on the day of his arrival, Sunday, 5th June, to a poor inn kept by a -widow named Pandes in the Calle del Caballero de Gracia. Ascham, who -was accompanied by a secretary named Fischer, an Italian interpreter, -and an English servant, remonstrated against being thus exposed to the -discomfort and danger of lodging in an open posada without locks or -bolts upon the doors. The colonel was very haughty and off-handed -about it, doubtless prompted by his superiors, and told the envoy that -his duty was ended in bringing him safely to Madrid; but that he would -return in the morning. Ascham, in high dudgeon, remained at the inn -that night, and early in the morning sent for an Englishman named -Marston resident in Madrid, who came at once, accompanied by another -Englishman who was with him at the time, one Laurence Chambers.[48] To -them Ascham, in alarm, stated the case. Here he was, he said, without -even a lock on his door, in a Catholic country swarming with enemies of -his Government and his religion; with Sir Francis Cottington posing at -the Spanish Court as the representative of Charles Stuart; and yet the -colonel, who had just visited him, had told him that he must look after -his own safety, for he had done with him. - -[Sidenote: Murder of Ascham] - -Ascham had that morning sent his interpreter to see Secretary Geronimo -de la Torre, who had {433} expressed surprise at the colonel's action; -and had promised to place some of the King's own guard at Ascham's -disposal. "But in the meanwhile," said Ascham, "here I am in hourly -danger of my life, for I cannot trust these people." His own ignorance -of Spanish had prevented his understanding his escort's instructions, -and whether the safe-conduct sent to Medina Celi covered his stay in -Madrid and his return to the coast. "If not," said poor Ascham, "I am -a dead man." Marston and Chambers agreed as to his danger, and at once -set out to find him a fitting lodging in a safe house. - -Whilst the Englishmen were house-hunting for the unfortunate ambassador -in the forenoon of the 6/16 June, another party of their countrymen -were drinking in a tavern within a few doors of the posada where Ascham -was lodged. For years Catholic Irish and North and West countrymen -from England had been incorporated in the Spanish armies; and at the -final break up of the royalist forces in England many of Charles's late -soldiers enlisted under the same banner. They were a turbulent, -swaggering lot, though good soldiers, and were wont to hang about the -Catholic Flemish cities and Madrid until new companies were formed in -which they could serve. Five or six men of this sort it was who were -drinking in the tavern in the Calle del Caballero de Gracia. There was -Major Halsey, a man from Lancashire; Captain Prodgers, a Welshman; -Captain Williams, his compatriot; Valentine Roche, an Irishman; and one -Sparkes, a merchant's book-keeper from Oxford, as well as a Scottish -trumpeter named Arnet. The talk {434} turned upon the arrival in -Madrid on the previous evening of the Roundhead ambassador, sent by the -men who had murdered his Sacred Majesty King Charles. It were a good -deed to kill such a crop-eared knave, said one of the swashbucklers; -for he had even written a scurvy book defending the regicides. The -wine was heady and cheap; and as they talked thus and drank, the -project grew in favour, for were they not in Catholic Spain, where to -kill a heretic and a rebel, envoy or no envoy, was a godly deed that -all men praised? - -In the meanwhile Marston and Chambers came back to the posada, which -was still without a guard, and informed Ascham that they had found an -excellent and secure lodging for him. Mr. Fischer was asked to go with -them to see the house and settle the bargain; but dinner being on the -table in the room on the first floor occupied by Ascham, the latter -asked his countrymen to partake of the meal before going. Marston -declined, and earnestly recommended the envoy to forego his dinner and -move to the new lodgings instantly, since the guard had not come, and -he had reason to feel apprehensive for the envoy's safety. The Italian -interpreter, John Baptist Arribas, made light of the danger, and -persuaded Ascham to dine first and then to transfer his lodging, -whether the King's guard came or not. With this Marston and Chambers, -accompanied by the secretary Fischer, went out, leaving Ascham and his -interpreter at dinner, attended by the English serving-man. - -Presently a tramping upon the stairs was heard, and the Lancashire -soldier, Major Edward Halsey, entered the room, followed by Williams, -Sparkes, {435} and Arnet; whilst the others remained at the door and -the head of the stairs. Halsey advanced as if to salute the envoy, and -the latter rose, but seeing the three others following Halsey he drew -back towards a side table upon which some loaded pistols were lying. -Before he could reach it Halsey seized him by the hair and cried out, -"Traitor!" whilst Williams thrust him through the arm with a dagger, -and another stabbed him in the temples. The unhappy envoy fell at -once, and the murderers hacked him about the head and body as he lay; -whilst the Italian, in mortal fear, made as if to fly, crying out in -Spanish, "I am not the man!" But as he ran towards the door he was -slashed across the stomach by Halsey and another of the ruffians, and -was just able to stagger into the bedroom beyond, where he fell dead. - -Then the six assassins fled, as they had arranged to do, to the Church -of St. Andres, a door or two away in the same street, where before the -high altar they claimed sanctuary. In a few minutes all the quarter -was in an uproar, from the Red de San Luis at the top of the street to -the Convent of St. Hermenegildo at the bottom. Grave alcaldes carrying -white wands, and followed by alguacils, surrounded the posada, and on -entering the upper room they found Ascham and the Italian interpreter -lying dead, and the English serving-man uninjured, but almost beside -himself with terror. The case was so scandalous that the alcalde -ordered the murderers to be taken from sanctuary, a most unusual thing, -which was looked upon askance by those who saw it. But Philip had been -determined, since he had enjoyed the support of the nun, {436} to allow -no immunity to open assassination in the capital; and with shouts of -indignant protest five of the prisoners were led off to gaol. - -[Sidenote: Spain and Cromwell] - -Much interrogation there was of Mr. Fischer. Why had they come to -Spain? What was their religion? and finally, the poor secretary had -his money and papers seized, and was borne off to remain in strict -seclusion in the alcalde's house pending the orders of His Majesty. -Philip was intensely annoyed at the news of the crime, which rendered -his position with Cromwell's Government more difficult than ever. He -found himself, to begin with, at issue with the ecclesiastical -authorities, who peremptorily demanded the restoration of the prisoners -to sanctuary; the murderers, moreover, openly boasted of their deed, -and competed with each other in claiming the leading part in it. The -feeling in Madrid was, of course, strongly in favour of them; for was -it not a virtue to kill an unrepentant heretic and rebel regicide? -Every Madrileño who had enjoyed himself at an _auto-de-fé_ knew that it -was a saintly act and not murder which these men had done; and they in -their prison were the heroes of the hour. - -Philip personally could hardly be expected to look upon it otherwise; -for in his eyes a King, however bad, was sacrosanct. Yet how could he -let the murderers of a political envoy under his safe-conduct go free, -and thus arouse the ire of Cromwell, who with his Council now wielded -the power of England, and could ruin Spanish commerce as well as ensure -the victory of the French in the lingering war. Again political -expediency won the day; for Philip refused to surrender the {437} -prisoners to the Church or to the Inquisition, and they remained in -prison until the affair blew over and circumstances changed; when all -but one of them, who had died, were quietly let out and disappeared. - -In the meanwhile Fischer assumed the part of agent in Madrid for the -Parliament, and was treated by Haro with marked politeness and respect. -"Had Fischer any authority to negotiate an alliance?" asked Don Luis. -"No," replied Fischer. "The Parliament is not so much perplexed at the -murder of their agent as at the tardance thereby of a firm league -between the two countries." Haro said that the King was still just as -anxious to be friendly as the English were. "Are not the French and -the Portuguese the enemies both of the Parliament and of King Philip?" -"Yes," replied Fischer; "but the Parliament will be very scrupulous -about sending another envoy until they know how Ascham's murderers are -to be punished."[49] "Cottington," writes Fischer, "is still here, and -lives in good fashion, by his Catholic Majesty's charity; although I am -confident he can work little with him,--but he passeth better here than -he can elsewhere, so he thinks not of departure. Had the Parliament -once capitulated with his Majesty (_i.e._ Philip) I suppose he would be -quickly cashiered."[50] - -Fischer was not a man of sufficient standing to bring about an -international agreement; and by Cromwell's orders he returned to -England in {438} 1651, without having negotiated an alliance. But -thenceforward Cromwell and Philip were polite and friendly to each -other to an extent that filled English royalists and Catholics with -indignant surprise. A high noble, the Marquis de Lede, was sent from -Spanish Flanders to congratulate the Lord Protector upon the assumption -of his new dignity; and Cardenas had nothing but kind messages to give -from his master to the English Puritans. Cromwell, however, wanted -something more solid than amiable messages. He knew full well, as -indeed Fischer wrote, that fear, not love, made the Spanish King so -courteous. Cromwell had, it is true, secured something when he -prevented Spain from helping the Stuarts, but he wanted also as -conditions of the proposed alliance with Spain that freedom should be -given to English ships to trade in the West Indies, that the power of -the Inquisition over Englishmen in Spain should be limited, that -reciprocal advantages in the matter of duties should be given to -English and Spanish trade, and that English merchants should be allowed -to buy wool in Spain. - -[Sidenote: Cromwell seizes Jamaica] - -The two first demands were flatly and haughtily refused by Cardenas in -Philip's name, and Cromwell looked around for a means of coercion, for -he was in no humour to take the traditional view of Spain's awesome -superiority. He found it in Mazarin's difficulties in France, and his -urgent need to end the war quickly at any cost. The aid of England on -the sea would make all the difference, and if he obtained it Spain must -bow the head and accept the terms he offered them. So he bade higher -than Philip for Cromwell's friendship,--Dunkirk, {439} a Spanish -Flemish port to be jointly captured, being the bribe; and Blake, who -had long been co-operating with Philip to suppress Moorish piracy in -the Mediterranean, suddenly sailed with the Parliament fleet, and -without a declaration of war fell upon the Spanish silver fleet in the -Atlantic, whilst Penn and Venables attacked Mexico and St. Domingo -unsuccessfully, and without warning captured from the Spaniards the -rich island of Jamaica. - -This was in May 1655; and the news fell upon Philip like an avalanche. -Panic spread through Seville and Cadiz, and curses loud and deep of the -falsity of heretics rang through Liars' Walk and the Calle Mayor. For -all these years poor overburdened Spain had kept at bay half the world -in arms, but hitherto the diplomacy which had successfully kept England -neutral had saved her from being utterly overwhelmed. Now, as hope was -dawning that her great antagonist was fainting from the domestic strife -which crippled Mazarin, and that terms honourable to Philip's pride and -respectful to the integrity of his territory could be attained, the new -and strong republican England had cast her glaive into the scale on the -side of France; and Spain, already exhausted, plague-ridden, and -bankrupt, was face to face with two great enemies instead of one. Well -might Philip write to the nun when he heard of the intentions of the -English fleets, and the probable outbreak of hostilities: "If this -should happen it would be the final ruin of this realm; and no human -power would be able to stop it: the Almighty hand of God alone could do -it; and so I beseech you most {440} earnestly to supplicate Him to take -pity upon us, and not to allow the infidels to destroy realms so pure -in the faith and so religious as these are. Blessed be His holy -name!"[51] - - - -[1] A pathetic account of his deathbed is given by Novoa. After -eighty-eight days of continual fever, the miraculous image of Our Lady -of Bois le Duc was brought to his sick chamber. As the image entered -the door the Prince chanted the hymn, "Mater, Mater Gratia," and when -he reached the words "Mater Misericordia" he faltered and died. - -[2] The Cortes of Castile voted 4,000,000 ducats a year for six years -in June 1643, and the silver fleet arrived in Seville intact with a -large treasure, which was seized by the Government as a forced loan. - -[3] The story of the battle of Rocroy is told in minutest detail by -Canovas del Castillo in _Estudios de Reinado de Felipe IV._, vol. ii. - -[4] Newsletter, Valladares' _Semanario Erudito_, vol. xxxiii. - -[5] Many isolated letters have been known, and some of them published, -at various times; but in 1885 the whole correspondence, so far as it is -known, was published by my lamented friend, Don Francisco Silvela. - -[6] Oran, a Spanish fortress on the African coast, was closely -beleaguered by land and sea by the Moors, at the instance, so it was -said, of the new King of Portugal. The Duke of Arcos, Governor of -Valencia, managed to run the blockade with two English ships full of -provisions, and the place was thus relieved. The superstitious -Madrileños of the time attributed the relief to a miraculous painting -of the Virgin that had just been discovered in Madrid. A servant girl -had begun to sing a hymn of praise and dance before the figure, when -she saw the fingers of the painting move. Her cries brought the crowd -to see the miracle, and all Madrid was stirred. The painting was taken -to the convent of Discalced Carmelites. The next day it was exposed in -the church, and the news came of the relief of Oran. Newsletters, -Valladares. - -[7] Villadares' Newsletter. - -[8] The punishments were terrible. In a Newsletter written during this -winter it is mentioned that two young gentlemen of birth had been -hanged that week as known thieves. "A young girl who was their -accomplice did not accompany them, as she was not old enough to be -hanged, but they gave her two hundred lashes, and cut off her ears -under the scaffold, after which they kept her all day hanging by the -hair in sight of the public; so that she died of the punishment within -two days." Valladares. - -[9] The famous Villanueva, we are told, had to dance attendance upon -Secretary Andres de Rozas instead of keeping everybody waiting in his -antechamber; and the King's former confessor had to pay his respects in -the cell of Friar Santo Tomas, who was now the King's spiritual guide. - -[10] A Newsletter of the time gives rather a quaint instance of the -feeling against him at Saragossa. Don Antonio de Mendoza, the poet, -entered a room where Guzman was playing cards. Guzman impatiently -said: "How tiresome that man is to me." Mendoza stood behind his chair -to watch the game. "Get away from there," said Guzman, addressing the -noble as "Vos," You, instead of "Your Worship." This was repeated, -when Mendoza in a rage said: "I am not 'Vos' to you, and don't intend -to be," and flung off to complain to the King. - -[11] Valladares' Newsletter, 28th July 1643. - -[12] The King's good example had as yet done but little to wean the -Madrid people from their bad habits. On the 26th December a gentleman -was shot dead before the Church of St. Sebastian, and the next day a -murderous affray in a playhouse about a seat ended in two deaths. - -[13] The advice to which this refers is significant, and was evidently -intended to be so by the nun, although the words she uses are very -cautious and involved. "I supplicate your Majesty, as your servant, to -make yourself thoroughly versed in everything touching you. This -admonition is very important, and in order to adopt it with full -knowledge of facts, your Majesty should choose, guided by your own -sound judgment, someone whom you can depend upon, and listen to him -with the fitting dissimulation. God will not deny this boon to your -Majesty; and when you have learnt the truth, the execution should be -rapid; for the evil is great and the remedy needs resolution. God -assist your Majesty and rule your heart." This probably refers to the -reform of the social and moral evils in Madrid, as that subject had -been broached by the nun in her first interview with Philip. - -[14] Valladares' Newsletter. - -[15] _Ibid._ - -[16] Only a few weeks before her death, she had gone to the Discalced -Convent to visit the Duchess of Mantua with Baltasar Carlos. When she -entered the apartment she noticed that the cushions placed under the -canopy for her to sit upon were of black velvet. She thought black -unlucky, as the King was in danger; and she made an excuse not to sit -down. When she had sent her son off to play about the convent, she sat -upon the carpet rather than risk the ill-luck of sitting on black -cushions. Valladares' Newsletter. - -[17] One of her last acts had been to issue a stringent -decree--probably suggested to Philip by the nun of Agreda, with regard -to the comedies, of which in her happier days she had been so -inordinately fond. In future it was ordered that no fictitious plots -should be represented, but only scenes from the Scriptures or from -history. No actors, male or female, were to dress in gold cloth; and -no unmarried woman nor widow was to be allowed to appear on a stage, -only married women, whilst gentlemen were not permitted to visit an -actress more than twice. New plays were not allowed to be produced -more than once a week; and plays in private houses were forbidden; -whilst the managers were not to receive in their companies any actors -but those known to be decent and well behaved. Valladares' Newsletter, -March 1644. - -[18] Novoa; Valladares' Newsletters; Florez, _Reinas Catolicas_, and -Martin Hume's _Queens of Old Spain_. - -[19] _Life of Sor Maria_, quoted by Florez. - -[20] _Cartas de Sor Maria_. - -[21] Avisos de Pullicer. - -[22] The Prince, who had seen the nun on his way to Saragossa, wrote -the following artless letter to her about his betrothal. "Mother, two -or three days ago my father gave me a letter from you congratulating me -on the marriage that my father has made for me with the Archduchess -Mariana. I am the most pleased in the world to have taken this state, -especially with my cousin, who was the one I wished for ever since I -had use of my reason; and it seems impossible to me that I could have -come across any other woman so much to my taste. So I hope His Divine -Majesty will let us be very happily married, which is all I can hope -for. I ask you to pray for this. Our Lord guard you.--I, THE PRINCE. -Saragossa, 20th July 1646." - - -[23] Her reproaches were curiously framed. Just as after the Queen's -death she had tried to reform the extravagance of women's dress by -pretending to have seen Isabel's ghost in trouble for her fine garments -on earth, so she now appealed to Philip to keep hard at work, by saying -that the soul of Baltasar Carlos had told her that he was troubled to -see his father surrounded by people who looked after their own -interests rather than after those of the nation. _Cartas de Sor -Maria_, 30th January 1647. - -[24] One of their proposals was to evacuate Catalonia in exchange for -Spanish Flanders. - -[25] Writing to the nun on 15th July 1648 from Madrid, in reply to her -expressions of sorrow at the vice prevalent, he says: "It pierces my -heart, too, to see the vicious state at which the world has arrived. I -recognise it as clearly as you do, and as I cannot remedy it so quickly -as I should like I am greatly troubled; although I do what I can. God -grant that I may succeed in remedying it, and that I may begin by my -own amendment; for there is no doubt that I need it more than anyone. -Pray for me, Sor Maria, ... for I have need of your help against my own -frailty." _Cartas de Sor Maria_. - -[26] _Ibid._ - -[27] How deep this feeling was is seen by the courtier Novoa's words at -the time (_Memorias_). "The only place where the war was carried on -with activity was here in Castile, and that in a most unheard-of way, -by disarming subjects and divesting them of their property on the -pretext of the war. Even the treasury warrants which had been -specially exempt from deduction were again seized and forced to yield a -half. When those who had to pay were advised not to do so, because -whilst the war lasted so long would the Government cut their purses and -would soon take everything, a certain person asked: 'Why do they give -habits? (of knighthood).--'Because they are cloth,' was the reply. -'Why do they give keys?' (_i.e._ the office of chamberlain).--'Because -they are iron.' 'Why do they give titles?'--'Because they are air.' -'Why do they not give money?'--'Because that is the essence and -substance of everything, and they do not wish anyone to have it.' And -he added: 'God save us from him who is liberal to vice and stingy to -virtue, for the only people now who are comfortable and placed aloft -are concubines and the women who look after them, low and common women, -and those men who have been base enough to marry them.'" This was -pretty plain speaking for a courtier; but, of course, the Memoirs were -not made public for many years after. - -[28] Egerton MSS., 367, 181. - -[29] The "prison of the Court" still stands nearly opposite the Plaza -de Santa Cruz, at the end of the Calle de Atocha, and near the entrance -to the Plaza Mayor. It was built in 1634 by the same Italian architect -who had designed the Buen Retiro, and is a very handsome building. It -is now used as the Spanish Foreign Office, which was formerly housed in -the basement floor of the royal palace. - -[30] A tedious account from day to day of her doings was written by -Mascarenhas, Bishop of Leiria, who accompanied her. _Viage de la -Serenisima Reina_, etc., Madrid, 1650. - -[31] Some days before arriving at Denia the Queen's flotilla had -anchored at Tarragona to water, and amongst other ceremonies the Queen -was amused during the necessary delay by the representation of a comedy -by Roque de Figueroa on the quarter-deck of her vessel. Pinelo, -_Anales_. - -[32] I have remarked in my _Queens of Old Spain_ that the reason why -these wretched villages were often chosen for royal weddings was the -custom to free them thenceforward from seigniorial tributes. - -[33] Soto y Aguilar gives interminable accounts of the festivities to -celebrate the entrance of the Queen into Madrid. The entertainments -lasted nearly a month. Novoa says that on the 27th November the King -himself took part in a "masquerade" on horseback, as in old times, -running in a pair with his first minister and favourite, Don Luis de -Haro: "all the nobles and gentles in the realm taking part in this -show, which in liveries and splendid appointments surpassed all others. -It was indeed a day of marvellous brilliancy. A proclamation was -issued by sound of drum, by which the King gave leave to men of -business and capitalists trading abroad for them to fit out eighty -ships and trade with them in his ports and those of his allies, but not -with the French Catalans or Portuguese. Politicians talked much of -this, thinking it would be of the greatest advantage to the country." -The chronicler, however, says that no advantage was taken of the -permission, as merchants thought that the ships would be seized for the -King. This shows how completely confidence had been lost in the -honesty of Philip's Government, even by his friends. - -[34] _Cartas de Sor Maria._ - -[35] Aersens van Sommerdyk. - -[36] Florez relates that at this sumptuous christening the little -Infanta Maria Teresa was god-mother, and in drawing off her glove she -dropped a very precious bracelet of brilliants. A lady in the crowd -picked it up and offered it to the Infanta, who even thus early had -learnt the haughty traditions of her house, to take nothing from the -hand of anyone but certain officials, made a sign that the lady was to -keep the bracelet, _Reinas Catolicas_. - -[37] He usually speaks of her in the earlier years as "my niece," not -as "my wife," or "the Queen," and very frequently mentions her and his -daughter together as "the girls." - -[38] Record Office MSS., S.P. Spain 42. - -[39] See Hopton's summary of his proceedings in Spain. Record Office -MSS., S.P. Spain 42. - -[40] MSS. Simancas, _Estado_, 2526; Canovas, del Castillo, _Estudios -del Reinado de Felipe IV._ - -[41] Simancas MSS., _Estado_, 2526; Canovas del Castillo. - -[42] Simancas MSS., _Estado_, 2526; Canovas del Castillo. - -[43] Canovas del Castillo. - -[44] I have remarked elsewhere (_Spanish Influences in English -Literature_) the strange approximation of the Spanish mystics (such as -Sor Maria) with the English Puritans. - -[45] MSS. Simancas, _Estado_, 2526; Canovas del Castillo. - -[46] MSS. Record Office. S.P. Spain 42. - -[47] _Consultas del Consejo de Estado_, Simancas. - -[48] The present narrative is compiled from (1) the details of Ascham's -murder, given to the English Council by Laurence Chambers on his return -to England (Record Office MSS., S.P. Spain 43); (2) the letters of -Fischer, the secretary, in the same packet; and (3) an unpublished -manuscript deposition of the prisoners in Bib. Nat., Madrid, i. 325, -transcribed by me. - -[49] Fischer's letters and full account of his negotiations are in -Record Office MSS., S.P. Spain 43. - -[50] Fischer to the Council, 26th November 1650. MSS. Record Office. - -[51] _Cartas de Sor Maria_, 30th June 1655. - - - - -{441} - -CHAPTER X - -MORAL AND SOCIAL DECADENCE IN MADRID--PHILIP'S HABITS--POVERTY IN THE -PALACE--VELAZQUEZ--THE MENINAS--BIRTH OF AN HEIR--THE CHRISTENING--THE -PEACE OF THE PYRENEES--PHILIP'S JOURNEY TO THE FRONTIER--MARRIAGE OF -MARIA TERESA--CAMPAIGNS IN PORTUGAL--DON JUAN--DEATH OF HARO--PHILIP -BEWITCHED--DEATH OF PHILIP PROSPER--BIRTH OF CHARLES--FANSHAWE's -EMBASSY--LADY FANSHAWE AND SPAIN--ROUT OF CARACENA IN -PORTUGAL--PHILIP'S ILLNESS--THE INQUISITION AND WITCHCRAFT--DEATH OF -PHILIP - - -By great good fortune there have survived descriptions and accounts of -life in Philip's Court at the time of which we now write (1654-1660), -so minute and so photographic in their fidelity, as to provide -absolutely trustworthy material for a true comparison of the condition -of affairs after five-and-twenty years of a disastrous reign, with that -which had existed on the King's accession. A writer of keen -observation, insatiable curiosity, ample opportunity, and much literary -skill, the noble churchman and poet Jeronimo de Barrionuevo, from 1654 -for several years wrote almost every week a chatty letter from Madrid -to his friend the Dean of Saragossa and others, setting {442} forth -with perfect frankness everything worth recording that passed in -Madrid. At the same time, an observant Hollander named Aersens van -Sommerdyk visited Spain, and stayed in the capital long enough to write -an account of the social and political condition of the Court as it -appeared to an intelligent foreigner; whilst shortly afterwards the -sparkling narrative of life in Madrid, written by the Frenchman -Bonnecasse, came to confirm the impressions of the Spaniard and the -Dutchman.[1] If we add to these Philip's own weekly letters to the -nun, and the reports of the Venetian ambassadors, which are also in -print, we have a mass of contemporary evidence which cannot be -contradicted, especially in matters upon which all agree. - -[Sidenote: Madrid in 1655-1660] - -It is well that this should be so; for the picture to be presented of -life in the capital of the Spains at the end of Philip's reign is so -gloomy, that the historian who ventured to produce it without full -contemporary warrant would be accused of bias {443} and exaggeration. -At the beginning of the reign we saw a fairly numerous class of nobles, -churchmen, and officials, still rich with royal grants and government -plunder; whilst the mass of the people were sunk in poverty. At the -time of which we are now writing the nobles themselves had been bled to -a state of bankruptcy. They and the Church were supposed to be exempt -from taxation; but the demands made upon them, and especially upon the -nobles, for funds for the war had ended by reducing most of them to the -same poverty-stricken condition as their inferiors in rank. The -financial and mercantile classes had lost all confidence; for the -arbitrary seizure of their property again and again by the Government, -and the crushing taxation on exports, even to Spanish colonies, had -driven them to universal evasion and contraband, to the further -depletion of Philip's resources.[2] Haro, who had a revenue of 130,000 -ducats a year, and a few of his kinsmen, were still very rich, and -continued to plunder all they could, though there was, indeed, little -left to plunder; and in addition to these, the only people who had much -ready money to spend were the colonial officials who had returned home -with the booty of their offices. - -The idleness and pretension of all classes in the capital had increased -now to such an extent, that practically the whole of the necessary work -had to be done by foreigners; there being as many as 40,000 French -subjects in Madrid dressing as Spaniards, and calling themselves -Burgundians or Walloons, to escape the special tax on foreigners.[3] -{444} By these people most crafts and callings were conducted, the -Spanish working classes being occupied mainly in casual service, petty -traffic, and mendicancy; whilst highway robbery and murder, even in -Madrid, was so frequent as to cause no remark. The streets were more -filthy and dilapidated than ever, and still the crowd of idlers on foot -and in vast number of coaches, drawn by mules now, for the horses had -been seized, thronged the promenades,--the Calle Mayor in the winter, -the Prado and river bank in the summer; the humbler classes elbowing -their social superiors with perfect effrontery, wearing swords and -daggers, claiming equal respect, and, indeed, swaggering more than the -nobles. - -The two playhouses, which had been reopened on the King's second -marriage, were crammed every day with artizans dressed in imitation or -cast-off finery, and calling themselves _caballeros_, who had to pay -from 10 to 15 sous in all for a seat;[4] and, whilst the fields were -mostly tilled, if at all, and the urban labour was performed, by -foreigners, the very cloth upon Spanish backs being made in Holland and -England from Spanish wool, the native working classes still -vociferously kept up the silly tradition of their own gentility, and of -national potency and the overwhelming wealth of the King. The -alternate appreciation and debasement of the coinage had enormously -raised the price of commodities, and especially of house rent {445} in -Madrid; the houses being still low, shabby, and incommodious, for the -most part, owing to the claim of the King to the first floor of every -house or its equivalent in money. - -But what struck foreigners, and indeed observant Spaniards, at this -period, was the appalling profligacy still prevalent in Madrid. Public -women almost monopolised the promenades; their shameless impudence in -broad daylight having the effect of lowering the standard of behaviour, -even of decent women, who thought it no insult, but rather the -contrary, to be addressed in amorous terms by strange men in the -street.[5] The women, for the most part, still went about, -notwithstanding the prohibition, with shawls covering their faces -except one eye, and this facilitated intrigue in all classes to a -shocking extent. The Government were in despair about the utter -disregard by women of the dress regulations; for the wide farthingales, -stiff, extravagant wigs, and fine stuffs were worn in spite of all -pragmatics, since the Queen and her ladies set the fashion; and the -only persons punished were the unfortunate shopkeepers who supplied the -offending things. - -The whole moral situation in Spain was indeed a social problem which -can only be explained by the lack of feminine influence in society at -the time and previously. There had always remained a taint of Oriental -tradition in the treatment of women in Spain. They had been kept in -strict seclusion; {446} they were for the most part entirely ignorant, -and had never taken an equal social position with men, usually dining -apart from their husbands, visiting each other in closed chairs or -coaches, and spent their time squatting on the ground in circles -talking trivialities or devotion, whilst the men were rarely -accompanied by their woman-kind in public. It was therefore no wonder -that in such a state of society as this, ladies and modest women for -the most part abandoned the streets and public places to utter -profligacy; and that men, free from the salutary influence exercised by -the presence of good women, sank deeper and deeper into vice. Philip, -under the influence of the nun, had striven hard to make his capital -more decent; but the whole tide of feeling was contrary and too strong -for him; whilst his own example in this respect was a very bad one, -which seriously weakened his efforts. Barrionuevo, in one of his -letters at this time, mentions the King as being "a fine hand at -bastards, but with very poor luck as regards legitimate children"; and -shortly afterwards, during one of Philip's spasmodic attempts to -cleanse his capital, the same writer says: "They are arresting all the -women they find wandering unoccupied about the streets, and hailing -them off by tens and twenties to prison with their hands tied. The -gaol is crammed full, so that they have hardly room to stand, and the -house will have to be largely extended if this rigour is to go on, or -vast supplies of wood will have to be laid in to burn some of them -otherwise." - -In the matter of men's dress Philip's example had agreed with his -precept; and here he had {447} succeeded in imposing the fashion of -sombre modesty. No man was allowed to enter his presence, or even to -tender a petition to him as he went to Mass through his lines of red -and yellow halberdiers, unless apparelled entirely in black, and -wearing a _golilla_. The style of dress had changed somewhat since the -King's accession. The hats were much smaller, and often of silk -instead of felt, and profusely trimmed with black lace. The doublet, -trunks, and cape of the men were usually of black baize, as was the -_ropilla_, a close-fitting unbuttoned tunic reaching to the thighs, -with open sleeves hanging from the shoulder; though gentlemen often -wore black silk doublets and trunks in the summer. The trunks or -breeches were now cut quite narrow, with buttons at the knee, like -modern knickerbockers; and the fashion was to wear thin black silk -stockings over thick white ones, and the shoes were tied with very -broad black ribbons.[6] - -The King was now rarely seen in public, except that on two days in the -week he sat almost motionless for an hour in public audience to receive -petitions, which with a slight inclination of his head he referred to -Don Luis de Haro. The various Councils, as before, discussed at great -length every point touching their respective departments, and, unseen, -the King might listen to their deliberations; but practically his -intervention in their business was confined now to his {448} sitting -upon his throne every Friday morning, whilst the respective secretaries -recited what had been done during the previous week. The King's assent -to their recommendations was usually given simply by the words "_Está -bien_," It is well; but if the matter appeared to demand further -attention he turned to Don Luis de Haro, who stood by his side, and -told him to speak to him later about it. Don Luis de Haro was in all -but name a Vice-King. Everyone, even the Secretary of State, knelt -whilst he addressed him, and Philip appended his signature "Yo el Rey," -with little or no inquiry, to everything that the favourite placed -before him. - -His finances were more hopelessly involved than ever, especially after -Cromwell joined the French against him: and he told the Cortes of -Castile in the previous year, 1654, that out of the 10 million ducats -voted to him by them he only received 3 millions. From the Indies in -all he received in good years from 1½ to 2 millions of ducats;[7] -whilst about 2 millions came from Aragon, etc. Out of a total nominal -revenue, therefore, of about 18 million ducats he only received about 8 -or 9 millions, the rest being either anticipated or intercepted by -peculation; and in the year 1654 he confessed to an uncovered debt of -120 million ducats. But, withal, though Philip himself made no secret -of his poverty, the country at large, and particularly the people of -Madrid, insisted upon boasting still Of the boundless wealth at his -disposal. There are in Barrionuevo's letters scores of references to -the squalid penury that existed {449} everywhere at this period,[8] -even in the interior of Philip's palace; but the following short -extract from one of them, belonging to the year 1657, will suffice. - - -[Sidenote: Poverty in the palace] - -"For the last two months and a half the usual rations have not been -distributed in the palace; for the King has not a _real_. On the day -of St. Francis they served a capon to the Infanta (Maria Teresa), who -ordered them to take it away, as it stank like a dead dog. They then -brought her a chicken, of which she is fond, on sippets of toast, but -it was so covered with flies that she nearly overturned the lot. This -is how things go on in the palace.... It appears also that the Queen -likes to finish her dinner with sweetmeats; but as none had been -brought to her table for some days, she asked the lady whose business -it is to attend to these things, why they were not served as usual. -She replied that the confectioner refused to supply them because he -could not get paid, and a large amount was owing to him. The lady then -drew a ring from her finger, and said to a servant: 'Run out at once -and get some sweetmeats, anywhere, with this jewel.' But the buffoon -Manuelito de Gante was present, and cried: 'Put your finger in your -ring again, mistress'; and with that he took a copper real from his -pocket and said: 'Go and get some {450} sweetmeats quickly, so that -this good lady may finish her dinner.'" - - -With poverty touching even the Queen's own table, with Philip and his -ministers in despair of finding fresh means to extort more money from -the empty pockets of subjects, and from the hidden hoards of the -Church, lavish waste still jostled carking poverty. Barrionuevo gives -an account of an entertainment provided by the Marquis of Heliche, the -eldest son of Haro, a few months only before the scene just described -(January 1657), to celebrate the visit paid to him by Philip and his -wife at the Zarzuela outside Madrid, where, in addition to comedies and -the like, a great banquet was prepared. - - -[Sidenote: A gargantuan feast] - -"It cost 16,000 ducats.... There was a dinner served of 1000 dishes; -and there was one monstrous stew in a huge jar sunk in the ground with -a fire beneath it.... It contained a three-year-old calf, 4 sheep, 100 -pairs of pigeons, 100 partridges, 100 rabbits, 1000 pigs' trotters, and -1000 tongues, 200 fowls, 30 hams, 500 sausages, and 100,000 other -trifles. They say it cost 8000 reals, though mostly presents. -Everything I am telling you is true, and I minimise rather than -exaggerate. There were three or four thousand persons present, and -there was plenty for everybody, and to spare. So much was left, -indeed, that it was brought back to Madrid in baskets, and I got some -relieves and scraps. And all this was in addition to tarts and puffs -and pasties, sweet cakes, preserves, fruits, and enormous quantities of -wine and sweet drinks. {451} The Venice ambassador presented 500 -ducats' worth of glass, and Tutavilla gave a similar amount of -crockery.... All the scenery and apparatus have been brought to the -Retiro, to the new theatre which they have made in the St. Paul's -Hermitage there, and the whole affair is to be repeated there this -carnival." - - -It is hardly necessary to say that, in reward for this Gargantuan -feast, Heliche was made a grandee a few days afterwards. - -Philip took no pleasure personally now in these coarse frivolities; -though Mariana hungered for them, to distract her from the fits of -homesick depression into which she periodically sank in the dull -monotony of her life and her frequently disappointed hopes of renewed -motherhood. The King himself was well-nigh despondent: going through -his life like a leaden automaton, signing papers placed before him by -Haro, usually without discussion or remark.[9] His condition, indeed, -now was closely akin to melancholy religious madness, such was the -morbid misery that preyed upon him: in anticipation of an early death, -weeping for his own sins, for the utter ruin that seemed impending, -{452} and for the continued absence of a male heir to his broken -realms. One of his strange whims at this time was to pass hours alone -in the new jasper mausoleum at the Escorial, to which he had -transferred the bodies of his ancestors shortly before. After one of -these visits in 1654, he wrote to Sor Maria: "I saw the corpse of the -Emperor, whose body, although he has been dead ninety-six years, is -still perfect; and by this it may be seen how richly the Lord has -repaid him for his efforts in favour of the faith whilst he lived. It -helped me much, especially as I contemplated the place where I am to -lie when God shall take me. I prayed Him not to let me forget what I -saw there." Soon afterwards, Barrionuevo records that the King had -passed two solitary hours upon his knees in prayer on the bare stones -of the mausoleum before the niche which was to be his own final -resting-place; and that when he came out his eyes were red and swollen -with weeping. - -[Sidenote: "The meninas"] - -The years went on, and still Mariana's repeated hopes of progeny were -disappointed. Her own health was not good, for she fretted much, -whilst Philip's troubles had crushed and aged him sadly. The Indian -silver, which had previously been so precious a contribution to his -revenue, was now regularly captured by Cromwell's cruisers, which -closely beleaguered Cadiz. The French on the Flemish frontier and in -Catalonia were still holding his territory, though Don Juan was doing -his best and not unsuccessfully in Flanders (1656-57). Peace, as -Philip well knew, was now a vital necessity for him; but pride still -kept him from surrendering to the foreigner the land of his fathers, -and Mazarin's {453} terms were as yet too humiliating for acceptance by -a Power which had for so long claimed predominance in Europe. - -Girl children had been born to Mariana, but each one had died at, or -soon after, birth, though the wildest caprice of the mother was -complied with in order to produce favourable conditions; but after the -simultaneous birth and death of the girl child which came in August -1656, all hope seemed gone, and a profound melancholy fell upon both -husband and wife, unrelieved by one ray of light. Philip's principal -pleasure now, with the exception of his prayers and the immoralities he -deplored so much, were the visits he paid every few days to the studio -of Velazquez in the old palace. There, beneath the magic brush of the -painter, he saw grow in resemblance the portraits of those amongst whom -his life was passed,--the dwarfs and buffoons, who tried now so -fruitlessly to make him smile, the quaint characters about the palace, -the generals and admirals, the councillors and secretaries, whose faces -he knew so well; and, above all, his two little girls and his young -wife, with her rouged cheeks, her stiff square wig and her hard eyes. -The favourite child--for Mariana was jealous of the elder, Maria -Teresa--was the little Infanta Margaret, born in 1651, a fragile, fair -little flower of a girl, degenerate from her descent, but in childhood -not showing excessively the unlovely features she inherited. The -etiquette that surrounded the child and her sister was freezing in its -formality. Those who served them knelt, and everything had to pass -through several hands before reaching them. Their dress, {454} with -the wide-hooped farthingales and stiff long bodices, were utterly -unchildlike and cumbrous, but, withal, the charm of youth could not be -utterly crushed out of Margaret; and Velazquez has left us portraits of -her as a child which will always remain the ideal of infancy. - -[Illustration: THE MAIDS OF HONOUR. _Portrait of the Infanta Margaret; -from a picture by Velazquez at the Prado Museum_] - -The finest painting that ever left the master's easel is that which -presents not only a portrait of the little Princess, but also an -interior which tells more of Court life at the time (1656) than pages -of written description could do. The tiny Infanta stands in her white -satin hooped dress, her fair hair parted at the side, in the studio of -Velazquez, who, with the coveted cross of Santiago upon his breast,[10] -is painting a portrait of the King and Queen, whose faces are seen -reflected in a mirror at the back of the room, but who do not appear in -the picture itself. The child had probably been brought to relieve the -tedium of her parents in sitting for their portraits, and she seems -herself to have grown fretful and needed amusing. The young maid of -honour, Doña Maria de Sarmiento, kneels before her, handing her, on a -gold salver, a cup of water in the fine red scented clay which it was a -vicious fashion of ladies of the day to eat. In the foreground lies a -mastiff dozing, and close by it are two of the ugly dwarfs who were -such important personages in the Spanish Court, Mari Barbola and -Nicolasico Pertusato; whilst behind {455} them, slightly curtseying, is -another maid of honour, Doña Isabel de Velasco; and still farther back -in the gloom a lady and gentleman in attendance, the former in a -conventual dress; whilst in the extreme rear of the picture stands the -Queen's quarter-master, Don Jose Nieto, at the open door drawing back a -curtain, perhaps that more light may be thrown upon the King and Queen, -whom the painter is portraying. The interior of the room, with its -special lighting and its unrivalled perspective, fixes for us, as if in -a flashlight photograph, one unstudied moment of life in Philip's Court -as it was actually passed, and for this reason the picture is -invaluable. The existence it crystallises is a dull one, unrelieved -from tedium for Philip except by the presence of his little child, and -the trembling consolations of his religion. - -[Sidenote: Birth of an heir] - -Soon, however, hope for a time was to blossom again. After months of -anxiety, in which his doubts and fears were laid before the nun again -and again by the anxious father, he was assured that another child was -yet to be born to him, and the astrologers and soothsayers predicted -that this time it would be a son, and would live. Philip was in dire -straits for money at the time (November 1657), and on the first day of -the Vigil of the Presentation of the Virgin he had nothing to eat but -eggs without fish; as his steward had not a _real_ of ready money to -pay for anything else, and the tradesmen would give no more credit.[11] -But yet the most whimsical fancy of his wife now had to be gratified at -any sacrifice, and the Buen Retiro soon again rang with jovial music -and water parties {456} on the lake, merry comedies, novel bull-fights, -and diversions of all sorts, which were produced to make Mariana happy. -Don Juan sent from Flanders a splendid silver bedstead, with brocade -hangings; and all that care and solicitude could discover to ensure the -happy arrival of the looked-for heir was forthcoming. - -[Sidenote: Prince Philip Prosper] - -At last, to the weary, worn-out King of fifty-two, a man-child was born -at the end of November 1657. The mother was thought to be dying, but -no one had thoughts for her, the birth of an heir to Philip being -greeted by rejoicings so tumultuous in the capital as of themselves to -prove the lawless condition into which the people had sunk. - - -"On the day of the birth," writes Barrionuevo (5th December 1657), "not -a bench nor a table was left unbroken in the palace, nor a single -pastry-cook's nor tavern that was not sacked. In the Admiral's house, -too, one of his equerries, and riding-master to some of the greatest -gentlemen in Madrid, named Chicho Cristalino, killed his groom in the -stable, stabbing him for some trivial cause.... He has escaped. He -was a Knight of Calatrava. The same night three or four other similar -misfortunes happened, and in the rejoicings nobody's cape was safe.... -To-morrow they say that his Majesty will go on horseback to the Atocha -to give thanks to the Mother of God.... They say the Prince is a -pretty little chap, and that the King wishes him to be baptized at -once, before the extreme cold comes on.... There are to be -masquerades, bullfights, and cane-tourneys as soon as the Queen gets up -to see them, as well as plays with machinery {457} invented by an -engineer, a servant of the Nuncio, to be represented at the theatre at -the Retiro, and in the saloon of the palace.... The municipality, -following the lead of the Councils, have gone to congratulate the King, -... and no gentleman, great or small, has failed to do the like. There -have been some funny incidents. Here are two. The little Count de -Haro, the Admiral's child, six years old, went, and the King was much -pleased with the little man, as he was so serious, and especially when -he said to his Majesty, 'But, Sir! those buttons of yours are against -the pragmatic; they are gold!' They were really diamond buttons that -the King had put on for the celebration. The favourite (_i.e._ Haro) -accompanied him, and one of the courtiers present came up to him and -said: 'God bless your Excellency for the boon you have bestowed upon -Spain in sending us a Prince,' as if Haro had been the artificer of the -work. There was much laughter at this." - - -Astrologers were busy predicting all manner of glory and good fortune -for the new-born Prince, and Philip was full of gratitude and hope that -all would now be well. "Help me, Sor Maria," he wrote, "to give thanks -to God; for I by myself am unable to do so adequately. Pray to Him to -make me fully thankful for the signal favour conferred upon me, and to -give me strength henceforward to do His holy will. The new-born babe -is well, and I implore you to take him under your protection, and pray -to our Lord and His holy Mother to keep him for their service, for the -exaltation of the faith and the good of these realms. If this is {458} -not to be, then pray let him be taken from me before he reaches -manhood."[12] - -[Sidenote: Baptism of Philip Prosper] - -For weeks the usual festivities in Madrid went on, though the general -penury made them less brilliant than the occasion warranted. But -Philip, for his part, seemed almost young again with joy. On the 6th -December he rode through the decorated streets of his capital on a -spirited Neapolitan charger. Dances, masques, and music greeted him on -his way, and the public fountains ran wine instead of water, whilst the -night was made as light as day by thousands of wax torches.[13] A week -afterwards the baptism of the Prince was celebrated in the royal chapel -by the Cardinal Archbishop of Toledo (Borja), whose magnificent -preparations of liveries, vestments, and equipages were to cost 50,000 -{459} ducats; though, says Barrionuevo, he had not a _real_. - - -"On Thursday the 13th, the corridors and courtyards of the palace were -decorated with great splendour, and three canopies were erected, one in -each corridor and one in the chapel." There was a very sumptuous bed -adjoining the King's curtained closet, and a step away a staging, with -two steps and a triangle of silver. Upon this was placed the font of -St. Dominic's baptism, and six great silver braziers very full of fuel, -which were replenished every now and then from the fireplaces, so that -the air might be warmed, which it was until it was like an oven. There -were also sconces which perfumed the air divinely. Shortly after two -the ceremony commenced; the Inquisitor-General and the Bishop of -Siguenza, apparelled in pontificals, assisting the Cardinal, who -awaited the arrival of the Infante near the altar, whilst the whole -chapel was hung with the most beautiful hangings the King possesses. -Don Luis Ponce, without a cape, led the way with the Spanish Guard, -followed by peers, nobles, and grandees; after whom came the Nuncio and -ambassadors. Then came the minister (Don Luis de Haro), dressed in a -gown of cloth of gold and a red sash.[14] Following him the Prince, -richly adorned, was borne in the arms of the Countess of Salvatierra, -seated in a crystal chair; and the Infanta (Maria Teresa) {460} walked -behind, her train carried by the Mistress of the Robes, after whom -marched the heralds and archers of the Guard, who entirely surrounded -the space. The Marquis of Priego carried the sacred taper, Alba bore -the custode and napkins, the Admiral carried the ewer, which was of a -single emerald, very large, and set with diamonds. The marchpane[15] -fell to the Count of Oñate, the towels to Medina de las Torres, the -salt-cellar to the Prince of Astillano, his son. The ladies of the -Court followed the Infanta, their trains borne by pages. The -presidents of the Councils, with their two senior officers on each -side, were ranged around the chapel, with the grandees before them; and -when the ladies entered they stood in front of the grandees. The -lady-in-waiting handed the Prince to the Infanta naked, except for a -very short little jacket of plush much adorned, and with false sleeves. -The Infanta cried out in a very clear voice: 'Why have you not put his -clothes on? Why do you give him to me so undressed?' The lady -replied: 'That is done on purpose, Madam, that it may be seen that he -is a male.' The water they baptized him with was from the Jordan, ... -brought lately by some friars who came from the Holy House. The Prince -screamed lustily when he was baptized, and, attracted by the loud -resonant voice, the King, who was looking through his jalousies, {461} -exclaimed, "Ah! that does sound well; the house smells of a man -now."[16] - - -[Sidenote: Pride of the Constable] - -Then, after retailing the baby's names, Philip Prosper, "and the whole -litany of saints to follow," and the magnificent presents given to the -child's nurse, the narrator gives a curious instance of the overweening -pride of the higher Spanish nobles of the time. A staircase had broken -down with the crush of people, and the Duke of Bejar, whose duty it was -to carry the marchpane, could not get through the crowd. The acting -Lord Chamberlain, the Count of Puñonrostro, seeing that the ceremony -was being delayed in consequence, asked the King what he should do. -"Tell the Constable (_i.e._ the Grand Constable of Castile, the Duke of -Frias) to carry the marchpane," said Philip. The proud noble replied -that his arm was bad, and he could not do it. This answer only -produced a repetition of the command from the King that the Constable -was to carry the marchpane. "Tell his Majesty that the Constables of -Castile are too big to serve as stopgaps for anybody," said the -Constable. Two days later the Duke was being hurried off to Berlanga -under arrest. If Dukes and Constables could be impracticably proud, so -could scullions; for only a fortnight after this there was a regular -pitched battle in the King's kitchen on some point of honour between -the scullions and the guards, in which six of the combatants were -killed outright, and twenty were wounded, many more being carried off -to the prison of the Court to answer for their turbulence. - -{462} - -Admiration spent itself in praises of the beauty of the infant that had -been born to Philip's decline. Never, sure, was such a babe vouchsafed -to man as this. Verse and prose galore declaimed its present -perfection and coming greatness. But alas! Philip Prosper, as might -have been expected from the offspring of several generations of incest, -was a poor epileptic monstrosity, who quietly made his exit from the -world four years after he entered it with such a blare of trumpets. -The good nun of Agreda, far away from the turmoil of rejoicing at the -Prince's birth, had misgivings at the ungodliness and extravagance of -the festivities, and remonstrated with Philip upon them. "It is good -and politic for your Majesty to receive the congratulations of your -subjects, ... but I do beseech you earnestly not to allow excessive -sums to be spent on such festivities as these, when there is a lack of -money needful even for the defence of your crown. Let there be no -offence to God in what is done.... It is good to rejoice for the birth -of the Prince; but pray let us do it with a clear conscience."[17] - -Through all these years the wars in which Spain was engaged had gone -on. Mazarin's many enemies in France had been encouraged and bribed -largely by Spain, and the greatest of French commanders, Turenne and -Condé, for a time entered Philip's service against their own country. -This changed the aspect of affairs, especially on the Flemish frontier, -whilst in the south of France the leaders of the Fronde with Spanish -aid kept Mazarin's troops busy there. When Turenne {463} again -returned to the French side the tables were turned somewhat (1655), and -after a series of defeats the Archduke Leopold, Philip's Governor of -Flanders, had retired, leaving Condé in command of the troops, whilst -Don Juan, King Philip's son, succeeded the Archduke as Governor (1656). -This brilliant pair of young men did much to restore Spanish prestige -in Flanders; but when the alliance between Cromwell and Mazarin was -signed Spain was outmatched, and all observers could see that France in -the end must be victorious. - -[Sidenote: Loss of Dunkirk] - -One after the other the Flemish frontier places surrendered to the -allies; but the great blow to Philip's arms fell in the summer of 1658. -Dunkirk, a Spanish port in Flanders, promised to Cromwell by Mazarin, -was closely blockaded by an English fleet, and besieged on the land -side by Turenne, who was accompanied by young Louis XIV. himself; -whilst a Spanish army under Don Juan and Condé, with whom was James -Duke of York, now nominal Admiral of the Spanish fleet, was -endeavouring to break through Turenne's lines and relieve the place. -By a _coup de main_ Turenne outflanked the Spanish force, whilst -Cromwell's fleet bombarded them from the sea. Panic overtook the -Spaniards, who fled precipitately with great loss, and Dunkirk soon -after capitulated. This Battle of the Dunes seemed the last drop in -Philip's cup of sorrow, for by it all Flanders lay at the mercy of the -French royalists, and city after city fell into their hands. - -Shortly before this, and soon after the christening of Philip Prosper -described above, an equally fatal catastrophe had fallen upon Philip on -the Portuguese {464} frontier. There for years a state of hostility -had continued, with frequent raids on both sides; but, growing bolder -with Philip's increased exhaustion, the masculine Spanish Queen Mother -of Portugal[18] had laid regular siege to the great Spanish frontier -fortress of Badajoz. At any cost this daring insolence had to be met, -and Philip, with no able commanders now available, Don Juan being in -Flanders, entrusted the leadership of his forces of 8000 men, raised -with infinite sacrifice and difficulty, to his favourite, Don Luis de -Haro. On the news of his approach the Portuguese raised the siege of -Badajoz and recrossed the frontier; but Haro, utterly inexperienced in -warfare, was drawn into pursuing them, led into an ambush and put to -ignominious flight, with the loss of guns, baggage, and most of his men. - -[Sidenote: Peace with France] - -This defeat, followed by the Battle of the Dunes a few months -afterwards, proved to all the world that Spain had come to the end of -her tether and could struggle no more. Material resources, faith in -herself, belief in her mission, even confidence in her God, had all -fled, and nothing was left to her but besotted pride and a -sanctimonious ritual devotion which lightly covered a scoffing mockery -of the noble ideals that had made her temporarily great. Peace had -now, indeed, become for Philip absolutely necessary. There had been -many efforts made through the influence of Anna of Austria, Queen of -France, to come to an understanding with her brother, ever since the -treaty of Münster; but the demands of Mazarin, that the {465} French -should continue to hold all they had taken including Catalonia, had in -every case frustrated the attempts. But the aspect of affairs was -changing. Catalonia was heartily tired of the French, who left the -province less liberty than it had enjoyed under the Castilian Kings, -whilst the grave discontent and division in France against Mazarin's -Government had rendered peace necessary even for him. But that which, -above all, contributed to a peaceful agreement was the fact that -Philip's health was evidently failing, and that only one life, that of -the scrofulous epileptic infant, Philip Prosper, stood between the -house of France and the Spanish throne. It is true that when Queen -Anna had married Louis XIII. she had solemnly renounced for herself and -her family the right of succession to Spain; but some of the dowry -which was to have been paid to her had not been paid, and it might be -contended that as one condition of the contract had not been fulfilled -the others could not be enforced as against the house of France. -Mariana, Philip's second wife, was at Madrid quite as much in the -capacity of Austrian ambassador as of Philip's consort, and she had -always tried to prevent any closer union between France and Spain; her -object, aided by the German agents who prompted her, being to maintain -the fatal alliance between the two branches of the house of Austria, -which had dragged Spain to ruin. - -In the summer of 1656 a sincere attempt had been made by France to come -to an understanding with Philip. A skilled diplomatist, M. de Lionne, -in the confidence of Mazarin, had arrived with great secrecy at Madrid, -and was lodged at the Retiro, {466} where he and Haro held many -conferences, with a result that an agreement on many points was arrived -at, especially upon the retrocession of Catalonia (though not of -Roussillon) to Spain. In one of their conferences Lionne noticed that -Haro was wearing in his hat, doubtless for a purpose, a medal impressed -with the portrait of the Infanta Maria Teresa. "If your King would -give to my master for his wife the original of the portrait you wear," -said Lionne, "peace might soon be made."[19] Haro passed over the -matter lightly, for in the absence of a male heir to Philip it would -have been impossible to marry Maria Teresa to the King of France; but -the idea was not a new one, and the possibility of bringing about such -a match as a pledge of peace between France and Spain had often been -mooted by the quidnuncs of Madrid.[20] - -[Sidenote: Peace negotiations] - -Lionne's negotiations came to nothing at the time, mainly because the -knotty point of the Prince of Condé's position could not be settled; -but when the birth of Philip Prosper provided Philip with an heir, the -marriage idea again came to the front, and made both sides in the -subsequent peace negotiations much more conciliatory than they -otherwise would have been, especially when there was a talk of marrying -Louis XIV. elsewhere. He was, indeed, {467} on a courting expedition -to the south of France to meet the Princess of Savoy, when Haro, in May -1659, sent Antonio Pimentel in a hurry to Mazarin reminding him of what -Lionne had said three years before about a Spanish marriage. Anna of -Austria and Mazarin were quite willing; and in a very few weeks the -diplomatists on both sides had drawn up a protocol suspending -hostilities, and providing for a meeting of plenipotentiaries of both -Powers in the little Isle of Pheasants in the Bidosoa River that -separates France and Spain. This was to take place in August, and in -the meanwhile ministers were busy drawing up marriage settlements and -agreeing upon the main points in dispute between the two Powers. -Mariana struggled hard to prevent the agreement by proposing a marriage -between the Infanta and the Archduke Leopold, the Emperor's heir. She -even prevailed upon her brother to send the Archduke Sigismund to -replace Don Juan in Flanders, and to bring a strong imperial army with -him to defend Spanish territory there. Before they could meet the -French, however, the truce between Philip and Louis was signed (June -1659), and the Austrian interest for the present had to accept defeat. - -Peace or war, the stereotyped merrymaking never ceased for very long in -the Court of Madrid. Like Olivares before them, Philip's ministers -were constantly on the look-out for new musicians, buffoons, or -beauties to distract him, and discovering fresh pretexts for shows.[21] -To celebrate {468} the birth of the sickly Philip Prosper, the -festivities continued for months; and in answer to the nun's -remonstrances about it, the King invites her to tell him how he can -fulfil his desire to withdraw his mind from worldly things, "since it -is obligatory for me to live amongst men, and to be present at -festivities and other public occasions, which I cannot avoid attending. -In the midst of all this turmoil I should like to execute your -directions, if my frailty does not prevent me from doing so. Help me, -Sor Maria, and pray to God and His holy Mother to aid me in attaining -such a boon."[22] In one of Philip Prosper's frequent illnesses a -saintly friar from Jerusalem, one Father Antonio, went to see Philip, -and brusquely told him, in reply to his request for prayers for the -Prince's health, "that he, the King, ought to pray also, and leave off -all these comedies and other rejoicings."[23] The Madrileños of -Philip's time would no more abandon their idle pleasures than they -would their daily bread. Fresh taxes of 2 per cent. more were put upon -food, and upon every payment made of any sort; even fireplaces and -windows were taxed more heavily, the idea being to make people redeem -these taxes by paying a sum down, and so, as Barrionuevo says, to get -money quickly. "All this makes men of business desperate, for it is -said that even upon loans and payments of every sort the {469} tax is -to be charged; so that we shall soon have nothing to pay with but water -and sunshine."[24] - -[Sidenote: Poverty and waste] - -Only a few days after this was written, the municipality of Madrid gave -a luncheon to the eleven Royal Councils, handsome presents being given -to all the guests, the cost of the entertainment being over 550,000 -ducats; and hardly a week passes without the record of two or three -costly shows, bull-fights, masquerades, and tourneys, in which smart -new clothes are always a notable feature, and the King and Queen are -usually present, the young Marquis of Heliche being generally the -busiest promoter. Madrid, although suffering from a winter more severe -than had been known in the memory of man (February 1658), was full of -foreigners and strangers, attracted by these continual shows, and -doubtless much of the money squandered came ultimately from them; but -the people themselves must have been in dire straits, for robbery seems -to have been openly resorted to, even by priests; and so highly placed -an ecclesiastic as Barrionuevo says of it: "I do not wonder, for the -pinch of poverty is such that everybody is forced to do it." - -Madrid, at the time, indeed, presented a strange picture of anarchy. -The only rich people were the comparatively few who were concerned in -the administration, either in Spain or the Colonies; and they spent -their money with the utmost prodigality, whilst the great bulk of the -population lived from hand to mouth on the proceeds of this -expenditure, gained either by service, work, or robbery. There was -practically no industry, {470} except that carried on in a small way by -foreigners; and the vast majority of the inhabitants of Madrid lived, -directly or indirectly, by government expenditure. Philip looked on -helplessly, convinced apparently that his calamities were unavoidable, -because sent for a special purpose by the Almighty as a scourge for his -and his people's transgressions. Preachers unrebuked thundered out of -pulpits to him that most of the evils might be avoided by energy. -"Your Majesty is poor, and your ministers are rich," cried one to him. -"You give grants, favours, pensions, and double pay to people such as -these, who beguile you with vain shows. The noblest eagle may be left -bare if plucked feather by feather; and your Majesty is obliged to -appeal to these very ministers, whom you enable to settle vast estates, -for money necessary for your very food and garments." - -[Sidenote: Peace of the Pyrenees] - -In good truth, it was too late to preach to Philip now; for he did -little but register the decisions of others, and go through his dull -round of duties with despairing, earthy face; his great consolation, as -he says again and again, being the letters of the nun, which assured -him of the divine mercy and of the efficacy of constant prayer. To his -great delight another son was born to him in December 1658, though the -babe lived only for a few months; but Philip Prosper lingered on still, -through a sickly infancy. In the meanwhile Don Luis de Haro and -Cardinal Mazarin were in close confabulation on the Isle of Pheasants, -settling the terms of the much-needed peace; and the death of Cromwell, -and the probable restoration of the Stuarts to the English throne, gave -a further {471} hope that, after a long lifetime of constant war, -Philip's days might end at peace with all the world. - -In October 1659 the peace negotiations were sufficiently advanced for a -formal demand to be made to Philip for his daughter's hand on behalf of -her cousin Louis XIV. The ambassador was one of the greatest seigneurs -of the Court of France, Marshal de Grammont; and though Madrid, with -good reason this time, assumed its most pompous garb, and Spaniards -held their heads high, yet de Grammont, as he entered with his -brilliant suite into Philip's capital, consciously represented a new -dispensation that was in process of supplanting that of Spain. For a -century and a half Spain had claimed precedence over all earthly -Powers: her language was that of culture and fashion; her literature, -especially of the theatre and the novel, had given the tone to the -writers of Europe; her dress had set the fashion; her soldiers had -taught the art of war; and her explorers had borne to the four quarters -of the earth her traditions, her tongue, and her religion. But the -stately entrance of de Grammont with his new airs and graces into the -palace of Madrid, after a devastating war extending over thirty years, -marked the opening of a new epoch in the civilisation of the world. -Spain was the waning force, France was the youthful giant with a long -life before him; the Planet King Philip, spent and weary, was sinking -to his yearned-for rest after a reign of tragic failure; the Roi Soleil -was climbing in the sky. All the courtly conventions of diplomatists, -all the gracious politeness of de Grammont, all the consideration shown -by French statesmen to Spain in the treaty of {472} peace, could not -hide these facts; nor could it be concealed that this new friendship -meant the end of the fatal union of Austria and Spain, whose aim had -been to force orthodoxy upon the world. - -Mariana frowned and pouted as Grammont and his company of princes and -nobles bowed before her; and the gloomy grandeur of the old palace of -Madrid, with the richly sombre dresses of Philip and his courtiers, -seemed to the triumphant and gaily dressed Frenchman, fresh from the -sprightly youthful Court of Louis, to be in harmony with the old -obscurantist régime which was passing. The visitors were liberal in -recording their impressions of a society which they regarded as -romantic and antique.[25] The description of a theatrical -representation in the old palace of Madrid in honour of Grammont, -written by one of his chaplains, will give a good idea of a -characteristic feature of Philip's Court at the time. - - -"The great saloon was lit only by six enormous wax candles in gigantic -silver stands. On each side of the saloon, facing each other, were two -boxes or tribunes with iron grilles before them. One of these was -occupied by the Infanta, whilst the other was destined for the Marshal -(Grammont). Two benches covered with Persian rugs ran along the sides -beneath the boxes, also facing each other, upon which sat about twelve -ladies of the Court, whilst we Frenchmen stood behind them.... The -{473} Queen and the little Infanta entered, preceded by a lady holding -a candle. When the King appeared he saluted the ladies and took his -seat in the box on the right hand of the Queen, whilst the little -Infanta sat on her left. The King remained motionless during the whole -of the play, and only once said a word to the Queen; although he -occasionally cast his eyes round on every side. A dwarf was standing -close by him. When the play was ended, all the ladies rose and -gathered in the middle, as canons do after a service. Then joining -hands in a row they made their courtesies, one by one, a ceremony that -lasted some seven or eight minutes. In the meanwhile the King was -standing, and he then bowed to the Queen, who bowed to the Infanta, -after which they all joined hands and retired."[26] - - -It was far into the winter (1659) before the terms of the pregnant -peace of the Pyrenees could be finally settled by the plenipotentiaries -on the Isle of Pheasants. More than once the negotiations came to a -deadlock, for, comparatively easy as the French conditions were, they -were very bitter for the pride of Spain to swallow.[27] She had to -surrender the province of Roussillon and most of Artois, as well as -many of the principal cities of French Flanders, whilst the English -kept her port of Dunkirk. But in return Catalonia willingly {474} -became Spanish again under its old constitution, whilst the new King of -England and his friends the Portuguese were excluded from the treaty. -The rejoicings in Madrid, and the adulation of the favourite Haro, who -was made Prince of the Peace, knew no bounds. At last, no matter, -thought the lieges, at what cost, Spain was free from the war that had -weighed her down for a whole generation; and now the rebel Portuguese -might be punished for their contumacy, and Philip be King of the -Peninsula again. Don Juan, the King's son, was to have the honour of -reconquering Portugal for Castile; but for the present all minds were -occupied by the ceremonious journey of King Philip and all his Court to -the French frontier to conduct his daughter, the Infanta, to her -waiting bridegroom. - -[Sidenote: Marriage of Maria Teresa] - -For many months, notwithstanding Philip's expressed desire that things -should be done as economically as possible, the preparations for the -voyage had been carried out on a scale of magnificence surpassing that -of all previous bridal progresses between Spain and France. The -Spanish nobles and courtiers, taking their tone from Haro himself, were -determined, even at the cost of their last ducat, that the Frenchmen -should see that the country was neither exhausted materially nor -humiliated morally. So again the old prodigal pride asserted itself, -and Madrid pushed its poverty in the background, as it spent its money -on gew-gaws, or flocked to see the preliminary turnout of the royal -equipages prepared for the King's journey to France. - - -{475} - -"There were four litters, and fourteen coaches with six mules each;--a -fine sight! The table services, newly made with the arms of Spain and -France, which her Highness is to take with her, are a marvel of -richness and beauty. The jewels for presents and for adornment exceed -all price and praise. Each of the gentlemen who is to accompany the -royal party is making preparations more in accordance with his spirit -than with his means. They say that the Duke of Medina de las Torres -will distinguish himself specially. He gives five suits of livery to -each of his servants, one set alone of which made in Naples will cost -65,000 ducats; whilst, as to his Excellency's own dresses, wonderful -stories are told of them, and also of the jewels he is taking with him, -worthy as they are of the greatness of his heart. The preparations of -Don Luis de Haro can only be conceived by those who recollect that he -is the luminary of the world upon which reflects and radiates most -fully the majesty and brilliancy of our Sun-Monarch. The value of the -horses and hackneys, with their harness and housings, alone are said to -be worth a vast treasure; but when we consider the rank of the persons -with whom the horses of the Sun will enter Irun, these latter, richly -caparisoned as they may be, will be unworthy of an occasion so supreme. -It is likely enough that when our Infanta took leave of the altars of -Madrid her eyes were wet with tears; but our muffled women, who spare -nobody, said so in such a way as to hint that the tears were really -hearty smiles. The Queen looks very sad at the King's going away."[28] - -{476} - -[Sidenote: Journey to the frontier] - -On the 15th April 1660, Philip set forth on his famous journey to the -French frontier to give his daughter Maria Teresa to his young nephew -Louis XIV. for his wife, and meet in peace once more his sister Anna, -whom he had not seen since their early youth, over forty years before. -The train that accompanied him surpassed anything of the sort ever seen -before in Spain. Don Luis de Haro himself was served by a household of -200 persons, and scores of other nobles vied with him in -magnificence.[29] All the sumptuary pragmatics were suspended, and as -a reaction after the long insistence upon plain, sombre attire for men, -Philip's courtiers were gorgeous in the costly richness of their garb, -determined as they were to impress the Frenchmen. - -The land through which the long procession slowly made its way, at the -rate of about six miles a day, was stark and ruined; and provisions, as -well as beds and all other necessaries, had to be carried for the whole -multitude, the cavalcade covering over twenty miles of road. Such of -the wretched peasants as were left in Castile[30] saluted their King -with frantic joy as he passed; for he looked so sad and sorry for them, -and with so much wealth as he now displayed before their famished eyes, -surely he would not grind them down to utter famine as he had done for -these unhappy years of strife. All would be well now. {477} The -Infanta was to be Queen of France, and she would not allow her father's -realm to be laid desolate again by those over whom her young husband -reigned. Everywhere hope blossomed again. The towns on the way -regaled the vast concourse of courtiers with shows, banquets, and -bull-fights; long-hidden hoards of money were brought out and spent in -rejoicing now, even by the humbler farmer folk, for the great fear that -all would be taken from them by the tax farmers had passed away. At -length, after six weeks of tedious travel over miserable roads, where -overturns and other mishaps were frequent, the King and his Court -entered St. Sebastian, where the first marriage ceremony was to be -performed, on the 2nd June 1660. In the crowds of splendidly -apparelled Spanish courtiers, whose names were as resounding as their -pedigrees were long, there was one olive-skinned man, with a touzled -mop of wavy black hair streaked with grey, whose fame was to outlive -them all. His office, that of the King's quarter-master, and one of -his chamberlains, kept him close to the person of Philip, who loved his -company. Upon the breast of his dark, closely fitting tunic was -embroidered in scarlet the long sword-shaped cross of Santiago, whilst -an enamelled and diamond pendant hung from a rich gold chain around his -neck; and Diego Velazquez, the painter, now growing old with his -master, looked as distinguished as any in the throng, doing his -courtier's service in the famous journey as if he had been merely a -grandee of long lineage instead of a poor gentleman who happened to be -a genius.[31] - -{478} - -All the magnificence that could be crammed into the humble town of St. -Sebastian was there on the morning of the 2nd June 1660.[32] In the -principal house, under canopies of damask stiff with bullion armorial -embroideries, sat upon thrones side by side Philip and his daughter, -the Patriarch of the Indies and the Bishop of Pamplona standing in -their robes near to them, with Haro upon the steps of the dais. Every -inch of standing room was filled with the proudest nobles of Spain, -intermingled with many masked and cloaked figures whom all knew or -guessed were French princes, princesses, and nobles, who had crossed -the frontier disguised to witness the ceremonies which some still -hoped, notwithstanding the failures of past similar attempts, would -"level the Pyrenees." One who was there writes: "The ladies-in-waiting -were dazzlingly handsome, and all the multitude of people, grandees, -peers, noble gentlemen, and others, stood with uncovered heads, their -Majesties alone being seated; whilst Don Fernando de Contreras, the -Secretary of State, read aloud the solemn document in which the Queen -of France, by oath on a Christ crucified, renounced for herself and -hers for ever all claim to the succession of the Spanish throne." For -a long hour and more the Secretary of State, on his knees, read the -pompous sentences of the act which was in after years to convulse all -Europe in war, and change the dynasty of Spain; but those who listened -to it {479} were more concerned with their own fatigue at standing in a -crowd so long than at the vast import of the renunciation, whose -effects were hidden in the womb of time.[33] When, at last, Contreras -had finished reading, the Bishop stepped forth, and upon the Gospels -and the crucifix Maria Teresa swore to keep inviolate the pledge -contained in the act. - -[Sidenote: The wedding] - -The next morning the humble parish church of St. Sebastian was -transformed, by the "richest hangings and adornments necessary for the -greatest wedding that ever was seen in the world, whilst their -Majesties and the Court were a blaze of magnificence." Advancing with -his daughter, Philip took his seat upon the curtained throne by the -side of the high altar, whilst Maria Teresa stood beneath the canopy, -and Don Luis Haro, who was honoured by holding the proxy of King Louis -to marry her, stood a step below her. The church was crowded with -French princes, princesses, and nobles in disguise intermingled with -the Spaniards, and, as the pontifical mass was sung with its beautiful -ceremonial, appealing to all the senses before that gorgeous assembly, -St. Sebastian reached the apogee of its glory, never to be surpassed. -When the sacrament was ended the Bishop descended to the canopy, where -the Infanta and Haro were standing before the King. In answer to the -ritual question whether she would take his Majesty the most Christian -King for a {480} husband, the Infanta with streaming eyes turned and -sank upon her knees before her father. Philip, himself overcome with -emotion, bowed his head and gave his blessing to the daughter who was -to be the pledge of future peace between Spain and France; and the -Bishop had to repeat his question three times before the weeping -Princess could summon composure enough to reply in the affirmative. -Then she and Haro together placed their hands in a great gold dish that -stood upon a side table, whilst Haro in the name of King Louis XIV. -accepted Maria Teresa of Austria as his legitimate wife. Taking a gold -ring from the centre of the salver upon which their hands rested, the -Spanish minister placed it upon the rim near the fingers of the -Infanta, but without touching them; and then with a sweeping flood of -melody the _Te Deum_ burst out, whilst the great guns of the fortress -upon the crag overhanging the church thundered their message to the two -realms that another Spanish Princess was Queen of France.[34] In the -midst of the uproar King Philip led his daughter from the church, -followed by all the glittering crowd. - -[Sidenote: Marriage of Maria Teresa] - -That afternoon the royal party rode to the neighbouring land-locked -Port of Pasages three miles away, and so to Renteria for dinner, and by -Oyarzun to the ancient fortress village of Fuentarrabia on its jutting -peninsula, from which you may cast a stone to France on the other side -of the river mouth. The roads were so narrow and bad that the maids of -honour were upset on the way; and Don Luis de Haro, anxious as he was -to do {481} honour to the Sovereign who had made him little less than a -King, he was unable to meet him on the narrow rocky causeway, but -perforce had to stand, surrounded by the King's Guards in their new -yellow uniforms, at the gate of the ancient palace fortress upon its -cliff, that twenty-two years before had so stoutly withstood the siege -of the French by land and sea. - -The following day, whilst preparations for the public interviews upon -the Isle of Pheasants were being made, Philip embarked with his -daughter, Haro, and a very few attendants, amongst whom was Diego -Velazquez, and landed privately upon the little island in mid stream. -The buildings, which had been specially erected for the peace -conference of the previous autumn, were constructed with the jealous -punctiliousness which always characterised the intercourse between -France and Spain. The eyot was divided into a Spanish and a French -half, and the houses, each in its respective territory, were connected -by a corridor, the conference hall, which stood upon the dividing line, -being half upon Spanish and half on French soil. Even in Philip's -private meeting with the sister from whom he had been separated and at -war so long, the utmost precision of etiquette was preserved. Landing -on the Spanish part of the island, and entering the Spanish house, he -bade all his attendants stay behind, except Haro, Velazquez, and one or -two more, who alone accompanied him to the hall, where, on the French -side of the dividing line across the hall, stood Anna of Austria. - -The meeting was a painful one, for when they had last met Philip and -his sister had been in the {482} flower of youth, full of hope and -bright ambition; and now both were old and broken, with lives of -bitterness behind them. Both brother and sister had been slaves of -their passions, and had surrendered their regal power to other hands. -They had been but figureheads of State; and though, as was the case -with all their house, their family affection had been strong, national -aspirations had been too powerful for them, and victor and vanquished, -brother and sister, must have felt themselves, for all their grandeur, -the helpless victims of forces beyond their control or understanding. -Anna of Austria broke down into piteous tears when she saw the unhappy -face of her brother; and, after a few low-spoken words of comfort had -passed between them, there came tiptoeing silently behind the Cardinal -and Don Luis, who stood behind Queen Anna, a handsome young man with -aquiline features and a nascent black down upon his upper lip. He -wore, in the French fashion of the time, high red heels to his shoes; -and a flowing black curled periwig fell upon the wide Walloon collar of -fine lawn that covered the shoulders of his satin skirted-coat. -Peeping over the shoulders of those before him,[35] himself supposed to -be unseen, thus Louis XIV. first looked upon his bride, and upon the -King the ruin of whose realm and dynasty was to make way for the -supremacy of France and the Roi Soleil. - -[Sidenote: The wedding] - -At length, on Sunday, 6th June, all was ready for the ceremonial -meeting and delivery of the bride to her new country. At a signal both -{483} monarchs stepped into their boats at the same time, Philip in -Fuenterrabia and Louis in St. Jean de Luz, followed soon by crowds of -other boats filled with courtiers as fine as silks and satins and -bullion tissues could make them, for sumptuary decrees were all thrown -to the winds now; whilst strong armed forces, 12,000 troops in all, -with loaded arms and new uniforms, stood upon each side of the tiny -stream, as many as 4000 cavalry being arrayed on the French bank, with -numbers of pikemen and guards; "all smart looking troops, but both men -and horses small," said a Spanish expert, who thought Philip's fine -array of red and yellow guards "better troops, smarter and with better -horses."[36] As far as the eye reached on either side, crowds of -people stood upon the banks, and far away upon the hills overlooking -the scene, which for most of them promised peace and renewed -prosperity; whilst the ante-rooms of the conference hall which was to -be the scene of the interview were packed to suffocation by a -privileged crowd of nobles and courtiers of both nations. - -At the same moment the two Kings landed upon their respective ends of -the island, and at the same moment they and their suites entered the -conference hall by opposite doors, Philip leading his daughter, -followed by Haro and a great household, and Louis his mother with -Mazarin, and forty ladies-in-waiting behind. Advancing to the line -that divided the room, Louis made as if to kneel to Philip, who -prevented him from doing so by clasping him in his arms. "My son," -said Philip, "I {484} welcome you. For me this has been the happiest -day I have ever known or shall know; for I see your Majesty is as well -as I can wish"; and then, pointing to the Infanta, he continued: "the -only person after your Majesty who could have brought me on this -journey is this piece of my own heart, that I have brought to give you -for your wife; and I trust that your Majesty will hold her in the -esteem she deserves, not only as Queen of France and my daughter, but -also in consideration of the goodwill with which I give her to -you."[37] Anna of Austria was weeping copiously the while; but Louis -himself, not to be outdone in courtesy, was fully equal to the -occasion. "My father," he said, "only the favours I am receiving from -the generous and potent hands of your Majesty could force me to confess -myself not only unworthy to be the son of so powerful a monarch, but -also your humble vassal," and with that he warmly returned his uncle's -embrace. - -Much more flattering talk there was about Philip's potency and -strength, and the obligation of France to him. It pleased the -Spaniards vastly; for words with them ever took the place of deeds when -their pride was touched, and every courteous word of the Frenchmen was -as balm in Gilead to men who, in their heart of hearts, knew that -poverty, humiliation and defeat had befallen them and their country. -Many tears there were, too, when Philip formally handed his daughter to -her new husband, and the four sovereigns took their seats side by side -on thrones arranged for them across the {485} line. Then Mazarin came -forward with a missal in his hand, upon which Philip on his knees swore -to keep the terms of the peace, and the Patriarch of the Indies -administered a similar oath to Louis. The public act being thus ended, -the hall was cleared of the crowds of nobles that encumbered it, and -for four hours the royal party gave themselves up to familiar -intercourse; after which Louis with his Court, "the most enchanting -sight ever seen in the world," says the Spanish chronicler, rode off to -St. Jean de Luz, and Philip returned by Irun to Fuenterrabia. - -Of the costly presents on both sides, of the overwhelming magnificence -of the subsequent ceremonies in St. Jean de Luz, where the personal -marriage took place,[38] and of the delight of the gallant Spanish -courtiers at the nice French fashion of kissing all the ladies, it -boots not here to tell; but as Philip and his cumbrous Court slowly -wended their way home again to Madrid, the younger courtiers of both -sexes, at all events, took back with them something like a contempt for -the old Spanish fashions which had persisted so long.[39] The -_golilla_ was voted stiff and {486} ungraceful when compared with the -fine lace cravats of the French; black-framed goggles looked frumpish; -the ropilla and close doublet were not half so modish as the full -skirted long tunics, open in the front and showing a smart vest, that -Louis and his gentlemen had worn; and who would care to wear thin lank -hair, even when a topknot on the brow and _guedejas_ before the ears -adorned it, when he could buy a splendid flowing curly periwig such as -made the French look so stately? It is true that the change of fashion -that began on the banks of the Bidasoa did not go very deep or far away -from Court; for the common people clung to the old modes still, and the -wars that divided Spain forty years afterwards caused French fashions, -or anything but Spanish, to be loathed by all ranks as unpatriotic. -But, nevertheless, this great transmigration of Spanish courtiers to -the French frontier in 1660 was the first opening of the door by which -some glimpses of light from a new Europe entered Spain, the first -inkling to Spaniards that anything outside their own frontiers could be -estimable and worth imitating. - -[Sidenote: Death of Don Luis de Haro] - -Philip was welcomed back to Madrid by his wife and his people, with -great rejoicing for his safety, on the 26th June, and even poor -suffering little Philip Prosper, tricked out in a military uniform with -a sword by his side, was carried in his nurse's arms to greet his -father as he ascended the stairs of his palace, though the child fell -into a series of exhausting fevers immediately afterwards. The King's -base-born son, Don Juan, of whom Queen Mariana was bitterly jealous, -was impatiently waiting outside Madrid[40] {487} for troops and means -to be provided for him to conquer Portugal; Don Luis de Haro, who had -ignominiously failed in the task himself, not being at all active in -forwarding Don Juan's ambition. It was six months more before an army -was at last got together, and, early in 1661, Don Juan crossed the -frontier with 20,000 men, whilst Osuna's force of 15,000 co-operated -with him in the north. But the marriage of Charles II. of England with -a Portuguese wife had given to Portugal the aid of England; and though -Don Juan fought well, he had now Marshal Schomberg with an English -force to cope with, in addition to the Portuguese, and he made but -little way. Bitter complaints came from him to his father that Haro -would not provide him with the resources necessary for the task he had -to do. But Haro died at the end of the year 1661,[41] and after that -Mariana's influence against him crippled Don Juan more than ever, -though at one period the civil dissensions in Portugal enabled him to -overrun for a time some of the central provinces of the country. - -The loss of Don Luis de Haro affected Philip greatly. The minister was -not a strong man, but his conciliatory manner and quiet industry had -prevented the existence of such violent antagonism to him as had ruined -his predecessors. The nun of Agreda had never ceased to urge upon -Philip the need for hard work on his part, and the King had wearily -defended himself, again and again, by saying {488} that it was -impossible for him to do everything. Indeed, the whole system was so -cumbrous that under it the monarch's whole time was taken up in -reviewing the interminable reports of the various Councils, and signing -papers placed before him, leaving him no opportunity for initiating -policies. When Count Castrillo, Haro's uncle, entered the King's -chamber one morning late in 1661, and announced Haro's sudden death, he -told the King that all the official papers had been locked up, and -requested the King's instructions as to who should take charge of the -key. Philip meditated for a while, and then replied: "Put it on that -table," much to Castrillo's disappointment, as he expected to be -appointed chief minister. Philip, however, thought this time really to -do without an all-powerful vice-king, such as he had had all his life; -and as soon as Haro was buried he issued decrees dividing the -administration between Castrillo, the Duke of Medina de las Torres, the -Inquisitor-General, and himself, and ordering that every question from -all quarters should be submitted to him before decision. Entering the -Queen's apartments a few days afterwards, he found all the ladies -chattering upon the floor, as usual, about what a bold preacher had -said in the pulpit that morning: that the King was going to show the -Councils now that he was really King. Hearing this talk, Philip said: -"I am quite old enough now to see things for myself, and I shall be -glad if those who know of anything that needs remedying will advise me -of it, and I will see to it. Things are not going on as they had been -doing." - -[Sidenote: Heliche's plot] - -There appears, indeed, to have been a dead set against Haro's family as -soon as he died. The {489} Marquis of Heliche, his son and heir, -claimed, amongst other lucrative offices held by his father, the -Keepership of the Retiro. This offended Philip, who refused him the -office, and gave it to the Duke of Medina de las Torres. Heliche was -soon afterwards accused of a plot to blow up the Retiro, which brought -him and his family into the deepest disgrace. One morning in March -1662, three packets of gunpowder, connected by a train with a slow -match, was found under the stage of the Retiro Theatre among a lot of -heavy stage machinery, which had been used in a comedy recently -represented, and designed and paid for by Heliche, but which was now to -be used for a play to be produced before the King and Queen under other -auspices. As soon as the discovery, was made (in time to avert -disaster), five underlings connected with the theatre, two of them -being Moorish slaves, were arrested; and when Heliche heard of it he -went to the gaoler, saying that as one of the Moors had been punished -by him, and had his ears cut off, he would probably say that he, -Heliche, had prompted the crime. He therefore offered the gaoler a -bribe to kill the Moor, by giving him a slight wound and anointing it -with a poisonous unguent which Heliche would send. The gaoler divulged -the plot, and the page of the Marquis was captured with the unguent in -his possession. The Marquis was then arrested, and though great -efforts were made by his kinsmen to obtain his release, four Duchesses -kneeling before Philip at one time to beg for mercy, the King refused -to interfere, though he said he was sorry the lad had not escaped. In -the end the Marquis was let off with a term of banishment, apparently -on the ground that he was {490} bewitched. His own excuse for the -crime was that he did not wish his scenery and stage effects to be used -by the Duke of Maqueda. The whole case is an interesting illustration -of the morals of the time. - -Soon Madrid had something more piquant to talk about even than this; -though for days no one dared to whisper it above his breath. But by -and by Liars' Walk became bolder, and, with the accompaniment of many a -sign of the cross, the story ran through the city, growing ever larger -with additions as it ran, that devilish arts were being practised upon -the King. It appears that a certain alcalde suspected that the house -in Madrid of a lady, the sister of a judge at Granada, was being used -as a factory of base money; and on going thither to search the premises -and arrest the inmates, he discovered amongst the instruments for -counterfeit coining, two engraved metal plates, each of which bore the -device of a heart pierced with an arrow, one being inscribed with the -name of "Philip IV., son of Philip III. and Margaret," and the other -with the name and parentage of Don Luis de Haro, with other words taken -from the Scriptures; the hearts themselves bearing the words, "I am -thine, and thou art mine."[42] The alcalde thought that this looked -serious, and carried the incised plates to the Inquisition, which -promptly decided that it was a case of witchcraft, and at once sent its -hosts of familiars to worm out the rest of the dreadful story, whilst -sweeping into their silent dungeons all who might be suspected of -complicity or knowledge, and giving occasion thus for all Madrid to -invent its own details. The case dragged on in secret, as {491} was -the wont of Inquisition investigations, but thenceforward until his -death the awe-stricken whisper was never long silent that the King lay -under a maleficent charm; and grave heads were shaken knowingly, and -crossed fingers kissed devoutly, when any fresh misfortune befell him. - -[Sidenote: Death of Philip Prosper] - -Evil fate, indeed, gave Philip little truce from sorrow. The frail -life of his only son Philip Prosper flickered out on the 1st November -1661, and a week later the bereaved father wrote to the nun-- - - -"The long illness of my son and my constant attendance at his bedside -have prevented me from answering your letter, nor has my grief allowed -me to do so, until to-day. I confess to you, Sor Maria, that my grief -is great, as is natural after losing such a jewel as this. But in the -midst of my sorrow I have tried to offer it to God, and to submit to -His divine will; believing most earnestly that He will order all things -for the best, which is the most important thing. I can assure you that -what grieves me even more than my loss is that I see clearly that I -have angered God, and that these punishments are sent in retribution -for my sins. I only yearn to know how to amend myself, and to fulfil -the divine will by avoiding transgression, with which end I will try my -hardest, surrendering my life, if necessary, in order to succeed. Help -me, as a true friend, with your prayers to placate the ire of God, and -supplicate Him, since He has taken away my son, to send a safe delivery -to the Queen, whose confinement we expect every hour; to protect her -and grant that her offspring should be for His service, for otherwise I -desire it not. The Queen has borne {492} the blow as a true Christian, -though sorrowfully. I am not surprised at this, for she is an angel. -O Sor Maria! if I had been able to carry out your doctrines, perhaps I -should not find myself in this state. Pray to God that my eyes may be -opened, so that I may comply with His will in all things." - - -And then in a postscript, written a day later, the King, full of -gratitude, conveys the happy news to his friend that another son had -been born to him. - - -"Our Lord has deigned to send me back my son, by bringing me another; -for which I am as grateful as so signal a boon and mercy demands. Help -me, Sor Maria, to prostrate myself at His feet and beseech Him to -preserve this pledge, if it be for His service, otherwise I desire it -not, but to bow my head to His will. The Queen and the child are well, -and I am content." - - -[Sidenote: Fresh attempts at reform] - -The child that was born to Philip's old age was greeted, as his many -predecessors had been, by violent rejoicings in the capital, though the -King took little or no part in them beyond the religious ceremonies; -for he really was trying hard now to do without a minister, working -early and late at the drudgery of administration, drafting new stern -pragmatics to reform the corruption of his capital, which had become -more scandalous than ever, and bringing to book many of those who had -grown rich under Don Luis de Haro. Money was needed for the Portuguese -war, and the coinage was again debased; clothes were ordered to be -plainer than ever, no silk was to be worn by officials, and no one was -to have more than two mules to his coach; {493} the owners of carriages -were to pay for the paving of the streets of Madrid, which had become -simply quagmires, whilst, to the joy of the populace, the taxes on food -entering Madrid were reduced by one half. The speculators who farmed -these dues cried out that they were being defrauded, and they were -recompensed by a cession to them of half the 10 per cent. property tax -on Madrid. - -Thus, with reforms in judicial procedure, the cancelling of grants and -pensions which could not be justified, and desperate efforts to -suppress the open vice that paraded the capital, Philip, for the third -time in his life (in 1661-1662), tried to carry into effect the saintly -precepts in which he believed. Much of this new zeal for reform was -evidently owing to the insistence of Sor Maria, who was never tired of -pointing her lesson. Soon after Haro's sudden death she wrote-- - - -"Let your Majesty order your ministers strictly to punish the rich and -powerful people who cheat the poor by usurping their property, make -your inferior ministers do justice with equity and impartiality, let -them punish foul vices and all sorts of sin, and let the superior -government of your Court assume a better form. And, for God's sake, -moderate some of the taxes the poor people pay, for I know that -villages have been depopulated in consequence of them; and that the -poor people only keep body and soul together on barley-bread and the -herbs of the fields.... So many changes in the coinage, too, are most -injurious."[43] - - -Philip did his best, but he was sick and weary, {494} and soon -slackened in his personal efforts. Nothing that he did, indeed, seemed -to prosper, and in his constant letters to Sor Maria his despairing -references to his own sins being the cause of all his troubles became -increasingly poignant. With infinite trouble and scraping together of -resources, he managed to raise another army and full campaign material, -with which his son Don Juan was to reconquer Portugal for the -crown.[44] At first in the spring of 1663 all went well with Don Juan, -who invaded Portugal and captured the important city of Evora, but he -was met near that place by the English and Portuguese and defeated on -the 8th June. Attempting to retreat into Spain, he was overtaken, and -again the Spanish army suffered a disastrous rout, with a loss of 8000 -men, with baggage, standards, and arms. Don Juan himself fought -bravely, pike in hand, but was borne away in the flight, and with -difficulty escaped to Badajoz. He was then recalled to Madrid, and in -long conferences with his father's ministers[45] arranged a new -campaign for the {495} following year, though it was evident now to -everyone that the reconquest of her lost dominion was beyond the -material and moral strength of Spain. - -Ever since the Restoration in England, Charles II. had been making -tentative efforts to bring about peace with Spain. Philip it was -certain would not officially recognise the independence of Portugal; -but perhaps a _modus vivendi_ might be arranged, by means of a long -truce or otherwise, so that direct trade between England and Spain -might be restored, and the mutual injuries inflicted at sea be stopped. -The advantage to Spain would, of course, be great, because the silver -fleets were constantly preyed upon by English privateers; but the -English shipmasters and merchants also had felt severely the -deprivation of Spanish trade; and after the crushing defeat of Don Juan -at Amegial, just referred to, in June 1663, it seemed a good -opportunity for Charles II. to suggest directly to Philip the -advisability of an agreement. - -[Sidenote: Fanshawe's embassy] - -The envoy chosen was that Dick Fanshawe who had been in Spain in the -time of Bristol and Aston, and had lately negotiated the marriage with -Catharine of Braganza. He, stout loyalist as he had been during all -the Commonwealth, was Sir Richard Fanshawe, Baronet, now, and in high -favour with Charles, who, it was thought, would have made him Secretary -of State. He was instructed to set forth to Philip the benefit that -{496} would accrue to both States from a reopening of maritime trade, -and to say how anxious the King of England was to be friendly with the -Catholic King, whom he esteemed so highly, notwithstanding the refusal -of Spain to deal with him during the Commonwealth and the expulsion of -his agents from Madrid at that time, as well as the closing of the -Spanish ports to Prince Rupert's fleet. The matter of Portugal was to -be very tenderly handled. Fanshawe was instructed to say that the King -of Spain "cannot imagine that we will ever persuade him to deprive -himself of his reputed right to the kingdom of Portugal, but whether -the determination of that difference may not be advantageously -suspended till a more favourable conjuncture, and until the crown of -Spain be less liable to accidents, will be his part to judge."[46] - -Fanshawe arrived in Cadiz on the 24th February (O.S.) 1664, and nothing -could exceed the honour shown to the English ambassador and his wife by -the magnates of Andalucia. The keys of the city were tendered to him -in a "great silver basin," and he was asked to give the password for -the night, which, courtier like, he did in the form of "_Viva el Rey -Catolico_." Very different was the welcome that had awaited poor -Ascham in the same port fourteen years before; though Fanshawe, -overcome by all this ceremonious posturing, hoped that it was "not -instead of substance, for then it would be very tedious and irksome to -me, indeed, but an earnest prognostick of it, which {497} time will try -when I come to treat."[47] Everywhere, as Fanshawe travelled towards -the capital, he was treated with almost royal honours; bull-fights, -cane-tourneys, and, of course, the usual comedies being offered by -nobles on the way: and it was the 7th May before he reached Vallecas in -the outskirts of Madrid, where he remained for a time, as Philip was -staying at Aranjuez, and no house had been provided in the capital for -Fanshawe's accommodation; the famous "house with the seven chimneys" -being then occupied by the Venetian ambassador. - -For the next five weeks the exchange of visits of compliment and -ceremonial generalities with the Duke of Medina de las Torres, now -Philip's principal minister, and many other nobles and officials, -occupied the time of Fanshawe and his clever wife; who wrote, "Though -the men visited my husband, I could not suffer the ladies to visit me, -though they much desired it, because I was so straitened in lodgings -that in no sort were they convenient to receive persons of that -quality, in not being capacious enough for my own family." The gossips -of the Calle Mayor were full of the visit of the English peace-envoy, -and saw all manner of grave political import in the difficulty of -finding him a house; though Fanshawe himself attributes it to its true -cause, namely, the insufficient house room in the capital; though he -offered _carte blanche_ as to terms, and to pay a year's rent in -advance in silver. After much delay and {498} resistance on the part -of the Venetian ambassador, who wished to retain the house after his -departure for the accommodation of his successor, the English -ambassador was once more housed in the "house with the seven chimneys," -after he had stayed for a time at a house standing in its own grounds -outside the Fuencarral gate at Santa Barbara. - -[Sidenote: Fanshawe's state entry] - -At length, Philip having returned from Aranjuez, Fanshawe made his -state entry into the capital, and had his first audience of Philip. - - -"On Wednesday the 8/18th June," says Lady Fanshawe, "my husband had his -audience of his Catholic Majesty, who sent the Marquis de Malpica to -conduct him, bringing him a horse of his Majesty for my husband to ride -on, and thirty more for his gentlemen, and his Majesty's coach with his -guard, that he (_i.e._ Malpica) was captain of. No ambassador's coach -accompanied my husband but the French, who did it contrary to the -King's command, who had before, upon my husband's demanding the custom -of ambassadors accompanying all other ambassadors that came to this -Court at their audience, replied that, although it had been so it -should never be again; saying that it was a custom brought into this -Court within less than twenty-five years.[48] My husband, about eleven -of the clock, set forth out of his lodgings thus. First went all those -gentlemen of the town and palace that came to {499} accompany my -husband, then went twenty footmen, all in new liveries of the same -colour we used to give, which is dark green cloth with a frost upon -green lace. Then went all my husband's gentlemen, and next before -himself his _camarados_, two and two (here follow the eight names). -Then my husband, in a very rich suit of clothes, of a dark fille -(feuille) morte brocade laced with silver and gold lace, nine laces, -every one as broad as my hand, and a little silver and gold lace laid -between them, both of very curious workmanship. His suit was trimmed -with scarlet taffeta ribbon, his stockings of white silk upon long -scarlet silk ones, his shoes black with scarlet shoe-strings and -garters, his linen very finely laced with very rich Flanders lace, a -black beaver buttoned on the left side with a jewel of twelve hundred -pounds, a curious wrought old gold chain made at the Indies, at which -hung the King his master's picture richly set with diamonds, cost three -hundred pounds, which his Majesty in great grace and favour had been -pleased to give him at his coming home from Portugal. On his fingers -he wore two very rich rings, his gloves trimmed with the same ribbon as -his clothes. All his whole family (_i.e._ suite) was very richly -clothed according to their several qualities."[49] - - -In this great magnificence Sir Richard Fanshawe rode through Madrid -with the Marquis of Malpica by his side, followed by the Teuton guard, -groups of pages and lackeys, and then the royal coach. After that came -a coach drawn by four black horses, the finest state coach, says Lady -Fanshawe, that ever {500} came out of England, and to describe its -grandeur nothing but the lady's own words will do justice. - - -"It was of rich crimson velvet, laced with broad silver and gold lace, -fringed round with a massy gold and silver fringe, and the falls of the -boots so rich that they hung almost down to the ground. The very -fringe cost almost four hundred pounds. The coach was very richly gilt -on the outside, and very richly adorned with brass work, with rich -tassels of gold and silver hanging round the top of the curtains round -about the coach. The curtains were of rich damask fringed with silver -and gold. The harness for six horses was richly embossed with brass -work, with reins and tassels for the horses of crimson silk, silver and -gold. That coach is said to be the finest that ever entered Madrid." - - -After it followed a host of other coaches, which, fine as they were, -must have appeared dull by the side of such a chariot as this. -Fanshawe passed through an admiring crowd both outside and inside the -palace, for the Madrileños ever loved finery; and at length reached the -presence of Philip, who received him courteously, and many -complimentary speeches, meaning nothing, were exchanged; after which -ceremonious visits had to be paid to Queen Mariana and her children, -the Infanta Margaret, now called the Empress, by virtue of her -betrothal to her uncle, and the scrofulous rickety infant, Don Carlos, -now Philip's only son. - -[Sidenote: Lady Fanshawe in Madrid] - -A week afterwards, Sir Richard had his first private interview with the -King at the Buen Retiro. Philip was ill, and unequal now to much -exertion, so that after Fanshawe's long address on the need {501} for -peace, and the conditions upon which it might be attained, he could -only request that the whole of the points might be put in writing for -his careful consideration. Soon after this, on the 27th June, Lady -Fanshawe first went to salute Queen Mariana, and thus gives her -impressions of what she saw-- - - -"I waited on the Queen and the Empress (_i.e._ the little Infanta -Margaret) with my three daughters and all my train. I was received at -the Buen Retiro by the guard, and afterwards when I came upstairs by -the Marquesa de Hinojosa, the Queen's _Camarera Mayor_. Through an -infinite number of people I passed to the Queen's presence, where her -Majesty was seated at the upper end under a cloth of state upon three -cushions, and on her left hand the Empress upon three more. The ladies -were all standing. After making my last reverence to the Queen, her -Majesty and the Empress, rising up and making me a little curtsey, sat -down again. Then I, by my interpreter, Sir Benjamin Wright, said those -compliments that were due from me to her Majesty, to which her Majesty -made a gracious and kind reply. Then I presented my children, whom her -Majesty received with great grace and favour. Then her Majesty, -speaking to me to sit, I sat down upon a cushion laid for me above all -the ladies, but below the Camarera Mayor (no woman taking place of her -but Princesses). The children sat on the other side, mingled with the -Court ladies that are maids-of-honour. Thus, after passing half an -hour in discourse, I took my leave of her Majesty and the {502} -Empress, making reverences to all the ladies in passing." - - -Of the various times the Fanshawes saw the King or Queen no detailed -account need be given here, as the descriptions add nothing to our -knowledge; nor is it necessary to dwell upon the accounts given of the -Court diversions, which have already been described fully in the -earlier pages of this book. Lady Fanshawe's opinions, however, of -Spain and Spaniards generally are quaint. She thinks that the usually -accepted English idea that Spain is a land of famine is unjust, -especially for those who could afford to pay. - - -"There is not in the Christian world," she says, "better wines than -their midland (_i.e._ southern) wines, especially sherry and canary. -Their water tastes like milk, and their wheat makes the sweetest and -best bread in the world. Bacon is beyond belief good; the Segovia veal -much whiter, larger, and fatter than ours. They have a small bird that -lives and fattens on grapes and corn--so fat that it exceeds the -quantity of flesh. They have the best partridges I ever ate, and the -best sausages, and salmon, pike, and seabream, which they send up in -pickle called escabeche in Madrid; and dolphins, which are excellent -meat,[50] besides carps and many other sorts of fish. The cream called -nata is much sweeter and thicker than ever I saw in England. Their -eggs much exceed ours; and so all sorts of salads, roots, and -fruits.... Besides that, I have ate many sorts of biscuits, cakes, -cheese, and excellent sweetmeats.... Their olives, which are {503} -nowhere so good. Their perfumes of amber excel all the world in their -kind, both for clothes, household stuff, and fumes; and there is no -such waters made as at Seville." - - -The good lady, too, was much enamoured of the courtesy of Spaniards. - - -"They are civil to all, as their qualities require, with highest -respect; so I have seen a grandee and a duke stop his horse, when an -ordinary woman passeth over a kennel, because he would not spoil her -clothes, and put off his hat to the meanest woman that makes reverence, -though it be to their footmen's wives.... They are punctual in visits, -men to men and women to women. They visit not together, except their -greatest ministers of State to wives of public ministers from -Princes.... They are generally pleasant and facetious company, but in -this their women exceed, who seldom laugh and never aloud, but are the -most witty in repartees and stories and notions in the world.... They -work little, but that rarely well, especially in monasteries (_i.e._ -convents). They all paint white and red, from the Queen to the -cobbler's wife, old and young, widows excepted, which never go out of -close mourning, nor wear gloves nor show their hair after their -husband's death, and seldom marry. They delight much in the feasts of -bulls and in stage plays, and take great pleasure to see their little -children act before them in their own houses, which they will do to -perfection.... Until their daughters marry they never stir so much as -down stairs, nor marry for no consideration under their quality, which -to {504} prevent, if their fortunes will not procure them husbands, -they make them nuns. They are very magnificent in their houses, -furniture, pictures of the best, jewels, plate, and clothes; most noble -in presents, entertainments, and in their equipage."[51] - - -Fanshawe's mission made but slow progress, for the pride of Spain with -regard to Portugal still stood in the way, and Philip was hoping -against hope that the campaign of the following year, 1665, would -restore to him the crown he had lost. He was still straining every -nerve to get money; and as a last fatal resource in order to relieve as -he hoped the distress of the treasury, he now reduced the value of the -silver money to half, so that, as Lady Fanshawe says, "the pistole that -was this morning at 82 _reals_ was now proclaimed to go but for 48, -which was above £800 loss to my husband."[52] At length, in the -spring, by such devices as this--seizing all the securities lodged for -loans, etc.--another army was got together. Don Juan, by the intrigues -of the Austrian faction, was recalled and sent into semi-disgrace to -Consuegra; the Count of Caracena, distinguished in the war with the -Turks on the frontier of Hungary, being entrusted with the task of -reconquering Portugal. - -Philip, indeed, at this time, as his health and strength decayed, was -surrounded by intrigue, intended, as it did, to drag unhappy Spain once -more into the fatal alliance with the Emperor, in {505} which Spain was -made the catspaw of Austrian ambition, and the milch-cow of Austrian -greed. It was no longer to suppress freedom of conscience in the -German States. That had been conceded long ago; and against that alone -had it been Spain's traditional policy to fight. The German Queen and -her confessor Nithard, with Pöetting, the Austrian ambassador, were all -intent now upon obtaining Spanish aid to the wars with the Turk on the -Hungarian frontiers.[53] Philip still treated it as a question of -conscience, and his letters to the nun breathed continual sorrow at -having to deplete his own poverty-stricken subjects to help the -Emperor. But it never seems to occur to him that he was really under -no obligation whatever to do so, and that Spain would not have been -seriously affected even if the Turk had been victorious in Hungary. - -[Sidenote: The nun's last letter] - -His personal health was now very bad, gallstones and other painful -maladies keeping him in almost constant agony. To a letter from the -nun, imploring him to care for his health, in March 1665, he answered -that he would do so; "but I can assure you that I only want what may be -best for God's service, and neither health, nor anything else, but that -the divine will should be executed upon me. This is what I wish you to -supplicate His Divine Majesty to grant me, and my salvation, which is -my main concern." A few weeks after this was written, in March 1665, -the nun sent to her royal friend another letter full of goodly counsel -{506} and encouragement; and then the pen fell from her hands for ever, -and Philip was left utterly alone. His wife, working hard for her -future influence, and in favour of the Austrian policy, had no sympathy -to spare for the sufferings of the declining old uncle-husband, to whom -political ambitions had given her as his wife. The only son who lived -to succeed him was a scrofulous degenerate, who presented, even in his -infancy, an exaggeration of his inherited type, which made him a -monstrosity, a poor creature who never emerged from puerility, and -finally died of senile decay at forty. - -There was literally no ray of light on earth for Philip, now that Sor -Maria was dead. Around him, as he knew and saw, plans and intrigues -were anticipating the time when he should be no more. There were those -in the Court, looking mostly to Don Juan, who dreaded to see Spain -dragged once more at the tail of the Empire; for Louis XIV. was already -threatening, and most Spaniards hankered for the closer alliance, -meaning peace with France, that seemed so firm on the Isle of Pheasants -only five years before; whilst Mariana and the Austrians had gained to -their side a large party of nobles, pledged for their own greedy ends -to support the Queen when she should succeed to the Regency and hold in -her hands the resources of Spain. - -[Sidenote: The last blow] - -On the 20th June 1665 the terrible news had to be broken to the King, -that his forlorn hope had been defeated. Count Caracena, from whom so -much had been hoped, had been utterly crushed by the Portuguese and -their English auxiliaries. Eight hours of carnage had reduced the -Spanish {507} army from 15,000 men to 7000, and all the guns had been -lost. Philip could, in very truth, do no more. To raise this army -every means, legal and illegal, had been resorted to; private property -had been violated, pledges had been broken, injustice had been -perpetrated, and suffering had been inflicted upon poor people already -sorely oppressed. To this had the great dream come at last: that the -King who was held to be the proudest and wealthiest in Christendom was -unable to hold even his own territory. For the first time Philip broke -down in the sight of men; for Sor Maria was dead, and to none could he -turn now for comfort. Heart-broken, he cast himself upon the ground in -a paroxysm of grief, and sobbed out the formula that was his only -refuge, "Oh God! Thy will be done," almost the same words as those -which his grandfather uttered when he received the news of the -catastrophe that had overtaken his great Armada. But Philip IV.'s case -was worse, by far, than that of Philip II. Behind the latter there was -still a nation full of faith in its divine selection to dominate the -world for the glory of God and His chosen King: behind Philip IV., -himself aged and worn with sickness of body and disillusion of spirit, -there was a people who had lost all confidence in themselves and their -mission, ready to scoff and spit upon the idols that had failed them; a -people whom sloth, vanity, and epicureanism had robbed for a time of -their nobleness, and who yet had to pass through the consummation of -their woe before, cleansed in the fires of suffering, they should arise -again. - -Philip knew it; and, looking back over his long {508} reign, he must -have cursed the fate that condemned him from his birth to the -performance of an almost impossible task with utterly inadequate means. -He had been dedicated at his baptism to the Dominican ideal of a -Christian church purged of dissent at any cost; and yet, from the time -when the Protestant ambassadors of England were the honoured guests at -his christening, until now in his despairing age Fanshawe was reminding -him daily of his impotence both on land and sea, he had been obliged to -woo heretics, and to fight a great Catholic Power which was bent upon -the final humiliation of his house. Thus, with bitter irony, some -mightier power, with ends incomprehensible to men, mocked at the great -designs of those who thought that they and theirs were but junior -partners with providence, the chosen agents of the Almighty; and -Philip, in whose days the scales had fallen from the nation's eyes, -ascribed the agonised awakening, and the ruin it disclosed, to the -vengeance of an offended deity for his own puny sins. - -[Sidenote: Philip bewitched] - -Philip was tired of the struggle, weary of the sordid intrigues around -him, and he fell into gloomy despondency that banished from him all -interest in life. His bodily sufferings were intense, for the malady -that afflicted him was a cruel one. Again the rumour ran that the King -was bewitched, and that the late Inquisitor-General had been arranging -means to remove the spell when he died. The great ecclesiastics in -attendance were convinced that Satan was at the bottom of the King's -troubles; and asked Philip's permission to proceed in their -incantations to defeat the evil one who was thus persecuting him. -There were those at Court who {509} sneered at the absurdity of -attempting to cure a physical malady by such means;[54] but the -Inquisition insisted, and took over the management of the case. The -acting Inquisitor-General, Gonzalez, accompanied by Philip's confessor, -Juan Martinez, went to the patient and asked him for a little bag of -relics which he always wore around his neck, for they feared some evil -charm might be amongst them. Then to the Dominican monastery of the -Atocha they solemnly carried "an old book of sorcery, some prints of -his Majesty transfixed with pins," and other rubbish, all of which they -solemnly burnt with much sacred mummery. - -This did the King no good, and then the doctors tried their hand with a -sweet conserve of mallow leaves, not, one would think, a sovereign -remedy for gall-stones. On Monday, 14th September, the physicians -confessed themselves hopeless. The hemorrhage was very great, and the -patient utterly exhausted with frequent paroxysms of fever, in one of -which he was thought to be dead, and the news spread through the -capital that he was so. When he was restored to consciousness, he -summoned the new Secretary of State, Loyola, and entrusted him with -official papers and his will for Queen Mariana, and then demanded the -last sacrament. When the friars brought the viaticum and told the -dying man that all hope was gone, he was resigned; though the Holy -Virgin of the Atocha was taken in procession past his windows, and the -body of {510} St. Diego, with scores of other grisly remains, were kept -in the sick-room itself, in the hope that good would come of them. -Mariana and her two children came to say good-bye to the dying man on -Monday afternoon, and, with tears in his eyes, Philip sighed to the -five-year-old weakling who was to succeed him: "God make you happier -than He has made me."[55] He took an affecting leave, too, of the Duke -of Medina de las Torres, and the other nobles who were attached to him; -pardoned the Marquis of Heliche for the attempt to blow up the Retiro, -and granted many titles and knighthoods to his gentlemen-in-waiting. -Count Castrillo, always self-seeking, had the bad taste to pester the -King, both personally and through the friars, that he should be made -Grandee, but Philip angrily referred him to the Queen. - -For three days the King lingered on in suffering, confessing again and -again and receiving absolution; never for long abandoning his hold upon -the rough crucifix that had comforted the last moments of his saintly -predecessors on the throne. The jealous friars and confessors about -him quarrelled so violently in the death chamber on one occasion, about -administering the last sacrament again, that the Marquis of Aytona -turned the King's confessor out of the room and forbade his return. On -Wednesday, Castrillo came in full of the great news that Don Juan had -presented himself at the palace, and Philip, disturbed and unhappy at -the trouble that this portended, sternly sent orders for the Prince to -return instantly; for this, he said, was only {511} the time for him to -die, not to enter into mundane disputes. - -[Sidenote: Death of Philip IV.] - -All that night the King was delirious, until he suddenly recovered -consciousness just before dawn on Thursday, 17th September 1665, and -then quietly passed away. He had been beloved by those around him, and -had been prodigal all his life of favour to the men who served him; but -Mariana and her son were the source of bounty now, and human nature -showed its baseness at such a crisis, as it is wont to do in palaces; -for, as my eye-witness authority avers,[56] "Of all his Majesty's -household, the Marquis of Aytona and two other servants alone wept for -the death of their King and master; and in all the rest of the capital -there was not one person who shed a tear." The Marquis of Malpica, -captain of the Guard, came from the death chamber first to the anteroom -filled with guards on duty, and announced the King's passing by -shouting: "Now, comrades, your duty is to go upstairs[57] and guard his -Majesty King Charles." Courtiers were too busy thence-forward looking -towards the future to care much for the unhappy Planet King who had -laid down his heavy burden. The reading of the will which made Mariana -Regent, the constant meetings, and the coming and going of the -ministers, kept the palace astir from morning till night; but a few -faithful souls dressed the poor remains of the King in a musk-coloured -velvet suit, embroidered with silver, placed a silver sword by his -side, a {512} diamond cross in his hands folded upon his breast, which -was embroidered with the great red dagger of Santiago, and covered the -head with a beaver hat. And so, garbed and enclosed in gorgeous silver -and red velvet coffins, he was placed high upon a dais under a canopy -illumined by great wax torches, surrounded with the insignia of -imperial majesty, and guarded by the faithful halberdiers of Espinosa; -whilst friars chanted and prayed around the bier hour after hour. The -hall in which the body of Philip lay thus in deathly state was that -which had seen so many gay hours of his hopeful youth; for it was the -room devoted to the stage-plays that he had loved not wisely but too -well. - -Lady Fanshawe, like the rest of the great people in Madrid, went to see -the sight, and thus records her impressions-- - - -"The body of Philip IV. lay exposed from the 18th September, Friday -morning, till the night of Saturday the 19th, in a great room in his -palace, in which they used to act plays. The room was hung with -fourteen pieces of the King's best hangings, and over them rich -pictures round about, all of one size placed close together. At the -upper end of the room was raised a throne of three steps, upon which -there was placed a bedstead raised at the head. The throne was covered -with a rich Persian carpet, and the bottom of the bedstead with a -counterpoint of cloth of gold. The bedstead was of silver, the valance -and headcloth of gold wrought in flowers with crimson silk. Over the -bedstead was {513} placed a cloth of state of the same as the valance -and headcloth of the bedstead, upon which stood a silver gilt coffin -raised a foot or more at the head than at the feet, and in the coffin -lay Philip IV. with his head on a pillow, upon it a white beaver hat, -his hair combed, his beard trimmed, his face and hands painted. He was -clothed in a musk-coloured silk suit embroidered with gold, a golilla -about his neck, cuffs on his hands, which were clasped on his breast, -holding a globe and a cross therein. His cloak was of the same, with -his sword on his side; stockings, shoe-strings, and garters of the -same, and a pair of white shoes upon his feet." - - -[Sidenote: The burial of Philip] - -Seven altars and scores of lighted tapers were erected in the chamber, -and offices for the dead King's soul went ceaselessly on, as the -courtiers came and went before the painted clay that had been once so -potent; but when, late on Saturday, the time came to carry the body -through the night across the plains to the snow-tipped Guadarramas -glimmering afar off, where in the stately jasper chamber he had wrought -for his royal house Philip IV. was to lie amongst the greater dead, few -of the high nobles and officers cared to absent themselves from Madrid -in these early days; and one after the other they refused to do the -last sad offices to him who had so often commanded them with a glance. -At last the Duke of Medina de las Torres peremptorily ordered a kinsman -of his own to take charge of the body to the Escorial. Even the -bearing of the body to the mule litter that awaited it gave rise to a -hot dispute, in which threats of {514} violence between two sets of -officials were flung across the coffin.[58] - -With fourscore friars and the great officers of the palace who were -obliged to accompany the corpse, the litter, surrounded by torches, -travelled throughout the night, and on Sunday, 20th September 1655, the -prior of the Escorial relieved the courtiers of the burden of which -they were so glad to be free; whereafter they all scurried back, as -fast as horses could carry them, to make the preparations and ensure -their own important participation in the glorious series of -bull-fights, cane-tourneys, masques, and sumptuous parades which within -a fortnight were to greet the accession of his Catholic Majesty King -Charles II. - -[Sidenote: The end] - -There were still thirty-five years more of national humiliation and -grief for Spain before the great convulsion that awoke her to a new -life; but these years were but a prolongation of the agony preceding -the dissolution that had been made inevitable during the reign of -Philip IV. The Court over which he was the presiding spirit had -exhibited in the forty-five years he ruled it the strange phenomenon of -corruscating intellectual activity, accompanied by unexampled moral and -social corruption. Literature and art had blazed up with sudden -refulgence before they too sank into twilight; and when Philip passed -in, the generation of geniuses that illumined his Court were dead or -hastening to the grave, whilst all else was sinking deeper and deeper -into darkness. - -It needed the formation of new ideals, the evolution of a new -patriotism, to make Spain {515} worthy of her history again; and the -outworn, incestuous blood of the Philips was powerless to lead the -nation back to health and sanity after its splendid epoch of heroics. -Philip did his best, but he himself was but a product of his time and -country: a kindly gentleman of noble aspirations and ignoble practice, -weak of will and tender of conscience, a poet and a dilettante, doomed -to an overwhelming task for which he was unfit. In his long reign he -saw moral decadence that he could not arrest, national ruin that even -his frantic prayers were powerless to avert; and he lived through half -a lifetime of martyrdom, because he ascribed his failure to the -vengeance of a ruthless deity whom he had offended by his sins, and -believed that he, gentle-hearted as he was, had brought upon the people -that he loved the wide-spread woe he saw around him. - - - -[1] _Avisos de Barrionuevo_ (Coleccion de Autores Castellanos), Madrid, -1892; _Voyage en Espagne_ (1655), Aersens Van Sommerdyk, Amsterdam, -1666; _Relation de l'État et Gouvernement d'Espagne_, Bonnecasse, -Cologne, 1667. Barrionuevo, who was brother of the Marquis of Cusano, -was a "character." He was a jovial priest, not ashamed to boast of his -love affairs, of his good looks, of his bravery: and he belonged to a -turbulent family who were always getting into affrays of some sort, He -himself records without any word of reprobation a murder committed in -the open streets of Madrid by his kinsman, Francisco Barrionuevo, upon -a man who had boasted of making love to his wife; and the chronicler -quite unconcernedly predicts that the murderer, who had fled to -sanctuary, will get off. Barrionuevo confesses that he is insatiably -curious, and gathers news from everyone, going every morning to the -palace to learn what was passing there. His brother, who was Spanish -ambassador in London, also kept him well posted as to what happened in -England. See Barrionuevo's biography by Señor Paz y Melia in the first -volume of the _Avisos_. - -[2] Van Sommerdyk. - -[3] _Ibid._ The population at this time was between 250,000 and -300,000. - -[4] Aersens and Bonnecasse. The charge for entrance was 1½ sous, which -went to the actors; 2 sous were charged for admission to the seated -part, which went to the Town Council; and 7 sous was the cost of a seat -in the cheapest part, 1½ sous of which went to charity, and the rest -for the lessee. - -[5] Bonnecasse says that at this time there were 30,000 women of evil -life in Madrid. Even now strangers in Madrid are surprised to see the -impunity with which well-dressed, respectable young men dare to make -audible remarks of an amorous or complimentary nature intended to reach -the ears of ladies unknown to them in the streets. - -[6] A curious craze was universal amongst men in Madrid at this time, -and for some years previously, namely, that of wearing large round horn -framed spectacles such as are seen in the portrait of Quevedo. The -modern name for goggles in Spanish is "Quevedos." The habit of -snuff-taking was also a fashionable affectation of the time. - -[7] Worth 2s. 8d. each. - -[8] He also cites, however, very numerous cases of professedly poor -people having large secret hoards of money. The universal want of -confidence had undoubtedly led to the hoarding of coin--especially -silver--to a very great extent by all classes, and this will to some -extent explain the strange facility with which money was found on -emergency even in the midst of poverty. - -[9] Barrionuevo mentions a malicious caricature which was current in -the palace (1655, satirising Philip's helpless despondency in the face -of universal corruption.) A group represents Haro, the chief minister, -saying: "I can do everything"; the Secretary of State, Contreras, -saying: "I want everything"; the King saying: "I see everything"; his -Confessor saying: "I absolve everything"; and the devil saying: "I -shall fly away with the lot." Aersens, as an instance of the -ineptitude and corruption everywhere at the same period, mentions that -he saw on the beach at St. Sebastian a great warship in course of -construction, but which had not been touched for a long time; "but upon -which more millions had already been spent than would have built a -dozen such; but those who have spent it have alone profited by it." - -[10] The tradition is that Philip himself painted the cross of Santiago -on the representation of Velazquez as a token of his delight at the -masterpiece. This, however, is hardly likely to be the case, as the -rank was not granted to the painter until two years later. It was no -doubt eventually added by Philip's orders, but Velazquez was not a -Knight of Santiago when the painting was executed. - -[11] Barrionuevo. - -[12] _Curias de Sor Maria_. Philip evidently recollected the -bitterness of his losing Baltasar Carlos in the flower of his youth. - -[13] In a long doggerel ballad on the occasion, quoted by Barrionuevo, -many lines are devoted to the King's delight. These are specimens-- - - Salio el Rey á verlo todo, - y tambien á que le viesen; - porque todos conociesen - en el regocijo el modo - de salir.... - - En toda mi vida vi - hacer locuras mayores - a plebeyos y señores; - y sin reparar, entrando - al rey le iban hablando - desde el Grande hasta el rapaz. - - Fué el Rey el dia noveno - a dar las gracias á Atocha - mas tierno que una melcocha, - y, por Dios, que iba muy bueno - de diamantes todo lleno, - a ese cielo parecia. - - The King came out to see the show, - And also that he might be seen; - For by his gay and happy mien - Thus all the world his joy might know. - - Sure never in my life before - Did such mad pranking meet my eye, - By rich and poor and low and high. - For no one cared, but in did walk, - And to the King himself did talk, - From great grandee to urchin poor. - - And when nine days had taken flight, - Atocha's saint with thanks to greet, - Our King did ride, as honey sweet, - By God! he was a gallant sight, - From top to toe with diamonds fine, - Like starlit heaven did he shine. - -[14] It will be recollected that this was the same costume as that -which Olivares wore at the baptism of Baltasar Carlos, and which then -puzzled people. The dress, whatever it was, seems only to have been -worn at christenings. - -[15] What was called "marchpane" at royal baptisms was not really -marchpane, which is of course a sweetmeat compounded of almond paste -and honey, but a piece of crumb of bread upon which the bishop wiped -his fingers of the holy oil after anointing the royal infant during the -ceremony. The crumb of bread was often enclosed in an envelope of -marchpane and was carried in the procession wrapped in a beautifully -embroidered cloth upon a gold salver. - -[16] Barrionuevo. - -[17] _Cartas de Sor Maria_. - -[18] Braganza himself, John IV., had died in 1656, leaving his son, -Alfonso VI., a minor. - -[19] Lionne's own account of his negotiations in _Recueil des -Instructions données aux Ambassadeurs Français_. Ed. Morel Fatio, -Paris, 1894. - -[20] On Good Friday, 1657, for instance, the procession, as usual, -passed before the palace of Madrid, and as the carved group -representing the Flight into Egypt passed the royal balconies a large -flight of white doves was let loose. One of the doves, Barrionuevo -says, flew direct to the window where the Infanta was standing, and -settled upon her head, whilst another alighted upon the King's hat. -Both birds were caught and liberated by the King's command, and all -Madrid was soon talking of the good omen the event presented. - -[21] On the day of St. Blas, writes Barrionuevo, the King and Queen go -to the Retiro, and on the 8th February (1658) there will be the great -comedy there which will cost 50,000 ducats, with unheard of machines. -There will be 132 performers, 42 of them musical women brought from all -parts of Spain.... One of them, the _Bezona_, is a very fine lady from -Seville, and another one, the _Grifona_, has escaped from her prison, -so that the feast will be brilliant, and will last from Shrove Sunday -to Ash Wednesday. - -[22] _Cartas de Sor Maria._ - -[23] Barrionuevo. - -[24] Barrionuevo. - -[25] There are three French MS. narratives of it in the Bibliotheque -Nationale, written by various hands, as well as a _Journal du Voyage -d'Espagne_, by Bertaut, in print, Paris, 1669, and _La Veritable -Rélation du Voyage_, etc., Toulouse, 1659. Several Spanish narratives -of the embassy also exist in print and MS. in the Biblioteca Nacional. - -[26] _Journal du Voyage d'Espagne_, par l'Abbe Bertaut, Paris, 1669. - -[27] So jealous were the nations of one another still, that Mazarin -strictly forbade any of his French followers from crossing the Spanish -line during the conference: "Dans la crainte qu'il avail que les -Français, accoutumés à mépriser les étrangers et à se moquer de tous -ceux qui ne sont pas vétus à leur mode, ne fissent quelques déplaisirs -aux espagnols, dont le procédé est plus serieux et plus modeste." -"L'isle de la Conference et le Mariage du Roi," 1660. - -[28] _Avisos anonimos_. Appendix to Barrionuevo. - -[29] A full account of the progress from day to day, written by an -eyewitness, is _Viage del Rey Nuestro Señor à la Frontera de Francia_. -Madrid, 1667. - -[30] So few were they at this time, that it was projected to repopulate -the rural districts by large immigration of Irish and Dalmatian -families (Barrionuevo). - -[31] Palamino, _Life of Velazquez_. - -[32] An eye-witness, from whose unpublished MS. description of these -ceremonies I have condensed some passages, says they were "de los -mayores y de mayor lucimiento que ha visto Europa en muchos siglos." -MS. Biblioteca Nacional, P. v. c. 27. - -[33] In one of the narratives of the ceremonies from day to day, -written by Roque de la Luna, one of Philip's household (MS. Biblioteca -Nacional, P. v. c. 31, transcribed by me), he says "Don Francisco took -an hour and a half to read it, and as we were all standing it seemed a -very long time to us." - -[34] "The noise was so great that it seemed as if the world was -crumbling," says the narrator from whose manuscript I am quoting. - -[35] Narrative of Roque de Luna, MS., Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid. P. -v. c. 31. - -[36] Narrative of Roque de Luna, MS., Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, P. -v. c. 31. - -[37] MS. narrative of an anonymous eye-witness. Biblioteca National, -Madrid, P. v. c. 27. - -[38] Contemporary descriptions of these ceremonies in French are -numerous. One, published in Paris in June 1660, is specially -interesting. It is called "Le mariage du Roy, célébré à St. Jean de -Luz." The occasion remains one of the great glories of St. Jean de -Luz, where the house in which Maria Teresa lodged still stands, and is -called "La maison de l'Infante." A series of interesting tapestry -pictures of the ceremonies may be seen in the exhibition palace in the -Champs Elysées, Paris. - -[39] Some of the Spanish narrators mention with surprise and chagrin -that neither the Spanish troops nor courtiers were so fine as the -French. The anonymous Newsletter writer (sequel to Barrionuevo) says: -"Many of our courtiers write (_i.e._ to Madrid) that the French -gentlemen and ladies who came to the ceremonies were so numerous, and -the adornments they wore were so rich and abundant, that we were -evidently inferior to them, although much care had been taken on our -side to excel, and no expense had been spared. So we cannot say this -time, as we have said before, that the French finery was nothing but -frills, furbelows, and feathers." - -[40] It was against the etiquette of the Court for a left-handed son of -the sovereign to stay in Madrid, or even to visit it without special -permission. The rumour, though untrue, that Don Juan was to be allowed -to come to Madrid and welcome Philip at this time caused much -heart-burning. - -[41] The Newsletter writer (_Avisos anonimos_) says that when Don Juan -was told of Haro's death, he replied: "My father has lost a great -minister; Let us go hunting," which he did immediately, to show his -satisfaction. - -[42] _Avisos_. Sequel to Barrionuevo. - -[43] _Cartas de Sor Maria_, 25th November 1661. - -[44] It was necessary for Philip to seize all the securities lodged in -the hands of the contractors and money-lenders for the raising and -provision of this army, the excuse being that the contractors were -swindling him. It appears that they bought barley in Estremadura at 8 -reals the fanega (1½ bushels), and sold it to the army for 56 reals. -The contractors (Genoese and Portuguese) offered 3½ million ducats for -the securities back again, but it was refused. Another seizure of -securities left with loan-mongers and contractors was made in the -following year, which completed the ruin of several of them. _Avisos_. -1660-1664. - -[45] Don Juan was kept in Madrid for many months, much to his own -disgust, as he saw that it was in consequence of the intrigues of Queen -Mariana to separate him from the army altogether. One of her plans was -to induce the King to order Don Juan to conduct to Germany the young -Infanta Margaret, who had just been betrothed to her uncle, the -Emperor. Don Juan stood out firmly against this. He hated the -Austrian connection, and Mariana and her German advisers were his -enemies. Affairs came to a head in October 1663, when Don Juan forced -the pace by boldly urging his father to make him an Infante of Spain -and first minister. This frightened Mariana and her alter ego, Father -Nithard, her Jesuit confessor; and it had the effect desired by Don -Juan, of obtaining his despatch from Madrid to the army at Badajoz. -During his stay in the capital he had offended nearly all the nobles by -his haughty arrogance. _Avisos_. - -[46] Instructions to Sir Richard Fanshawe. _Original Letters of Sir -Richard Fanshawe_, London, 1702. - -[47] Fanshawe's _Original Letters_. A most naive and amusing account -of his embassy in Spain, where he died, is in Lady Fanshawe's Memoirs. -of which a new and fully annotated edition has recently been published. - -[48] The controversy on this point is fully set forth in Fanshawe's own -letter to Lord Holles. The French ambassador's exceptional courtesy to -the Englishman somewhat disconcerted the Spaniards, who thought there -was some political significance behind it. - -[49] Lady Fanshawe's _Memoirs_. - -[50] The fish she calls dolphins were probably tunny. - -[51] Lady Fanshawe's _Memoirs_. - -[52] Whilst the penury of the country led Philip to adopt such measures -as this, the influence of Mariana and her German entourage induced him -at this very time--November 1664--to send a contribution of 500,000 -ducats to the Emperor's needs. - -[53] An interesting volume founded upon Pöetting's correspondence, and -dealing with the connection between Spain and the Empire at this time, -has recently been published by his Excellency Don W. de Villa Urrutia, -Spanish ambassador in England. It is called _Relaciones entre Espana y -Austria_, Madrid, 1905. - -[54] There is a very minute account of Philip's illness and death -written by one of his attendants, from which I take some of the -particulars. Biblioteca National, Madrid, P. v. c. 24. Manuscript, 15 -pages transcribed by me. - -[55] _Muerte del Rey Felipe IV._, a contemporary account by an -eyewitness. British Museum MSS., Add. 8703. - -[56] MSS. Bib. Nac., Madrid, P. v. c. 24. - -[57] Philip had died in the entresol-room in the palace, which he -always occupied in summer, as it was shady and cool. - -[58] MSS. Biblioteca National, Madrid, p. v. c. 24. - - - - -{519} - -INDEX - - Abbot, Archbishop, 109. - Academies (literary contests), 200, 301. - Admiral of Castile (Duke of Medina de Rio Seco), 163, 167. - Aguila, Marquis del, 300. - Ahumada, Father, 373. - Alamos, Don Baltasar de, 237. - Albert, Cardinal, Archduke, 21, 286. - Aliaga, confessor of Philip III., 45. - Alumbrados, the blasphemous sect so called, 271. - Amegial, battle of, 494, 495. - Anna of Austria, Queen of France, 155, 334, 335, 377, 464, 465, 482. - Aragonese Cortes, 141, 159, 162-170, 228, 254-259, 287, 296, 397. - Archy Armstrong in Spain, 100, 120. - Arcos, Duke of, 342. - Arnet, murderer of Ascham, 433. - Arundel, Philip, Earl of, 196. - Ascham, Anthony, Cromwell's envoy to Spain, 429; his mission, 431; - his murder in Madrid, 431-437. - Astillano, Prince of, 460. - Aston, Sir Walter, 77, 81, 106, 124, 292, 293, 295, 311, 312, - 313, 317, 322. - Atillano, "the poet," 301. - Auto-de-fé, an, 150, 259. - Avendaño, an actor, 231. - Aytona, Marquis of, 218, 229, 391, 510. - - - - B - - Balbeses, Marquis of (Spinola), 341. - Ballard, an English priest in Madrid, 102. - Baltasar, Carlos, Prince, 210, 225, 241, 244, 246, 250, 253, 257, - 276, 282, 284, 285, 353, 367, 387, 397; his betrothal, 399. - Barbastro, Cortes at, 164. - Barcelona, 167 et seq., 255-259, 297, 337-342. - Bejar, Duke of, 253, 342, 461. - Borgia, Cardinal, 253, 343, 458. - Borja, Melchior, 371. - Braganza, Duke of, 286, 334; proclaimed King of Portugal, 345, 423. - Breitenfeld, battle of, 247. - Bristol, Earl of, Sir John Digby, 67, 68, 72, 73, 76, 77, 81, 97, - 98, 100, 106, 123, 124. - Buckingham, Duke of, in Madrid, 67 et seq.; meets Philip, 81-85; - the state entry, 86-92, 95, 96, 105; quarrels with - Olivares, 106, 113-120; leaves Spain, 121-123, 125; his - assassination, 216. - Buckingham, Duke of, his letters to King James, 79, 83, 92, 93, - 105, 107, 111, 114. - Buen Retiro, palace of, 201, 238, 273, 280, 281, 284, 300, - 301, 311, 316-319, 330, 342, 388, 392, 455, 489. - Burgos, Archbishop of, 39. - Burke, Marquis of Mayo, 216. - - - - C - - Calderon, 147. - Calderon, Marquis de Siete Iglesias, 31, 44. - Caracena, Count, defeated in Portugal, 504. - Cardenas, Alonso de, 423, 424, 425-429. - Cardona, Duke of, 167, 257, 287, 342. - Carducho, V., 194. - Carignano, Princess of, her reception in Madrid, 311, 316-319, 329. - Carlos, Infante, 44, 62, 65, 66, 90, 99, 123, 138, 163, 167, 174-186, - 241, 246, 247, 255, 256, 259; his death, 260. - Carlos, Prince, son of Philip IV., 492, 500, 511. - Carpio, Marquis of, 65, 66, 99, 167, 229, 352, 366, 371, 394. - Carrion, the nun of, 122; her impostures, 308. - Castel Rodrigo, Marquis of, 163, 319. - Castrillo, Count of, 364, 488, 510. - Catalan Cortes. _See_ Aragonese. - Catalonia, disaffection and war in, 336-342, 357, 365, 388, 391, 392. - Cea, Duke of, 91. - Chambers, Laurence, 432. - Charles, Prince of Wales, 37; the Spanish match, 51, 52; - arrives in Madrid, 67 et seq.; he sees the Infanta, 77; - meets Philip, 81-83; his state entry to Madrid, 87 et seq.; - in love with the Infanta, 93; attempts to convert him, 94, 95; - his pastimes in Madrid, 96; his visits to the Infanta, 97; - his indiscretion, 100; negotiations, 104-110; disillusioned, - 119; departs from Spain, 121, 195, 196. - Charles I., King of England, 216, 217-225, 243, 266, 274, - 282, 288, 290-295, 313, 315, 321, 322, 323; his execution, 424. - Charles I., his painter in Madrid, 282 n. - Charles II. of England, birth of, 224, 426, 487, 495. - Chevreuse, Duchess of, in Madrid, 317. - Cinq Mars, 364. - Coloma, Carlos, Spanish ambassador in England, 218. - Condé, Prince of, 378, 462, 463, 466. - Cottington, Sir Francis, 67, 74, 76, 81, 106, 107, 117, 217, - 218, 219, 220, 221, 222-225, 268, 275, 282, 295, 426, 432. - Corral de la Cruz. _See_ Theatres. - Corral de la Pacheca. _See_ Theatres. - Crofts, Courier, 112. - Cromwell, his relations with Spain, 423-437. - - - - D - - Don Juan of Austria, son of Charles V., 59. - Don Juan Jose of Austria, son of Philip IV., 207, 285, 353, - 387, 403, 405, 418, 452, 463, 464, 467, 474, 486, 487, 494, - 495, 504, 506, 510. - Downs, the capture of the Spanish fleet in, 324. - Dunkirk captured, 463. - - - - E - - English courtiers, their behaviour at Philip's christening, 6. - English embassy at Philip's baptism, 1-10. - Eraso, Don Francisco, 237. - Escovedo, 59. - Execution of the Hijar conspirators, 407-411. - - - - F - - Fadrique de Toledo, 156, 279 n. - Fanshawe, Lady, in Madrid, 498 et seq.; her opinion of Spaniards, - 501; her account of Philip's lying in state, 512. - Fanshawe, Sir Richard, 314; his mission to Spain, 495-497; his - state entry, 498; his failure, 504. - Fashions, change of, in Spain after the marriage of Maria - Teresa, 486. - Felton assassinates Buckingham, 216. - Feria, Duke of, 155. - Fernando, Infante, 44, 90, 174-186, 241, 246, 247, 255, 256, - 259; goes to Flanders, 260, 281, 288, 293, 299, 303, 310, - 315, 331; dies, 377. - Festivities in Madrid, 60-66, 86-92, 101, 118, 145, 150, 209, - 210, 225, 231-235, 273, 301, 307, 310, 312, 316-319, 451, - 456-46l, 469, 472. - Fischer, Ascham's secretary, 432-437. - Field sports in Spain, 211-213. - Flanders and Spain, 21, 156, 176, 246, 247. - Flores d'Avila, Marquis of, 64. - Fonseca, Dr., patron of Velazquez, 197-199. - Francisco Fernando of Austria, Philip's natural son, 236-238. - Frederick the Palatine, 70, 116, 216, 217-225, 266. - Frias, Duke of, Grand Constable of Castile, 5, 354, 461. - Fuenterrabia, 335, 480. - - - - G - - Garcia Fray, punished by the Inquisition, 272. - Golilla, the, 138, 144, 447, 486. - Gomez Davila's way with the Moriscos, 23. - Gondomar, Count, Spanish ambassador in England, 68, 73, - 74, 76, 81, 102, 123, 125. - Gongora, his sonnet on the English embassy, 4. - Grammont, Marshal, his mission to Madrid, 471. - Granada, Archbishop of, Philip's tutor, remonstrates with - Olivares, 53. - Guevara, Anna de, 367. - Gustavus Adolphus, 245, 247, 249. - Guzman, Enrique Felipe, Olivares' son, 268, 352, 354. - Guzman, the house of. _See_ Olivares. - - - - H - - Halsey, Major, murderer of Ascham, 433 et seq. - Haro, Count of (a child), 457. - Haro, Don Luis de, 352, 369, 371, 379, 394, 401, 406, 411, 420, - 448, 451, 457, 459, 464, 466-485; death of, 487-490. - Hay, Earl of Carlisle, 103, 216, 217. - Heliche, Marquis of, 163, 167, 229. - Heliche, Marquis of (2), 450, 451, 469, 489, 510. - Henrietta Maria, Queen, 295. - Henry IV. of France, 24, 29. - Herrera, Don Juan, 300, 328. - Hijar, Duke of, 327; his conspiracy, 407 et seq. - Hinojosa, Marquis of, Spanish ambassador in England, 115, 117, 501. - Hopton, Sir Arthur, 219, 242, 243, 244, 249, 250, 252, 260, 263, - 268, 273, 275, 276, 277-279, 280, 282, 287, 288, 290, 291, - 292-295, 312, 314, 321, 322, 423. - Howard, Lord Admiral, Earl of Nottingham, in Spain, 3. - Howel, his account of the visit of Charles Stuart to Madrid. - _See_ Charles, Prince of Wales. - Humanes, Count of, 237, 288, 292. - - - - I - - Idiaquez, Minister of Philip II., 25. - Infanta Isabel, 21, 156, 176, 246, 260. - Infantado, Duke of, 38, 39, 133, 139. - Irish intrigues in Madrid, 216, 312. - Isabel of Bourbon, Philip's first wife, 30, 31, 55-58, 60, 61, 65, - 77, 91, 97, 120, 121, 144, 145, 147, 173, 183, 212, 220, 229, - 230, 231-235, 259, 283-326, 353, 360, 361; leads the - enemies of Olivares, 367; illness and death of, 392-395. - Isasi Ydiaquez, Don Juan, 236. - Isle of Pheasants, conferences and meetings on, 467, 470, 473, 481. - - - - J - - Jamaica seized by England, 439. - James I. of England, 29, 36, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 84, 85, 95, 101, - 105, 114, 115, 116, 119, 120, 124. - James I., his letters to "Baby" and "Steenie," 84, 101, 104, - 108, 112, 116. - James, Duke of York, 463. - John Frederick of Saxony, 289. - - - - L - - Lede, Marquis of, goes to England, 438. - Leganes, Marquis of, 194, 229, 281, 364, 365. - Lerida, Cortes at, 163. - Lerma, Duke of, 1, 9, 11, 17, 19, 30, 31, 32, 33, 37, 38, 39, 43, - 46, 68, 69. - Liars' Walk, 54, 76, 146, 147, 196, 299, 327, 371, 439. - Lindsay, Lord, 216. - Linhares, Count, 325, 326. - Lionne's mission to France, 465-467. - Lope de Vega, 59, 147, 196, 240, 241. - Los Velez, Marquis of, 335, 343. - Louis XIII., 30, 252, 360, 377. - Louis XIV, 377; his marriage with Maria Teresa, 466-485. - - - - M - - Madrid, 27, 54, 59-66; Prince Charles arrives at, 67; his - state entry, 87; social condition, 131-136, 146, 147, 188-194; - as an artistic centre, 194-196; corruption of, 209, 227, - 265; scandals in, 268-271; artists in, 282, 296; turbulence - in, 299-310; prices in, 321; lawlessness, 328-331, 356, 385, - 441-446, 456, 469. - Malpica, Marquis of, 38, 498, 499, 511. - Mantua, Duchess of (Margaret of Savoy), 287, 333, 346, 367, 386, 387. - Maqueda, Duke of, 91, 233, 490. - Margaret of Austria, Queen of Spain, 7, 14, 26, 27. - Margaret Maria, Infanta, 419, 453, 501. - Maria, Infanta, 36, 50, 51, 52, 65, 68, 77, 84, 85, 91, 97, 99, 100, - 103, 118, 120, 121; betrothed to the Emperor's heir, 172, 209, - 219, 240, 403. - Maria Teresa, Infanta, 353, 393, 403, 414, 415, 419, 453, 459; - her marriage with Louis XIV., 466-485. - Mariana of Austria, betrothed to Baltasar Carlos, 399; - betrothed to Philip, 403, 413-416; married, 417-419, 449, - 465, 472, 475, 487, 489, 501, 511. - Marie de Medici, 29, 55, 254, 266, 288, 317. - Marston, English resident in Madrid, 432, 433. - Mary Stuart (Princess of Orange), 276, 399. - Masaniello's revolt, 405. - Matthew, David, 294. - Maurice of Nassau, 21. - Mawe, English chaplain, 84. - Mazarin, Cardinal, 404, 418, 438, 462, 465, 467, 470. - Medina Celi, Duke of, 288, 430. - Medina de las Torres, Duke of, 229, 460, 475, 488, 489, 497, - 510, 513. - Medina Sidonia, Duke of, 253, 286, 333, 334, 357. - Melo, General, 378. - Mendoza, Antonio de, 231, 233. - Meninas, the, 455. - Millan, Don Francisco, 165. - Montalvo, Count, Corregidor of Madrid, 307. - Monterey, Count of, 194, 195, 229, 230, 231, 281. - Monzon, Cortes at, 165. - Moreto, 147. - Moriscos, the expulsion of, 23-27. - Moscoso, Antonio de, 254, 255, 258, 259. - Motte, Marshall de la, 357, 353. - Moura, Don Cristobal, 286. - Münster, Treaty of, 404, 405 n. - - - - N - - Navarre, 398. - Nicolalde, Spanish agent in London, 275, 276, 288, 290, 292, 293, 295. - Nithard, Father, Mariana's confessor, 495, 505. - Nocera, Duke of, 334. - Nördlingen, battle of, 260, 288, 289. - - - - O - - Olivares, the Count-Duke, 31, 32, 35, 36, 37, 38, 40, 43, 46, 49, - 60, 65, 66, 69, 70, 72, 73, 85, 104-114, 121, 128; his policy, - 141, 154, 155, 158, 159, 160-162; in Aragon, 163-170; - opposition to him, 173-177, 183-186; urges Philip to - work, 179; patron of Velazquez, 197; negotiations with - England, 216-225; his entertainment to the King, 230-235; - builds the Buen Retiro, 238-241; his negotiations with - Hopton, 242 et seq.; and the Catalan Cortes, 254-259; - fresh negotiations with England, 262; his unpopularity, - 265; secret negotiation with Charles I., 266, 275, 276, 288, - 289-295; opposes Philip's journey, 297; again - approaches England, 312, 313; negotiations dropped, 324, 325; - his policy in Portugal, etc., 332, 333; his decline, 352; goes - to Aragon, 362; his fall, 366-374; his death, 375. - Olivares, Countess of, 210, 220, 230, 273, 367-375, 386, 387. - Oñate, Count, 295, 313, 460. - Oquendo, Admiral, his quarrel with Spinola, 304. - Orange, Prince of, 287. - Orleans, Gaston, Duke of, 254, 266, 288, 315. - O'Sullivan, Beare, Count of Bearhaven, 216. - Osuña, Duke of, 45. - - - - P - - Pacheco, Don Juan, 329. - Padilla, Carlos de, execution of, 408. - Palatinate, the, 37, 70, 116, 120, 216, 217-225, 242, 251, 266, - 274, 296, 313, 314, 423. - Peace of the Pyrenees, 465-474. - Pennington, Admiral, 324. - Philip II., 11, 12, 13, 14, 20, 21, 23, 40. - Philip III., 1, 6, 7, 11, 19, 22, 27, 28, 30, 31, 32; his death, - 36-40, 51, 68, 69. - Philip IV., christening of, at Valladolid, 1-10; his childhood, - 26-30; his marriage, 31; under the influence of - Olivares, 35; his accession, 42; his reforms, 46; his own - account of affairs, 50; early profligacy, 54; his character, - 60; his attitude towards the English match, 51, 52, 74, 81; - his reception of Charles, 86-92, 97-99; his reforms, 135; - his mode of life, 143; his garb, 144; goes to Aragon, - 162; quarrels with the Aragonese, 163-170; his pity for - Castile, 170, 171; and his brothers, 174-186; promises - to work, 180, 181; his serious illness, 183; scruples of - conscience, 187; his liking for Velazquez, 189-200; his - literary and dramatic tastes, 200-202; his amours, 206; - the Calderona, 207; his field sports, 211-213; receives - Cottington, 221, 224; at an entertainment, 230-235; goes - to Barcelona, 254-259; his domestic life in Madrid, 283; - negotiations with England, 290-295, 296; insists upon - going to Aragon, 297; at a grand entertainment, 318; - scandal of the Nun of St. Placido, 348; goes to Aragon, - 359; his good resolves after dismissing Olivares, 377; - returns to Aragon, 379, 381, 389, 395, 398, 401; betrothed - to Mariana, 403; his marriage, 413; his mode of life, - 420; his attitude towards the English Commonwealth, 423-440; - his garb, 447; his poverty, 449, 455; his despondency, 452, 470; - he visits the frontier for his daughter's marriage, 475; splendid - ceremonies, 478-485; said to be bewitched, 490; intrigues - around him, 505; his last illness, 509; his death, 511; - his burial, 513; his character, 515 - Philip IV., his letters to Sor Maria, 381, 389, 395, 399, 400; - 402, 406, 417, 457, 468, 491, 492, 505. - Philip Prosper, Infante, 456-462, 463, 465, 470, 486; dies, 491. - Poëtting, Count, Austrian ambassador, 505. - Polanco, Dr., 184. - Porter, Endymion, 70, 77, 81, 100. - Portugal, Dom Duarte de, 88. - Portugal, Queen of, 334, 464. - Portugal, revolt of, 268, 333, 344-346, 405, 423, 464, 487, 494, 495. - Pozo, Count, 329. - Priego, Duke of, 342. - Priego, Marquis of, 460. - Prodgers, Captain, murderer of Ascham, 433 et seq. - Punoñrostro, Count of, 461. - - - - Q - - Quevedo, 147, 200, 231, 233, 355. - Quiñones, Suero, his promise of pictures to Charles I., 296 n. - - - - R - - Rahosa, the Infanta's confessor, 95. - Rentin, Marquis of, 63. - Ribera, Archbishop of Valencia, 3. - Richelieu, his rivalry with Olivares, 154, 155, 214 et seq., - 226, 260, 261, 288, 289, 303, 315, 325, 334, 335, 364, 376. - Roche, Valentine, murderer of Ascham, 433. - Rocroy, battle of, 378. - Rojas, Francisco de, 197, 262, 312, 373. - Rubens, Peter Paul, 217, 218, 224. - - - - S - - St. Isidore, the Husbandman, 61, 335, 392. - St. Placido, the scandals of, 272, 347-350. - St. Teresa, 61. - Salazar, Count, 329. - Salazar, Father, invents stamped paper, 320. - Salinas, Count of, Howard lodges in his house, 5. - Salvatierra, Countess of, 459. - Sandoval, house of. _See_ Lerma. - Sandoval de Rojas, Cardinal, 26. - San Lucar, Duke of, 49. _See_ also Olivares. - Santa Coloma, Viceroy of Catalonia, 340; killed, 343. - Santa Cruz, Marquis of, 361. - Saragossa, Philip at, 164, 363, 381, 391, 399. - Sastago, Count, 301. - Savoy, Duke of, 24, 154, 215, 315. - Scaglia, Abbé, an English agent in Madrid, 216, 217. - Schomberg, Marshal, 357, 487. - Seven Chimneys, the house with the, 67, 81, 498. - Silva, General, 397. - Silva, Pedro de, execution of, 408. - Simancas, English embassy lodged at, 4. - Soissons, Count of, 315. - Sor Maria of Agreda, 379-384, 395, 398-401, 407, 417, 462 - et seq.; her death, 506. - Sotomayor, Philip's confessor, 42, 229, 349. - Spain, condition of (in 1600), 17 et seq.; (1621), 45 et seq.; - 50, 51, 130-135, 242, 243, 263, 277, 279, 299, 309, (1637), - 320, 327, 338, (1654-1660), 441-447. - Spanish match. _See_ Charles, Prince of Wales. - Sparkes, murderer of Ascham, 433. - Spinola, Marquis, 155. - Spinola, Nicholas, quarrels with Oquendo, 304, 328, 329. - Strada, Carlos, 318. - Suarez Diego, Portuguese minister, 333. - Sumptuary laws, 131, 137, 309, 319, 320, 445, 447, 476. - - - - T - - Tavara, Margaret, 79. - Taxation in Spain, 17, 18, 19, 20, 162, 170, 243, 252, 253, - 263, 277, 279, 296, 309, 319, 325, 338, 352, 366, 406 n., 444, - 448, 468, 492, 493, 504. - Taylor, English agent in Spain, 288. - Tejada, Auditor, 281. - Theatres (Corrales) of Madrid, 147, 201; description of a - performance, 202-206, 444. - Theatrical craze, 57, 60, 61, 147, 201-206, 233, 444. - Thirty Years' War and Spain, 245-249, 260, 267, 289, 300-303, 315. - Tilly, Imperial general, 156, 249. - Tirlemont, battle of, 293. - Toledo, Pedro de, Marquis of Villafranca, 64, 65. - Torrecusa, Marquis, 365. - Turenne, Marshal, 462. - Tyrone, Earl of, 223, 312, 344. - - - - U - - Uceda, Duke of, 30, 32, 33, 37, 40; his fall, 43, 45. - - - - V - - Valette, Duke de la, 335, 336, 344. - Valladolid, Philip's christening at, 1-10, 19. - Vallejo, an actor, 231. - Vasconcellos, Miguel, Portuguese minister, 333, 346. - Velazquez, Diego, 197-200, 212, 282, 284, 350, 373, 385, - 454-456, 477, 481. - Verdugo Fernando, 63, 65. - Verney, Sir Edmund, 102. - Villa Mediana, Count of, murder of, 56-59, 196. - Villamor, Count, 88. - Villanueva, Geronimo de, State Secretary, 238, 319 n., 348-351. - - - - W - - War with France, 154-158, 214 et seq., 226, 274, 303, 315, 325, - 334, 340-343, 357 et seq., 378, 391, 397, 422, 448, 452, - 465-467. - Washington, page to Charles in Madrid, 102. - Williams, Captain, murderer of Ascham, 433. - Wimbledon, Lord (Sir E. Cecil), his attack on Cadiz, 126, 154, 157. - Windebank, Secretary, 275, 276, 278, 288, 291, 323. - Windebank, Kit, his escapade in Madrid, 323. - Wren, English chaplain, 84. - Wright, Sir Benjamin, 501. - - - - Z - - Zapata, Cardinal, Inquisitor, 152, 229, 268. - Zapata, Lieutenant of the Guard, 301, 329. - Zuñiga, Baltasar de, 38, 43, 49, 52. - - - - _Printed by_ - MORRISON & GIBB LIMITED - _Edinburgh_ - - - - - - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Court of Philip IV., by Martin Hume - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE COURT OF PHILIP IV. *** - -***** This file should be named 50125-8.txt or 50125-8.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/0/1/2/50125/ - -Produced by Al Haines -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: The Court of Philip IV. - Spain in Decadence - -Author: Martin Hume - -Release Date: October 3, 2015 [EBook #50125] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE COURT OF PHILIP IV. *** - - - - -Produced by Al Haines - - - - - -</pre> - - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-front"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-front.jpg" alt="Philip IV at the age of 55. From a portrait by Valazquez in the National Gallery, London." /> -<br /> -Philip IV at the age of 55. <br /> -<i>From a portrait by Valazquez in the National Gallery, London.</i> -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<h1> -<br /><br /> - The Court of<br /> - Philip IV.<br /> -</h1> - -<p class="t3b"> - SPAIN IN DECADENCE<br /> -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p class="t3"> - BY<br /> -</p> - -<p class="t3b"> - MARTIN HUME<br /> -</p> - -<p class="t4"> - EDITOR OF THE CALENDARS OF SPANISH STATE PAPERS<br /> - (PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE)<br /> - LECTURER IN SPANISH HISTORY AND LITERATURE<br /> - PEMBROKE COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE.<br /> -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="t4"> - <i>Vuestras augustisinas Soberanias vivan</i>, O GRAN<br /> - FELIPE, <i>inclitamente triunfantes, gravadas en los Anales<br /> - de la Fama, pues sois sólida columna y mobil Atlante de<br /> - la Fe, unica defensa di la iglesia, y bien universal de<br /> - vuestras invencibles reinos</i><br /> -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="t3"> - LONDON<br /> - EVELEIGH NASH<br /> - 1907<br /> -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="Pv"></a>v}</span> -</p> - -<p class="t3b"> -PREFACE -</p> - -<p> -"I lighted upon great files and -heaps of papers and writings of all -sorts.... In searching and turning -over whereof, whilst I laboured till I -sweat again, covered all over with dust, -to gather fit matter together ... that -noble Lord died, and my industry began -to flag and wax cold in the business." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -Thus wrote William Camden with reference -to his projected life of Lord Burghley, which was -never written; and the words may be applied -not inappropriately to the present book and its -writer. Some years ago I passed many laborious -months in archives and libraries at home and -abroad, searching and transcribing contemporary -papers for what I hoped to make a complete -history of the long reign of Philip IV., during -which the final seal of decline was stamped indelibly -upon the proud Spanish empire handed down by -the great Charles V. to his descendants. I had -dreamed of writing a book which should not only -be a social review of the period signalised by the -triumph of French over Spanish influence in the -civilisation of Europe, but also a political history -of the wane and final disappearance of the -prodigious national imposture that had enabled Spain, -aided by the rivalries between other nations, to -dominate the world for a century by moral force -unsupported by any proportionate material power. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="Pvi"></a>vi}</span> -</p> - -<p> -The sources to be studied for such a history -were enormous in bulk and widely scattered, and -I worked very hard at my self-set task. But at -length I, too, began to wax faint-hearted; not, -indeed, because my "noble Lord had died"; -for no individual lord, noble or ignoble, has ever -done, or I suppose ever will do, anything for me or -my books; but because I was told by those whose -business it is to study his moods, that the only -"noble Lord" to whom I look for patronage, -namely the sympathetic public in England and -the United States that buys and reads my books, -had somewhat changed his tastes. He wanted -to know and understand, I was told, more about -the human beings who personified the events -of history, than about the plans of the battles they -fought. He wanted to draw aside the impersonal -veil which historians had interposed between him -and the men and women whose lives made up the -world of long ago; to see the great ones in their -habits as they lived, to witness their sports, to -listen to their words, to read their private letters, -and with these advantages to obtain the key to -their hearts and to get behind their minds; and so -to learn history through the human actors, rather -than dimly divine the human actors by means of -the events of their times. In fact, he cared no -longer, I was told, for the stately three-decker -histories which occupied half a lifetime to write, -and are now for the most part relegated, in -handsome leather bindings, to the least frequented -shelves of dusty libraries. -</p> - -<p> -I therefore decided to reduce my plan to more -modest proportions, and to present not a universal -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="Pvii"></a>vii}</span> -history of the period of Spain's decline, but rather -a series of pictures chronologically arranged of the -life and surroundings of the "Planet King" Philip -IV.—that monarch with the long, tragic, uncanny -face, whose impassive mask and the raging soul -within, the greatest portrait painter of all time -limned with merciless fidelity from the King's -callow youth to his sin-seared age. I have adopted -this method of writing a history of the reign, -because the great wars throughout Europe in -which Spain took a leading part, under Philip -and his successor, have already been described -in fullest details by eminent writers in every -civilised language, and because I conceive that -the truest understanding of the broader phenomena -of the period may be gained by an intimate -study of the mode of life and ruling sentiments -of the King and his Court, at a time when they -were the human embodiment, and Madrid the -phosphorescent focus, of a great nation's decay. -</p> - -<p> -The ground was practically virgin. John Dunlop, -three-quarters of a century ago, wrote a stolid -history of the reign, mainly concerned with the -Spanish wars in Germany, Flanders, and Italy. -But that was before the archives of Europe were -accessible; and, creditable as was Dunlop's history -for the time in which it was written, it is obsolete -now. The Spanish reproduction in recent years, -of seventeenth-century documents, for the most -part unknown in England, has added much to -recent information; whilst numerous original -manuscripts, and old printed narratives and letters -of the time, in Spanish, English, and French, have -also provided ample material for the embodiment -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="Pviii"></a>viii}</span> -in the text of first-hand descriptions of events. The -book as it stands is far less ambitious than that -originally projected; but it contains much of the -contemporary matter which would have provided -substance for the wider history; and though it is -limited in its scope, it may nevertheless render the -important period it covers human and interesting -to ordinary readers who seek intellectual amusement, -as well as intelligible to students who read -for information alone. -</p> - -<p> -The book—"a poor thing, but mine own"—owes -nothing to the labours of previous English -historians, except that in describing the Prince -of Wales' visit to Madrid I have referred to two -documents published by the Camden Society under -the editorship of the late Dr. Gardiner. With -these exceptions the material has been sought in -contemporary unpublished manuscripts and printed -records and letters, in most cases now first utilised -for the purpose. Whatever its faults may be—and -doubtless the critical microscope may discover -many—it is the only comprehensive history of -Philip IV. and the decadent society over which -he reigned that modern research has yet produced. -May good fortune follow it; for, as the Bachiller -Carasco sagely said: "<i>No hay libra tan malo que -no tenga algo bueno</i>," and I hope that in this book, -at least, the "good" will be held to outbalance -the "bad." -</p> - -<p class="noindent"> -MARTIN HUME. -<br /><br /> -LONDON, <i>October</i> 1907 -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="Pix"></a>ix}</span> -</p> - -<p class="t3b"> -CONTENTS -</p> - -<p class="t3"> -<a href="#chap01">CHAPTER I</a> -</p> - -<p class="intro"> -INTRODUCTORY—PHILIP'S BAPTISM, 1605—THE ENGLISH -EMBASSY—EXALTED RELIGIOUS FEELING—DEDICATION -OF PHILIP'S LIFE TO THE VINDICATION OF -ORTHODOXY—STATE OF SPAIN—EFFECTS OF LERMA'S -POLICY—POVERTY OF THE COUNTRY—EXPULSION OF THE -MORISCOS—PHILIP'S CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH—HIS -BETROTHAL—FALL OF LERMA—THE PRINCE AND -OLIVARES—DEATH OF PHILIP III. -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p class="t3"> -<a href="#chap02">CHAPTER II</a> -</p> - -<p class="intro"> -ACCESSION OF PHILIP IV.—OLIVARES THE VICE-KING—CONDITION -OF THE COUNTRY—MEASURES ADOPTED BY THE -NEW KING—RETRENCHMENT—MODE OF LIFE OF PHILIP -AND HIS MINISTER—PHILIP'S IDLENESS—HIS -<i>APOLOGIA</i>—DISSOLUTENESS OF THE CAPITAL—VILLA -MEDIANA—THE AMUSEMENTS OF THE KING AND COURT—A -SUMPTUOUS SHOW—ARRIVAL OF THE PRINCE OF WALES -IN MADRID—HIS PROCEEDINGS—OLIVARES AND -BUCKINGHAM -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p class="t3"> -<a href="#chap03">CHAPTER III</a> -</p> - -<p class="intro"> -STATE ENTRY OF CHARLES INTO MADRID—GREAT -FESTIVITIES—HIS LOVE-MAKING—ATTEMPTS TO CONVERT -THE PRINCE—THE REAL INTENTION OF OLIVARES—HIS -CLEVER PROCRASTINATION—CHARLES AND BUCKINGHAM -LOSE PATIENCE—HOWELL'S STORY OF CHARLES AND -THE INFANTA—THE FEELING AGAINST BUCKINGHAM—ANXIETY -OF KING JAMES—HIS CORRESPONDENCE WITH -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="Px"></a>x}</span> -"BABY AND STEENIE"—CHARLES DECIDES TO -DEPART—FURTHER DELAY—THE DIPLOMACY OF -OLIVARES—BUCKINGHAM AND ARCHY ARMSTRONG—DEPARTURE -OF CHARLES—HIS RETURN HOME, AND THE ENGLISH -DISILLUSION -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p class="t3"> -<a href="#chap04">CHAPTER IV</a> -</p> - -<p class="intro"> -FOREIGN WAR RENDERED INEVITABLE BY OLIVARES' -POLICY—ITS EFFECTS IN SPAIN—CONDITION OF THE -COURT—WASTE, IDLENESS, AND OSTENTATION OF ALL -CLASSES—EXTRAVAGANCE IN DRESS—PHILIP'S EFFORTS TO -REFORM MANNERS—RETRENCHMENT IN HIS HOUSEHOLD—THE -SUMPTUARY ENACTMENTS—THE <i>GOLILLA</i>—THE -INDUSTRY OF OLIVARES—HIS CHARACTER AND -APPEARANCE—HIS MAIN OBJECT TO SECURE POLITICAL AND -FISCAL UNITY IN SPAIN—THE DIFFICULTIES IN THE WAY -OF THIS—THE COMEDIES—THEATRES IN MADRID—PHILIP'S -LOVE FOR THE STAGE—AN <i>AUTO DE FE</i>—LORD -WIMBLEDON'S ATTACK ON CADIZ—RICHELIEU'S LEAGUE -AGAINST SPAIN—SPANISH SUCCESSES—"PHILIP THE -GREAT"—VISIT OF THE KING TO ARAGON AND -CATALONIA IN 1626—DISCONTENT AND DISSENSION—PHILIP'S -LIFE TRAGEDY -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p class="t3"> -<a href="#chap05">CHAPTER V</a> -</p> - -<p class="intro"> -RISE OF THE PARTY OPPOSED TO OLIVARES—THE QUEEN -AND THE INFANTES CARLOS AND FERNANDO—OLIVARES -REMONSTRATES WITH PHILIP FOR HIS NEGLECT OF -BUSINESS—PHILIP'S REPLY—ILLNESS OF THE KING—FEARS -OF OLIVARES—PHILIP'S CONSCIENCE—ASPECT OF -MADRID AT THE TIME—HABITS OF THE PEOPLE—A -GREAT ARTISTIC CENTRE—MANY FOREIGN -VISITORS—VELASQUEZ—PHILIP'S LOVE OF ART, LITERATURE, AND -THE DRAMA—CONTEMPORARY DESCRIPTION OF A -PLAYHOUSE—PHILIP AND THE <i>CALDERONA</i>, MOTHER OF DON -JUAN OF AUSTRIA—BIRTH AND BAPTISM OF BALTASAR -CARLOS—PHILIP'S FIELD SPORTS—GENERAL SOCIAL -DECADENCE -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="Pxi"></a>xi}</span> -</p> - -<p class="t3"> -<a href="#chap06">CHAPTER VI</a> -</p> - -<p class="intro"> -RENEWED WAR WITH FRANCE, LATE IN 1628—RECONCILIATION -WITH ENGLAND—THE PALATINATE AGAIN—COTTINGTON -IN MADRID—HIS RECEPTION AND NEGOTIATIONS -WITH OLIVARES AND PHILIP—FETES IN MADRID -FOR BIRTH OF THE PRINCE OF WALES—DEATH OF -SPINOLA—TREATY OF CASALE—A "LOCAL PEACE" WITH -FRANCE—SPAIN AND THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR—POVERTY -AND MISERY OF THE COUNTRY—UNPOPULARITY -OF OLIVARES—HIS MONOPOLY OF POWER—HIS -GREAT ENTERTAINMENT TO THE KING—HIS INTERVENTION -IN PHILIP'S DOMESTIC AFFAIRS—"DON FRANCISCO -FERNANDO OF AUSTRIA"—THE BUEN RETIRO—HOPTON -IN MADRID—HIS DESCRIPTIVE LETTERS—THE -INFANTES—PHILIP'S VISIT TO BARCELONA—DISCONTENT -OF THE CORTES—THE INFANTE FERNANDO -LEFT AS GOVERNOR—DEATH OF THE INFANTE -CARLOS—DEATH OF THE INFANTA ISABEL IN FLANDERS—THE -INFANTE FERNANDO ON HIS WAY THITHER WINS BATTLE -OF NORDLINGEN—GREAT WAR NOW INEVITABLE WITH -FRANCE -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p class="t3"> -<a href="#chap07">CHAPTER VII</a> -</p> - -<p class="intro"> -INTRIGUES TO SECURE ENGLISH NEUTRALITY—HOPTON AND -OLIVARES—SOCIAL LAXITY IN MADRID—CHARLES -I. APPROACHES SPAIN—THE BUEN RETIRO AND THE -ARTS—WAR IN CATALONIA—DISTRESS IN THE CAPITAL AND -FRIVOLITY IN THE COURT—PREVAILING LAWLESSNESS—THE -RECEPTION OF THE PRINCESS OF CARIGNANO—SIR -WALTER ASTON IN MADRID—THE ENGLISH INTRIGUE -ABANDONED -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p class="t3"> -<a href="#chap08">CHAPTER VIII</a> -</p> - -<p class="intro"> -FESTIVITIES IN MADRID—EXTRAVAGANCE AND -PENURY—NEW WAYS OF RAISING MONEY—HOPTON AND -WINDEBANK—BATTLE OF THE DOWNS—VIOLENCE IN THE -STREETS OF MADRID—REVOLT OF PORTUGAL—FRENCH -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="Pxii"></a>xii}</span> -INVASION OF SPAIN—REVOLT OF CATALONIA—PHILIP'S -AMOUR WITH THE NUN OF ST. PLACIDO—THE WANE OF -OLIVARES—PHILIP'S VOYAGE TO ARAGON—INTRIGUES -AGAINST OLIVARES—FALL OF OLIVARES -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p class="t3"> -<a href="#chap09">CHAPTER IX</a> -</p> - -<p class="intro"> -DEATH OF RICHELIEU AND OF THE CARDINAL -INFANTE—PHILIP'S GOOD RESOLUTIONS—HIS CORRESPONDENCE -WITH THE NUN OF AGREDA—PHILIP WITH HIS -ARMIES—DEATH OF QUEEN ISABEL OF BOURBON—THE WAR -CONTINUES IN CATALONIA—DEATH OF BALTASAR -CARLOS—PHILIP'S GRIEF—HE LOSES HEART—INFLUENCE OF -THE NUN—HIS SECOND MARRIAGE WITH HIS NIECE -MARIANA—HIS LIFE WITH HER—DON LUIS DE -HARO—NEGOTIATIONS WITH ENGLAND—CROMWELL'S ENVOY, -ANTHONY ASCHAM—HIS MURDER IN MADRID—FRIENDSHIP -BETWEEN PHILIP AND THE ENGLISH -COMMONWEALTH—CROMWELL SEIZES JAMAICA—WAR WITH -ENGLAND -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p class="t3"> -<a href="#chap10">CHAPTER X</a> -</p> - -<p class="intro"> -MORAL AND SOCIAL DECADENCE IN MADRID—PHILIP'S -HABITS—POVERTY IN THE PALACE—VELAZQUEZ—THE -MENINAS—BIRTH OF AN HEIR—THE CHRISTENING—THE -PEACE OF THE PYRENEES—PHILIP'S JOURNEY -TO THE FRONTIER—MARRIAGE OF MARIA -TERESA—CAMPAIGNS IN PORTUGAL—DON JUAN—DEATH OF -HARO—PHILIP BEWITCHED—DEATH OF PHILIP -PROSPER—BIRTH OF CHARLES—FANSHAWE'S EMBASSY—LADY -FANSHAWE AND SPAIN—ROUT OF CARACENA IN -PORTUGAL—PHILIP'S ILLNESS—THE INQUISITION AND -WITCHCRAFT—DEATH OF PHILIP -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p class="t3"> -<a href="#chap11">INDEX</a> -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="Pxiii"></a>xiii}</span> -</p> - -<p class="t3b"> -LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS -</p> - -<p class="noindent"> -<a href="#img-front">PHILIP IV. AT THE AGE OF 55</a> . . . <i>Frontispiece</i> -</p> - -<p class="illus"> -<i>From a portrait by</i> VELAZUEZ <i>in the National -Gallery, London.</i> -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p class="noindent"> -<a href="#img-056">ISABEL DE BOURBON, FIRST WIFE OF PHILIP IV</a> -</p> - -<p class="illus"> -<i>From a portrait by</i> VELAZQUEZ <i>in the possession -of Edward Huth, Esq.</i> -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p class="noindent"> -<a href="#img-144">PHILIP IV. AS A YOUNG MAN</a> -</p> - -<p class="illus"> -<i>From a contemporary portrait in the possession -of His Grace the Duke of Wellington, at -Strathfieldsaye.</i> -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p class="noindent"> -<a href="#img-160">CASPAR DE GUZMAN, COUNT-DUKE OF OLIVARES</a> -</p> - -<p class="illus"> -<i>From a portrait by</i> VELAZQUEZ <i>in the possession -of Edward Huth, Esq.</i> -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p class="noindent"> -<a href="#img-364">PRINCE BALTASAR CARLOS ON HORSEBACK</a> -</p> - -<p class="illus"> -<i>From a picture by</i> VELAZQUEZ <i>at the Prado -Museum.</i> -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p class="noindent"> -<a href="#img-380">THE NUN SOR MARIA DE AGREDA</a> -</p> - -<p class="illus"> -<i>From an etching reproducing a contemporary -portrait in the Franciscan Convent of -St. Domingo de la Calzada.</i> -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="Pxiv"></a>xiv}</span> -</p> - -<p class="noindent"> -<a href="#img-416">MARIANA DE AUSTRIA, SECOND WIFE OF PHILIP IV.</a> -</p> - -<p class="illus"> -<i>From a portrait by</i> VELAZQUEZ <i>at the Prado -Museum.</i> -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p class="noindent"> -<a href="#img-454">THE MAIDS OF HONOUR</a> -</p> - -<p class="illus"> -<i>Portrait of the Infanta Margaret; from a picture -by</i> VELAZQUEZ <i>at the Prado Museum.</i> -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p><a id="chap01"></a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P1"></a>1}</span></p> - -<p class="t2b"> -THE COURT OF PHILIP IV. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<h3> -CHAPTER I -</h3> - -<p class="intro"> -INTRODUCTORY—PHILIP'S BAPTISM, 1605—THE -ENGLISH EMBASSY—EXALTED RELIGIOUS -FEELING—DEDICATION OF PHILIP'S LIFE TO THE -VINDICATION OF ORTHODOXY—STATE OF -SPAIN—EFFECTS OF LERMA'S POLICY—POVERTY OF -THE COUNTRY—EXPULSION OF THE -MORISCOS—PHILIP'S CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH—HIS -BETROTHAL—FALL OF LERMA—THE PRINCE AND -OLIVARES—DEATH OF PHILIP III -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -The mean city of Valladolid reached the summit -of its glory on the 28th of May 1605. Seven -weeks before—on Good Friday, the 8th April—there -had been born in the King's palace an heir to the -world-wide monarchy of the Spains, the first male -child that had been vouchsafed to the tenuous -reigning house for seven-and-twenty years; and the -new capital, proud of the fleeting importance that -the folly of Lerma had conferred upon it, curtailed -its lenten penance, and gave itself up to sensuous -devotion blent with ostentatious revelry. King -Philip III. and his nobles, in a blaze of splendour, -had knelt in thanksgiving to sacred images of the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P2"></a>2}</span> -Holy Mother bedizened with priceless gems; -well-fed monks and friars had chanted praises before a -hundred glittering altars; and famished common -folk, in filthy tatters, snarled like ravening beasts -over the free food that had been flung to them, -and fought fiercely for the silver coins that had been -lavishly scattered for their scrambling.[<a id="chap01fn1text"></a><a href="#chap01fn1">1</a>] From -every window had flared waxen torches; for the -hovels of beggars were illumined as well as the -palaces of nobles,—nay, the courtly chronicler records -that the very bells in the church tower of -St. Benedict, seventeen of them, "melted in glittering -tears of joy" when, to put it more prosaically, the -edifice was gutted by a conflagration accidentally -caused by the torches.[<a id="chap01fn2text"></a><a href="#chap01fn2">2</a>] Cavalry parades, bull -fights, and cane-tourneys by knights and nobles -had alternated with banquets and balls during the -fifty days that had been needed to bring together -in the city of the Castilian plain the chivalry of -Philip's realms. One after the other grandees and -prelates, with long cavalcades of followers as fine -as money or credit could make them, had crowded -into the narrow streets and straggling plazas of -Valladolid; and as the great day approached for the -baptism of the Prince, who had been pledged by his -father at his birth to the Virgin of San Llorente as -the future champion of Catholic orthodoxy, news -came that a greater company than that of any -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P3"></a>3}</span> -grandee of them all was slowly riding over the -mountains of Leon to honour the festival, and to -pledge the most Catholic King to lasting peace -and amity with heretic England, that in -forty years of bitter strife had challenged the -pretension of Spain to dictate doctrine to -Christendom; and had, though few saw it yet, -sapped the foundation upon which the imposing -edifice of Spanish predominance was reared. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Howard in Spain -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Then grave heads were shaken in doubt that this -thing might be of evil omen. Already had the rigid -Ribera, Archbishop of Valencia,[<a id="chap01fn3text"></a><a href="#chap01fn3">3</a>] solemnly warned -the King and Lerma of their impiety in making -terms with the enemies of the faith; lamentations, -as loud as was consistent with safety, had gone up -from churches and guardrooms innumerable at this -tacit confession of a falling away from the -stern standard of Philip II. But now that Lord -Admiral Howard, Earl of Nottingham, who had -defeated the great Armada in 1588, and had -commanded at the sack of Cadiz in 1596, was to ruffle -and feast, with six hundred heretic Englishmen -at his heels, in the very capital of orthodox Spain, -whilst the baby prince whom God had sent to realise -the dream of his house was baptized into the -Church, offended pride almost overcame the stately -courtesy and hospitality which are inborn in the -Spanish character. But not quite: for though priests -looked sour, and soldiers swaggered a little more -than usual when they met the Englishmen in the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P4"></a>4}</span> -cobbled streets, yet to outward seeming all was kind -on both sides; and even the biting satires of the -poets were decently suppressed until the strangers -had gone their way.[<a id="chap01fn4text"></a><a href="#chap01fn4">4</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Howard's reception -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Howard and his train were lodged on the night -of the 25th May in the castle and town of Simancas, -on its bold bluff seven miles from the city; and -betimes in the morning the six hundred and more -British horsemen, all in their finest garb, set forth -over the arid sandy plain on the banks of the -Pisuerga, to enter in stately friendship the capital -of the realm that they and theirs had harried by land -and sea for two score years. For seven months no -drop of rain had fallen on the parched earth; and -as the noble figure of the old earl, in white satin -and gold, surrounded by equally splendid kinsmen, -passed on horseback to the appointed meeting place -outside the walls of the city, the dust alone marred -the magnificence of the cavalcade. For two hours -the Englishmen were kept waiting under the trees, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P5"></a>5}</span> -where the Grand Constable, the Duke of Frias,[<a id="chap01fn5text"></a><a href="#chap01fn5">5</a>] -and the other grandees were to meet them; for -Spanish pride was never at a loss for a -device to inflict a polite snub upon a rival. This -time it was a diplomatic illness of the Duke of Alba -that delayed the starting of the great crowd of -nobles who were to greet the English ambassador, -and it was five o'clock in the afternoon before the -Spanish horsemen reached their waiting guests. -Then, as if by magic, the heavens grew suddenly -black as night, and such a deluge as few men had -seen[<a id="chap01fn6text"></a><a href="#chap01fn6">6</a>] descended upon the gaudy throng; "heaven -weeping in sorrow at their reception," said the -bigots. In vain the Constable of Castile besought -the stiff old Lord Admiral to take shelter in a coach. -He would not balk the people of the sight, he said, -and the costly finery of both English and Spanish -received such a baptism as for ever spoilt its pristine -beauty. Wet to the skin, their velvets and satins -bedraggled, their plumes drooping, and their great -lace ruffs as limp as rags, the thousand noble -horsemen passed through dripping, silent, but curious -crowds to their quarters. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -English peculiarities -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Howard himself was lodged in seven fine rooms -in the palace of Count de Salinas, hard by the yet -unfinished palace; and his six hundred followers -were billeted in the houses of nobles and citizens.[<a id="chap01fn7text"></a><a href="#chap01fn7">7</a>] -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P6"></a>6}</span> -Fifty English gentlemen of rank dined together -that evening in Howard's lodging, and their manners, -dress, and demeanour furnished food for curious -discourse in Spain for many days to come. How -tall and handsome they were, though some of them -were spoilt by full beards! said the gossips; how -careful to show respect for the objects of worship in -the churches, although only fourteen of the whole -number were avowed Catholics. Many of them -spoke Spanish well, as did Howard himself, and -their dress was, on the whole, adjudged to be -handsome; "though their ornaments were not so -fine as ours." But what amused their critics more -than anything else was their industrious poking -about the city in search of books, and a curious -fashion they had of breaking off in their discourse—or -in a pause of the conversation—and practising -a few steps of a dance, the tune of which they -hummed between their teeth.[<a id="chap01fn8text"></a><a href="#chap01fn8">8</a>] In the innocence -of their hearts, too, they imagined that they were -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P7"></a>7}</span> -paying a compliment to the Spaniards by saying -how little real difference there was between their -own creed and that of their hosts; a view which -the latter received in courteous silence in their -presence, but rejected with scorn and derision behind -their backs.[<a id="chap01fn9text"></a><a href="#chap01fn9">9</a>] Brave doings there had been, too, -the next day, when Howard had his first interview -with Philip III. Surrounded by the King's Spanish -and Teuton guard, in new uniforms of yellow and -red, the Lord Admiral was led by the Duke of -Lerma into the presence of the King. Of the -genuflections and embraces, of the advances on each -side, measured and recorded to an inch by jealous -onlookers, of the piled-up sumptuousness of the -garments and the gifts, it boots not here to tell in full, -but the King's new liveries alone on this occasion -are said to have cost 120,000 ducats; and Howard -excused himself for the poverty of his country when -he handed to Queen Margaret an Austrian eagle in -precious stones worth no more than the same great -sum.[<a id="chap01fn10text"></a><a href="#chap01fn10">10</a>] -</p> - -<p> -All this, however, was a mere foretaste of the -overwhelming magnificence of the following day, -Whit Sunday, the 28th May, for ever memorable in -the annals of Valladolid as the greatest day in its -long history; for then it was that in solemn -majesty, and lavish ostentation without example, -there was dedicated to the great task in which his -ancestors had failed, a babe with a lily-fair skin -and wide open light blue eyes, upon whom were -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P8"></a>8}</span> -centred the hopes and prayers of a sensitive, -devout people, who had seen in a few years their -high-strung illusions vanish, their assurance of -divine selection grow fainter and fainter, the -cause they thought was that of heaven conquered -everywhere by the legions of evil, and their own -country reduced to chronic penury; burdened -with a weight beyond its strength, yet too proud to -cast the burden down or to acknowledge its own -defeat. -</p> - -<p> -The almost despairing cry that constant disaster -had wrung from Philip II: "Surely God will in -the end make His own cause triumph," still found -an echo in thousands of Spanish hearts; and this -child of many prayers was greeted as an instrument -sent at last from heaven, on the most solemn day -in the Christian year, to put all things right when -he should grow to be a man.[<a id="chap01fn11text"></a><a href="#chap01fn11">11</a>] The presence of -the "heretic" peace embassy seemed of no good -omen, though some men even affected to interpret -it as such when Howard knelt before the King and -was raised and embraced by him; but, as if to -banish every doubt, and mark for all the world -that the vocation of the Prince was irrevocably -fixed beforehand, there was brought in solemn -pomp, from the remote village of Calguera, the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P9"></a>9}</span> -crumbling little font in which, five hundred years -before, had been baptized the fierce firebrand -St. Dominic, scourge of heresy and founder of the -Holy Inquisition, whose work it was to make all -Christians one, though blood and fire alone might -do it. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Philip and the Dominicans -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Nothing was omitted that could connect the -Prince with the Dominican idea. Early in the -morning of the day of the baptism, the King, who -was to take no public part in the later christening -ceremony, walked in state with all his Court[<a id="chap01fn12text"></a><a href="#chap01fn12">12</a>] in a -great procession of six hundred monks of Saint -Dominic from their monastery of San Pablo to the -cathedral, there again solemnly to dedicate his -infant heir to the vindication of the Church; and -at the dazzling ceremony which took place the -same afternoon in the Dominican church of San -Pablo a similar note was struck. The fair infant, -with its vague blue eyes, was borne in triumph by -the Duke of Lerma, a half dozen of the proudest -dukes in Christendom carried the symbols and -implements of the ceremony, cardinals and bishops -in pontificals received the baby with royal state at -the church porch, the populace pressed in thousands -around with tears and blessings to see their future -King; all that lavish extravagance and exuberant -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P10"></a>10}</span> -fancy could devise to add refulgence to the -solemnity was there; but, looking back with -understanding eyes, we can see that the two -significant objects which stand forth clearly in -antagonism from all that welter of gew-gaws -are the humble rough font of St. Dominic under its -jewelled canopy, supported by great silver pillars, -and the stately white-haired figure of the "heretic" -ambassador with his prominent eyes bowing -gravely, yet triumphantly, in his balcony, as the -pompous procession swept by. -</p> - -<p> -Other less important things there were which -must have told their tale and cast their shadow as -plainly to those who witnessed them as to us. -The two black-browed Savoyard cousins, who walked -in the place of honour, the eldest of them as chief -sponsor, must have been but skeletons at the -feast, for the birth of the Prince had spoilt their -cherished hope of the great inheritance; and, as -we shall see in the course of this history, -Victor-Amadeus of Savoy and his kin brought, therefore, -abounding sorrow to his god-son and to Spain. -When the infant, too, was denuded of his rich -adornments for the ceremony, and they were -deposited upon the solid silver bed that had been -erected in the church for the purpose, some of the -great personages, who alone could have had -access to the precious objects, stole them all, and -the heir of Spain, Prince Philip Dominic, who -entered the church with his tiny body covered with -gems, left it as unadorned as ascetic St. Dominic -himself could have wished.[<a id="chap01fn13text"></a><a href="#chap01fn13">13</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P11"></a>11}</span> -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Philip's dedication -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Thus, in a whirlwind of squandering waste, -surrounded by pompous pride, unscrupulous -dishonesty, and ecstatic devotion, Philip from his birth -was pledged to the hopeless task of extirpating -religious dissent from Christendom: the task that -had been too great for the Emperor and his steadfast -son, that had drained to exhaustion the wealth -of the Indies, had turned Castile into a wilderness, -and was to drag the Spanish Empire to ruin and -dissolution under the sceptre of the babe whose -christening we have witnessed. The life-story of -the unhappy monarch which we have to tell is one -of constant struggle amidst the antagonistic -circumstances that surrounded his baptism; against -the impossibility of reconciling the successful -performance of the work, to which devotional -pride and not national interest had bound -him, with the poverty and exhaustion that -had forced Philip III. and Lerma to seek -peace with Protestants, and had made the victor -of the Invincible Armada an honoured guest -when the heir of Catholic Spain was dedicated -to the ideal of Dominic. For, in good truth, -it was from no lack of either devotion or pride -that Philip III. had been forced to parley -with the thing that he had been taught to look -upon as accursed of God. Almost the only policy -in which he was ever vehemently energetic was the -attempt in the first days of his reign to invade -Ireland in the interests of the Catholics, and to -secure the control of the Crown of England by -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P12"></a>12}</span> -means of the anti-Jacobite party.[<a id="chap01fn14text"></a><a href="#chap01fn14">14</a>] He was, as -Llorente truly says, more fit himself for a Dominican -friar's frock than a regal mantle; and if rigid -obedience to the directions of his spiritual guides -had enabled him to root out Protestant dissent -from Christendom, as he rooted out the Moriscos -from his realms, Philip III. would have succeeded -where his greater father and grandfather failed. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -The Philips compared -</span> -</p> - -<p> -But devotion was not enough to secure the -triumph of Spain; fervent belief in the divine -approval was not enough. Both Philip II. and the -Spaniards of his time possessed those qualities to -excess, and yet they had failed. What was needed -now, even to avert catastrophe, were orderly -organisation, industry, celerity in council and in -action, economical adaptation of ways and means, -ready resource and a flexible conscience; in short, -statesmanship,—and these were the very qualities -which Philip III. conspicuously lacked. With the -accession of Philip III. (1598) the weak point in the -system of the Emperor and his son had come out; -and their laboriously constructed political machine -had broken down. Under Philip II. himself, in -his later recluse years, it had grown rusty and -sluggish, but whilst the mainspring, the monarch, -had laboured ceaselessly, treating his ministers as -clerks, and raising them from the gutter that they -might be his tools alone, the wheels at least went -round; but when the monarch in whom all motion -was centred left off working, and did nothing but -dance and pray alternately, then came paralysis -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P13"></a>13}</span> -and consequent disaster. "Ah! Don Cristobal; -I fear they will rule him," groaned Philip II. on -his agonised deathbed; and, though too late, he -had guessed his son's character aright. -Thenceforward the favourite, Lerma or another, was -monarch in all but name; and each problem of -government as it arose, or was submitted to the -King, was considered by Philip III. not in its broad -political aspects, but as a case of private conscience -to be quibbled over by confessors and theologians, -and finally decided with timorous heart-searching -on grounds apart from national interests or expediency. -</p> - -<p> -Philip II. himself had all his life been sternly -conscientious, according to his lights, and his -inflexibility had been one of the main causes of -the partial failure of his policy and the exhaustion -of his country. He was a strong, slow, persistent -man, unwavering in his methods, as he was consistent -in his objects; but he was withal a statesman -of vast ability, with the power of self-persuasion -that all great statesmen must possess, and he -played the game of international politics with -mundane pieces, though he convinced himself -and others that they were divine. His son and -grandson, as will be seen in the course of this -book, had not his power of self-conviction; they -lived in an age of growing national disillusionment, -and were swayed mainly by sentimental, traditional, -and devotional considerations. They were -for ever unlocking with trembling hands the secret -closet of their conscience, to assure themselves -that indeed no stain rested there. Having seen -that all was spotless in their own breasts, they -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P14"></a>14}</span> -were content to sit with crossed hands, in almost -Oriental fatalism, throwing the whole responsibility -for what happened, or failed to happen, upon the -divine decrees. <i>They</i> had satisfied their confessor -and their conscience in the course they had taken, -and if things went awry after that it was not <i>their</i> -fault.[<a id="chap01fn15text"></a><a href="#chap01fn15">15</a>] This was no doubt all very saintly and -good; but it meant calamity as a system of -government when its professors were pitted against -rivals unhampered by such scruples and limitations. -</p> - -<p> -It may seem paradoxical to assert that the more -purely religious character of the motives that swayed -Philip III. and Philip IV., than of those which -influenced Philip II., resulted from a weakening of -the exalted devotional faith that had dominated -Spain during the greater part of the sixteenth -century; and yet, if it be carefully considered, -such will prove to be the case. A faith so fervent -as that which carried the men-at-arms and -explorers of the Emperor and his son triumphant -through the world left no room for doubt. What -<i>they</i> did could not be wrong, because they were -chosen to do God's own work; and for that all -means were sanctified. They did not need to be -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P15"></a>15}</span> -for ever pulling their consciences up by the roots -to satisfy themselves that the fruit was good. If -Philip II. ordered murder to be committed, or the -Emperor seized private or ecclesiastical property -for his own purposes; if hundreds of inconvenient -political persons were consigned to a living tomb -in the galleys and dungeons of the Inquisition, we -may be assured that no qualms of conscience were -felt in consequence by the first two sovereigns -of the Spanish house of Austria; for the spiritual -fervour, which was the secret of the unity and -power of their realms, made all things right which -were done in furtherance of objects which were -considered sacred: and throughout the Reformation -period the Spanish sovereigns quite honestly -and unhesitatingly employed religious forms and -professions to attain purely political ends.[<a id="chap01fn16text"></a><a href="#chap01fn16">16</a>] But -after the accession of Philip III. disillusion and -faintness of faith set in, and the assurance of -divine selection grew weaker. People in Spain -were, it is true, more outwardly devout than ever, -for the Inquisition increased in strength as it -became more independent and less a political -engine in the hands of the weak monarch; but the -constant timid misgivings of governors and people, -the universal recourse of gentle and simple to -priests, friars, and nuns for guidance, consolation, -and reassurance, were of themselves a proof that -the old robust self-sufficing faith was declining; -and in the course of this history we shall see how -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P16"></a>16}</span> -the process continued hand in hand with the -national decadence; the devotional influence upon -political action increasing as religious faith grew -less positive and conscience more clamorous. -</p> - -<p> -We have seen the wasteful splendour with -which young Philip's infancy was surrounded: it -will be necessary now for us to examine the state -of the country at the time, in order that we may -be able to trace in future pages the consequences -of Philip's action and character when he came to -the throne. Most of the contemporary chroniclers -of the reign whose works remain to us, men like -Novoa, Davila, Porreño, Cabrera, Malvezzi, and -Torquemada, courtiers or placemen all, lose themselves -in hyperbolical ecstasy at the colossal riches -and greatness of the sovereign who could afford -to spend in feasts and shows such vast sums as -those squandered on the christening of Prince -Philip Dominic and similar celebrations: but they -were too much taken up with the pomp and glitter -of their patrons, and in recording the interminable -lists of high-sounding titles and glittering garments, -to give much attention to the reverse side of the -picture. For that we must turn to other authorities, -especially to the narratives of foreign visitors, and -to the remonstrances of the unfortunate members -of the Cortes of Castile, who, between the despairing -and indignant orders of their constituents, and the -ceaseless pressure of the sovereign for fresh supplies -of money, were obliged to speak plainly, though -fruitlessly, of the ruin that impended unless matters -were reformed.[<a id="chap01fn17text"></a><a href="#chap01fn17">17</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P17"></a>17}</span> -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -State of Spain in 1600 -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The first Cortes of the third Philip's reign -(1598), when Lerma demanded the previously -unheard-of vote of eighteen million ducats, spread -over six years, to be raised by a tax on wine, oil, -meat, etc., earnestly prayed the King to attend -to their long-neglected petitions for a readjustment -of expenditure and taxation. When the sum was -voted, the King's promise of reform was, as usual, -broken, and the Cortes then told the King that his -country was already ruined and could pay no -more. "Castile is depopulated, as you may see; -the people in the villages being now insufficient -for the urgently necessary agricultural work: -and an infinite number of places formerly possessing -a hundred households are now reduced to ten, -and many to none at all."[<a id="chap01fn18text"></a><a href="#chap01fn18">18</a>] The common people -were starving: the formerly prosperous -cloth-weaving industry was rapidly being strangled by -the terrible "<i>alcabala</i>" tax, imposed upon all -commodities every time they changed hands by -sale. The price of necessary articles was enormously -and constantly rising, owing to the tampering of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P18"></a>18}</span> -Lerma with the currency, the dwarfing of industry -by the <i>alcabala</i>, town tolls, local octrois, and the -greatly increasing demand for commodities by -America. Whilst the sternest decrees were issued -in rapid succession against luxury in dress and -living, the advent of Lerma and the host of greedy -aristocrats to power had caused a perfect frenzy -for magnificence in attire; and the vast amounts -of money spent in costly stuffs and precious -embroideries, etc., were almost entirely sent abroad, -inasmuch as the Spanish manufacturers and dealers -in such wares were not only impeded in the production -and distribution of them by the economical -causes mentioned, but were practically the only -classes punished for infraction of the sumptuary -decrees. Thus the great sums that arrived in -Seville every year from the Indies to a large extent -never penetrated Spain at all, but were transhipped -at once to other countries, either in exchange -for foreign commodities which unwise -sumptuary decrees and faulty finance prevented -from being produced in Spain, or else to pay the -Genoese and German loan-mongers,—<i>asentistas</i>, -as they were called,—who on usurious terms were -always ready to provide money against future -revenue for the wasteful shows by means of which -the idea of Spain's abounding wealth and power -was kept up. What portion of the American gold -and silver did reach the Spanish people themselves -was mostly hoarded or buried to keep it from -the grasp of tax-farmers, thieves, and extortioners -of all sorts, to whom a man of known wealth was -simply looked upon as fair prey. The copper -money, genuine and forged, with which the country -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P19"></a>19}</span> -was flooded[<a id="chap01fn19text"></a><a href="#chap01fn19">19</a>] was the only sort commonly current, -and this had been by decree (1603) raised to double -its face value, again increasing the price of articles -of prime necessity to the poorer purchaser; whilst -the nobles and other wealthier people who possessed -hoarded silver and gold lived comparatively -cheaply. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Spain at Philip's birth -</span> -</p> - -<p> -In the very year 1605, when, as we have seen, -money was squandered in Valladolid without limit, -every source of national revenue had been pledged -for years in advance; and a year or two previously -the King's officers had been forced to beg from -door to door for so-called voluntary contributions -of not less than fifty reals, for the daily expenses -of the royal household. The revenue in this year -was stated to be nominally 23,859,787 copper -ducats of the value of 2s. 5-1/3d. each,—more than -enough, if it had been received, to meet every -necessary expenditure; but peculation and corruption -were so universal, contraband and evasion so -general, that according to the Venetian ambassador, -every branch of the administration was starved, -the national defences in a deplorable condition, -and the King unable to raise an army of more -than 20,000 or 30,000 men in Spain.[<a id="chap01fn20text"></a><a href="#chap01fn20">20</a>] In the -meanwhile Lerma and his family and friends and their -respective adherents were piling up possessions -and riches beyond computation. The first act of -Philip III. on his accession had been to give to -his favourite the right to receive what presents -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P20"></a>20}</span> -were offered to him, and Lerma had exercised -the privilege to the full. What the chief minister -did the subordinates imitated. Rodrigo Calderon, -the favourite of the favourite, and Franquesa, -the clerk of the council of finance, were found in -their subsequent disgrace to have hoarded immense -quantities of gold and silver; and every one of the -twenty Viceroys, forty-six Governor-Generals, and -their infinite underlings, robbed as much money -as he could grasp, the sooner to come and swagger -in the Court amidst a squalid, starving population, -of which every man was striving within his limits -to imitate his betters, and to share in the easily -won riches of official corruption.[<a id="chap01fn21text"></a><a href="#chap01fn21">21</a>] The one -prosperous trade was the service of the King or the -service of his servants; and thus, whilst the -sovereign himself was blind and deaf to all but -his innocent frivolities, and the superstitious awe -that constituted his religion, Spain grew yearly -poorer and more miserable as a nation, and the -favoured classes, the nobles and the clergy, -practically exempt from taxation, waxed ever fatter, -more insolent, and more lavish. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Spain's responsibilities -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The policy and aims of Philip II. had kept -his realms at war for a generation. The fatal -possession of the Flemish and Dutch territories -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P21"></a>21}</span> -of the House of Burgundy and the traditions of -Catholic unity had cursed poor Castile with a -European policy, and had driven Spain into -constant war with Protestant England, her natural -ally; but Philip II. on his deathbed had done -his best to lighten his son's burden. Flanders -was left to his dear daughter Isabel, and her -destined husband, the Cardinal-Archduke Albert, -with reversion, unfortunately, to Spain, in the -probable case of failure of issue from the Infanta. -To this extent Spain was relieved. There was no -longer any material need for her to spend her blood -and money in fighting the Protestants, either for -the Emperor or for the new Archduchess of -Flanders; who herself, and especially her husband, -were content to let the Protestant Dutch go -their own way, whilst she enjoyed in peace her -inherited Catholic Belgic sovereignty. The -exhaustion of Spain and his own avarice had tended -to make Lerma pacific; and, as we have seen, -peace was arranged both with France and England: -it must be confessed, on extremely favourable -terms for Spain, as early in the reign of Philip -III. as was practicable. The war with the Dutch -in support of the Infanta still dragged on; for -the Spaniards would bate not a jot of their pride, -and Maurice of Nassau and his Hollanders were -in no submissive mood after holding their own -for forty years. The Infanta and her husband -ardently longed for peace, and were ready to -acknowledge the independence of Holland; but -Philip III. was full of scruples of conscience as to -the morality of formally ceding territory to -Protestants, even when he could not hold it himself, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P22"></a>22}</span> -and it was 1609 before the punctilious haggling -ended, and the famous truce of twelve years was -signed, practically giving the stout Dutchmen -the independence for which they had fought so -well. -</p> - -<p> -Spain was then at peace for the first time within -most men's memory; and, with prudence, economy, -and good government, might yet have repaired -the disasters that had befallen her. The promotion -of production, the rehabilitation of labour, -a return to the frugal, honest life which prevailed -before the nation was led to its splendid hysteria -by the imperial connection, would have enabled -the great revenues from the Indies to be kept -in Spain, whose shipping was now for a time free -from the depredations of privateers. But we -have seen how demoralised the whole people had -grown. Long wars in foreign lands, usually against -Protestants or infidels, the craze for discovery and -profitable adventure in the Indies, and the dwarfing -of industry, except for the very poor, humble, -plodding folk, had made the vast majority of -Spaniards scornful of labour; and in any case it -would have been hard to set men to work again. -The attempt even was never seriously made. -Peace for Philip III. and his people did not mean -an opportunity for setting their house in order -and reorganising the nation, because they did not -even yet fully recognise the hopelessness of the -national dream of domination through the unity -of Christendom on Spanish Catholic lines. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -The Moriscos -</span> -</p> - -<p> -For the realisation of this dream absolute -unity of faith in Spain itself was the first necessary -condition. The country was peopled by several -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P23"></a>23}</span> -unamalgamated racial and political elements, and -had been artificially unified by the religious -exaltation resulting from the conquest of Granada and -the fierce doctrinal pride fostered by the Inquisition, -artfully utilised for political ends by Ferdinand -the Catholic and his successors. The weak point -of the sacred bond that held Spaniards together -was the large hard-working Moorish population -scattered over the Peninsula, and especially -numerous in the south-west. In spite of pledges -and promises of toleration, Christian baptism had -been forced upon these people. Taxes and -disabilities of all sorts had been piled upon them, -insulting and oppressive rules had been made to -their detriment, alternate cruelty and persuasion -had been resorted to in vain: the Moriscos at -heart remained true to their own faith, however -humbly they conformed to the Christian rites -imposed upon them. They were still the most -thrifty toilers; the carrying trade of the Peninsula -was almost entirely in their hands, and their means -of inter-communication were thus better than -those enjoyed even by Christian Spaniards. How -to deal with this alien element so as to eliminate -the danger that existed from their presence in a -Christian state, the realisation of whose great -ambition depended upon unbroken religious -unification, had puzzled the minds of Spanish statesmen -for years. It had been practically decided at one -time (1581) by Philip II. to take the whole Morisco -population out to sea and sink the ships that carried -them; Gomez Davila of Toledo urged Philip III. in -1598 to massacre the whole of them, whilst others -more humane advocated the forcible abduction -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P24"></a>24}</span> -of all the children, the sterilisation of the males, -and other heroic measures. For a time also the -milder spirits, such as Father Las Casas, prayed that -gentler methods might be tried; but the attitude -of the Moriscos themselves and the bigotry of the -churchmen soon silenced the voice of mercy. -</p> - -<p> -For years the Moriscos had been plotting with -Spain's enemies; with Henry IV. of France, with -Elizabeth of England, with the Duke of Savoy, -with the Sultan, with the King of Fez, or whoever -else would promise them aid to break up the -Spanish monarchy; and the very day that the -Prince Philip Dominic was born (8th April 1605) -was fixed for the great Moslem rising at Valencia -which should deliver Eastern Spain to the French -King. The plot was discovered in time, and this -frustrated treason had added to the religious -fervour of the baptism, which has been described -at the beginning of this chapter. Thenceforward -the black cloud that loomed over the folk of Moorish -blood grew ever darker. Not the religious bigots -alone, but statesmen too, intent only on the -immediate problem before them, urged that if -unity of Christendom was the necessary condition -of Spain's greatness, then the faith within her own -realms must be made pure and solid beyond all -question or doubt, let the sacrifice be what it -might.[<a id="chap01fn22text"></a><a href="#chap01fn22">22</a>] Racial jealousy, economical rivalry, and -envy of the superior financial position of the frugal -Moriscos over that of their Christian neighbours, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P25"></a>25}</span> -aided the forces of religious bigotry and political -expediency: and, just as the baptism of Prince -Philip had coincided in point of time with the -discovery of the Moorish treason, so did the next -ceremony of his infant life coincide with the fatal -decision to exterminate root and branch from -Spain all those in whose veins was known to flow -the blood of the Moslem races. For the attainment -of the views of both statesmen and churchmen -of the day, purblind as they were to the larger -issues, the resolution to expel the Moriscos was -necessary, but, as will be seen later, it was -disastrous industrially and economically. -</p> - -<p> -In accordance with the condition of political -science of the time, the results of the measure were -indeed neither considered nor understood in the -latter aspects.[<a id="chap01fn23text"></a><a href="#chap01fn23">23</a>] It was discussed in the King's -Council, first as a point of conscience, and secondly -as a political necessity, and the breathing time -given to Spain by the peace with the Protestants -after forty years of strife, instead of being employed -in the repair and recuperation of national forces, was -seized upon by those who yet pursued the chimera -of domination by religious unification, to deplete -still further the already exhausted country by the -expulsion of the principal productive element of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P26"></a>26}</span> -its population, amidst the fervent applause of the -idle and thriftless majority. -</p> - -<p> -And still the frenzy of waste and magnificence -in all classes went on, for no men saw fully yet that -ruin was the inevitable result of a state of society -in which luxurious idleness, or the pretence of it, -was alone regarded as honourable, and where the -honey was seized by the drones of the hive before -workers had stored it. On the 13th January 1608 -the ceremony of swearing allegiance to the child -Philip as heir to the Crown of Spain was celebrated -in the church of St. Geronimo in Madrid,[<a id="chap01fn24text"></a><a href="#chap01fn24">24</a>] with a -lavishness that almost rivalled that of his baptism. -Once more the King, in white satin and spangles -and overloaded with gems, walked in procession -with the fair-haired fragile Queen, even more -splendidly bedight than he;[<a id="chap01fn25text"></a><a href="#chap01fn25">25</a>] once more the lavish -Lerma led the baby Prince as sponsor, and the -courtiers who followed vied with the favourite in -the magnificence of their attire; once more Cardinal -Sandoval de Rojas with a crowd of prelates invested -the act with all the solemn state of which the -Church was capable, and in the courtly fashion of -his house substituted a kiss for the canonical blow -in the ceremony of confirmation.[<a id="chap01fn26text"></a><a href="#chap01fn26">26</a>] Madrid was -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P27"></a>27}</span> -ablaze with light, and the ball in the palace at night -surpassed anything that the now deposed Valladolid -could show; but over all the glitter the black -cloud hovered, and even whilst the ceremony of -homage was being celebrated, the Council of State, -despairing now of the conversion of the Moriscos -by softer methods, and alarmed at the prospects of -a great invasion from Morocco, practically decided -to clear the soil of Spain of the descendants of its -former conquerors. -</p> - -<p> -Of the details of the expulsion this is not the -place to speak. We are principally concerned with -it here to show that Philip IV. was bound from his -earliest infancy to an inherited policy, and that -the seeds of social and national decadence were -sown before his time. He was no Hercules to root -them out, but was forced with bitter anguish to -witness the riches and power of his realms choked -and destroyed by the noxious growth which grew -to maturity in his time: whilst he wept and prayed -for the miraculous remedy that never comes, or -sought forgetfulness in vicious indulgence that -added private remorse to his public sorrow. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Philip's childhood -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Young Philip's education and the surroundings -of his childhood were not calculated to increase his -self-reliance or independence of judgment. His -devout, delicate, Austrian mother died in -childbirth when he was but six years old, and his -father's awestricken devotion thereafter grew -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P28"></a>28}</span> -more mystic than ever. Friars surrounded him, -dictating the most trifling as well as the most -important acts of his life; supernatural visions -and heavenly voices assured him of divine favour -in his intervals of terrified despair which reduced -him almost to lunacy,[<a id="chap01fn27text"></a><a href="#chap01fn27">27</a>] and the little boy who was -to be the heir of his gilded misery was left to the -care of cloistered churchmen, whose ideal of -goodness was the suppression of all natural impulse -and the extinction of personal initiative as opposed -to the dread fatalism which made them supreme. -</p> - -<p> -Beyond dull, ceremonious visits to the royal -convent of the Discalced Carmelites, hard by the -palace of Madrid, the little Prince saw no relaxation -from prayers and lessons, but an occasional stage -play or masque performed by himself and his -young courtiers of similar age. Even as a small -child this was young Philip's sole delight; and so -long as he could declaim verse before his father's -Court, or listen to the declamation of others, he was -content. On one occasion, in 1614, it is recorded in -a gossiping letter of the time, that the Prince, who -was then nine years old, represented the character -of cupid before the King and his family in the room -in the palace devoted to such shows; and as he had -to make his entry upon the stage in a high -ornamental chariot, the jolting of the vehicle made the -poor child seasick; and the God of love, when he -advanced to the footlights, was reduced to a most -unlovely plight in face of the dignified audience, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P29"></a>29}</span> -though we are told that he "performed his part -very prettily." There were those who shook grave -heads, especially some of the friars, at this early -indulgence of the heir of Spain in his passion for a -pastime so little in accord with the traditional -dignity of the royal house;[<a id="chap01fn28text"></a><a href="#chap01fn28">28</a>] but little Philip -himself very soon learnt his lesson, for he was an -apt pupil, and even as a youth assumed a staid -gravity on all public and ceremonious occasions -entirely at variance with his demeanour in private. -</p> - -<p> -In the meanwhile the country was sunk in the -most abject misery. Corruption and plunder of -the national resources by Lerma and his favourites -and their hangers-on had at last aroused the -resentment, or perhaps the jealousy, of rival -self-seekers. Spain was at war again, and a league of -all liberal Europe under Henry IV. of France was -pledged to humble finally the inflated pretensions -of the house of Austria; but just as Lerma's star -was waning, and the prompt ruin of Spain seemed -imminent, a circumstance happened that gave a -new lease of life to the proud dreams of the Philips, -and made the subsequent downfall during the reign -we have to record the more complete. -</p> - -<p> -In May 1610 the dagger of a crazy fanatic ended -the glorious life of "Henry of Navarre"; and the -coalition against Spain broke down, and gave way -to a struggle between his widow Marie de Medici -and James I. of England to secure the friendship -of the decadent power which still loomed so large -and asserted its high claims so haughtily. The -Queen Regent of France, papal and clerical as she -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P30"></a>30}</span> -was, succeeded where crafty, servile James Stuart -failed; and in 1612 the eldest daughter of Spain, -the Infanta Ana, was betrothed in Madrid by -proxy to the boy King of France, Louis XIII., and -young Philip, Prince of Asturias, became the -affianced husband of Isabel of Bourbon, the elder -daughter of Henry IV., the great Béarnais. Of the -lavish splendour that accompanied the betrothals -in Madrid this is not the place to speak,[<a id="chap01fn29text"></a><a href="#chap01fn29">29</a>] but when -Lerma's fall was at last approaching, engineered by -his own son the Duke of Uceda, in 1615, King -Philip III. and his pompous Court travelled north -in an interminable cavalcade to exchange the brides -on the frontier. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Philip's betrothal -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Prince Philip remained at the ancient Castilian -capital of Burgos, whilst the dark-eyed young beauty -who was destined to be his wife rode, surrounded by -Spanish nobles, from the little frontier stream through -San Sebastian and Vittoria to meet her eleven year -old bridegroom. The boy and his father rode a -league or two out of Burgos to greet the girl, who it -was fondly hoped would cement France and Spain -together for the fulfilment of the impossible old -dream of Christian unity dictated from Madrid; -and eye-witnesses tell that the pale little milksop -Prince, with his lank sandy hair and his red hanging -under-lip, gazed speechless in admiration of the pretty -bright-eyed child, in unbecoming Spanish dress, -who was destined to be the companion of his youth -and prime. The next day Burgos was in a blaze of -splendour to welcome the future Queen, who rode on -her white palfrey and her silver sidesaddle through -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P31"></a>31}</span> -the narrow frowning streets to the glorious cathedral; -and then, from city to city, through stark Castile, -the little bride, smiling and happy, and her pale boy -bridegroom, followed by the most splendid Court in -Christendom, slowly made their way to the crowning -triumph of the capital.[<a id="chap01fn30text"></a><a href="#chap01fn30">30</a>] -</p> - -<p> -In the gorgeous crowd of courtiers that -accompanied the King on his long journey to and from -the French frontier, intrigue and falsity were rife. -The Duke of Lerma's favourite, Calderon, had -languished in a dungeon already for five years, and -the spoilt favourite himself knew that his fall had -been plotted long since by his son and the powerful -clerical clique that swayed the timorous soul of -Philip III. But Lerma was making a brave fight -for his dignity and vast wealth. Philip III. was -kind and tender-hearted, and the habit of subjection -to his favourite was hard to break, so that his enemies -had to tread warily. Their plan was to place -gradually around the King and his heir nobles -whom Lerma had failed to satisfy with sufficient -bribes. One of them was a young man of twenty-eight, -perhaps the most forceful of them all, Caspar -de Guzman, Count of Olivares, son of that proud -minister of Philip II. who had bullied and -hoodwinked Sixtus V. into supporting the Armada in -1588. For years Caspar de Guzman, and his father -before him, had fruitlessly besought Lerma to -convert their peerage of Castile into a grandeeship of -Spain; and on the journey to France with the King, -the Count, though his branch of the great Guzman -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P32"></a>32}</span> -house was less rich than noble, had striven to show -by the splendour of his train that if he was not a -grandee he was magnificent enough to be one.[<a id="chap01fn31text"></a><a href="#chap01fn31">31</a>] -</p> - -<p> -Philip III. loved lavishness, especially to -dazzle the French at this juncture, and was easily -persuaded by Lerma's false son to make the Count -of Olivares a gentleman of the chamber to the -Prince. At first young Philip disliked his masterful -attendant, whose imperious manner and stern looks -frightened the sensitive boy; but gradually, as the -latter grew older and more curious, the address and -cleverness of Olivares asserted their influence over -the weaker spirit of the Prince. Olivares was -supposed by Uceda to be acting entirely in his -interest, and had persuaded the latter to give him -complete control of the Prince's household, which -he took care to pack with friends pledged to -himself. When Lerma was finally dismissed with -a cardinal's hat and all his riches, young Philip was -anxious to know why so great a minister had been -disgraced. Olivares was always ready to enlighten -the lad, and would spend long periods chatting with -him alone as the Prince lay in bed, or as he was -riding. In answer to Philip's questions about Lerma, -he impressed upon him the insolence of favourites -generally, their noxious public influence, their evil -effect upon monarchs, and much more to the same -purport, pointed at Uceda the new minister quite -as much as at his fallen father. The sufferings of -the people were described vividly to the sympathising -boy, who was told of the vast plunder held by -Lerma and his family from the national resources, -and the noble task awaiting a monarch who would -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P33"></a>33}</span> -govern his realm himself and redress the -wrongs of his subjects. Young Philip's youthful -ambition was aroused, and thenceforward he -listened to his mentor eagerly; whilst he -ostentatiously frowned in public upon the Duke of -Uceda.[<a id="chap01fn32text"></a><a href="#chap01fn32">32</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Results of Lerma's rule -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Spain, notwithstanding the change of favourites, -went from bad to worse. The vast sums spent by -the King upon the building of new convents and -in sumptuous shows were still wrung from the -humblest classes, who alone did any profitable work, -and in vain was the sainted image of the Virgin of -Atocha carried in regal state through the streets -of the capital, in the hope of averting widespread -famine. Lerma at least, in his long ministry, had -managed to conceal from the indolent King the -utter ruin that threatened; but the ineptitude of -the new favourites made the misery patent even -to him. The knowledge overwhelmed his feeble -spirit, and his long spells of despair were but -rarely relieved now by the frivolities that formerly -delighted him. Ill and failing as he was, and his -poor spirit broken, he prayed the Council of Castile -to tell him the truth as to the condition of his -people, and to suggest remedies for their ills. The -report, which reached him in February 1619, finally -opened his eyes, now that it was too late, to the -appalling results of his rule; and, stricken with panic -fear that he would be damned eternally for his -life-long neglect of duty, the poor King broke down -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P34"></a>34}</span> -utterly. He knew that his strength was ebbing, -and forgiveness for himself was his first thought, and -then to pray that his son might do better than he -had done. -</p> - -<p> -To distract him, his favourites persuaded him to -make a royal progress to Portugal, with all the old -lavish splendour, to witness the taking of the oath -by the Portuguese Cortes to young Philip as heir -to the throne. For months the cities of Portugal -were the scene of prodigal pomp and devotion, that -once more drove out of the muddled brain of the -King all thought of the misery he had left behind -him in Castile; and as he sat, on the 14th July 1619, -under his gold and silken canopy in his palace at -Lisbon, dressed in white taffeta and gold, and -surrounded by the nobles of Portugal and Spain, it -seemed as if the lying fable that made him personally -the master of boundless wealth must be true, -and that his stark and ruined realm was overflowing -with happy abundance.[<a id="chap01fn33text"></a><a href="#chap01fn33">33</a>] By his side sat his hopeful -son Philip, a tall slim lad of fourteen, wearing a -white satin suit covered with gold and gems, and -surmounted by a black velvet shoulder-cape a mass -of bullion embroidery; and as the representatives -of the Portuguese nation bent the knee and swore -to accept him as King when his father should die, -in exchange for his assurance that their ancient -rights should be respected, little thought any of the -glittering throng that the pale long-faced boy with -the loose lower lip would, out of indolent -amiability, cause rivers of blood to run between Portugal -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P35"></a>35}</span> -and Spain, and that all the oaths sworn that day -on both sides would be broken. Little dreamed -they, either, that the dark-visaged man with the big -square head, who stood behind the Prince's chair, -was to be the mover of this calamity, and of the -final disruption of his young master's great -inheritance. Olivares, secure in his hold now over the -Prince, left Lisbon to go to the home of his -house in Seville for a time, knowing well that -the jarring rivals around the boy would soon -make his return to Court the more welcome. -The King was ill and like to die on his way -back to Madrid,[<a id="chap01fn34text"></a><a href="#chap01fn34">34</a>] and Olivares was near the -Prince at the critical time, more influential than -ever. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Death of Philip III. -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Philip was precocious, and Olivares encouraged -his precocity. By his influence it was decided that -the married life of the fifteen and a half year old -Prince and his pretty French bride should -commence in November 1620, at the suburban palace -of the Pardo; and thenceforward, whilst the poor -King, in alternate fits of agonised remorse and -hysterical hope, clung to his mouldering relics of -dead saints for comfort, and to the frocks of his -attendant friars for reassurance against the wrath -of the Most High, his son Philip was yearning -impatiently for the coming of the time when he -might as King carry into effect the lessons his -mentor Olivares had whispered to him; banish the -whole brood of Sandoval y Rojas, and revive, as -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P36"></a>36}</span> -by magic, the potency of his country and the -happiness of his people. -</p> - -<p> -Through the month of March 1621, King Philip -III. lay dying in his palace at Madrid, overlooking -the bare Castilian plain.[<a id="chap01fn35text"></a><a href="#chap01fn35">35</a>] He was not much over -forty years of age, but though his malady was -slight his vitality had fled, and all desire to prolong -his disillusioned life. His remorse and horror of -heaven's vengeance were terrible to behold, though -during all his reign his habits had been those of a -frivolous friar rather than of a bad man, which he -certainly was not.[<a id="chap01fn36text"></a><a href="#chap01fn36">36</a>] On the 30th March young -Philip took a last farewell of his father. "I have -sent for you," said the King, "that you may see -how it all ends"; and he gave the weeping lad -similar advice to that given by his own greater -father, Philip II., to him on his deathbed, counsel -to be treated in a similar way. He was to marry -his sister Maria to the German Emperor, and to set -his face sternly against all temptations to make a -less Catholic alliance for her; for James of England -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P37"></a>37}</span> -had been striving hard, seconded by Gondomar, to -win her for Charles, Prince of Wales, and to secure -the Palatinate of the Rhine for his son-in-law -Frederick. The dying Philip urged his son to -strive for the happiness of his people, cherish his -sisters and brothers, to avoid new counsellors, and -to stand steadfast to the faith of Spain; but when -the young Prince left the room Uceda and his crew -knew that it was to go straight and take counsel of -Olivares and his supporters for making a clean -sweep of all those who had not bent the knee to -the cadet of the house of Guzman, the dark man -with the bent shoulders, the big square head, -flashing fierce black eyes, and brusque imperious -manner, who was already assuming the airs of a -master. -</p> - -<p> -For many months the palace had been a -swarming hive of intriguers, where hate, jealousy, -and uncharitableness reigned supreme; but one by -one the friends of the Sandovals had been pushed -into the background, and no one but Olivares and -his creatures were now allowed to approach the lad -who was soon to be King of Spain. It was clear to -Uceda that he was not strong enough to resist the -coming storm alone; perhaps the father he had -ousted, the Cardinal Duke of Lerma, who had acted -on the death of Philip II. as Olivares was acting -now, might with his experience and prestige yet -win the day. The dying King had already -raised the exile of all the other courtiers who -had been banished from Court; though on their -return they had been excluded by Olivares -from access to the Prince; and now, in the -last days of the King's life, Uceda obtained -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P38"></a>38}</span> -from him a decree recalling the Duke of -Lerma. -</p> - -<p> -Like a thunderbolt the news fell in the camp of -the Guzmans. Olivares summoned his kin, headed -by the wisest of them, old Baltasar de Zuñiga. -From this meeting Olivares went to the Prince and -told him that as his father was dying it was necessary -to look ahead and take measures for securing prompt -obedience when the crucial moment came. Young -Philip acquiesced, for he was as wax in the hands -of his imperious mentor; and Olivares, thus -reinforced, proceeded to the King's apartments, where -by cajolery and threats he obtained from the two -great nobles on duty, the aged Duke of Infantado -and the Marquis of Malpica, not only a knowledge -of the provisions of the King's will, but also a -promise that prompt information of everything -that passed in the death chamber should be sent -direct to the Prince's adviser. The Cardinal Duke -was hurrying across Castile towards Madrid, full -of hope for a revival of his greatness; for young -Philip, whom he had dandled as a babe, always -liked him, and had wept for his "Gossip," as he -called him, when he had been banished from -Court. If once the Duke reached Madrid, Guzman -was in danger, and no time was to be lost. So the -Prince, at the bidding of Olivares, took the bold -and dangerous course of assuming sovereign power -to countermand his father's orders whilst yet the -King lived. -</p> - -<p> -Young Philip was alone in the dusk of the -evening in his panelled chamber in the old palace -of Madrid, when the president of the Council of -Castile, the highest functionary in Spain and -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P39"></a>39}</span> -Archbishop of Burgos, stood bowing before him in -obedience to his call. The Prince, who lounged -against a carved oak sideboard, was dressed in -black, and his long sallow face had assumed the -haughty immobility that for the rest of his life -was his official mask of majesty. "I have sent -for you, he mumbled to the Archbishop in slow, -measured tones, to direct you to despatch a -member of the Council to forbid the Duke of -Lerma from entering Castile, and to command him -to return immediately to Valladolid to await my -orders."[<a id="chap01fn37text"></a><a href="#chap01fn37">37</a>] The Archbishop knelt and promised -obedience, though he knew, we are told, that -if the King recovered he would have to suffer -for his weak compliance with an illegal command.[<a id="chap01fn38text"></a><a href="#chap01fn38">38</a>] -</p> - -<p> -There was little to fear in the world now, however, -from Philip III., who in the intervals of his -bodily anguish was occupied solely in his -panic-stricken intercessions for pardon. His room was -encumbered with ghastly remains of saintly -humanity, and the sacred offices succeeded each -other day and night: but around the bed worldly -ambitions were raging bitterly. In the morning -of the 30th March a consultation of physicians -pronounced the end to be near; and the Duke of -Uceda, as principal minister and first chamberlain, -announced his intention of conveying the news -to the Prince. Then the Duke of Infantado, -secure in the favour of Olivares, to whom only two -days before he had betrayed the secrets of the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P40"></a>40}</span> -death chamber, broke out tempestuously: "No, -indeed; that is my place, for the Prince has -specially ordered me to go." Uceda knew his -day was past, and meekly bent his head: and -thus, in the midst of greedy bickering, his nerveless -hand grasping to the last the rough crucifix that -had comforted the glazing eyes of his grandfather -the Emperor, and his father Philip II., the third -Philip passed the dread divide, revered and beloved -by the people whom his ineptitude had ruined, -because he had still upheld throughout Europe the -claim of his house to impose Christian orthodoxy -upon the world, and had purged the sacred soil of -Spain of the taint of Moorish blood, to his country's -permanent undoing. -</p> - -<p> -Olivares had played his cards cleverly. For -weeks he had feigned a desire to seek retirement -in his home at Andalusia, knowing well that young -Philip, in the welter of difficulties and intrigues -that surrounded him, looked to him alone for -guidance; and the adviser had only to hint at a -wish to retire for the Prince to assent to whatever -he demanded. As the King lay dying Uceda had -met Olivares in the corridor. "How goes it," he -asked, "in the Prince's chamber?" "All is mine," -replied the Count. "All!" exclaimed the Duke of -Uceda ruefully; "Yes, without exception," -retorted Olivares; "for his Highness overrates me in -all things but my goodwill."[<a id="chap01fn39text"></a><a href="#chap01fn39">39</a>] Before many hours -had passed Uceda and his kin knew to their cost -that Olivares had not boasted in vain. All was -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P41"></a>41}</span> -indeed his, and the strong hand fell ruthlessly -upon those who had ruled and plundered Spain -since the greatest of the Philips had passed his -heavy crown to his weak son twenty-two years -before. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn1"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn1text">1</a>] See a curious contemporary, unpublished, account by Don Geronimo -Gascon de Torquemada. Add. MSS. 10,236 British Museum. He says -that the Town Council scattered 12,000 silver reals in the plaza on -Saturday, 9th April, and that 30,000 wax candles, -with as many sheets of white -paper to wrap round them for torches, were distributed to the poor; -the whole population of the city at the time being between 50,000 and -60,000. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn2"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn2text">2</a>] Narrative of Matias de Novoa, <i>Documentos Ineditos</i>, vol. lx. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn3"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn3text">3</a>] The vehement protest of Ribera -is reproduced <i>in extenso</i> in Gil -Gonzalez Davila's <i>Vida y Hechos de Phelipe III</i>. -Original MS. in -possession of the author. -Also published, Madrid, 1771. Ribera it was -who principally promoted the expulsion -of the Moriscos a few years later. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn4"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn4text">4</a>] Gongora's sonnet, for instance, which is thus -Englished by Churton— -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> - "Our Queen had borne a Prince. When all were gay,<br /> - A Lutheran envoy came across the main.<br /> - With some six hundred followers in his train,—<br /> - All knaves of Luther's brood. His proud array<br /> - Cost us, in one fair fortnight and a day,<br /> - A million ducats of the gold of Spain,<br /> - In jewels, feasting crowds, and pageant play.<br /> - But then he brought us, for our greater gain,<br /> - The peace King James on Calvin's Bible swore.<br /> - Well! we baptized our Prince; Heaven bless the child!<br /> - But why make Luther rich, and leave Spain poor?<br /> - What witch our dancing courtiers' wits beguiled?—<br /> - Cervantes, write these doings: they surpass<br /> - Your grave Don Quixote, Sancho and his ass."<br /> -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -See also Cervantes' ballad of the Churching of -Queen Margaret, in his -Exemplary Novel of <i>The Little Gipsy</i>, written, -however, some years after -the event. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn5"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn5text">5</a>] Don Juan Fernandez de Velasco, -hereditary Great Constable of -Castile, Duke of Frias, who in the -previous year, 1604, had gone to -England to conclude with James I. the -Treaty of Peace. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn6"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn6text">6</a>] So at least say the eye-witnesses; -though it can hardly have been -a more violent downpour than that which -overtook the present writer -on the same spot, and at a similar date, -in a recent year, when, with -hardly five minutes' notice, the road was -converted into a rushing torrent -several inches deep, though previously -no rain had fallen for months. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn7"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn7text">7</a>] Cabrera (<i>Documentos Ineditos</i>) says that -care was taken that no -sacred pictures were placed in the rooms, -for fear of offence, though they -were hung with fine tapestries. -Three new beds, he says, were bought for -Howard and his sons, etc. As an instance -of the great care taken on -both sides to avoid offence, Davila mentions -that Howard, having learnt -that two of his gentlemen had brought -English Bibles with them, insisted -upon their being returned to the ship; -and Gascon de Torquemada -asserts that the Englishmen were forbidden -to dispute with Spaniards, -right or wrong, on pain of death. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn8"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn8text">8</a>] "Todos tienen lindos trajes y altos cuerpos; -y en habiendo entrado -en conversacion con nosotros se apartan luego, -y hacen cabriolas, -cantando entre dientes: y aunque entre ellos -usan esto no lo usava el -Almirante." Gascon de Torquemada's MS B.M., -Add. MSS. 10,236. -Cabrera de Cordova (<i>Relacion de las -Cosas Sucedidas desde 1599 hasta</i> -1614) also mentions the "cabriolas" -or skipping of the English gentlemen -in the grand ball given in their honour -on the 16th June by the King. -The passion for dancing "high and disposedly" -was at the time considered peculiarly English, -and Englishmen are frequently referred to in -Spanish letters of the time as being naturally -volatile and mercurial, in -marked contrast with their latter-day descendants. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn9"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn9text">9</a>] See Geronimo Gascon de Torquemada's MS. B.M., -Add. MSS. 10,936. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn10"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn10text">10</a>] Full accounts of Howard's reception -may be found in Torquemada's -MS. already quoted, in Novoa's relation -(<i>Documentos Ineditos</i>, 60 and 61), -in Cabrera de Cordova, in Davila already quoted, -and in Yepes' <i>Felipe III</i>. -Madrid, 1723. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn11"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn11text">11</a>] Cervantes thus writes on the subject— -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> - "This pearl that Thou to us hast given,<br /> - Star of Austria's diadem:<br /> - What crafty plans, what high designs,<br /> - Are shattered by this peerless gem.<br /> - What hopes within our breasts are raised,<br /> - What soaring schemes have come to nought,<br /> - What fears are by his birth aroused.<br /> - What havoc with ambition wrought!"<br /> -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -MacColl's translation of "The Exemplary Novels." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn12"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn12text">12</a>] With him, we are told, walked the Princes -of Savoy and all the -grandees and prelates present in Valladolid, -the household of each parsonage -being dressed in new liveries for the occasion, -those of the royal -servants being white and crimson trimmed -with gold. The English -ambassador Howard witnessed the procession, -as he did later in the day -that of the baptism, from a corner balcony -in Count Rivadavia's house, -his garments glittering with diamonds, -and the collar of the Garter on -his shoulder. It was noticed that when -the King passed beneath the -Englishman doffed his bonnet and made -a deep reverence. Porreño, -<i>Vida y Hechos de Phelipe III</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn13"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn13text">13</a>] Cabrera, <i>Relacion de las Cosas Sucedidas -desde 1599 hasta 1614</i>. In -addition to the authorities already quoted, -there is a curious account of -the celebrations referred to, sometimes -attributed to Cervantes, called -<i>Relacion de lo Subcedido en la Ciudad -da Valladolid</i>, etc. Published at -Valladolid in 1605. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn14"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn14text">14</a>] A detailed account of these attempts -will be found in <i>Treason and -Plot</i>, by the present writer, -and in the fourth volume of his <i>Calendars of -Spanish State Papers of the Reign of Elizabeth</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn15"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn15text">15</a>] When the capital of Spain was again -transferred to Madrid in 1606, -Queen Margarita was much opposed to and -distressed at the change. -Porreño relates that she went to take -leave of her favourite nuns at -Valladolid with tears in her eyes, -and when asked by the nuns why she -did not persuade the King to remain at -Valladolid, which agreed so well -with his wife and children, she replied -that "nothing on earth could -move the King now, as the removal of the -capital to Madrid had now -been presented to him as a case of -conscience." "Thus," says Porreño, -in admiration, "he was ready to sacrifice -the welfare of his wife and -children, and all earthly considerations, -for his conscience' sake!" Spaniards -of the period thought that no higher praise than this could -be given to any man. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn16"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn16text">16</a>] For instance, Charles' unblushing manipulation -of the Council of -Trent in 1545-46, the juggle with Paul III. about -the Italian principalities, -and the clever hoodwinking of Sixtus V. as -to the real objects of the -Armada of 1588. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn17"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn17text">17</a>] It must be borne in mind that the Cortes -of Castile (which comprised -Castile, Leon, Andalucia, etc., -and consisted of thirty-six deputies for -eighteen cities) had, after the abortive -rising of the Comuneros early in the -reign of Charles V., in a great measure -allowed the control of supply to slip -from its hands, and was rapidly becoming effete; -all the members being -bribed and influenced by grants and favours -of the Court. The three -Cortes of the Crown of Aragon, however, -still held their own purse-strings, -and always made supply a matter of bargain. -For this reason practically -the whole of the growing national burden -rested upon wretched Castile. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn18"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn18text">18</a>] Danvila y Collado, <i>El Poder Civil en España</i>, vol. 6. -In this petition the Cortes told the King that, -whereas it had cost twelve years -previously 60 ducats to maintain a student -and his servant at Salamanca -for a year, it now cost 120. -Wages had risen for a bricklayer from 4 -reals to 8, and for a labourer from 2 -reals to 4; a trimmed felt hat which -had previously cost 12 reals now cost 24. -Segovia cloth, of which the -price was formerly 3 ducats a piece, -now fetched nearly double. The -ducats quoted are the so-called copper -ducat of 2<i>s.</i> 5-1/3<i>d.</i>, the real being -the silver real worth about 6<i>d.</i> -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn19"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn19text">19</a>] The quantity of copper coin in circulation -increased in five or six -years from 6 millions of ducats' worth to 28 millions. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn20"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn20text">20</a>] Contarini to the Doge and Senate -of Venice (<i>Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneziani</i>). -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn21"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn21text">21</a>] Navarrete says, speaking of the luxury -of the Court at this period—and -we shall see that it was exceeded later—"The smallest hidalgo -insisted upon his wife only going -out in a carriage, and that her equipage -should be as showy as that of the -greatest gentleman at Court. Not even -a carpenter or a saddler, or any -other artizan, was seen but he must be -dressed in velvet or satin like a nobleman. -He must needs wear his -sword and his dagger, and have a guitar -hanging on the wall of his shop." When -it is remembered that the production -and distribution in Spain -itself of the precious stuffs mentioned -were hampered at every point, it -will be understood how great and -constant the drain of wealth was from -a country which now exported little -but the products of its soil. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn22"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn22text">22</a>] For details of the expulsion see, -<i>inter alia</i>, Fray Jaime Bleda's -<i>Cronica de los Moros de España</i> (Valencia, 1618); -<i>The Moriscos of Spain</i>, -by C. H. Lea (London, 1901); <i>Memorable Expulsion</i>, -etc., by Guadalajara -(Pamplona, 1614); and Porreño's <i>Felipe III</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn23"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn23text">23</a>] The wise minister of Philip II., Idiaquez, -in 1595 almost alone saw -the economical evil of the expulsion. -In an important letter to a colleague -(MS. Loyola No. 1., 31, -Royal Academy of History, Madrid) he rebuked -the general idea that Spain would be -richer for the expulsion of the -Moriscos, and pointed out that they -almost alone were creating national -wealth by their industry, frugality, -and skill in agriculture. "But all -this," he says, "is of no consideration -in exchange for putting away -from our throat the knife which -threatens it so long as these -people remain amongst us in their -present condition and we in ours." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn24"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn24text">24</a>] The ancient church in the Prado -where this ceremony always took -place, and where the young King of Spain -and his English bride were -married recently. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn25"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn25text">25</a>] "His Majesty wore a white doublet -and trunks with a grey satin -cloak, all embroidered with bugles and -gold spangles and lined with -ermine. White shoes and a black velvet cap -with strings of pearls and -diamonds and a plume of white feathers -sprinkled with magnificent -diamonds; a sword beautifully chased -and an embroidered belt; a ruff -with crimson silk ribs and the grand collar -of the Golden Fleece." See -a curious contemporary MS. account -of the ceremony. British Museum -MSS., Egerton, 367. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn26"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn26text">26</a>] The Prince was nevertheless so frightened -that the silken bands -necessary in the ceremony meant an intention -to bleed him, and he cried -so much in consequence, that he had -to be led to a little chair at his -mother's knee before he could be pacified; -and there his sister, the -Infanta Ana, weighed down by her stiff -gorgeousness, knelt and did -homage, to be followed by the cardinal, -the nobles, and the Cortes. -<i>Ibid</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn27"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn27text">27</a>] Gil Gonzalez de Avila, in his MS. <i>Historia -de Phelipe III.</i>, gives many -admiring instances of the King's mystic -communications with the heavenly -powers, and of his attacks of religious -panic. (Original MS. in my -possession.) -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn28"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn28text">28</a>] Cabrera de Cordova, <i>Cosas Sucedidas -a la Corte</i>, etc., <i>desde</i> 1599 á 1614. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn29"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn29text">29</a>] A full account of the crazy magnificence -on the occasion will be -found in <i>Documenios Ineditos</i>, lxi. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn30"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn30text">30</a>] An unpublished account of the progress -by an eye-witness is in -Add. MSS. 102,36, British Museum. -See also <i>Queens of Old Spain</i>, by Martin -Hume, and <i>Documenios Ineditos</i>, lxi. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn31"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn31text">31</a>] Malvezzi, <i>Historia de Felipe III.</i>, Yañez. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn32"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn32text">32</a>] Matias de Novoa, <i>Felipe III</i>. -<i>Doctimentos Ineditos</i>, lxi. This -writer was a chamberlain of Philip IV. and -an agent of Olivares; but -receiving from the latter no reward, -he wrote a series of bitter attacks -upon him. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn33"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn33text">33</a>] The King's and the Prince's splendid -dresses and adornments on -this occasion are described fully by -Porreño in <i>Dichos y Hechos de Don -Felipe III</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn34"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn34text">34</a>] His recovery from this grave illness -after the doctors had given -up hope was ascribed to the miraculous effect -produced by the dead -body of the newly beatified Saint Isidore -of Madrid, which was brought -to his bedside at Covarrubias. -The King kissed and embraced the corpse, -and improved from that hour. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn35"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn35text">35</a>] The ridiculous story, related by -entirely untrustworthy French -travellers, of the cause of Philip's fatal -illness being the Court etiquette, -which forbade any attendant but a high -noble who happened to be absent -to remove a brazier from too close -proximity to the King, may be -dismissed as a fable. Anything which -exaggerated the strangeness, the -romance, and the inflation of Spanish manners -found ready belief in -seventeenth-century France, and has done -so ever since. The absurd -ideas relative to Spain even at the present -time are mainly due to this -insistence on the part of French writers -in seeing everything Spanish -through the coloured medium of the romantic -school. Madame D'Aulnoy's -overdone "local colour" and evidently -invented stories are largely -responsible for this, aided by Bassompiere -Saint Simon, Mme. Villars, -and the later romantic school of French novelists. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn36"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn36text">36</a>] Terrible accounts of Philip's awful -deathbed are given by Gil Gonzales -de Avila, his chronicler and friend, -in his <i>Historia de Felipe III.</i>, original -MS. in my possession, in Yañez's additions -to Malvezzi, and in Novoa, -<i>Documentos Ineditos</i>, lxi.; all contemporaries. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn37"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn37text">37</a>] Novoa, <i>Documentos Ineditos</i>, lxi. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn38"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn38text">38</a>] Novoa says that when the Archbishop -signed the order he broke -into tears and cast away the pen he had used. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn39"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn39text">39</a>] <i>Fragmentos Historicos de la Vida de D. Caspar -de Guzman</i>, etc. Unpublished -contemporary MS. biography of Olivares -in my possession; -the work of his partisan Vera y Figueroa, -Count de la Roca. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p><a id="chap02"></a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P42"></a>42}</span></p> - -<h3> -CHAPTER II -</h3> - -<p class="intro"> -ACCESSION OF PHILIP IV.—OLIVARES THE -VICE-KING—CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY—MEASURES -ADOPTED BY THE NEW KING—RETRENCHMENT—MODE -OF LIFE OF PHILIP AND HIS MINISTER—PHILIP'S -IDLENESS—HIS APOLOGIA—DISSOLUTENESS -OF THE CAPITAL—VILLA MEDIANA—THE -AMUSEMENTS OF THE KING AND COURT—A -SUMPTUOUS SHOW—ARRIVAL OF THE PRINCE -OF WALES IN MADRID—HIS PROCEEDINGS—OLIVARES -AND BUCKINGHAM -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -Prince Philip lay in his great square tentlike -bedstead in the palace of Madrid, at nine o'clock -on the morning of the 31st March 1621, when an -usher announced his Dominican confessor, -Sotomayor. The friar entered, and, kneeling by the -bedside with a grave face, saluted his new sovereign -as King Philip IV. For a moment the boy was -overwhelmed at the long-looked-for news, and bade -the attendants draw the curtains close that he -might indulge his grief unseen. But soon the -eager worshippers of the risen sun flocked into the -room to pay their court to the new monarch when -he should deign to show his face. Anon there was -stir in the antechamber, and the crowd divided, -bowing low as the stern, masterful man who -was now lord over all stalked through the room, -accompanied by his aged uncle the white-haired -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P43"></a>43}</span> -Don Baltasar de Zuñiga, destined by him to be -nominally the King's chief minister, behind whom -Olivares might rule unchecked. Advancing to -the King's bed, Olivares threw back the curtains -and peremptorily told Philip that he must get up, -for there was much to be done. Uceda was still -officially first minister and great chamberlain, with -right of free access to the Sovereign; but when, a -few moments later, he and his secretary entered -the antechamber, amidst the scarcely concealed -sneers of the courtiers, and the whisper reached -Philip that they were coming, the King leapt from -his bed and cried out that no one else was to be -admitted until he was dressed. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -The rise of Olivares -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Dressing on this occasion was a long process, -for the young King broke down with grief and -excitement several times whilst his attendants -were preparing him for public audience; and -Uceda, in the antechamber, fumed and fretted at -the insult put upon him by the King, who thus -disregarded his father's dying injunctions in the -first moments of his bereavement. Whilst Uceda -awaited the King's pleasure, Olivares, leaving the -bed-chamber, met his falling rival face to face, and -a violent altercation took place as to the -premature action of Philip in ordering the Duke of -Lerma, a Prince of the Church now, and immune -from lay commands, to stay his journey to Madrid. -Pointing to the State papers, seals, and keys in -the hands of the secretary who accompanied him, -Uceda asked who but the Duke of Lerma was -worthy of taking charge of them. "My uncle, -Don Baltasar de Zuñiga is here," replied Olivares, -"to do so, and to give to the State the advantage -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P44"></a>44}</span> -of his long experience, and wisdom second to -none." Uceda was then notified that the King, -being dressed, would receive him; and entering -the room, he knelt and proffered to Philip the -seals and papers of his office. Pouting and -frowning, the King waved his hand towards the -sideboard, and said, "Put them there," and Uceda -went out unthanked, to weep his now certain ruin -and disgrace.[<a id="chap02fn1text"></a><a href="#chap02fn1">1</a>] -</p> - -<p> -Whilst the King was busy condoling with his -young wife and sister and his two brothers Carlos -and Fernando, and receiving the homage of his -nobles, the preparations were hastily made in -the great hall of the Alcazar for the lying in state -of the body of Philip III. in his habit as a friar -of St. Francis. And as the muffled death bells -boomed from the steeples of the capital, one man -at least there was whose heart fainted at the -sound. "The King is dead, and so am I," cried -Don Rodrigo de Calderon from the prison where he -had suffered and languished for years, the -scapegoat for others, borne down by accusations -innumerable, from theft to witchcraft and regicide. -In his pride and power he had piled up wealth -beyond compute, as his master Lerma had done, -but it is clear now that the other charges against -him were mainly false. His long trial had resulted -in no mortal crime being proved, and had Philip -III. lived he would doubtless have been pardoned; -but he had belonged to the old greedy gang, and -Olivares had no mercy upon them. Before -Philip's nine days mourning reclusion in the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P45"></a>45}</span> -monastery of St. Geronimo was ended a clean -sweep was made of the men who had surrounded -the dead King. Calderon's head fell on the scaffold -in the Plaza Mayor of Madrid; the great Duke of -Osuna, who had ruled Naples with so high a hand -as to be accused of the wish to make himself a King, -was incarcerated and persecuted till his proud -heart broke; Uceda met with a similar fate; the -powerful confessor Aliaga was disgraced and -banished; and even Lerma was not spared, though -he fought stoutly for his plunder; and all the clan -of Sandoval and Rojas were trampled under the -heels of the Guzmans and their allies. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Olivares supreme -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The state of things which the new Sovereign -had to face was positively appalling. The details -of the abject penury and misery universal -throughout Spain, except amongst those who managed -the public revenues and their numerous hangers-on, -sound almost incredible. Idleness and pretence -were everywhere. Insolent gentlemen in velvet -doublets and no shirts, workmen who strutted -and clattered in ruffs and rapiers, seeking prey -as sham soldiers instead of earning wages by -honest handicrafts, led poets, and paid satirists, -gamesters, swindlers, bravos and cutpurses, -pretended students who lived like the rest of the idle -crew on alms and effrontery, crowds of friars and -priests whose only attraction to their cloth was the -sloth which it excused; ladies, rouged and -overdressed, who deliberately and purposely aped the -look and manners of prostitutes,—these were the -prevailing types of the capital, as described by -eyewitnesses innumerable, as well as by the romancers -who revelled in the colour, movement, and squalid -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P46"></a>46}</span> -picturesqueness of such a society.[<a id="chap02fn2text"></a><a href="#chap02fn2">2</a>] And to maintain -the real and false splendour in Madrid the starving -agriculturists, who had not abandoned their -holdings in sheer despair, were ground down to their -last real by the crushing alcabala tax, by local -tolls and octrois, and by the heartless extortions -of the tax farmers. -</p> - -<p> -There is no doubt that, so far as their light -extended, both the King and Olivares sincerely -wished to reform abuses of which the results were -patent to all. Young Philip himself was good -hearted and kindly, as his father had been, but far -more sensual and less devout in his habits. Though -in public he assumed the marble gravity traditional -thenceforward in Spanish kings, he was gay and -witty in private discourse with those whose society -he enjoyed, especially writers and players. His -love of books, music, and pictures, as well as of -poetry and the drama, made him, as time went -on, the greatest patron of authors and artists in -Spain's golden age of social and political decadence. -But idleness marred all his qualities, and the -lust for pleasure which he was powerless to resist -made him the slave of favourites and his passions -all his life. A man such as this, endowed with a -gentle heart and a tender conscience, was doomed -to a life of misery and remorse in the intervals -of his thoughtless pleasures; and in the course -of this book we shall see that sorrow ever followed -close on joy's footsteps in the life of the "Planet -King," until final ruin overtook the nation, cursed -with the gayest and wickedest Court since that of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P47"></a>47}</span> -Heliogabalus, and all was quenched in a great -wave of tears. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Philip and his minister -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The man to whom Philip handed his conscience, -as has been described, on the first day of -his reign, was nearly twenty years his senior. -An indefatigable worker, with an ambition as -voracious as his industry, Olivares was the exact -reverse of the idle, courtly, conciliatory Lerma. -His greed was not personal, as that of Lerma had -been, though his love of power led him to absorb -as many offices as he. He was vehement and -voluble, arrogant and impatient even with the -King, and impressed upon Philip incessantly the -need for exertion on his own part.[<a id="chap02fn3text"></a><a href="#chap02fn3">3</a>] Able as he -unquestionably was, he appraised his ability too -highly, and contemned all opinions but his own; -whilst his attitude towards the foreign Powers was -insolent in the extreme, and quite unwarranted -by Spain's position at the time. From an economic -point of view, Olivares, though he began his rule -by cutting down expenses in drastic fashion, was -no wiser than his predecessors; though his ruling -idea that the political unity of Spain was the thing -primarily needful was sage and statesmanlike. But -in this he was before his time, and his disregard -for provincial traditions and rights in his -determination to force unity of sacrifice upon the country, -led to his own ruin and the disintegration of Spain. -The portraits of him by Velazquez enable us to -see the man as he lived,—stern, dark, and masterful, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P48"></a>48}</span> -with bulging forehead and sunken eyes and mouth, -his massive shoulders bowed by the weight of his -ponderous head, we know instinctively that such -a man would either dominate or die. He was the -finest horseman in Spain, and he treated men as -he treated his big-boned chargers, breaking them -to obedience by force of will and persistence. -</p> - -<p> -Such was the man who led Spain during the -crucial period which was to decide, not only whether -France or Spain should prevail politically, but -whether the culture and civilisation of Europe -should in future receive its impulse and colour -from Spanish or French influences. In that great -contest Spain was beaten, not so much because -Olivares was inferior to Richelieu, as because of -the old tradition that hampered Spain at home -and abroad and pitted a decentralised country, -where productive industry had been stifled and -the sources of wealth choked, against a -homogeneous nation where active work was fostered, -and whose resources were at the command of the -central authority.[<a id="chap02fn4text"></a><a href="#chap02fn4">4</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Olivares made a grandee -</span> -</p> - -<p> -This much it was necessary to say in order -to make clear the manner of men that in future -ruled the Court of which we have to write: a King -to whom pleasure was a business; and a minister -to whom business alone was pleasure, who loved -the reality of rule whilst his master loved the -ceremonial of it. Not many days passed before -the ambition of the Guzmans for the grandeeship -was satisfied. The King was still passing his first -days of mourning in the monastery of St. Geronimo -when the sermon of the day, either by chance or -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P49"></a>49}</span> -design, inculcated the need for properly rewarding -services done to us. The sermon over, Philip went -to dinner, the room being crowded with nobles, -amongst whom was Uceda, not yet finally banished. -When the King had finished his meal and the -cloth was drawn, Olivares entered very -unobtrusively, and sidled against the wall behind the -other nobles in attendance, well knowing, probably, -what was coming. The King, catching his eye, -said: "Let us obey the good friar who preached -to-day; Count of Olivares, be covered!" This -was the form used in the raising of a peer to the -grandeeship, and Olivares, putting on his -wide-brimmed hat, threw himself at the King's feet -with his uncle and those of his kin who were in the -room, overjoyed at the honour done to their house; -and their joy was increased when, a few hours later, -Uceda was told that he must surrender to Olivares -at once one of his two great offices in the household. -</p> - -<p> -Offices and honours thenceforward crowded -upon the favourite, who was soon made Duke of -San Lucar and principal chamberlain. Almost -ostentatiously he professed a desire to leave -politics entirely to his uncle, and to confine himself -to the duties of his household offices near the King. -Nobody was deceived by his apparent modesty, for -even before Zuñiga's death, which happened in a -year, it was known that his nephew's long personal -conversations with the King, facilitated by his -courtly palace duties, were mainly concerned with -questions of Government and State. The Count-Duke, -as he came to be called universally, would -allow nothing to be done for the King but by -himself. Before Philip was out of bed the minister -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P50"></a>50}</span> -was the first to enter the room, draw the curtains -and open the window. Then on his knees by the -bedside he rehearsed the business of the coming -day. Every garment that the King put on passed -first through the hands of Olivares, who stood by -whilst Philip dressed. After the midday meal, at -which Olivares was often present, the minister was -wont to amuse the King by entertaining chat, -detailing the gossip of the capital, and late in the -evening he attended to give him an account of the -despatches received, and consult him as to the -answers, after which he saw the monarch to bed.[<a id="chap02fn5text"></a><a href="#chap02fn5">5</a>] This -constant attendance upon the King made it -impossible for any person not an absolute creature -of Olivares to approach Philip's ear with doubt as -to the policy of the favourite in political matters. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -State of Spain -</span> -</p> - -<p> -When Philip's first parliament met, a few -months after his accession, it was stated in the -assembly that so terrible was the distress that -"people had abandoned their lands and were -now wandering on the roads, living on herbs and -roots, or else travelling to provinces where they had -not to pay the awful food excises and alcabalas"; -whilst every source of revenue was anticipated for -years to come on usurious terms.[<a id="chap02fn6text"></a><a href="#chap02fn6">6</a>] Philip himself, -in an important original paper hitherto unpublished -(British Museum, Egerton MSS. 338), gives the -following account of the state of affairs he had to face -on his accession, whilst complaining of the little -help he had received from his officers: "I found -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P51"></a>51}</span> -finance so exhausted (apart from the dreadful state -it had been left in at the death of Philip II., who -had pledged it deeply) that all resources were -anticipated for several years, and my patrimony had -been so reduced that in my father's time alone -96,000,000 crowns had been granted in gifts, etc.; -besides what had been spent in the other realms -(<i>i.e.</i> Aragon, Catalonia, etc.), from which no -returns have been received. The currency had been -raised to three times its face value, an unheard-of -thing in any realm.... Ecclesiastical affairs were in -such disorder, that it was asserted from Rome that -innumerable dispensations for simony had been -obtained for archbishoprics, bishoprics, prebends, -etc.... As for justice, on the very first day of my -reign I was obliged to put my foot down, as will -be recollected, ... for the ministers who received -bribes were more numerous than those who did not -... My State, too, was so discredited that in -the truce that the Dutch had made with my -father they were treated as independent sovereigns, -although every minister, from the King my father -and the Archduke downward, refused to acknowledge -such a claim.... I had only seven ships of war -in the fleet.... India and the Indies were -well-nigh lost.... The truce with Flanders was just -expiring.... German affairs were more pressing -than ever.... The marriage of the Prince of -Wales with my sister was so far advanced that it -seemed impossible to avoid it without a great war, -which, indeed, followed, as we could not give way -on the religious point.[<a id="chap02fn7text"></a><a href="#chap02fn7">7</a>] Portugal was discontented -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P52"></a>52}</span> -with the Viceroy, ... whilst all the other parts -of the monarchy was neglected or misgoverned.... -We were at war with Venice; the Kingdom -of Naples was almost in revolt, and the money -there was utterly corrupted. All this was from -no fault of my father, nor of his predecessors, -as all the world knows, but simply because God so -ordained it." -</p> - -<p> -This document, written by Philip himself a -few years afterwards for his own justification, -proves how pressing was the need for an abatement -of untenable claims on the part of Spain to interfere -with the affairs of other nations, and the absolute -necessity for a policy of retrenchment. And yet at -the bidding of Olivares, against the opinion even of -wise old Zuñiga, the first minister, the interminable -war with the Dutch for the assertion of Spain's -sovereignty over Holland was resumed as soon as -the truce ended, only a few months after the young -King's accession. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Philip's policy -</span> -</p> - -<p> -In his address to his first Cortes, Philip struck -the unwise note of Dominican intolerance and pride -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P53"></a>53}</span> -which had pervaded his baptism, setting forth in -the midst of the miserable state of things just -described that his first duty as a Spanish sovereign -was, "with holy zeal befitting so Catholic a Prince, -to undertake the defence and exaltation of our -holy Catholic faith; ... to aid the Emperor in -Bohemia; to fight the rebel Hollanders again, and -to defend everywhere our sacred faith and the -authority of the Holy See." So, whilst Olivares -made efforts to stop the peculation of high officers of -State, to compel restitution of past plunder, to -prevent further alienation of national property, and to -reduce to a minimum the cost of the royal establishment, -and whilst he passed ferocious sumptuary -laws enjoining modesty and economy in dress, the -real root of the evil was not touched; for taxation -continued to strangle production and fell mainly -upon the poor, and the wasteful drain of unnecessary -wars for an exploded idea continued as if Spain was -still wallowing in wealth. Good, therefore, as the -intentions of Olivares may have been, it is clear that -he was a disastrous adviser for an inexperienced, -idle young sovereign of sixteen. -</p> - -<p> -And if his political influence was unfortunate, his -social and moral influence was no less evil. There -exists, for instance, in manuscript in various -collections, and notably in the British Museum -(Egerton MSS. 329), a pregnant correspondence -between the Archbishop of Granada, Philip's tutor, -and Olivares, written shortly after the accession, -in which the Archbishop indignantly reproaches -the favourite, who was certainly old enough to know -better, for taking the young King out into the -streets of the capital at night, and introducing him -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P54"></a>54}</span> -into evil company. "People," says the prelate, "are -gossiping about it all over Madrid, and things are -being said about it which add little to the Sovereign's -credit or dignity." Madrid is, even now, fond of -scandal, but early in the seventeenth century, -isolated as it was from the world, Philip's capital -found its most piquant pursuit from morn till night -in slander and tittle-tattle, both in the form of -malicious satirical verses that passed from hand to -hand, and in whispered immoralities touching high -and low. The long raised walk by the side wall of -the Church of St. Philip at the entrance of the Calle -Mayor (High Street), from the Puerta del Sol, -opposite the still standing Oñate Palace, was the -recognised centre of such confidences, and came to -be called by the appropriate name of the Mentidero -(Liars' Walk). The Archbishop in his letter -proceeds to say that not only have these people -begun to whisper things about the King's proceedings -which were better unsaid; but the example -shown of a young monarch and his principal -minister scouring the streets at night in search of -adventure is a bad one for the people at large; and -he reminds Olivares of the great grief and anxiety -of the late King on this very account, and of his -dread that his youthful heir was already before his -death being inducted into dissipation. The answer -to the bold prelate's remonstrance is just such as -might have been expected from the arrogant -favourite. He tells him, in effect, that he is an -impertinent meddler, and ought to be ashamed, at -his age and in his high position, to trouble him with -the vulgar gossip of the streets! "The King is -sixteen," he says, "and he (Olivares) is thirty-four, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P55"></a>55}</span> -and it is not to be expected that they are to be kept -in ignorance of what is going on in the world. It is -good that the King should see all phases of life, bad -as well as good. Besides, he never trusts the -King with anyone else"; and the favourite's letter -ends with a barely concealed threat that if the -Archbishop does not mind his own business in -future, ill might befall him. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Philip's early profligacy -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Early, however, as was Philip's introduction into -the profligacy that was the curse of his life, and the -endless subject of his remorse in later years, he was a -gallant young husband to his pretty French wife, -though with the fall of her mother, Marie de Medici, -and her Italianate crew the political object of the -marriage had already failed, and France and Spain, -once more at issue, were rapidly drifting into war. -Scandalous and notorious as Philip's infidelity to -his wife very soon became, he appears to have been -devotedly attached to her, and was violently jealous -of any appearance of special love or homage to her -beauty. She, on her part, true daughter of the -gallant <i>Béarnais</i> as she was, was gay and debonair -in her bearing, and followed, though decorously, the -fashion in Spain of her time, which allowed women -an amount of licence of speech with gallants -impossible in other countries or at other periods.[<a id="chap02fn8text"></a><a href="#chap02fn8">8</a>] As -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P56"></a>56}</span> -with all other ladies of the Court, there was unkind -tittle-tattle about the gay young Queen; but -apparently without the slightest foundation, though -a supposed passion for her on the part of one of the -most brilliant nobles of the Court led to tragic -results for the gallant. -</p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-056"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-056.jpg" alt="ISABEL DE BOURBON, FIRST WIFE OF PHILIP IV. From a portrait by Velazquez in the possession of Edward Huth, Esq." /> -<br /> -ISABEL DE BOURBON, FIRST WIFE OF PHILIP IV. <br /> -<i>From a portrait by Velazquez in the possession of Edward Huth, Esq.</i> -</p> - -<p> -At a royal bull-fight—one of the earliest shows -to celebrate the King's accession in the summer of -1621—the Count of Villa Mediana, Don Juan de -Tassis, rode into the arena at the head of his troop -of cavaliers, bearing as his device a mass of silver -coins called "reals" (or royals), and above them the -audacious motto of "My loves are ——," which -was taken to mean, in conjunction with his daring -glances and marked salutes, that his love was set -upon the Queen. The Count was over forty years -of age, and no beauty; and his malicious satirical -verses had been aimed at everybody in Court, from -the King downward. He was therefore well -provided with enemies, who were ready to place the -worst construction on his acts. It is now proved—as -far as any such thing can be proved[<a id="chap02fn9text"></a><a href="#chap02fn9">9</a>]—that the real -object of the Count's regards was a lady named -Doña Francisca de Tavara, with whom the King -was carrying on an intrigue at the time. But in -either case the young King's jealousy was aroused, -and his annoyance was increased by an innocent -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P57"></a>57}</span> -remark of his wife that "Villa Mediana aimed well." -"Ah!" replied Philip crossly, "but he aims too high"; -and soon the ill-natured story with due embellishments -was being whispered all over Madrid.[<a id="chap02fn10text"></a><a href="#chap02fn10">10</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Count de Villa Mediana -</span> -</p> - -<p> -But in the following spring of 1622 there -was a great series of festivals at Aranjuez, where -the Court was then in residence, to celebrate Philip's -seventeenth birthday. Already the glamour of -the stage had seized upon Philip and his wife, -and one of the attractions of the rejoicings was -the representation in a temporary theatre of -canvas erected amidst the trees on the "island -garden," and beautifully adorned, of a comedy -in verse by Count de Villa Mediana dedicated to the -Queen. The comedy was called <i>La Gloria de -Niquea</i>, and Isabel herself was to personate the -goddess of beauty. It was night, and the flimsy -structure of silk and canvas was brilliantly lit -with wax lights when all the Court had assembled -to see the show; the young King and his two -brothers and sister being seated in front of the -stage, and the Queen in the retiring-room behind -the scenes. The prologue had been finished -successfully, and the audience were awaiting the -withdrawing of the curtain that screened the -stage, when a piercing shriek went up from the -back, and a moment afterwards a long tongue of -flame licked up half the drapery before the stage, -and immediately the whole place was ablaze. -Panic seized upon the splendid mob, and there -was a rush to escape. The King succeeded in -fighting his way out with difficulty, and made his -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P58"></a>58}</span> -way to the back of the stage in search of his wife. -In the densely wooded gardens that surrounded -the blazing structure he sought for a time in vain, -but at last found that Villa Mediana had been -before him, and that the half-fainting figure of the -Queen was lying in the Count's arms. Whatever -may have been the truth of the matter, this, at all -events, made a delightful <i>bonne bouche</i> for the -scandal-mongers, who hated Villa Mediana for his -atrabilious gibes, and it soon became noised abroad -that the Count had planned the whole affair, and -had purposely set fire to the theatre that he might -gain the credit of having saved the Queen, and -enjoy the satisfaction of having clasped her in his -arms, if but for a moment. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Murder of Villa Mediana -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Four months afterwards, in August 1622, Villa -Mediana was returning home in his coach soon -after dark, when, from an archway in the Calle -Mayor, opposite the alley leading to the Church -of St. Gines, there darted the cloaked figure of a -man, who discharged at him a bolt from a crossbow -which pierced his chest. The Count had just -time to leap from the coach and draw his sword, -shouting "It is done," when he fell dead upon -the road. Villa Mediana had been noted in a -splendid Court as the most splendid and extravagant -courtier. Amongst men to whom gallantry was an -obsession, he was looked upon as the most gallant; -in a society of literary and artistic dilettanti, he -was held to be the most critical and refined; and -his murder, almost at his own door in the midst -of the capital, caused a profound sensation. -Murders in the open streets, it is true, had become -scandalously frequent, mostly, it was said, prompted -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P59"></a>59}</span> -by private vengeance, and rarely punished; but -the killing of Villa Mediana in the circumstances -related set tongues wagging in a way that had -not been equalled since that luckless secretary of -Don Juan of Austria, Escovedo, had been -assassinated nearly fifty years before by the secret -orders of Philip II. As if by common consent, all -fingers pointed at young King Philip as the -instigator of the crime.[<a id="chap02fn11text"></a><a href="#chap02fn11">11</a>] It was asserted that the -man who struck the blow was one Alonso Mateo, -a crossbowman of the King; but though hundreds -affirmed it, neither he nor any other was ever -prosecuted for the crime, and the immortal Lope -de Vega, who firmly believed that the young -Sovereign connived at the murder of the Duke of -Lemos, the former minister of his father, in November -1622, only interpreted the general belief in the -capital, if it was indeed he who wrote that whoever -struck the fatal blow at Villa Mediana, "<i>the -impulse that guided it was sovereign</i>." -</p> - -<p> -Whilst murders such as this were of frequent -occurrence in the capital, whilst war was looming -daily closer, whilst industry lay ruined and the -fields unproductive, whilst poverty and famine -stalked unchecked through the land, the nobles -and officials dependent upon the Court grew richer -in plunder and more insolent in ostentation, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P60"></a>60}</span> -notwithstanding the sumptuary decrees and the frantic -efforts of Philip and Olivares to impose strict -economy in one direction, as a counterbalance -to lavish squandering in others. Almost any -pretext was good enough for Philip to seize for a -wasteful show. In after-times people blamed -Olivares for purposely leading the lad into these -frivolous extravagances, with the set object of -diverting him from his duty; but I am inclined -to believe that this view is an unjust one as regards -the beginning of the reign. Olivares, of course, -wished to please and flatter his master; but -whilst he worked like a giant himself, and behind -a perfect multitude of boards and juntas -contrived to keep in his own hands supreme control -of national affairs, he unquestionably urged Philip -again and again to apply himself diligently to -work and to spend less time in pleasure.[<a id="chap02fn12text"></a><a href="#chap02fn12">12</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Devotions and diversions -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Philip's own inclinations led him to idle and -profitless pleasures, especially those which lent -themselves to theatrical display or ostentatious -decorations. The bull-fights, combats between -wild beasts, equestrian parades, cane tourneys, -masques, balls, comedies and banquets, alternated -with religious processions and church ceremonies. -In these rejoicings Philip and his wife took equal -pleasure. It was the Augustan age of Spanish -literature, and the drama of intrigue which -Spaniards had invented to delight Europe in future -was then in its full flood of malicious fertility. -From October 1622 every Sunday and Thursday, -except during the height of summer, dramas -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P61"></a>61}</span> -were performed by regular actors and actresses -in the private theatre of the palace, the Queen -being nominally the principal patron of the pastime. -Some of the comedies then first represented may -be mentioned as indicating the taste of the time. -"The Scorned Sweetheart," "Jealousy of a -Horse," and "The Loss of Spain" were three -plays by Pedro Valdes, for which the Queen paid -300 reals, or £6 each. "The Fortunate Farmer," -"The Woman's Avenger," "The Husband of his -Sister," and "The Power of Opportunity" were -other plays paid for by the Queen; and the total -number of new dramas represented in the Queen's -apartments in the palace during the winter of -1622-23 was forty-three, the fees for which reached -13,500 reals, equal to £270.[<a id="chap02fn13text"></a><a href="#chap02fn13">13</a>] -</p> - -<p> -The favourite convent of the Discalced Carmelites, -by the Church of St. Martin, was the scene of -constant royal visits and semi-religious dissipations, -and one of the most pompous of the ceremonious -festivities that beguiled the dazzled crowd at the -beginning of the reign was the series of shows that -celebrated the canonisation of three of the most -popular of Spanish saints in 1622, when all Madrid, -in alternating devotional ecstasy and frivolous -jollity, followed the King and his wife in honouring -St. Isidore, the husbandman, now the patron of -Madrid, St. Teresa of Avila, and St. Ignatius -Loyola, founder of the Jesuits. Accompanied by -the bull-fights and ceremonial trials of accused -heretics, called <i>autos-de-fe</i>, which specially -delighted the crowd, this canonisation fete also -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P62"></a>62}</span> -revived an ancient Spanish diversion, which -thenceforward became under Philip's patronage one of -the most highly appreciated of the pleasures of his -literary Court, namely, the Literary Academies, -as they were called, and Floral Games, or poetical -competitions, in which the poetasters tried their -mettle one against the other, in hope of gaining the -ear of powerful patrons for their verses. It was a -struggle of keen wits; for in no time or court was -poetry, especially satirical and dramatic poetry, -ever so fashionable; and that it degenerated later -into preciosity, extravagance, and affectation was -the natural result of the universal struggle to gain -a hearing in a chorus of verse. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -An equestrian masque -</span> -</p> - -<p> -There are abundant and for the most part tedious -contemporary descriptions of these various courtly -festivities, descriptions usually as pompous and -dry as is to our taste the affected frivolity of the -festivities themselves.[<a id="chap02fn14text"></a><a href="#chap02fn14">14</a>] But though these turgid -productions cannot be quoted to any great length -in a book like the present, which is intended to -suggest a general picture of the Court and times -rather than a series of minute sectional -photographs, an idea may be gained of the scale upon -which the festivities were arranged, by giving a -rigidly condensed translation of the account of -a great masque and equestrian display given by -Philip and his brother Carlos on the 26th February -1623.[<a id="chap02fn15text"></a><a href="#chap02fn15">15</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P63"></a>63}</span> -</p> - -<p> -"All the Court was anxious for the day when -his Majesty and the Infante Don Carlos should -honour and delight it with the promised feast. It -took place on Palm Sunday, with a magnificent -mask notable not only for its beauty, its ingenuity, -and costly garments, and the high nobles and -gentlemen who took part, but also because his -Majesty and his Highness appeared in it. -</p> - -<p> -"Four enclosed courses had been made; the -principal one before the palace, and the others -before the Convent of Discalced Carmelites, in the -Plaza Mayor, and at the Gate of Guadalajara,[<a id="chap02fn16text"></a><a href="#chap02fn16">16</a>] -many (side) streets being barricaded and occupied -by mounted alguacils (constables), and no coaches -being allowed in the streets. The best horses -Andalucia could breed or the world could see were -brought out that day, with glittering trappings and -harness, liveries, devices and accoutrements, richer -than had ever been beheld. The King had ordered -all the maskers to be ready mounted at the Convent -of the Incarnation[<a id="chap02fn17text"></a><a href="#chap02fn17">17</a>] at one o'clock, a stage and -canopy having been erected there from which his -Majesty was to mount. At about two o'clock the -Spanish and German Guards arrived,[<a id="chap02fn18text"></a><a href="#chap02fn18">18</a>] very smart -and handsome, under Don Fernando Verdugo and -the Marquis de Rentin; and soon afterwards the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P64"></a>64}</span> -royal horses came, having gone in procession -through the streets where the maskers were to pass. -This was the order in which they came. First twelve -drummers, thirty trumpeters, and eight minstrels, -all on horseback, and dressed in white and black -velvet; after them came the pioneers on foot, and -then the royal grooms, and thirty-six splendidly -caparisoned horses covered with housings of -crimson velvet fringed with gold, bearing upon each -a crown of cloth of gold and a cipher of "Philip IV." They -were led by thirty-six lackeys, some in black -and some in crimson, their garments being trimmed -with frizzed velvet, like embroidery. The farriers -came next, distinguished from the lackeys by -wearing caps instead of hats. Thirty-six postillions -followed, dressed like slaves in silvered plush on a -black ground, with hats to match.... -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -An equestrian parade -</span> -</p> - -<p> -"The first noble to put in an appearance (<i>i.e.</i> -at the Incarnation) was Don Pedro de Toledo, -Marquis of Villafranca, general of the Spanish -cavalry. He was dressed in black, with cape and -bonnet, and bore the insignia and baton of a -general. With him came twelve lackeys in liveries -of black velvet trimmed with gold, and twelve pages -dressed similarly, but with white plumes in their -caps. In like guise came the Marquis of Flores -D'Avila, chief equerry of the King, whose noble -presence and snowy hair, even if he had been -alone, would have sufficed to dignify the feast. -When the greater part of the nobles, the flower of -Spain, had collected, the sun, to speak in poetical -terms, envious of so much splendour and majesty, -summoned up dark clouds which for a long time -ceased not to pour water upon the festival. The -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P65"></a>65}</span> -feelings on the matter of the rain were divided. -First it was a pity if the show were spoilt, the -preparations being more beautiful and costly than -had ever been made for a masquerade at Court, -there being forty-eight pairs of horsemen, each -with different liveries, besides his Majesty and -his brother. The livery of the King and the Count -of Olivares was steel grey with white plumes, -whilst those of the Infante and the Marquis de -Carpio were black and white with plumes to match. -The second emotion aroused by the rain was -rejoicing at the good it would do to the poor people -who needed it so much for their crops, even though -the maskers and merry-makers had to take shelter -under the eaves. But soon the sky cleared, and -the rain ceased; so that all were satisfied. The -clarions by and by rang out and announced that -the King and the Infante had mounted, and the -maskers did the same. Then Don Fernando -Verdugo and the Guards clearing the way, -Don Pedro de Toledo led the cavalcade to the -palace, where the course ended in front of the -balcony in which our lady the Queen with the -Infanta Maria, and the Cardinal Archbishop of -Toledo, the Infante Fernando, were seated, the -ladies in waiting occupying the rest of the balconies -of the royal apartment. If I described the precious -stones, the gold, the rich dresses and the wealth -displayed, this work would be a long one. The -first to run was Don Pedro de Toledo, with his -accustomed gravity and dignity; and, having -reached the end of the course, he bowed low to the -Queen and their royal Highnesses, and then made -a signal for the rest of the maskers to follow one -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P66"></a>66}</span> -another along the course. (Here follow the -resounding names of the ninety-six Spanish nobles, -dukes, marquises, and counts who formed the -company.) The last pair to run were his Majesty -the King and the Count of Olivares, with the -dexterity and gallantry to be expected of them. -The effect was strange and brilliant in the extreme, -for each pair of horsemen wore different colours -and devices. The splendid squadron was closed by -the Spanish and German Guards and other troops, -led by Verdugo. All the horsemen rode with great -rapidity, but the Infante Carlos and the Marquis of -Carpio went by like a flash of lightning, to the -astonishment of everyone. This pair had hardly -covered half the course when the Queen and the -Infanta and the Cardinal Infante stood up in -their balcony, because they saw that the King and -the Count of Olivares were starting out, they being -the last to run. They swept by, not on steeds, as it -seemed, but on the wind itself, wafted onward by -the blessings of those who saw them. Again they -covered the course thus, and then the whole -cavalcade rode to the plaza before the Convent of -the Discalced Carmelites." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -At various parts of the capital the same -sumptuous show was repeated; the most popular and -crowded exhibition being in the great square (the -Plaza Mayor) then recently built, and but little -altered since that time. The King, we are told, -rode a beautiful bay stallion presented to him by -the Marquis of Carpio; and when the running -was over and night fell the horsemen still paraded -the streets, which were illuminated by thousands -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P67"></a>67}</span> -of torches, the cost of the feast having amounted -to more than 200,000 ducats. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Two strangers in Madrid -</span> -</p> - -<p> -But ten days after the wasteful ostentation -just described an event happened which not only -stirred Spain and all Europe, but was an occasion -for the display of lavishness by Philip that threw -into the shade all the festivities that had gone -before it. Between five and six in the evening -of the 7th March 1623, as the twilight began to -fall, two young Englishmen, travel-stained and -unaccompanied, rode into the noisome, unpaved -streets of Madrid. Inquiring the way to the -house of the English ambassador, the Earl of -Bristol, they were directed to the "house of the -seven chimneys," lying in a retired street off the -Calle de Alcalá. When they arrived there, the -elder of the two travellers was told, in answer to -his summons at the wicket, that his Excellency -the ambassador was busy, and could not be -disturbed. The visitor persisted, and sent word that -he brought an important letter from Sir Francis -Cottington, who was on his way from England, -and had broken down on the road a day's journey -away. At length, upon being admitted, the -cloaked and dishevelled stranger, shouldering a -small valise that formed their only luggage, left -his younger companion in the shadow of the wall -across the way to guard the horses during his -parley with the ambassador. -</p> - -<p> -Lord Bristol (Sir John Digby) was full of care, -for matters were not going very smoothly with -the difficult negotiation upon the successful issue -of which his whole future depended, as well as -great international issues. For twelve years he -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P68"></a>68}</span> -had been backwards and forwards to Spain as -King James' ambassador to bring about a marriage -of the Prince of Wales with the Infanta Maria. -James Stuart was a cunning fool, who was easily -beaten in diplomacy, because he flattered himself -that he could beat everybody else in duplicity. -Most of his life, from long before he inherited the -English crown, he had been playing the same -game: trying to make other men his tools by -pretending to agree with them. He had professed -himself both Catholic and Protestant so often that -now no one believed or trusted him, least of all the -Catholics, whom he had deceived again and again. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -The English match -</span> -</p> - -<p> -When it had been necessary for Philip III. and -Lerma to divert England from a threatened -coalition with France, they had feigned to listen -to the British King's advances, which they had -previously repelled with scorn. Though insincere, -they always had in view the prospect of gaining -great immediate advantages for the Catholics of -England, and subsequently they hoped the re-entry -of Great Britain into the fold of the Church. The -King of Spain and his minister had also been -somewhat led astray by the sanguine hopes in -this direction, given by their own ambassador in -London, Count de Gondomar, whose diplomatic -position was as much at stake as that of the Earl -of Bristol. Gondomar, confident, as well he might -be, of his power to bend King James ultimately -to his will, had, there is no doubt, systematically -minimised for years the obstacles to the match -on both sides, and had led both his own Government -and King James to believe that the other -side would ultimately make concessions, which -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P69"></a>69}</span> -we now see clearly would have been impossible -for either. James or his son dared not become -openly Catholic, nor could they force the English -Parliament to reverse the whole religious policy -of the last half century at the bidding of a foreign -Power; whilst, with their traditions behind them, -it was equally impossible for Philip and Lerma to -mate their Princess with a "heretic." In order -to keep James from breaking away from Spain, -the intrigue had for some years past been transferred -to Rome, where a dispensation from the Pope -for the marriage was being interminably discussed. -</p> - -<p> -This was the position when Philip IV. ascended -the throne, and it is quite certain that, whatever -may have been the real intentions of the ministers -of Philip III. at an earlier period, neither Philip -IV. nor Olivares, with their revived arrogant claims -for Spain as the dictatress of Europe, meant to -marry the Infanta to the English Prince against -the dying injunction of Philip III., unless, indeed, -and even that is doubtful, upon terms quite -impossible for the English to accept.[<a id="chap02fn19text"></a><a href="#chap02fn19">19</a>] Bristol had -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P70"></a>70}</span> -been sent once more to Madrid as ambassador in -June 1622. He had found Olivares and Philip -full of soft words about the match, though he -promptly guessed that their real aim was still to -delay matters, whilst securing Catholic concessions -from England, and he urged King James to insist -upon a settlement of the points at issue.[<a id="chap02fn20text"></a><a href="#chap02fn20">20</a>] -</p> - -<p> -Whilst he was labouring at his impossible task, -and almost despairing of success, an underhand -intrigue was carried on behind his back by those -who thought that his diplomatic caution stood -in the way of a settlement of the affair. James -badly wanted ready money in form of a dowry -for his son's bride, and a guarantee that the -Palatinate should be restored by the Emperor to his -son-in-law, Frederick. Olivares wanted to lead -England on to the slope of Catholicism, and to -ensure Spain's hegemony over Europe. Gondomar, -who had returned to Spain, and Buckingham, -whom he had bought, wanted to gain the honour -and profit of having effected so important a match. -So, at Gondomar's instance, Buckingham sent his -half-Spanish secretary, Endymion Porter, a late -page of Olivares, to Madrid with secret orders to -promise religious concessions, which, had they -been known in England, would have caused serious -trouble, and to hint that the Prince himself might -come to Spain to fetch his bride. Porter, who -was no diplomatist, saw Olivares early in November -1622, and bluntly asked for assurance that in -return for the concessions promised, Spain would -at once consent to the marriage and force the -Emperor to restore the Palatinate to the Elector, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P71"></a>71}</span> -at which Olivares haughtily scoffed, and said that, -as for the match, he did not know what Porter -meant.[<a id="chap02fn21text"></a><a href="#chap02fn21">21</a>] Bristol soon heard of this, and quite lost -heart, but he did not know that Endymion took -back to London a private message from Gondomar -to Buckingham, telling him that the only way -to make the match was for the Prince to come -suddenly to Madrid incognito and force the hands -of the slow-moving diplomatists, who would be -unable to draw back when the honour of England -was so far pledged. -</p> - -<p> -Poetic and romantic Prince Charles was soon won -over to so compromising and dangerous a course; -but King James wept and slobbered like a frightened -infant when "Baby" and "Steenie" wrung from -him unwilling permission to undertake so -hare-brained an adventure.[<a id="chap02fn22text"></a><a href="#chap02fn22">22</a>] Only Cottington and Porter -were to go with them to Spain, and the former at -least, who knew Spain well, was dead against the -voyage; but Buckingham's violence gained the day. -Distancing all posts, and riding for a fortnight an -average of sixty miles a day, through France and -over the rough mule tracks in the north of Spain, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P72"></a>72}</span> -the little party pushed onwards. Cottington and -Porter were distanced and left behind a day's -journey from Madrid; and when the man with the -valise, who gave his name as Thomas Smith, entered -Lord Bristol's study, and, throwing aside his cloak -and hat, disclosed the handsome face of "Steenie," -the Marquis of Buckingham, the King's favourite, -the ambassador was in dismay, increased almost -to terror when he learnt that the Prince of Wales, -the only son of King James, masquerading under -the name of John Smith, was holding the horses -on the other side of the dark street.[<a id="chap02fn23text"></a><a href="#chap02fn23">23</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Charles and Buckingham -</span> -</p> - -<p> -What was to be done? The presence of the -heir of England could not be hidden for many hours -from gossiping Madrid, for the couriers from Paris, -where he had been recognised, were following close -upon his heels. A voyage to Spain in those days -was a far greater adventure than an expedition -to Thibet would be now, and the temerity, nay the -foolhardiness, of putting such a pledge as the Prince -of Wales unconditionally in the hands of the -Spaniards, who if they chose to detain him could -exact what terms they liked as the price of his -safe return, struck the harassed ambassador with -alarm. "My Lord Bristol in a kind of astonishment -brought him (<i>i.e.</i> Prince Charles) up to his -chamber, where he presently called for pen and -ink, and despatched a post that night to England -to acquaint his Majesty how in less than -sixteen days he was come safely to the Court of -Spain."[<a id="chap02fn24text"></a><a href="#chap02fn24">24</a>] -</p> - -<p> -After grave discussion in Bristol's room, it was -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P73"></a>73}</span> -decided to send at once for Gondomar, to whom, -as Buckingham well knew, the arrival of the Prince -would cause no surprise. It was past nine o'clock -at night when Gondomar entered the "house with -the seven chimneys," full of glee at the success of -his bold diplomacy; and not long afterwards he -was at the door of Olivares' rooms' in the palace, -anxious to give to the favourite the first news of the -great event. The Count-Duke was seated at supper -as Gondomar entered the apartment. The famous -Spanish ambassador in England owed much of his -success to the assumed bluff jocosity with which -he was wont to cover his cunning; but when he -bounced into the Count-Duke's supper chamber on -this occasion, he was so exuberant in his joy that -grave Olivares looked up in surprise, and said: "Ah, -Count! what brings you here at such an hour as -this? You look as jolly as if you had the King of -England himself in Madrid." "If we have not the -King," chuckled Gondomar, "we have the next best -thing to him,—the Prince of Wales."[<a id="chap02fn25text"></a><a href="#chap02fn25">25</a>] -</p> - -<p> -Olivares was far from sharing Gondomar's -delight. To him the news meant infinite anxiety, -danger, and expenditure; for not only must the -Prince be entertained lavishly, but somehow he must -be got rid of without marrying the Infanta, and if -possible without a national war with England for -the slight put upon the Prince. The Count-Duke -hurried to the King's apartments with the great -news, and Philip was as much taken aback as his -minister, for young as he was he fully understood -the gravity of the situation. One thing, however, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P74"></a>74}</span> -he was quite determined upon. Already the -adulation of which he had been made the object, -and the high hopes aroused by the new measures -and men that had been introduced upon his -accession, had convinced the lad he was the -heaven-sent instrument destined to restore to Spain its -proud supremacy over a united Christendom, and -religious exaltation had claimed him henceforth -for its own, however ungodly his daily life might be. -When Olivares had laid before him the difficulties -that arose from the unexpected descent of Charles -Stuart upon them, Philip rose, and walking to where -a figure of Christ crucified hung at the head of his -bed, he kissed the feet of the figure, and burst out -into the following impassioned oath: "O Lord! -I swear to Thee by the human and divine alliance -crucified that in Thee I adore, and upon whose feet -I seal this pledge with my lips, that not only shall -the coming of this Prince be powerless to make me -concede one point in the matter of the Catholic -religion, not in accordance with what Thy Vicar the -Pontiff of Rome may resolve, but even if I were to -lose all the realms I enjoy, by Thy grace I will not -give way a single iota." Then turning to Olivares -(who says that this was one of the only two oaths -he ever knew the King to take), Philip told him -they must nevertheless fulfil the duties of hospitality -that the Prince had thrown upon them.[<a id="chap02fn26text"></a><a href="#chap02fn26">26</a>] -</p> - -<p> -For the greater part of that night the minister -worked hard laying out all the plans for the -entertainment of the Prince, and for avoiding without -giving mortal offence the marriage he sought. At -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P75"></a>75}</span> -eight o'clock next morning a meeting of high -councillors, with Gondomar and the King's confessor, -met in the Count-Duke's room in the palace, the -result of their deliberations, being highly -characteristic: namely, "first, to offer public prayers -to God in thanks for the event, and in supplication -for His guidance"; and secondly, to instruct -Gondomar to sound Buckingham and Cottington -(who was expected to arrive that day) as to how far -the King of England might be squeezed, "in order -to bring this visit to be a great and very signal -service to the Church."[<a id="chap02fn27text"></a><a href="#chap02fn27">27</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Olivares meets Buckingham -</span> -</p> - -<p> -A dozen knotty points of etiquette had to be -settled, and Gondomar was busy all day speeding -backward and forward between the palace and the -"house with the seven chimneys";[<a id="chap02fn28text"></a><a href="#chap02fn28">28</a>] but at last -it was arranged that the pride of Olivares should -be saved from making the first visit, by the device -of an apparently chance meeting with Buckingham. -Already Madrid was agog with the news that some -great personage, the King of England some said, -had arrived in disguise; and when, late on -Saturday afternoon, the great swaying gilded coach of -Olivares, with its leather curtains, its six gaudily -decked mules, and its crowd of liveried servants -and pages around it, was seen threading the green -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P76"></a>76}</span> -alleys of the gardens below the palace on the banks -of the Manzanares, all the idlers on "Liars Walk" -knew that the Count-Duke was going to meet, "by -chance," the Admiral of England, the favourite -of his King. When the carriages met, Olivares -alighted and greeted Buckingham half-way between -their coaches, where, with carefully arranged -politeness and high-flown compliments, as false -as they were pompous, the great Guzman first -measured his strength with brilliant, rash, -unscrupulous George Villiers. -</p> - -<p> -After many professions of delight on both sides, -the Count-Duke entered the English coach with -Buckingham, Bristol, and Cottington, and for an -hour they drove in close confabulation. On their -return they entered the palace gateway, and Olivares -secretly led Buckingham into the King's presence, -where again the compliments were repeated. There -is no doubt that the Spaniards, from the King -downward, were flattered with the embarrassing -visit, which was a patent proof, it was proudly -claimed, of the reality of Spain's regained power -and superiority under the new régime, when the -heir of England came wooing her at so great a risk. -So Philip was all smiles to Buckingham; and when -the latter returned to the "house with the seven -chimneys," Olivares insisted upon accompanying -him to greet the Prince personally in the King's -name, the Spanish narratives say that the Count-Duke -performed his part with all the dignity and -splendour characteristic of him; but Howel, who -was in Madrid at the time, and knew Porter well, -writes that the Count-Duke "knelt, and kissed his -(<i>i.e.</i> the Prince's) hands and hugged his thighs, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P77"></a>77}</span> -and delivered how immeasurably glad his Catholic -Majesty was at his coming, and other high -compliments, which Mr. Porter did interpret."[<a id="chap02fn29text"></a><a href="#chap02fn29">29</a>] -</p> - -<p> -During the interview Charles expressed his -ardent desire to see his lady love, the Infanta—"to -discover the wooer," as Buckingham called it; and -it was agreed that on the next day, Sunday, 9th -March, the coaches of the royal family should -parade the Prado, where the Infanta should be -distinguished by a blue ribbon tied round her -arm; and the Prince in Bristol's coach might -meet the royal party as if by chance, and incognito. -Little enough of incognito there was about the -affair, when, at four o'clock in the afternoon the -ambassador's coach with the Prince, Buckingham, -Aston, Gondomar, and Bristol in it, stood in the -narrow street of the Puerta de Guadalajara in the -Calle Mayor to await the coming of the King's -party. Every foot of the streets was crowded with -sightseers, and the pride and joy of the show-loving -Madrileños knew no bounds. By and by the long -line of coaches accompanying the King rumbled by, -and at last young Philip with his pretty dark-eyed -girl wife, his two young brothers, Carlos and -Fernando, almost exact replicas of himself, with -their lank sandy hair, their long white faces, thick -red lips, under-hung jaws and great pale eyes. In -the door-seat of the carriage sat the Infanta Maria. -She was much like her brothers: "a very comely -lady, rather of Flemish complexion than Spanish, -fair haired, and carrying a most pure mixture of red -and white in her face. She is full and big lipped, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P78"></a>78}</span> -which is held a beauty rather than a blemish."[<a id="chap02fn30text"></a><a href="#chap02fn30">30</a>] As -the King's carriage passed that of the Prince, -Philip, who was not supposed to see Charles, bowed -low, as did his brothers, to Lord Bristol; but it -was noticed that the Infanta first flushed and then -turned deadly pale as her lover's eyes fell upon -her. -</p> - -<p> -The poor girl, indeed, was getting seriously -alarmed. She was, of course, devout and ignorant. -To her heretics were an abomination, and the -prospect of living amongst such was worse than -death. Her monkish confessor painted in lurid -colours the horror of the fate that threatened her; -worse than hell it was, he said, to lie by a heretic's -side, and bear heretic children. Only that morning -she had sent her confidential lady, Margaret -Tavara, to Olivares, passionately protesting against -the marriage being seriously negotiated. She -would, she said, take refuge in the Convent of the -Discalced Carmelites, and assume the nun's veil -the moment she heard that the capitulations were -signed. Charles on his part appears to have been -really smitten with the pink and white charms of -the little lady, and played the eager wooer well. -The Prince and Buckingham writing to their "Dear -Dad and Gossip" (the King) calls this first -meeting "a private obligation hidden from -nobody; for there was the Pope's Nuncio, the -Emperor's ambassador, the French, and all the -streets filled with guards and other people. Before -the King's coach went the best of the nobility, -after followed by the ladies of the Court. We sat -in an invisible coach, because nobody was suffered -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P79"></a>79}</span> -to take notice of it, though seen by all the -world."[<a id="chap02fn31text"></a><a href="#chap02fn31">31</a>] The cavalcades then wended their ways by -different roads to the Prado, where, parading up -and down, the Prince had several opportunities of -looking upon his blushing sweetheart. Soon -Olivares came and entered the Prince's coach; and -again fulsome compliments passed as they drove -back to the English embassy.[<a id="chap02fn32text"></a><a href="#chap02fn32">32</a>] -</p> - -<p> -Buckingham, indeed, was fairly dazzled and -deceived, for both he and Charles believed now that -the match was as good as completed. Alas! they -did not know Olivares or Spanish methods so well -as Bristol did. -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -"Steenie's" letter to James I. -</span> -</p> - -<p> -"If we can judge by outward shows," wrote -Charles and Steenie to the King, "or general -speeches, we have reason to condemn your -ambassadors for rather writing too sparingly than too -much. To conclude, we find the Conde de Olivares -so overvaluing our journey, he is so full of real -courtesy, that we can do no less than beseech your -Majesty to write the kindest letter of thanks and -acknowledgment you can unto him. He said, no -later to us than this morning, that if the Pope -would not give a dispensation for a wife they -would give the Infanta to thy Baby as his wench,[<a id="chap02fn33text"></a><a href="#chap02fn33">33</a>] -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P80"></a>80}</span> -and hath this day written to Cardinal Ludovico, -the Pope's nephew, that the King of England -hath put such an obligation upon this King in -sending his son hither, that he entreats him to -make haste of the dispensation, for he can deny -nothing that is in his kingdom.... The Pope's -Nuncio works as maliciously and as actively as he -can against us, but receives such rude answers -that we hope he will soon weary on't. We make -this collection that the Pope will be very loth -to grant a dispensation, which, if he will not do, -then we would gladly have your directions how -far we may engage you in the acknowledgment of -the Pope's special power, for we almost find, if you -will be contented to acknowledge the Pope as -chief head under Christ, that the match will be -made without him."[<a id="chap02fn34text"></a><a href="#chap02fn34">34</a>] -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -It is difficult to know what to condemn most -in this astounding letter,—whether the simplicity -that made Buckingham so easy a dupe of Olivares' -soft speeches, or the proposal at the end, which, -as the reply shows, was too much even for King -James, that the latter should abandon the main -condition upon which he held the Protestant crown -of England. It is clear that the intention of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P81"></a>81}</span> -Olivares was to cast upon the Pope the whole of the -blame for the failure of the match, and this, at least -from the Spanish point of view, was a statesmanlike -policy, although the full falsity of it is evident to us -now that we have before us the communications that -passed between Madrid and Rome on the subject.[<a id="chap02fn35text"></a><a href="#chap02fn35">35</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Charles in Madrid -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Leaving Charles at the embassy after the drive, -Olivares and Buckingham, with Porter as their -interpreter, re-entered a coach and drove off in -the gathering darkness to the gardens behind the -palace, to arrange the details of the coming private -interview to be held that night between Philip -and the English Prince. Whilst the coach, with -Olivares and Buckingham, was in the green alleys -of the garden, a man, unaccompanied, with his -cloak masking his face, and sword and buckler by -his side, was seen walking towards them. "This -is the King," said Olivares, to Steenie's intense -astonishment. "Is it possible," exclaimed -Buckingham, "that you have a King who can walk -like that? What a marvel!" and, leaping from -the carriage, he knelt and kissed the young King's -hand. Entering the coach again, the party, -accompanied now by the King, were driven through -the quiet streets of the unlit capital, for it was -ten o'clock at night, to the Prado, where the -Prince, with Gondomar, Bristol, Aston, and -Cottington, in another coach, awaited their coming. -Descending and embracing warmly, the King and -Prince then re-entered the carriage with Bristol -alone, and for more than half an hour discoursed -amiable banalities in the darkness under the -overhanging trees of the promenade. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P82"></a>82}</span> -</p> - -<p> -Thenceforward Buckingham and Olivares by -agreement changed offices, the former constituting -himself chief equerry in waiting to Philip, whilst -Olivares attended Prince Charles. In pursuance -of this idea, the suite of apartments in the palace -occupied by Olivares as master of the horse were -hastily prepared with great magnificence for the -occupation of the English Prince; and whilst their -redecoration and furnishing were being accomplished, -Charles was invited to transfer his lodging to the -rooms in the monastery of St. Geronimo in the -Prado, to which the Kings of Spain usually retired in -times of mourning, and previous to state entries to -the capital, an invitation which he did not accept. -</p> - -<p> -In the week that followed the first meeting of -Charles and his host, until Sunday the 16th March,[<a id="chap02fn36text"></a><a href="#chap02fn36">36</a>] -which was the day fixed for his public entry into -the city, Madrid was astir with excitement. The -pragmatic decrees recently promulgated forbidding -starched and fluted ruffs, embroidered dresses, -and the use of gold in tissues, and generally -suppressing extravagance of living, were all suspended -by proclamation during the visit of the Prince; -the streets were ordered to be swept and garnished, -and the houses on the line of route richly adorned; -and Madrid, by the morning of the day fixed for -the public entry, had covered its squalor and dirt -by an overcoating of finery. All the gaols, too, -were emptied of prisoners, by way of welcoming -the English guest.[<a id="chap02fn37text"></a><a href="#chap02fn37">37</a>] -</p> - -<p> -In the week of waiting Charles sought permission -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P83"></a>83}</span> -to visit Philip privately in return for the -interview in the Prado on Sunday night, and he -and Buckingham gave the following account of -the meeting to their "Dear Dad and Gossip." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"The next day your Baby desired to kiss the -King's hand privately in the palace, which was -granted, and thus performed. First, the King -would not suffer him to come to his chamber, -but met him at the stair-foot, then entered into -the coach and walked in his park. The greatest -matter that passed between them was compliments, -... and then by force he would needs -convey him (<i>i.e.</i> Charles) half way home, in which -doing they were both almost overthrown in brick -pits. Two days after we met his Majesty again -in his park with his two brothers; they spent -their time in seeing his men kill partridges flying -and conies running with a gun."[<a id="chap02fn38text"></a><a href="#chap02fn38">38</a>] -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -In the meanwhile the people with pride and -delight had quite satisfied themselves that the -coming of the Prince meant the intended conversion -of himself to Catholicism and the return of England -to the fold of the Church,[<a id="chap02fn39text"></a><a href="#chap02fn39">39</a>] and Olivares pressed this -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P84"></a>84}</span> -point so persistently and publicly upon Charles, -that Buckingham himself began to take fright. -He noticed that whenever the Count-Duke found -himself near Charles, which indeed was continually, -he turned the conversation towards the Catholic -religion. Charles was young, the son of a Catholic -mother, and was certainly for the time smitten by -the Catholic Infanta: his father had professed -himself Catholic again and again; and at this moment -was writing thus to his "Sweet boys": "I send you, -my Baby, two of your fittest chaplains for this -purpose, Mawe and Wren, together with all stuff -and ornaments fit for the service of God. I have -fully instructed them, so as all their behaviour and -service shall, I hope, prove decent and agreeable to -the service of the primitive Church; <i>and yet as -near the Roman form as can lawfully be done; for -it hath ever been my way to go with the Church -of Rome usque ad aras</i>." But whatever may -have been the tendencies of Charles himself, -Buckingham in his saner moments, and certainly -Bristol, must have seen the pitfall laid for the -Prince, and thus early, in the midst of all the -complimentary billing and cooing before the state -entry, the young adventurers began to realise the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P85"></a>85}</span> -difficulty of the task, which looked so easy from a -distance. -</p> - -<p> -On the day following the state entry, Charles -and Buckingham wrote to the King— -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"For our chief business, we find them by -outward shows as desirous of it as ourselves, yet -they are hankering upon a conversion; for they say -that there can be no firm friendship without union -in religion, but they put no question in bestowing -their sister, and we put the other quite out of the -question, because neither our conscience nor the -time serves for it."[<a id="chap02fn40text"></a><a href="#chap02fn40">40</a>] -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -Delay, as they said, was the worst denial; for -King James was in a hurry,—in a hurry to get his -heir married, in a hurry for the Infanta's dowry, -and in a hurry to get the Palatinate back for -his son-in-law; and as yet the priests were still -squabbling over the dispensation in Rome, and -Olivares, equally with his master, was determined -to delay until either England became practically -Catholic, or the English themselves broke off the -negotiations by refusing the terms upon which -Rome, prompted by the Spanish agents, alone -would consent to the match. This, indeed, as -Olivares saw, was the only slender chance of -preventing war with England, and to avoid throwing -James into the arms of France. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn1"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn1text">1</a>] Novoa, who was present at the scene described, -<i>Documentos Ineditos</i>, lxi. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn2"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn2text">2</a>] Especially Gil Blas, Guzman de Alfarache, -Marcos de Obregon, -Estevanillo Gonzales, and El Diablo Cojuelo. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn3"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn3text">3</a>] This was constantly denied by his many enemies, -but original documents, to which I shall refer later, -will prove that in this as in so many -other things they did him an injustice, -whatever his real aim might -have been. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn4"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn4text">4</a>] <i>Cambridge Modern History</i>, vol. iv. "Spain," -by Martin Hume. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn5"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn5text">5</a>] <i>Fragmentos Historicos MSS.</i>, by Vera y Figueroa, -also Novoa, and Yañez,; -and <i>Relazioni degli Ambassciatori Veneti</i>, -British Museum MSS., Add. 8701. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn6"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn6text">6</a>] <i>Discursos y Apuntamientos</i>, by Lison y Biedma, -a member of this -Parliament. (Secretly printed book of the period -in my possession, which -gives a sad picture of affairs.) -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn7"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn7text">7</a>] There are two letters in <i>Cabala</i>—the first -from Philip to Olivares, -and the second the minister's reply to the -King—which show that there -was never any intention on their part -of carrying the English match -through. The long letter from Olivares -to the King is an adaptation of -a Spanish original which is well known, -and to which I shall refer later, -proposing the marriage of Charles -with the Emperor's daughter; but -the King's letter which produced Olivares' -reply is not, to my knowledge, -printed elsewhere. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -"The King my father declared at his death -that his intention never -was to marry my sister the Infanta Doña Maria -with the Prince of Wales, -which your uncle Don Baltasar well understood; -for he so treated this -match with an intention to delay it, -notwithstanding it is so far advanced -that, considering with all the averseness -unto it of the Infanta, it is high -time to seek some means to divert the treaty -which I would have you -discover, and I will make it good whatsoever -it may be; but in all other -things procure the satisfaction of the -King of Great Britain, who hath -deserved very much, and it shall content me, -so that it be not the match." This -must have been written before Charles' -arrival in Madrid. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn8"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn8text">8</a>] Nearly all foreigners who visited Madrid -during the reign of Philip IV. remarked -the extraordinary liberty which existed in the demeanour of -the women, even ladies of high birth -and position, no doubt a reaction -from the conventual strictness with -which they had been kept during -the two previous reigns. -There is no need to multiply authorities; but -the following passage, from the report -of the Venetian ambassador in -Spain at the time of Olivares' fall, -will give an idea of the prevailing -laxity—even in the royal entourage. -"In the royal palace the gentlemen -are permitted to carry on with the ladies -of the Queen the relations they -call 'gallanting,' in which lavishness, -ostentation, and expenditure are -carried to such an extraordinary excess -as to be beyond belief, although -here it is considered the most -ordinary thing in the world, for rivalry -and competition do away with all moderation. -Those who go the greatest -lengths are held in the highest esteem, -not only by the courtiers in general, -but also by the royal personages, -who make quite a recreation of hearing -the accounts of the presents given and -attentions paid to them, that the -ladies narrate daily to their Majesties." -British Museum MS., Add. 8701. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn9"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn9text">9</a>] Address; by J. E. Hartzenbusch, <i>Transactions -of the Royal Spanish -Academy</i>, 1861. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn10"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn10text">10</a>] It is fair to say that this story -depends upon the very untrustworthy -evidence of Mme. D'Aulnoy. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn11"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn11text">11</a>] The tradition that this was the case -existed from the first, and has -never been lost; although most of the -stories of the relations of Villa -Mediana with the Queen are quite -unsupported by serious contemporary -evidence. Lord Holland, in his <i>Lope de Vega</i>, -says that only a few days -after Philip's accession, the Prime Minister -Zuñiga, Olivares' uncle, -warned Villa Mediana that his life was in danger. -The tradition that -Philip was involved in the murder from motives -of jealousy is too firm -and long-standing to be ignored, -though whether his jealousy concerned -his wife is very doubtful. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn12"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn12text">12</a>] Transcripts (contemporary) of these letters, -etc., to which reference -will be made later, are in British Museum, -Egerton MSS. 338. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn13"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn13text">13</a>] <i>Historia del Arte Dramatica en España</i>, -from the German of A. F. Schack. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn14"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn14text">14</a>] Especially in the MS. of the Royal Academy -of History, Madrid -by Soto y Aguilar, one of the courtiers -and writers of the time, and in -the MS. at the National Library at Madrid (M. 299) -called Noticias de -Madrid. These are contemporary news letters from 1621 to 1627. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn15"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn15text">15</a>] From the Soto y Aguilar MS. already mentioned. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn16"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn16text">16</a>] This was a narrow street forming part -of the line of the Calle Mayor, -in which it is now incorporated. -It is quite close to the other three -courses. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn17"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn17text">17</a>] A tremendous and costly monastic house -(of which the church still -stands in the Calle Mayor) upon which -Philip III. and his wife had -squandered incredible sums. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn18"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn18text">18</a>] This is very Spanish. The whole -of the company had been ordered -to be ready mounted at one o'clock, -and yet the royal guard which was -to keep the space and maintain order -did not appear until an hour later, -the maskers of course coming later still. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn19"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn19text">19</a>] In a document quoted on page 51, -it will have been noticed -that Philip refers to the match -as being one that it was necessary to -avoid, even at the cost of a war with England. -In a notable document -in Spanish in the British Museum -(MSS. Add. 14,043), reproduced by the -Camden Society under the editorship of -Dr. Gardiner (<i>El Hecho de los -Tratados de Matrimonio</i>, etc.), -there is a long memorandum written by -Olivares for Philip's information in 1622, -proposing as a way out of the -difficulty the marriage of the Infanta -to the son of the Emperor, the -marriage of the Prince of Wales with -the Emperor's elder daughter, and -the betrothal of the Palatine's eldest son -Maurice to the second daughter -on condition that the Prince was sent -to Vienna to be brought up as a -Catholic, the Palatinate being restored -to him after his marriage. This -solution, however, it is quite evident, -would have been unacceptable to -James for many reasons. -In any case it is quite clear that when Charles -appeared in Madrid, Olivares had no -intention of allowing the Infanta -to marry him, unless indeed England became Catholic. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn20"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn20text">20</a>] The Earl of Bristol's defence. -<i>Camden Society Miscellany</i>, vol. vi. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn21"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn21text">21</a>] A very interesting and, as I believe, -unpublished contemporary -manuscript account of the proceedings -of Charles and Buckingham in -Madrid, and of the events that followed -their return to London, so far -as regards the Spanish match, has been -brought to my notice whilst this -chapter is being written. -The manuscript, evidently an original, appears -to have been the work of someone who -accompanied the Prince in his -journey. Many expressions in it -are the same as those which I have -quoted from other sources, especially -from certain letters of Endymion -Porter in the Record Office, and from -those of Buckingham to the King, -most of which were written by Porter. -I am therefore led to the conclusion -that this interesting new document, -which is the property of -Dr. Rosedale of the Royal Society of Literature, -is the work of Endymion -Porter. I am informed that it will shortly -be published by the Society. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn22"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn22text">22</a>] Clarendon, <i>Great Rebellion</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn23"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn23text">23</a>] Howel's <i>Familiar Letters</i>. Howel was in -Madrid at the time. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn24"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn24text">24</a>] Howel's <i>Familiar Letters</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn25"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn25text">25</a>] <i>Fragmentos Historicos de la Vida -de Caspar de Guzman</i>, etc. -MS. by Count de la Roca in my possession. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn26"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn26text">26</a>] <i>Fragmentos Historicos</i>, etc. MS. by -Count de la Roca, the great -friend and confidant of Olivares. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn27"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn27text">27</a>] <i>Hecho de los Tratados</i>, etc., British Museum MS., -Add. 14,043, and Camden Society. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn28"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn28text">28</a>] Gondomar had been raised to the Council -of State during the early -morning sitting, and on his first visit -that day (Saturday) to the English -embassy he came rushing to the Prince -in his usual boisterously jocose -fashion, saying that he had a strange -piece of news to convey. "An -Englishman had been sworn a Privy -Councillor of Spain," meaning, as -Howel (who tells the story) says, -himself, who, he professed, was an -Englishman at heart. This was the -kind of joke by which he had managed -to dominate King James. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn29"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn29text">29</a>] <i>Familiar Letters</i>. The sequence of events, -meetings, etc., as given -in <i>Life and Times of James I.</i>, is untrustworthy. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn30"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn30text">30</a>] Howel. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn31"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn31text">31</a>] Hardwicke, <i>State Papers</i>. -Charles and Buckingham to the King. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn32"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn32text">32</a>] We are told that on this occasion Olivares, -notwithstanding the -Prince's remonstrance, insisted upon taking -the humble seat at the -carriage doorstep; and that throughout the -whole visit he treated -Charles with the same honours as he -did the King, kneeling when he -spoke to him, kissing his hand, etc. -Charles, on the other hand, appears -to have been equally polite to Olivares; -but Buckingham soon got tired -of an attitude so unusual to him, -and behaved himself with extraordinary -rudeness and ill-breeding, as will be -told later. <i>Hecho de los Tratados</i>, etc. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn33"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn33text">33</a>] Lord Bristol, in his defence -(Camden Miscellany, vi.) gives an account -of a conversation in the coach when -the Prince, Bristol, Gondomar, -Olivares, Buckingham, and Aston were waiting -for the royal party to -pass on the Sunday referred to in the text. -This shows how entirely -Olivares had convinced them all of his sincerity. -Gondomar in boastful -mood had asked Olivares if he was not -justified now in all he had written -from England about the real desire of -King James for the marriage; -and whether Bristol and himself had not -proved themselves honest men. -"Yes," replied Olivares, "you may both -say your <i>Nunc Dimitis</i> now, and -trouble no more about it, except to -claim the reward of success." No -blame, he said, could attach to them in any case. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn34"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn34text">34</a>] Hardwicke, <i>State Papers</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn35"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn35text">35</a>] <i>Hecho de los Tratados</i>, etc. -B.M. MSS. Add. 14,043. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn36"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn36text">36</a>] The dates given throughout are old style, -according to the English -calendar of the time. The Spanish dates are ten days later. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn37"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn37text">37</a>] MSS. Soto y Aguilar. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn38"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn38text">38</a>] Hardwicke, <i>State Papers</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn39"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn39text">39</a>] Most of the poets and poetasters -of the Court were convinced of -this, and the romantic love-making -of the Prince, who for the sweet eyes -of the Infanta was to make England Catholic, -inspired many verses. -Howel sends to a friend in England -one stanza of such a poem written -at this time, he says by Lope de Vega— -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> - Carlos Estuardo, soy,<br /> - Que siendo amor mi guia.<br /> - Al cielo de España voy.<br /> - Par ver mi estrella Maria.<br /> -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> - Charles Stuart, here am I,<br /> - Guided by love afar<br /> - Into the Spanish sky,<br /> - To see Maria my star.<br /> -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -Gongora's fine sonnet, translated by Churton, -is worth quoting entire— -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> - Fair from his cradle springs the star of day,<br /> - Rock'd on bright waves fair sinks his parting light:<br /> - Such be thy course, in sunlike beauty bright,<br /> - Daughter of kings and born to be as they.<br /> - The world's majestic wonder. Lo! thy ray<br /> - Hath called a royal bird, in venturous flight,<br /> - From realms where keen Arcturus fires by night<br /> - The polar skies: from regions far away<br /> - He wheels on swiftest wing: within thy sphere<br /> - Secure his bold eye drinks the soft clear fires.<br /> - Now Heaven and Love be kind; and both ordain<br /> - What time his suit shall win thy beauty's ear.<br /> - The Northern Eagle won with chaste desires,<br /> - By Truth's pure light may live to God again.<br /> -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn40"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn40text">40</a>] Hardwicke, <i>State Papers</i>. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p><a id="chap03"></a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P86"></a>86}</span></p> - -<h3> -CHAPTER III -</h3> - -<p class="intro"> -STATE ENTRY OF CHARLES INTO MADRID—GREAT -FESTIVITIES—HIS LOVE-MAKING—ATTEMPTS TO -CONVERT THE PRINCE—THE REAL INTENTION -OF OLIVARES—HIS CLEVER PROCRASTINATION—CHARLES -AND BUCKINGHAM LOSE PATIENCE—HOWEL'S -STORY OF CHARLES AND THE INFANTA—THE -FEELING AGAINST BUCKINGHAM—ANXIETY -OF KING JAMES—HIS CORRESPONDENCE WITH -"BABY AND STEENIE"—CHARLES DECIDES TO -DEPART—FURTHER DELAY—THE DIPLOMACY -OF OLIVARES—BUCKINGHAM AND ARCHY -ARMSTRONG—DEPARTURE OF CHARLES—HIS RETURN -HOME, AND THE ENGLISH DISILLUSION -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -All being ready for the public entry of Charles on -Sunday, 16th, the Prince, though he declined the -invitation to sleep the previous night at the -monastery of St. Geronimo, as was customary -with Spanish sovereigns who entered the capital in -state, went thither early in the morning, and was -entertained at a sumptuous banquet by the Count -Gondomar, as near as he could manage it in -English fashion. Then, as was also the usage with -Spanish sovereigns, all the members of the numerous -Councils and juntas rode in full state, accompanied -by their officers and escorts, to pay their respects to -the Prince. Charles received this glittering crowd, -numbering some hundreds, standing by a velvet-covered -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P87"></a>87}</span> -table beneath a canopy of silver tissue in -the royal apartment of the monastery, the empty -throne being behind him, and the walls of the -chambers covered with rich hangings and pictures, -amongst which were portraits of King James and -his councillors. As each pompously named official -knelt and begged permission to kiss the Prince's -hand, Charles gracefully threw his arms upon -their shoulders instead, and raised them from the -ground.[<a id="chap03fn1text"></a><a href="#chap03fn1">1</a>] The impression generally produced by -the Prince now and during his stay was excellent, -and it was noticed throughout that he never took -advantage, as Buckingham and the crowd of -noisy English courtiers who soon arrived in Spain -did, of the Spanish politeness which places everything -at the disposal of a guest. The behaviour of -these courtiers, indeed, and especially Buckingham's -insolence, very soon produced disgust amongst the -grave, courteous Spaniards. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -The state entry -</span> -</p> - -<p> -At midday, when the councils had retired and -taken their places on the line of route, a flourish -of drums and pipes heralded the coming of the -Spanish Guard in orange and scarlet to the -monastery, followed by the German Guard, in crimson -satin and gold with white sleeves and plumed caps; -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P88"></a>88}</span> -then came the municipality of Madrid, with a great -following of town officers dressed in orange satin -with silver spangles. Nobles and princes followed -in pairs, led by Prince Edward of Portugal and the -Count of Villamor, each pair of high gentlemen -resplendent in satin, velvet and gold, jingling and -flashing on their showy Andalusian horses. -Following these and a hundred other ostentatious -groups, the mention of which would fill pages, -King Philip left his palace as the great clock in the -courtyard—one of the marvels of Madrid—struck -the hour of one, and reached a side door of the -monastery in his coach by a circuitous route. -Until three o'clock Charles and Philip chatted in -friendly converse, and then the signal was given -for the cortege to start, the King and Prince -mounting their horses at the same moment. -</p> - -<p> -The drums, pipes, clarionets, and trumpets led -off followed by judges, officials, courtiers, and -nobles, heralds, guards, pages, lacqueys, and -grooms by the hundred, upon whose grand dresses -Soto y Aguilar dwells with tedious minuteness. -Then came the King and the Prince, under a canopy -of white damask and gold, mounted upon silver -poles borne by six officers of the corporation, the -Prince riding on the right hand of his host. They -must have looked a gallant pair, for they were -mere youths, and both fine horsemen. Olivares -and Buckingham side by side followed them, and -then came a great troop of Spanish grandees with -the English ambassadors and officers. Through -the streets, decked lavishly, and crowded with -cheering people, flattered at the coming conversion -of England by means of Spain the cavalcade rode -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P89"></a>89}</span> -by the Puerta del Sol and Calle Mayor to the -ancient Alcazar upon the cliff, which looks across -the arid plain to the snow-capped Guadarramas. -On the line of route national dances and the -eternal comedies were played until the Prince -approached, when special dances were performed -in his honour, at which, we are told, he was much -delighted. Upon entering the palace the King -himself conveyed the Prince to his apartments, -and surpassed himself in courtly welcome to his -guest; and that same night the Queen sent to the -Prince a great present of white linen for table use -and personal wear, with a rich dressing gown and -toilet paraphernalia in a scented casket with gold -keys.[<a id="chap03fn2text"></a><a href="#chap03fn2">2</a>] It was all as Howel wrote, "a very glorious -sight to behold, for the custom of the Spaniard is, -tho' he go plain in his ordinary habit, yet upon some -great festival or cause of triumph there's none -goes beyond him in gaudiness."[<a id="chap03fn3text"></a><a href="#chap03fn3">3</a>] -</p> - -<p> -The next day the municipality of Madrid -celebrated a royal bull-fight on a scale of -magnificence rarely approached. The great Plaza Mayor -of Madrid, 340 feet square, was surrounded by -stagings, and every one of the hundreds of balconies -of the high houses overlooking the plaza was -hung with crimson silk and gold, and filled with -noblemen and ladies whose names were as splendid -as the clothes, of which Solo y Aguilar[<a id="chap03fn4text"></a><a href="#chap03fn4">4</a>] spares us -no detail. The royal balcony was erected on the -first floor of the municipal bakery (still standing), -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P90"></a>90}</span> -and must have been a mass of crimson and cloth -of gold, with its hangings, its canopies, its curtains, -and its balustrades. Every council and board, and -under Olivares they were infinite, had its special -tribune. Nobles, officials, officers, and foreign -representatives, all of whose fine garb the literary -quarter-master details for us until his description -produces but a vague impression of sumptuous -stuffs without end, smothered in bullion, arrived -in procession to occupy their places as spectators -or actors in the glittering show. The English -visitors were accommodated in a special stand -occupying the opening of the Street of Bitterness -(Calle de Amargura), which gave rise to much -satirical comment. When all was ready, and -around the vast plaza a packed mass of bedizened -humanity had assembled, the royal coaches entered -and drove around the arena to the central entrance -of the Queen's balcony before the bakehouse. -Here Isabel alighted, dressed, we are told, like -the Infanta, who accompanied her, in brown silk -embroidered with gold, and covered with gems, -the plumes of their jaunty toques being white -and brown, sprinkled with diamonds. With them -came the two Infantes, Carlos, in black velvet -and gold, with diamond chains and buttons, and -the boy Cardinal Infante Fernando, in the purple -of his ecclesiastical rank. Behind them came -scores of ladies, and then officers of the Guards, -and finally a "great company of Spanish and -English gentlemen, courtiers, grandees, and attendants." -</p> - -<p> -The Prince of Wales was very beautifully dressed -in black with white plumes, and was mounted on -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P91"></a>91}</span> -a bright bay horse, whilst the King, also in sober -brown, for it was Lent, rode a silver grey charger, -"both horses showing by their majestic port that -they were conscious of the preciousness of their -burdens." After them rode the Admiral of England -(<i>i.e.</i> Buckingham) and the Count of Olivares, with -the English ambassador, councillors of state, -gentlemen-in-waiting, and archers of the guard.... The -Queen and Infanta sat in the right-hand balcony, -and separated only by a rail from them in the -next balcony were Don Carlos, the King, the -Prince of Wales, and the Cardinal Infante Don -Fernando; the Marquis of Buckingham, the Count -of Olivares, and the other English and Spanish -gentlemen being in the balcony on the left. The -trumpets sounded, and when a hundred lacqueys, -in brown jerkins and floating silver ribbons, had -cleared the arena, the Duke of Cea pranced in on a -grey horse, preceded by fifty lacqueys in doublets of -cloth of silver and fawn-coloured breeches, wearing -silver thread caps, and followed by a group -of famous bull-fighters. The Duke bowed low -before the royal balcony, whereupon Prince Charles -uncovered. Then came the Duke of Maqueda, -with his gallant party, who performed the same -courtly ceremony as the Duke of Cea, "looking -like a Cæsar," as Soto y Aguilar says. And so -noble after noble, each with his glittering train of -mounted gentlemen and host of servants, passed -before the King and his English guest, until, in the -written description of the scene, gorgeous fabrics, -fine colours, and precious metals seem to lose -their separate significance, so lavish is the -repetition of them. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P92"></a>92}</span> -</p> - -<p> -Then came the many bulls, each despatched -by a grandee's spear (<i>rejon</i>); many hairbreadth -escapes being recorded, but no noble killed. When -the feast was ended the rain was falling heavily, -and we are told by the courtly chronicler "that -amidst the falling torrents there fell a torrent -of pages with torches who inundated with light -the realms of darkness." It would be tedious -to give particulars of the many such shows -provided for Prince Charles, but at one subsequent -bullfight, more splendid still, described by Soto, no -less than twenty bulls were done to death by noble -bull-fighters on horseback, and prodigality itself ran -riot to show the English Prince how rich Spain was. -</p> - -<p> -For three days more the rejoicings of the State -entry of Charles went on day and night: comedies, -music, cane tourneys, and illumination and fireworks -continuing without cessation. Even Buckingham -was dazzled, extravagant as he was, and he says in -his letter to the King— -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -They "made their entry with as great a triumph -as could be, where he (Philip) forced your Baby -(Charles) to ride on his right hand.... This entry -was made just as when the Kings of Castile came -first to the crown, all prisoners set at liberty, and -no office nor matter of grace falls but is put into your -Baby's hands to dispose of.... We had almost -forgotten to tell you that the first thing they did at -their arrival in the palace was to visit the Queen, -where grew a quarrel between your Baby and lady -for want of a salutation; but your dog's (<i>i.e.</i> -Buckingham's) opinion is that it is an artificial forced -quarrel to beget hereafter greater kindness." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P93"></a>93}</span> -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Charles in love -</span> -</p> - -<p> -But in this letter, written the day after the state -entry, when the municipality were offering as a -present to Buckingham the costly canopy that had -served in the ceremony,[<a id="chap03fn5text"></a><a href="#chap03fn5">5</a>] the flustered visitors forgot -to tell the King how his "Baby" liked the Infanta, -whom he had now seen at close quarters for the -first time, and a hurried little note was scribbled -and enclosed with the letter just quoted, saying— -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"Baby Charles himself is so touched at the heart -that he confesses that all he ever saw is nothing -to her[<a id="chap03fn6text"></a><a href="#chap03fn6">6</a>] (<i>i.e.</i> the Infanta), and swears that if he -want her there shall be blows. I (Buckingham) -shall lose no time in hastening their conjunction, -in which I shall please him, her, you, and myself -most of all, in thereby getting liberty to make -the speedier haste to lay myself at your feet; -for never none longed more to be in the arms of -his mistress. So, craving your blessing, I end, -your humble slave and dog, Steenie."[<a id="chap03fn7text"></a><a href="#chap03fn7">7</a>] -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -But withal the negotiations got no nearer. -The dispensation still tarried in Rome, and Olivares -staved off all definite discussion, on the lying -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P94"></a>94}</span> -pretext that he did not know upon what the Pope -would insist. To keep things going and beguile -the English, the Count-Duke persuaded Charles to -listen to a disputation in the monastery of -St. Geronimo as to the truth of the Catholic religion, -and set all the most persuasive clerics of the Court -upon the task of converting the English Prince. -An English priest named Wallsfort (?) was specially -charged to tackle Buckingham, in conjunction -with Friar Francisco de Jesus, the King's preacher; -but, as may be supposed, with little success, -though they asserted that Buckingham, though a -heretic for political reasons, was really a Catholic -at heart. But when the great attempt was made -to bring to bear all the priestly artillery in Madrid -upon the Prince's Protestantism, and Charles showed -some signs of acquiescence in the Catholic -arguments,[<a id="chap03fn8text"></a><a href="#chap03fn8">8</a>] Buckingham put his foot down firmly, -and rudely told Olivares he should not allow the -Prince to continue the discussion, to which Olivares -retorted by warning him that any attempt to -introduce the Protestant chaplains from England -into the Prince's apartment in the palace would -be resisted by force,[<a id="chap03fn9text"></a><a href="#chap03fn9">9</a>] for all their pretence that the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P95"></a>95}</span> -rites they used were similar to those of Rome. -Charles, indeed, flattered himself with the idea -that he had half converted the Infanta's confessor, -Rahosa,[<a id="chap03fn10text"></a><a href="#chap03fn10">10</a>] though certainly no signs appear of it -in the subsequent actions of the priest. In every -diocese in Spain, too, orders were given that -religious processions, rogations, and penitential -exercises should be celebrated in all churches and -convents, in supplication to God for the fortunate -issue of the negotiations for the marriage, which, -of course, meant the conversion of the Prince and -his country, whilst ecclesiastics were bombarding -the King and Olivares with solemn addresses, -denouncing the idea of the marriage of the Infanta -to any Prince not a devout Catholic. -</p> - -<p> -[Sidente: Attempts at conversion] -</p> - -<p> -It is fair to say that Olivares, whilst professing -platonically an ardent desire for the match, never -attempted to disguise that it would only be -conceded on terms quite impossible for England. -The self-deception was indeed entirely on the part -of Buckingham and the Englishmen of Catholic -leanings whose hopes prompted the belief. From -the first no pretence was made on the Spanish -side of trusting to the word, or even the oath, -of King James; the Spaniards knew him too well. -Deeds must precede words, repeated Olivares -again and again. The Catholics of England must -have full toleration, and Parliament must repeal -the Penal Acts of Elizabeth against them before -the Infanta left Spain. James was ready to -promise much, and did promise much at various -times, though not so much as Buckingham; but -it was clear that he could not coerce the English -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P96"></a>96}</span> -Parliament into a course of action that would -have made his crown not worth a week's purchase; -and, charm as he and Buckingham might, the -Spaniards never budged an inch on the main -point, amiable and flattering as they were to -Charles, in the hope, probably, that some solid -concession to the English Catholics might be -wrung from his father, in any case, as a preliminary -to the more than problematical marriage. -</p> - -<p> -It is impossible in this book to follow the daily -changing phases of the negotiations through the -many months that the Prince stayed in Madrid, -but some accounts, contained in the correspondence -and other contemporary manuscripts, of the manner -in which he and his followers passed their time -at Court, will convey the best idea of the dexterity -with which Olivares beguiled and befooled the -Prince and his advisers into the position which -threw upon them the onus of a rupture, whilst -the Spaniards appeared to be only too anxious -for the marriage and for the friendship of England. -</p> - -<p> -Charles usually spent his afternoons with Philip -or Olivares, witnessing fencing bouts or other -sports from a window in the palace, or walking -in the garden, or in hunting the boar or hawking; -and though he did not accompany the King and -Court in their frequent visits to the Discalced -Carmelite convent, or to the other religious houses -where celebrations were held he often saw the -processions from closed jalousies, or through the -drawn leather curtains of a coach. The mornings -were passed in studying Spanish or writing, and in -the evening he frequently visited the royal family, -where, on a few occasions, the Infanta was present. -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P97"></a>97}</span> -One such visit, on Easter Day 1623, is thus -described in Bristol's diary[<a id="chap03fn11text"></a><a href="#chap03fn11">11</a>]— -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"In the morning the Prince sent to desire -leave to repay the visit and the <i>buenas pascuas</i> he -had received the day before, and was accordingly -appointed about four o'clock in the afternoon to -be brought up by a private way to the King, with -whom, when he had been a short space and -performed that compliment, he intimated a desire -to do the like to the Queen, and was presently -conducted by the King, who accompanied him -publicly, attended by all the grandees and great -ministers of the Court, from his own side of the -square, which is on the opposite side of the palace -(to the Queen's), and there found the Queen and -the Infanta together, attended by all the ladies -of the Court. This being the first time that his -Highness had personally visited the Infanta, there -were four chairs set: in the middlemost sat the -Queen and the Infanta, on the right hand of the -Queen sat the Prince, and on the left of them all -sat the King. When the Prince had given the -Queen the <i>buenas pascuas</i> (<i>i.e.</i> compliments of the -season), and passed some other compliments of -gratitude for the favours he had received from her -since his coming to this Court, in which it pleased -his Highness to call me (<i>i.e.</i> Bristol) to do him -service as interpreter, he rose out of his chair and -went towards the Infanta, who likewise rose to -entertain (<i>i.e.</i> to receive) him; and, after fitting -courtesies on both sides performed, the Prince -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P98"></a>98}</span> -told her that the great friendship which was -between his Catholic Majesty and the King his -father, had brought him to this Court to make -a personal acknowledgment thereof, and to assure, -for his part, the desire he had to continue and -increase the same, and that he was glad on this -occasion to kiss her Highness's hands and offer -her his services. To which the Infanta answered, -that she did highly esteem what the Prince had -said unto her. His Highness then told her that -he had been troubled to understand that of late -she had not been in perfect health, and asked her -how she had passed the Lent, and how she did -now, whereunto the Infanta answered: "<i>Que -quedava buena á servicio de su Alteza</i> (that she was -now well, and at his Highness's service). The -Prince then retired himself to his chair and sat -down again by the Queen, with whom he passed -some short compliments, and so they all rose, -and with much courtesy took their leaves. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Charles's lovemaking -</span> -</p> - -<p> -"And I do assure you (<i>i.e.</i> Mr. Secretary Conway, -to whom the diary was sent) that in all things -the Prince's comportment was so natural and -suitable to his quality and greatness, that he hath -given instant cause to the Spaniards to admire -him, as I find they generally do. From hence he -was conducted by the King in the same equipage -that he had come thither unto the King's side, -where, when the King had entertained his Highness -awhile with beholding from a window certain -masters and gentlemen exercising fencing before -them, the King had him to another window which -looketh upon a large place before the court-gate, -and, telling the Prince that he would only go and -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P99"></a>99}</span> -see the Queen, took his brother, Don Carlos, with -him, and left the Infante Cardinal with the Prince, -expecting his return. -</p> - -<p> -"But before much time had passed there appeared -about three score of the principal nobility of the -kingdom in the gallery (<i>i.e.</i> course) before the -window, who were very richly apparelled with -embroideries, and being on horseback came two -and two together their several careers. They all -had their faces uncovered save only the King, -Don Carlos, the Count of Olivares, and the Marquis -of Carpio, who wore vizards."[<a id="chap03fn12text"></a><a href="#chap03fn12">12</a>] -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -The extremely slow courtship here described -seems to have struck Charles as unsatisfactory, -and a few weeks afterwards, probably encouraged -by the general laxity and freedom he saw about -him in the intercourse of the sexes, the Prince -seriously violated the royal etiquette by an attempt -to make love to the Infanta in less formal fashion. -Howel tells the story in a letter to Tom Porter: -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"Not long since the Prince, understanding that -the Infanta was used to go some mornings to the -<i>Casa de Campo</i>, a summer-house the King hath on -t'other side of the river, to gather May-dew, he rose -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P100"></a>100}</span> -betimes and went thither, taking your brother -(<i>i.e.</i> Endymion Porter) with him. They were let -into the house, and so into the garden; but the -Infanta was in the orchard, there being a high -partition-wall between, and the door, doubly -bolted, the Prince got on the top of the wall and -sprung down a great height, and so made towards -her. But she, spying him first of all the rest, -gave a shriek and ran back. The old marquis -that was then her guardian came towards the -Prince and fell on his knees, conjuring his Highness -to retire, in regard that he hazarded his head if -he admitted any to her company. So the door -was opened, and he came out under that wall -over which he had got in. I have seen him watch -a long hour together in a close coach in the open -street to see her as she went abroad. I cannot -say that the Prince did ever talk with her privately, -yet publicly often, my Lord of Bristol being -interpreter; but the King sat hard by, to overhear -all. Our cousin Archy (<i>i.e.</i> Archy Armstrong, -King James's jester, who had joined Charles in -Madrid with a large number of English courtiers) -hath more privileges than any, for he often goes -with his fool's coat where the Infanta is with her -<i>meninas</i> (maids) and ladies of honour, and keeps -a'blowing and blustering among them, and slurts -out what he lists."[<a id="chap03fn13text"></a><a href="#chap03fn13">13</a>] -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -Festivities kept Charles well occupied; and; -now that his father's courtiers had joined him -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P101"></a>101}</span> -with full baggage, he could play the Prince more -effectively than on his first arrival. King James, -indeed, seems to have imagined that by gifts and -ostentation he could carry the point he had at -heart,[<a id="chap03fn14text"></a><a href="#chap03fn14">14</a>] though in one of his letters to his "sweet -boys" he says that "for the honour of England -he had curtailed the train of courtiers that went -by sea of a number of rascals." Those who went, -however, behaved very badly, and did little to -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P102"></a>102}</span> -raise Spanish opinion of English nobles generally. -Buckingham was accused of having introduced -bad company even into the palace, and to have -behaved outrageously to the women who acted on -the stage during a comedy. "For outward usage" -(writes Howel in July), "there is all industry used -to give the Prince and his servants all possible -contentment, and some of the King's own servants -wait upon them at table in the palace, where I -am sorry to hear some of them jeer at the Spanish -fare, and use other slighting speeches and -demeanour."[<a id="chap03fn15text"></a><a href="#chap03fn15">15</a>] Worst of all, many of these fine -gallants went out of their way to offend Spanish -religious susceptibilities; and Howel mentions -one such case which nearly led to grave trouble. -One of the Prince's pages, Mr. Washington, had -died of fever, and before his death an English -priest named Ballard visited him, in the hope of -converting him. Sir Edmund Verney met the -priest on the stairs, and attacked him, first with -words and then with blows. -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"The business was like to gather very ill blood -and to come to a great height, had not Count -Gondomar quashed it; which I believe he could -not have done unless the times had been favourable, -for such is the reverence they bear to the -Church here, and so holy a conceit have they of -all ecclesiastics, that the greatest Don in Spain -will tremble to offer the meanest of them any -outrage or affront. Count Gondomar hath also -helped to free some English that were in the -Inquisition in Toledo and Seville, and I could allege -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P103"></a>103}</span> -many instances how ready and cheerful he is to -assist any Englishman whatsoever, notwithstanding -the base affronts he hath often received -from the London boys.[<a id="chap03fn16text"></a><a href="#chap03fn16">16</a>] I heard a merry saying -of his to the Queen, who, discoursing with him of -the greatness of London, and whether it was as -populous as Madrid: "Yes, madam," he said, "and -more populous when I came away, though I believe -there's scarce a man left now, but all women and -children, for all the men both in court and city -were ready booted and spurred to go away." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -English courtiers in Madrid -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Madrid was not quite so full of English courtiers -as that, though their presence was conspicuous and -assertive enough at Court. At the weekly -representation of the comedies in the palace, only the -royal party were provided with chairs; the ladies, -in the usual Spanish Court fashion, being seated -on cushions on the floor, and the gentlemen standing -behind the royal family. This did not suit either -Buckingham or the most ostentatious nobleman -of his time, the upstart Hay, Earl of Carlisle, and -they both fumed and fretted at what they -considered a slight upon them. Buckingham, of -course, was obliged to stay, but Hay and many -others of the insolent crew left Madrid in dudgeon -before the great heats came on. Hay, indeed, -found it extremely difficult to obtain audience of -the Infanta, whom the English already called -Princess of Wales; and when, after much -importunity, he was admitted, "he was brought into -a room where the Infanta was placed on a throne -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P104"></a>104}</span> -aloft, gloriously set forth with her ladies about -her: my lord, with his compliments, motions, and -approaches, could not draw from her so much as -the least nod, she remaining all the while as -immovable as the image of the Virgin Mary.... -At his coming away the Infanta gave him leave -to kneel to her above an hour, whereupon our -great ladies begin to consult how they shall demean -herself when she comes."[<a id="chap03fn17text"></a><a href="#chap03fn17">17</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Marriage negotiations -</span> -</p> - -<p> -During the whole of the spring, matters in -Madrid remained thus, the arrival of the dispensation -being constantly delayed, whilst England was -being every day more deeply pledged to an -impossible policy by the folly of Buckingham and -Charles and the eagerness of King James. James -had made the fatal mistake—after saying, through -Bristol, that the Pope's dispensation meant nothing -whatever to him—of sending agents, Father Gage -particularly, to Rome to negotiate for the dispensation -to be modified and expedited, and he showed -himself more squeezable on the religious point at -every turn of the negotiation. "As for myself," -he wrote to his son and Buckingham late in March, -"I would with all my heart give my consent that -the Bishop of Rome should have the first seat. -I, being a western King, would go with the Patriarch -of the West. And as for his temporal seigniory -of Rome I do not quarrel with that either. Let -him, in God's name, be <i>primus episcopus inter -omnes episcopos, et princeps episcoporum</i>, so it be -no otherwise but as St. Peter was <i>princeps -episcoporum</i>." So confident were they all that no -serious hitch would stand in the way of the wedding -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P105"></a>105}</span> -at last, that the fleet which was intended to carry -back the Infanta and her husband to England was -ready to sail for Spain in April, and the silly doting -King was busy settling the smallest details of the -voyage for the comfort of his "sweet boys." -</p> - -<p> -At length, late in April, news came to Madrid -that the dispensation was on its way to Spain, -but "clogged" with new guarantees and conditions -in favour of English Catholics, which Buckingham -still thought he could avoid granting, and -asked that the English fleet should be sent to -Corunna at once to convey them back triumphant -with the Infanta. They soon found that matters -were not so easily settled, for, as we know now, -Olivares was determined that no marriage should -take place, and a device for delay was easily found -in the assembly of a commission of divines at -St. Geronimo to discuss how far the conditions of the -dispensation might be modified. Buckingham -conceived the extraordinary plan of asking James to -give a blank commission to his son, and Charles -accordingly wrote to his father to send him the -following pledge signed by his own hand: "<i>We -do hereby promise by the word of a King that -whatsoever you, our son, shall promise in our name we -shall punctually perform</i>." "Sir, I confess," wrote -the Prince, "that this is an ample trust; and if -it were not mere necessity I should not be so bold"; -and Buckingham accompanied the Prince's letter -by a note that he knew would touch the King. -"This letter of your son's is written out of an -extraordinary desire to be soon with you again. -He thinks if you sign thus much, though they -would be glad (which he doth not yet discover) -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P106"></a>106}</span> -to make any further delay, this will disappoint -them. The discretion of your Baby you need not -doubt."[<a id="chap03fn18text"></a><a href="#chap03fn18">18</a>] Needless to say, the weak King sent -the power as requested, in order, as he wrote, -"that ye may speedily and happily return and -light in the arms of your dear Dad." -</p> - -<p> -Provided with this unlimited pledge, the Prince -and Buckingham, assisted by Bristol, Aston, and -Cottington, met a commission appointed by Philip. -For weeks the discussions continued. In vain the -English pointed out the impossibility of acceding -to the demands that religious toleration in England -should be decreed forthwith, and that the consent -of the English Parliament should be obtained -within a year or so for the abrogation of all the -penal laws against English Catholics, with the -many other points which were now insisted upon -by the Pope for the first time. The Pope had -even written a letter direct to Charles, urging his -immediate conversion; and Charles had further -compromised himself by answering it in a way -which, although vague, would have caused, if it -had been known, intense indignation in England. -As the English negotiators advanced, Olivares -retired, whilst Buckingham became daily more -impatient and angry, throwing the blame now -entirely upon the Count-Duke.[<a id="chap03fn19text"></a><a href="#chap03fn19">19</a>] -</p> - -<p> -At length, at the end of May, Buckingham -came to an open quarrel with Olivares, and threatened -to leave with the Prince at once and abandon -the negotiation. This angry departure did not -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P107"></a>107}</span> -suit the Spaniards; and, after much protest and -entreaty on the part of Philip and Olivares, it was -agreed that the Prince should stay in Madrid at -least until King James was made acquainted with -the point insisted upon, and sent his instructions; -although, after having consented to remain, Charles, -seeing the persistent attempts to put pressure -upon him to marry at once on the Pope's -conditions, endeavoured to withdraw his promise -altogether and retire. Eventually, however, the -cajolery of Olivares prevailed, and Cottington -went off post haste to England, carrying with -him the details of the Spanish papal demands. -In the letter written by Charles and Buckingham -to James, and taken by Cottington, they still -express a hope that he may accede to the terms, -though they dared not do so themselves without -his consent. -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"Dear Dad and Gossip," this letter runs, "the -Pope having written a courteous letter to me, -your Baby, I have been bold to write to him an -answer.... We make no doubt but to have the -opinions of the busy divines reversed (for already -the Count of Olivares hath put out ten of the -worst), so that your Majesty will be pleased to -begin to put in execution the favour towards your -Roman Catholic subjects, and ye will be bound -by your oath as soon as the Infanta comes over, -which we hope you will do for the hastening of us -home, with this protestation to reverse all, if -there be any delay in the marriage. We send -you here the articles as they are to go, the oaths, -public and private, that you and your Baby are to -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P108"></a>108}</span> -take, with the councils, wherein if you scare at -the least clause of your private oath (where you -promise that the Parliament shall revoke all penal -laws against the Papists within three years), we -thought good to tell your Majesty our opinion, -which is that if you think you may do it in that -time (which we think you may if you do your -best), although it take not effect, you have not -broken your word, for this promise is only security -that you will do your best. The Spanish ambassador -for respect of the Pope will present to you -the articles as they came from Rome, as likewise -to require that the delivery of the Infanta may -be deferred till the spring.... We both humbly -beg of your Majesty that you will confirm these -articles soon, and press earnestly for our speedy -return."[<a id="chap03fn20text"></a><a href="#chap03fn20">20</a>] -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -King James was in despair when he received -this letter and Cottington's intelligence. Olivares -had cleverly turned the whole negotiation on the -acceptance by the English of the religious demands, -and had remained quite unpledged as to the -restoration of the Palatinate, which was the thing -nearest to James' heart. The reply of the King -is too characteristic for compression, and is here -reproduced entire. -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"My sweet Boys, your letter by Cottington -hath strucken me dead! I fear it shall very -much shorten my days, and I am more perplexed -that I know not how to satisfy the people's -expectation here; neither know I what to say to -our Council, for the fleet that staid upon a wind -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P109"></a>109}</span> -this fortnight. Rutland and all abroad must now -be staid, and I know not what reason I shall pretend -for doing it. But as for my advice and directions -that ye crave in case they will not alter their decree, -it is, in a word, to come speedily away, if ye can -get leave, and give over all treaty. And this I -speak without respect of any security they may -offer, except ye never look to see your old Dad -again, whom I fear ye shall never see if ye see -him not before winter. Alas! I now repent me -sore that ever I suffered you to go away. I care -for match, nor nothing, so I may once have you -in my arms again. God grant it! God grant -it! God grant it! Amen, amen, amen! I protest -ye shall be as heartily welcome as if ye had done -all things ye went for, so that I may once more -have you in my arms again, and God bless you -both, my sweet son and my only best sweet servant, -and let me hear from you quickly with all speed -as ye love my life; and so God send you a happy, -joyful meeting in the arms of your dear Dad.— -</p> - -<p class="noindent"> -JAMES R. -<br /> -GREENWICH, 14 <i>June</i> 1623." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -The poor King was nearer to his difficulties -than was Buckingham, for Archbishop Abbott -and the English Puritan divines were becoming -clamorous at all this coquetting with the Scarlet -Lady, and to have conceded openly a half of the -papal demands as payment for the Spanish match -would have meant a revolution in England. In -the meanwhile Charles and Buckingham continued -their struggle to get the conditions modified; -whilst Olivares, supported by his theologians, still -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P110"></a>110}</span> -insisted that the marriage might be celebrated -conditionally in Madrid, to be confirmed at some -future time when the measures in favour of the -English Catholics had been put into operation. -</p> - -<p> -The events of the next few weeks are related -by the Spanish authority,[<a id="chap03fn21text"></a><a href="#chap03fn21">21</a>] very differently from the -version given by the Prince and Buckingham to -King James. The Spaniards aver that Charles' -counter-proposals and amendments were considered -exhaustively by the various commissions, and -unhesitatingly rejected, the Prince, in his final -interview with Olivares on the subject, when the -answer was given to him, signifying his intention -to return to England at once, and requesting an -audience to take leave of the King. The Prince -is represented by the Spaniards to have asked -Bristol to draw up for him a valedictory address -which he might read to Philip, but when Lord -Bristol submitted his draft the Prince expressed -dissatisfaction with it, and said that he would trust -to the inspiration of the moment and take leave -of the King in his own words. The leave-taking -was fixed for the 17th July, in the evening, and -when Charles, with Buckingham and the whole of -his train, were in the presence of Philip, to the -intense astonishment and dismay of Bristol, the -Prince expressed his intention of accepting the -conditions laid down by the Spaniards with regard -to religion, and said that he would, in his father's -name, give due security for their fulfilment. -Couriers were sent post haste to Rome to obtain -the Pope's final consent to the slightly modified -conditions accepted by Charles; and for a time -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P111"></a>111}</span> -the Spanish Court ostensibly regarded the marriage -as irrevocably fixed. -</p> - -<p> -This is the story as told by the Spaniards, and -it is probably not far from the truth; but in the -letters to King James[<a id="chap03fn22text"></a><a href="#chap03fn22">22</a>] the Prince and Buckingham -naturally represent the conditions they -accepted as being an important modification of the -previous Spanish demands, which, so far as can be -seen, they were not. On the very day when the -reconsidered conditions were first handed to Charles, -and, according to the Spanish story, rejected, he -and Buckingham wrote to King James. (26th -June-6th July.) -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"DEAR DAD AND GOSSIP,—Though late, yet at -last we have gotten the articles drawn up in the -forms we sent you by Lord Rochford, without any -new addition or alteration. The foolery of the -Conde de Olivares hath been the cause of this long -delay, who would willingly against thee have -pulled it out of the junta's and Council's hands -and put it into a wrangling lawyer's, a favourite -of his, who, like himself, had not only put it into -odious form, but had slipped in a multitude of -new unreasonable, undemanded, and ungranted -conditions, which the Council yielded unto merely -out of fear; for when we met the junta they did -not make one answer to our many objections, but -confessed with blushing faces that we had more -than reason on our side; and concluded with us -that the same oath should serve which passed -between Queen Mary and King Philip (II.) being -put to the end of every article which is to be sworn -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P112"></a>112}</span> -to. By this you may guess the little favour with -which they proceed with us, first delaying us as -long as they possibly can, then, when things are -concluded, they throw in new particulars in hope -that they will pass, out of our desire to make haste. -But when our business is done we shall joy in it -the more that we have overcome so many -difficulties, and in the meantime we expect pity at -your hands. But for the love of God and our -business let nothing fall from you to discover -anything of this, and comfort yourself that all -will end well to your contentment and honour. -Our return now will depend upon your quick -despatch of these, for we thank God we find the -heats such here that we may well travel both -evenings and mornings. The divines have not -yet recalled their sentence, but the Conde tells us -that he hath converted very many of them, yet -keeps his old form in giving us no hope of anything -till the business speaks it itself. But we dare say -they dare not break it upon this, nor, we think, -upon any other, except the affairs of Christendom -should smile strangely upon them." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -How completely Olivares had outwitted them -is plain by this letter. He still insisted verbally -upon the whole of the pretensions originally -formulated, but had by subtle hints led them into the -self-deceiving condition displayed by their fatuous -words in the letter just quoted. -</p> - -<p> -A few hours only after the above letter was -written, the courier Crofts arrived in Madrid -with King James' peremptory order for his son to -return, printed on page 109. With this order in -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P113"></a>113}</span> -their hands, Charles and Buckingham thought to -bring matters to a crisis, and, as they say, told -Olivares with a sad face that the King of England -had ordered them to return immediately. How, -they asked him, could they obey the command -without sacrificing the marriage? -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"His answer was that there were two good -ways to do the business and one ill one. The two -good ones were either with your Baby's conversion, -or to do it with trust, putting all things freely -with the Infanta into our hands. The ill one was -to bargain and stick upon conditions as long as -they could. As for the first (<i>i.e.</i> conversion) we -had utterly rejected it; and, for the second, he -confessed that if he were King he would do it; and, -as he is, it lay in his power to do it: but he cast -many doubts, lest he should hereafter suffer for it -if it should not succeed. The last he confessed -impossible, since your command was so peremptory. -To conclude, he left us with a promise to consider -it; and when I, your dog (<i>i.e.</i> Buckingham) -conveyed him to the door, he bade me cheer up my -heart, and your Baby's, both. Our opinion is -the longest time we can stay here is a month, -and not that neither without bringing the Infanta -with us. If we find ourselves sure of that, look -for us sooner. Whichever of these resolutions -be taken, you shall hear from us shortly, that you -may in that time give order for the fleet. We -must once more entreat your Majesty to make all -the haste you can to return those papers -confirmed, and in the meantime give order for the -execution of all these things (<i>i.e.</i> the abrogation of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P114"></a>114}</span> -all penal enactments against Catholics, and the -granting of religious toleration, etc.), and let us -here know so much."[<a id="chap03fn23text"></a><a href="#chap03fn23">23</a>] -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -The next night Charles sent for Olivares, and -asked him what advice he had to give him. The -matter was still under discussion, replied the -minister; and two or three days more would have -to be given before King Philip could send his final -decision. Charles and Buckingham demurred at -further delay, and again talked of immediate -departure; but, as usual, Olivares hinted and implied -much, whilst he pledged himself to nothing, and -when he returned he left "Baby" and "Steenie" -once more in a fool's paradise of confident hope. -From day to day they were thus kept; Olivares -hinting that as soon as news came that King James -had given liberty to English Catholics, all obstacles -would be removed, and the Infanta might accompany -her bridegroom to England. Charles and his -adviser begged James urgently and often to fulfil -their promises in this respect without delay; for, -said they, they were convinced that Olivares -would stand out no longer when the news came. -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"We know you will think a little more time will -be well spent to bring her with us, when by that -means we may upon equaller terms treat with -them of other things. Do your best there (<i>i.e.</i> in -England), and we will not fail of ours here.... -Of all this we must entreat you to speak nothing; -for if you do our labour here will be the harder, -and when it shall be hoped there and not take -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P115"></a>115}</span> -effect they will be the more discontented.[<a id="chap03fn24text"></a><a href="#chap03fn24">24</a>] I, -your Baby, have, since this conclusion, been with -my mistress, and she sits publicly with me at the -plays, and within these two or three days shall -take place of the Queen as Princess of England." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -James in London was sorely perplexed, for the -Marquis of Hinojosa and Carlos Coloma, the -Spanish ambassadors, were pressing him still more -to make the concessions to the English Catholics -thorough and irrevocable; whilst the Council, -even Buckingham's sycophantic creatures, Conway -and Calvert, the Secretaries of State, were ill at -ease. But the step had to be taken, and James, -with many prickings of conscience, or more worldly -fears, summoned his Council at Whitehall on -Sunday the 20th July, and, after feasting the two -Spanish ambassadors, the King of England took -an oath before them and a Catholic priest, with -Cottington and the two Secretaries of State only in -attendance, to comply with all the conditions of -the marriage which had been accepted in Madrid, -the English Catholics being given immediate and -complete toleration.[<a id="chap03fn25text"></a><a href="#chap03fn25">25</a>] This ceremony in the palace -of Whitehall having come to an end, King James -was entering his coach to go to the Spanish embassy, -and take a secret oath there to obtain within a -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P116"></a>116}</span> -given time the abrogation by Parliament of all -the penal laws, when, as he says, Lord Andover, -travel-stained with his long rapid journey from -Madrid, "came stepping in the door like a ghost," -and delivered the letter from Charles and -Buckingham, saying that the Spaniards were insisting -upon deferring the departure of the Infanta until -the spring, to give time for the reception of the -Pope's consent to the modified conditions, and -for the full execution of the decrees, relieving the -English Catholics from their disabilities. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Charles outwitted -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Poor James must have seen now clearly that -he had been outwitted. He was pledged, pledged -up to the hilt. He had just solemnly sworn to -accept all the Spanish conditions. His son was -still in the hands of Spain; no promise whatever -binding Spain had been given for the return of the -Palatinate to Frederick; and now the gage that -he and his shallow favourite had thought would -guarantee their demands upon Spain was not to be -delivered until next spring, which might mean -never! -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"This course is both a dishonour to me and -double charges, if I must send two fleets. But if -they will not send her till March, then let them, -in God's name, send her by their own fleet, ... but -if no better may be, do ye hasten your business: the -fleet shall be at you as soon as wind and weather -can serve, and this bearer (<i>i.e.</i> Cottington) will -bring you the power to treat for the Palatinate, -and in the matter of Holland. And, sweet Baby, -go on with the contract, and the best assurance -ye can get of sending her next year. But, upon -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P117"></a>117}</span> -my blessing, lie not with her in Spain, except -ye be sure to bring her with you; and forget not -to make them keep their former conditions anent -the portion (<i>i.e.</i> dowry), otherwise both my Baby -and I are bankrupt for ever." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -Cottington lost no time; and by the 5th -(15th N.S.) August was back again in Madrid with -the news of the King of England's compliance on -oath with the Spanish conditions. Again the -divines, at Olivares' bidding, began wrangling over -the form and substance of James' oath; for -Hinojosa, the Spanish ambassador in England, -had reported unfavourably upon the real intentions -of James towards the Catholics, and three weeks -more passed before the whole marriage treaty was -embodied in a formal document, which Charles, -on the 28th August (7th September), swore solemnly -on the Gospels in the hands of the Patriarch of -the Indies to fulfil, whilst Philip simply promised -that the marriage should take place <i>when the Pope's -consent arrived</i>, in which case the Infanta should -be sent to England in the following spring. It -was indeed a triumph for the diplomacy of -Olivares, and Charles endeavoured to save appearances -by asking, now that it was too late, for some -assurance that the Pope's consent would be given -by Christmas and the marriage solemnised. Philip -was all smiles. Nothing would delight him better; -but, as it was a case of conscience, the theologians -must decide. When they met to do so they raked -up many stories, old and new, to show that Englishmen -could not be trusted further than you could -see them in matters of religion, and decided that all of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P118"></a>118}</span> -King James's promises to the Catholics must come -into actual effect before any further step could be -taken by Philip. Cottington, it appears, had -fallen ill with the fatigue of his rapid journey; -and, in the belief that he was dying, sent for a -priest and confessed himself a Catholic, yet as -soon as the fit passed off and he recovered he -withdrew his professions, and this was cited as a -proof of the falsity of Englishmen. The story, -already quoted from Howel, of Varney's coming -to fisticuffs with the English priest Ballard was -made the most of. Besides, said they, a gentleman -of King Philip's chamber only the other day had -seen on a sideboard in Prince Charles's apartment, in -the palace of the Catholic King himself, "a -Protestant catechism in which all the heresies and -errors are taught, translated into Spanish and -richly and curiously bound." This was really too -shocking, and the divines decided that Charles -was not to be trusted an inch beyond the -conventions already made. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -A hollow betrothal -</span> -</p> - -<p> -In vain a grander bull-fight than ever was given -to celebrate the so-called betrothal, in which -Charles cut a gallant figure in white satin, and in -which, amidst a mad prodigality of splendour, -three-and-twenty bulls were done to death by nobles;[<a id="chap03fn26text"></a><a href="#chap03fn26">26</a>] -in vain feasts[<a id="chap03fn27text"></a><a href="#chap03fn27">27</a>] and banquets hailed -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P119"></a>119}</span> -Charles as the husband of a Spanish Princess, and -the future restorer of England to the Catholic -faith; both Charles and Buckingham now saw -that they had been fooled, and were only anxious -to get away with a good face and such dignity -as they might. Olivares personally still pretended -to be eager for the match, and feigned a desire -to send the Infanta with the Prince, "to turn them -all out of Spain together, as he said jocosely"; -but Buckingham now profoundly distrusted him—and, -indeed, told him at this juncture that he -would always be his enemy—and was determined -that the Prince should not be further pledged to -the marriage, unless the Infanta accompanied -them to England. "Send us peremptory -commands to come away, with all possible speed," -they wrote to King James; "we desire this, not -that we fear we shall need it, but in case we have, -that your son, who hath expressed much affection -to the Infanta, may press his coming away under -colour of your command without appearing an ill -lover." -</p> - -<p> -The love romance, in good truth, was at an -end, and the foolish adventure had resulted in one -side being pledged to a course that threatened the -stability of England, whilst the other was bound -to nothing whatever, since the Pope's consent -would be given or withheld as Spain desired. Worst -blow of all to King James was the contemptuous -treatment of his demands about the Palatinate. -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P120"></a>120}</span> -"As for the business of the Palatinate," wrote -Charles to his father, "now that we have pressed -them we have discovered these two impediments: -first, they say they have no hope to accommodate -it without the marriage of your grandchild with -the Emperor's daughter, ... to be brought up in -the Emperor's Court; and the second is, that -though they will restore his lands (to the Palatine) -they will not restore his honour." It was, indeed, -time that Charles was gone, for the sorry part he -and Buckingham had played in Madrid, and their -long absence, had provoked serious discontent in -England; and even Archy Armstrong in Madrid, -with his fool's privilege, goaded Buckingham with -taunts and sneers, until the enraged favourite -threatened that he would have him hanged. "No -one ever heard of a fool being hanged for talking," -retorted Archy, "but many Dukes in England -have been hanged for insolence."[<a id="chap03fn28text"></a><a href="#chap03fn28">28</a>] -</p> - -<p> -On the 29th August (8th September, N.S.), -Charles was conducted in state by Philip to take -his leave of the Queen and the Infanta, to whom -he made all manner of professions and promises. -Buckingham on this occasion did not accompany -the Prince, being desirous, as the Spaniards said, -of having a separate honour for himself; but -even whilst this ostentatious ceremony was being -used towards him, a secret paper was being drafted -by skilful hands and brains in Madrid that was -destined to precede him and the Prince to London, -and to set before King James the long tale of -Buckingham's transgressions and omissions whilst -in Spain, his violence, his rudeness, his lack of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P121"></a>121}</span> -diplomacy, his inexpertness in affairs, his pride -and insolence. The Spaniards, indeed, had -determined to make Buckingham the scapegoat as an -additional security for themselves, and they, or -rather Olivares, thus laid the foundation of the -spoilt favourite's ruin. -</p> - -<p> -Splendid presents were given on both sides: -Philip sending to his guest four-and-twenty Spanish -and Arab horses and six mares, twenty hackneys -in velvet housings, fringed and embroidered with -gold, two pairs of fine Spanish asses for the stud, -a dagger, a sword, and a pistol, all richly encrusted -with diamonds, eighty muskets and eighty crossbows -and a hundred of the best swords in Spain; -whilst Charles, in return for this, apart from his -gifts to the King, gave to the bearer of his -presents a great diamond jewel. Buckingham -also received from the King a fine stud of horses -and mares, with arms and jewels of immense value.[<a id="chap03fn29text"></a><a href="#chap03fn29">29</a>] The -Queen's present to Charles consisted of an -enormous quantity of linen under-garments of -great fineness, worked by the discalced nuns, fifty -dressed and perfumed skins, and two hundred -and fifty scented glove skins of great rarity and -value; whilst Olivares, knowing Charles' artistic -tastes and the interest he had taken in the fine -pictures in the palace, presented him with many -beautiful paintings, some chamber hangings, and -three Sedan chairs, fit, as Soto says, for the greatest -king on earth; one entirely of tortoiseshell and -gold, these chairs being for the use in London -of King James, the Prince of Wales, and Buckingham -respectively. All the principal courtiers came -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P122"></a>122}</span> -with similar gifts; but when, with many false tears -on both sides, Charles went to the Convent of the -Discalced Carmelites to take a last private farewell -of his betrothed, she gave him, amongst many -rich and beautiful toys, perfumes, and the like, a -letter from which she said she hoped great things -would come. It was addressed to a saintly nun -at Carrion, which lay in his road towards the sea, -and the Infanta prayed that he would visit and -confer with the holy woman for the good of his -soul.[<a id="chap03fn30text"></a><a href="#chap03fn30">30</a>] She made Charles promise her, moreover, -that he would have a care for the Catholics of -England, for any one of whom, she said, she would -lay down her life. -</p> - -<p> -Charles was as lavish in his gifts as were his -hosts, jewels of inestimable value being given to -the King and Queen, and, indeed, to everybody, -apparently, with whom the Prince had been brought -into contact at the Spanish Court. The Infanta -received from her lover a string of two hundred and -fifty great perfect pearls, with similar pearls for -the ears and breast, and a diamond ornament so -precious "that no one dared to estimate its -value."[<a id="chap03fn31text"></a><a href="#chap03fn31">31</a>] Amongst the shower of jewels that fell upon the -Spanish courtiers, that which came to Olivares -seems to have been one of the most precious. It -was the great "Portuguese" diamond of purest -water, that once had been the pride of the crown -jewels of Portugal, and had been brought to -England by the pretender Don Antonio, who, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P123"></a>123}</span> -whilst his jewels lasted, had found so warm a -welcome in the Court of Elizabeth. -</p> - -<p> -At dawn on Saturday, 30th August, King Philip -and his brother Carlos, with their English guest, -and followed by hundreds of gallant gentlemen, -rode across the bridge of Segovia out of the Castilian -capital, over the arid plain towards the vast -monastery palace of the Escorial in the Guadarramas, -the enduring gloomy monument of the first of -the Spanish Philips. The next day was spent -in seeing the wonders of the building, and on -Monday hunting in the woods and moors around -occupied the day. On Tuesday morning, 3rd -September, the party set forth, and a few miles -on the road the King, after an alfresco luncheon -and a long private conversation with his guest, -took final leave of Charles, with much -ceremonial salutation and professions of eternal -regard. That night the English Prince, in whose -coach travelled Buckingham, Bristol, and -Gondomar, arrived at the village of Guadarrama, and -the next night was spent at the ancient city of -Segovia. -</p> - -<p> -Charles had left in Bristol's hands a power to -conclude the marriage on the arrival in Madrid -of the consent of the Pope to the modified -conditions; but at Segovia he signed two letters, one -to King Philip reiterating his intention and desire -to carry the match through, and the other -revoking the full powers he had given to Bristol -to conclude the espousals when the Pope's -consent arrived, on the ground that there was -nothing in the conventions to prevent the -Infanta from embracing a conventual life after the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P124"></a>124}</span> -marriage.[<a id="chap03fn32text"></a><a href="#chap03fn32">32</a>] With Charles's slow progress through -Spain to Santander[<a id="chap03fn33text"></a><a href="#chap03fn33">33</a>], and so to England, this book -has naught to do, nor with the extraordinary set -of intrigues by which, to Bristol's indignation and -subsequent ruin, Buckingham on his return drew the -pliant James into alliance with France against Spain. -</p> - -<p> -Bristol, during his short further stay in Madrid, -laboured hard, aided by Gondomar, to keep the -negotiations afoot, the Spanish party in the English -Court endeavoured with the same object to arouse -the fears of James against Buckingham, and nearly -succeeded in doing it. Bristol's colleague and -successor at Madrid, Sir Walter Aston, hoping to -smooth matters, incurred Buckingham's violent -resentment by provisionally agreeing to a day for -the espousals, when at last the Pope's conditional -consent came. James, and now apparently -Charles, had quite made up their minds that no -marriage should take place without the Palatinate -being surrendered by the Emperor; and Philip, -as Olivares had said again and again, would never -coerce his Catholic kinsman to do that for the sake -of a heretic. Thenceforward though the bickering -both in Madrid and London still continued for -months, the marriage of Charles and the Infanta -was impracticable, and the unwise attempt to force -the hands of cunning statesmen by a romantic <i>coup -de théâtre</i> came to the undignified and unsuccessful -end that it deserved. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P125"></a>125}</span> -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Failure of the match -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The Spaniards pretended that the match would -have been carried through but for Buckingham's -bad faith and his personal quarrel with Olivares, -and they found it convenient to defend their own -character for sincerity by using the favourite -for a scapegoat. But it is quite certain now, with -the abundant authoritative documents before us, -that, except upon quite impossible conditions, -there never was any intention on the part of Philip -and Olivares to give the Infanta to Charles. -Olivares played the game with consummate skill, -obtaining concessions to the English Catholics, -which, if they had been sincerely carried out, -would have endangered James's crown; and -presenting to Europe the spectacle of the English -King and Prince soliciting an alliance with Spain -in a way which allowed such a rebuff to be -administered to England as might have made the -great Elizabeth turn in her grave. -</p> - -<p> -That Buckingham was keenly alive to his defeat, -and was determined to avenge it upon Spain, is seen -in his letter to James as soon as he left Madrid,[<a id="chap03fn34text"></a><a href="#chap03fn34">34</a>] -and by the strenuous and successful efforts which -he made on his return to London to defeat the -Spanish party, to which he had, thanks to -Gondomar's bribery, formerly belonged. The subsequent -ignominious war with Spain into which England -was dragged by Buckingham and the French -alliance, was a fitting sequel, in its inept -mismanagement, to the utter foolishness of the policy -which had precipitated it. The comparison between -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P126"></a>126}</span> -the incompetence of Sir Edward Cecil with his -disorganised and futile fleet before Cadiz in 1625, -and the English attack upon the same city in -1596 under Howard, Raleigh, and Essex, is as -complete and humiliating as the contrast between -shallow Buckingham and sagacious Burghley, or -between the doting poltroon whose letters to his -"sweet Boys" we have seen, and the proudly -patriotic termagant whom he succeeded on the -throne of England. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn1"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn1text">1</a>] Soto y Aguilar. Another unpublished -contemporary account in -Spanish of the state entry -in the British Museum, MSS. Add. 10,236, -says that Charles advanced to the -centre of the room and took off his -hat as the councillors entered. -It is mentioned that Charles retained -his English dress and had "a gallant figure" -(bizarro en el talle). He was -noticed to doff his hat whenever Philip -did on passing a church or sacred -image, and this greatly impressed -the crowd in his favour. When the -royal personages arrived at the palace -at half-past six, having taken -three hours to cover the distance -of about a mile from St. Geronimo to -the palace, the Prince was led to salute -the Queen, Lord Bristol kneeling -before them to interpret their conversation. -This account is very enthusiastic -as to Charles' graciousness and dignity. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn2"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn2text">2</a>] MS. Soto y Aguilar. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn3"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn3text">3</a>] <i>Familiar Letters</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn4"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn4text">4</a>] MS. Royal Academy of History, Madrid. -Transcript in my possession. -The writer, in this official capacity, -was present at all these feasts. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn5"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn5text">5</a>] MS. Soto y Aguilar. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn6"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn6text">6</a>] Charles really seems to have fallen -in love with her. Howel writes -in July. "There are comedians once a week -come to the palace, where, -under a great canopy the Queen and the -Infanta sit in the middle and -our Prince and Don Carlos on the Queen's -right hand, and the little -Cardinal on the Infanta's left hand. -I have seen the Prince have his -eyes immovably fixed upon the Infanta -half an hour together in a thoughtful -speculative posture, which sure would -needs be tedious unless affection -did sweeten it. It was no handsome -comparison of Olivares that he -watched her as a cat doth a mouse." Endymion -Porter, writing to his -wife soon after the Prince's arrival -in Spain, says: "The Prince hath -taken such a liking to his mistress that -now he loves her as much for her -beauty as he can for being sister to so great a King. -She deserves it, for -never was there a fairer creature." <i>State -Papers, Domestic</i>, March 1623. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn7"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn7text">7</a>] Hardwicke, <i>State Papers</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn8"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn8text">8</a>] From a somewhat ungenerous letter -from Charles to Bristol (who -was made the scapegoat), written on the -21st January 1625, he says: -"you will remember how at our first coming -into Spain, when taking -upon you to be so wise as to foresee our -intention to change our religion, -you were so far from dissuading us that -you offered your services and -secrecy to concur in it; and in many other -open conferences pressing -to show how convenient it was for us to -be Roman Catholic, it being impossible in -your opinion to do any great action otherwise." The -letter is full of reproaches and condemnation -of Bristol's conduct, but -it is quite clear that Bristol saw the only -condition under which the match -was possible from the first, which Charles -and Buckingham, deceived by -Olivares, did not. Cabala (ed. 1691) p. 188. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn9"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn9text">9</a>] <i>Hecho de los Tratados</i>. Camden Society. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn10"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn10text">10</a>] Carey, Earl of Monmouth, <i>Guerre d' Italia</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn11"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn11text">11</a>] Lord Bristol's diary, MS. in the -Advocates' Library, Edinburgh, -gives a minute account of the Prince's -movements from day to day. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn12"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn12text">12</a>] Soto y Aguilar gives a glowing -and pompous account of this festivity, -which, according to him, was a cane -tournament and competition of -horsemanship got up in honour of Charles -by the Admiral of Castile. -Charles is described as being dressed -in black satin, with the blue ribbon -and jewel of the Garter on his breast, -the simplicity of his garb being -praised as being very distinguished -in appearance, as it may well have -been amidst so gorgeous a crowd as that -described by Soto. It should -be noted, however, that Philip himself -rarely dressed in bright colours, -though his red doublet in the Dulwich -College picture is splendid enough, -his favourite colour being brown with -steel or silver trimmings. On this -occasion he is described as being dressed -in this way, with a chain consisting of four -linked jewelled crowns on his breast. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn13"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn13text">13</a>] <i>Familiar Letters</i>. Several references -are made in Spanish documents -of Archy's insolence whilst in Madrid, -though that was no new thing in -Philip's Court, where the buffoons were numerous. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn14"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn14text">14</a>] Writing on the 17th March, he says: -"I send you also your robes -of the order, which you must not forget -to wear upon St. George's day, -and dine together in them if they come in time, -which I pray God they -may, for it will be a goodly sight -for the Spaniards to see my two boys -dine in them. I send you also the jewels -I promised; some of mine, -and such of yours, I mean both of you, -as are worthy of sending. For -my Baby's presenting to his mistress, -I send him an old double cross -of Lorraine, not so rich as ancient, -and yet not contemptible for the -value, a good looking-glass with my picture -in it to be hung at her girdle, -which ye must tell her ye have caused -it so to be enchanted by art magic -as whensoever she shall be pleased to -look in it she shall see the fairest -lady that either her brother's -or your father's dominions can afford. -Ye shall present her with two long fair -diamonds set like an anchor, and -a fair pendant diamond hanging to them; -ye shall give her a goodly -rope of pearls, ye shall give her a -carcanet or collar, thirteen great ball -rubies and thirteen knots or conques -of pearls, and ye shall give her a -head dressing of two-and-twenty great -pear pearls; and ye shall give her -three goodly peak pendants, diamonds -whereof the biggest to be worn -at a needle on the forehead and one -in each ear. For my Baby's own -wearing ye have two good jewels of your own, -your round brooch of -diamonds and your triangle diamond -with the great round pearl, and I -send ye for your wearing three bretheren -that ye know full well, but -newly set; the mirror of France, -the fellow of the Portugal diamond, which -I would wish you to wear alone -in your hat with a little black feather. -You have also good diamond buttons -of your own to be set to a doublet -or jerkin. As for your 'J,' it may serve -as a present for a Don. As for -thee, my sweet Gossip, I send thee -a fair table diamond, which I would -once have given thee before if thou -would'st have taken it for wearing -in thy hat or where thou pleases; -and if my Baby will spare thee two -long diamonds in form of an anchor -it were fit for an Admiral to -wear." After minute instructions as to how -Charles is to give his presents to the -Infanta, the King continues: -"I have also sent four other crosses of -meaner value, with a great pointed diamond -in a ring, which will save -charges in presents to Dons, according -to quality; but I will send with -the fleet divers other jewels for -presents." Hardwicke, <i>State Papers</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn15"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn15text">15</a>] <i>Familiar Letters</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn16"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn16text">16</a>] Gondomar was specially obnoxious -to the London prentices, who -attacked him in his carriage on more than one occasion. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn17"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn17text">17</a>] News-letter from London. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn18"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn18text">18</a>] Hardwicke, <i>State Papers</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn19"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn19text">19</a>] Full details of the discussion -from day to day are in <i>El Hecho de los -Tratados</i>, etc. Camden Society. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn20"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn20text">20</a>] Hardwicke, State Papers. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn21"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn21text">21</a>] <i>Hecho de los Tratados</i>. Camden Society. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn22"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn22text">22</a>] Hardwicke, <i>State Papers</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn23"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn23text">23</a>] Hardwicke, <i>State Papers</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn24"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn24text">24</a>] The meaning of this somewhat obscure passage, -appears to be that -if King James made public the conditions -to which he was to pledge -himself the opposition in England might -prevent the measures promised -from being carried out, in which case -the disappointment in Spain would -be redoubled. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn25"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn25text">25</a>] Secretary Conway to Buckingham. -Hardwicke, <i>State Papers</i>. Conway -says concerning this: -"The acts of favour are gone for the King's -signature, which, known, will create -cold sweat and fear until the return -of his Highness." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn26"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn26text">26</a>] Soto y Aguilar MS. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn27"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn27text">27</a>] One of these, a cane tourney, -is fully described in a Spanish account -translated in Somers' Tracts. -Philip was always a lover of this showy -diversion, in which bodies of gaily -clad horsemen manoeuvred in opposing -squadrons, throwing small cane javelins -at each other, the skilful horsemanship -being the criterion of excellence. -After the usual parade through -the gaily decked streets, in which -Philip and Charles rode side by side, -the King went to the palace of the -Countess de Miranda to change his -dress and prepare for the evolutions. -The palace was splendidly fitted -up with white damask for his reception; -the halls being artificially -cooled and perfumed. His hostess received -him in state at the door, -and served him with a refection, -"consisting of all manner of conserves, -dried suckets and rosewater confections -of eight different sorts." Philip, -by the way, was a great lover of sweetmeats. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn28"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn28text">28</a>] <i>Hecho de los Tratados</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn29"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn29text">29</a>] They are all described, <i>ad nauseam</i>, -in the Soto y Aguilar MS. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn30"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn30text">30</a>] The Nuncio sent the same night -a special messenger to the nun, -directing her how she was to endeavour -to do the great service to the -Catholic Church. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn31"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn31text">31</a>] These jewels were afterwards returned -when the match was abandoned. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn32"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn32text">32</a>] Lord Bristol's remonstrance to the -Prince on this disingenuous -proceeding is in Cabala, p. 101. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn33"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn33text">33</a>] Buckingham, in his haughty letter -of rebuke to Aston (Cabala, 120), -says that Charles wrote to Aston -from Santander to the effect that he -would never marry the Infanta unless -good conditions were agreed to -with regard to the Palatinate. -Aston's letters from Madrid are in Cabala. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap03fn34"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn34text">34</a>] I'll bring all things with me -you have desired except the Infanta, -which hath almost broken my heart, -because your, your son's, and the -nation's honour is touched by the -miss of it. Hardwicke, <i>State Papers</i>. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p><a id="chap04"></a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P127"></a>127}</span></p> - -<h3> -CHAPTER IV -</h3> - -<p class="intro"> -FOREIGN WAR RENDERED INEVITABLE BY OLIVARES' -POLICY—ITS EFFECT IN SPAIN—CONDITION -OF THE COURT—WASTE, IDLENESS, AND -OSTENTATION OF ALL CLASSES—EXTRAVAGANCE IN -DRESS—PHILIP'S EFFORTS TO REFORM -MANNERS—RETRENCHMENT IN HIS HOUSEHOLD—THE -SUMPTUARY ENACTMENTS—THE <i>GOLILLA</i>—THE -INDUSTRY OF OLIVARES—HIS CHARACTER AND -APPEARANCE—HIS MAIN OBJECT TO SECURE -POLITICAL AND FISCAL UNITY IN SPAIN—THE -DIFFICULTIES IN THE WAY OF THIS—THE -COMEDIES—THEATRES IN MADRID—PHILIP'S -LOVE FOR THE STAGE—AN AUTO-DE-FE—LORD -WIMBLEDON'S ATTACK ON CADIZ—RICHELIEU'S -LEAGUE AGAINST SPAIN—SPANISH SUCCESSES—"PHILIP -THE GREAT"—VISIT OF THE KING TO -ARAGON AND CATALONIA IN 1626—DISCONTENT -AND DISSENSION—PHILIP'S LIFE TRAGEDY -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -The policy of Olivares, which had estranged -England and revived the haughty old claims of -Spain to dictate to Europe, had already begun to -produce widespread effects. France, no longer -under the papal Italian rule of the Queen-mother, -but in the firm hands of Richelieu, could not be -expected to submit to such claims now; and during -1624 Europe once more divided itself into two -camps, one to assert and the other to dispute the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P128"></a>128}</span> -supremacy of the house of Austria under the -hegemony of Spain. Richelieu did not believe -in beginning the game until he held all the cards -in his hands, and delayed an open declaration -of war until he could join with him in a league -against Spain, the United Provinces, and Savoy, -and had bought at least the neutrality if not the -active aid of England. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -A corrupt capital -</span> -</p> - -<p> -In the meanwhile we will glance at the effects -which had been produced in Spain, and particularly -in the Court, by the joint action of the young King -and his mentor, the Count-Duke. The ruin and -disappearance of the greedy crew that had followed -Lerma and his family, and the accession of a -promising youth like Philip IV. to the throne, had -filled the lieges with the belief that, as if by a fairy -wand, all Spain's troubles would cease and national -power and general prosperity would flood the -long-suffering land with joy. The happy dream -was of short duration, for the ills were too deep -seated to be quickly cured, if even wise measures -had been adopted. But the reforms of Olivares -had been merely of a palliative character, leaving -the system and incidence of taxation radically -bad. Whilst rigid investigation of past peculations -was effected, whilst the squandering of the royal -resources in grants was limited, and economy -severely enjoined in the expenditure of private -citizens, the most lavish waste was perpetrated in -other directions; and this, with the cost incurred -by a forward foreign policy, had, in the three -years that succeeded the accession of Philip, again -brought affairs to a crisis, in which the national -penury was the conspicuous fact. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P129"></a>129}</span> -</p> - -<p> -As soon as the echoes had died away of the -festivals that had been organised to dazzle the -English Prince, the discontent of the people began -to find voice amongst those whose mordant -speech and fluent pen were so eager always to -seize upon a pretext for the exercise of their powers. -Quevedo, the greatest wit of his time, who had -once more been recalled from the exile into which -his biting satire so often cast him,[<a id="chap04fn1text"></a><a href="#chap04fn1">1</a>] and was the -idol both of the quidnuncs of Liars' Walk and -of the dilettante nobles of the Court, launched his -darts against the grumblers, and told Spaniards -boldly that the continued misery was the fault -of the degenerate race of his countrymen, "the -well perfumed but ill conducted hosts" who -impatiently resisted or evaded the decrees of those -who endeavoured to mend matters. -</p> - -<p> -The decrees, it is true, were from their intricacy -and their thoroughness not easy to follow, for -they sought to revolutionise the customs and ways -of life rendered familiar by almost immemorial -usage. The evils to be cured had been patent to -all, but the remedies were too sudden and too -drastic to be effectual. When Philip had first -come to the throne, and the new broom was to be -wielded, the reforming member of the Cortes, -Lison y Biedma, had told the King[<a id="chap04fn2text"></a><a href="#chap04fn2">2</a>]— -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"Your subjects spend and waste great sums -in the abuse of costly garb, with so many varieties -of trimmings that the making costs more than the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P130"></a>130}</span> -stuff; and as soon as the clothes are made there is a -change of fashion and the money has to be spent -over again. When they marry the wealth they -squander on dress alone ruins them, and they -remain in debt for the rest of their lives; -... such is the excess that the wife of an artisan -nowadays needs as much finery as a lady, even though -she have to get money for it by dishonest means -and to the offence of God.... As for collars and -ruffs, the disorder in their use is very scandalous. -A single ruff of linen with its making and ravelling -will cost over 200 reals, and six reals every time -it is dressed, which at the end of the year doubles -its cost, and much money is thus wasted. Besides, -many strong, able young men are employed in -dressing and goffering these extravagant things, -who might be better employed in work necessary -for the commonwealth or in tilling the ground. -The servants, too, have to be paid higher wages -in consequence of the money they spend in -wearing these collars, which indeed consumes most of -what they earn; and a great quantity of wheat is -wasted in starch which is sorely wanted for food. -The fine linens to make these collars have, -moreover, to be brought from abroad, and money has -to be sent out of the country to pay for them. -With respect to coaches, great evil is caused and -offence given to God, seeing the disquiet they -bring to women who own them; for they never -stay at home, but leave their children and servants -to run riot, with the evil example of the mistress -being always gadding abroad. The art of -horsemanship is dying out, and those who ought to be -mounted crowd, six or eight of them together, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P131"></a>131}</span> -in a coach, talking to wenches rather than learning -how to ride. Very different gentlemen, indeed, -will they grow up who have all their youth been -lolling about in coaches instead of riding." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -And so on, almost every item of the daily life -of Madrid is shown by the writers of the day to -be vicious, wasteful, and corrupt. Idlers crowd -in the monasteries, and hosts of other idlers, sham -students, poetasters, bullies, and beggars, depend -for their daily sustenance upon the garlic soup -and crusts which are doled out at the gates from -the superfluity of the friars; and servants, with or -without wages, but living slothfully upon their -patron's food in tawdry finery and squalid plenty, -pester the noble houses from stable court to -roof.[<a id="chap04fn3text"></a><a href="#chap04fn3">3</a>] Philip and Olivares in the early days did not lack -courage, and they came out with a decree so drastic -to restrict the wearing of rich clothes, the abuse -of ornament, and the possession of rich furniture, -the use of trimmings, bullion, silks, velvets, -embroideries, and fringes, and to limit the employment -of silver and gold plate for household use,[<a id="chap04fn4text"></a><a href="#chap04fn4">4</a>] as to be -quite inoperative; besides which, almost as soon as -the decree was promulgated the visit of Charles -Stuart caused its suspension. -</p> - -<p> -The number of servants to be kept was rigidly -restricted, the use of coaches was only to be allowed -to people of a certain rank, women were forbidden -to drive up and down unattended by father or -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P132"></a>132}</span> -husband, and, what caused more gibes than anything -else, the houses of ill fame, of which, in the alleys -leading out of the Calle Mayor, there was an -enormous number, were ordered to be closed. Above -all, the most severe orders were given against the -wearing of ruffs and the using of starch for any -purpose. Pillory, confiscation, and exile were to -be the fate of any person who wore any pleated -or goffered linen in any shape, and the broad, -flat Walloon collar, which fell upon the shoulders, -alone was to be allowed. Alguacils were provided -with shears, and at a given signal raided the -fashionable promenades, cutting the fine lace ruffs -which the fops still insisted upon wearing, seizing -and burning the stocks of them in the shops, lopping -hat-brims to the requisite narrowness, confiscating -jewels, and even snipping off the lovelocks before -the ears which were the mark of the exquisite. -</p> - -<p> -The ladies, too, were no better treated, and -many a brazen-faced madam was hauled out of -her trundling coach and put to shame, or had -portions of her forbidden finery profaned by the -coarse hands of catchpoles. The Calle Mayor -and the Prado were up in arms at such sacrilege, -and bewailed the time when, the stern pragmatics -notwithstanding, each hidalgo and his dame who -could get money or credit dressed as splendidly as -they liked. The worst of it was, that except the -time when all the Court was ablaze with the welcome -to its English visitor, the King, for the first time, -followed his own pragmatics. Philip, like his -grandfather, disliked gorgeous attire for himself; -though, when the dignity of his position demanded -it, he could be refulgent. He was, moreover, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P133"></a>133}</span> -sincerely desirous of remedying the terrible penury -that existed everywhere. He had been told by -his advisers that one of the ways to do this was to -limit personal expenditure, in order that there -might be more money for the State to spend, and -he endeavoured in his own person to set the example -of economy. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Philip's reforms -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Philip has left a document in his own hand,[<a id="chap04fn5text"></a><a href="#chap04fn5">5</a>] -setting forth the reforms he introduced in the -service of his own palace (February 1624). It is -addressed to the master of the household, the -Duke of Infantado, and although far too long to -reproduce entire here, some few passages of it may -be quoted, as showing that, severe as the cutting -down might be, the royal household was still much -larger than would now be considered necessary -for a monarch.[<a id="chap04fn6text"></a><a href="#chap04fn6">6</a>] The distressed condition of the -public revenues, says the King, the many calls -upon it, the end of the truce with the Dutch, and -Spain's many foes on sea and land, make it -imperative to cut down every unnecessary expense. -A beginning is to be made in the salary of the -master of the household himself, all <i>future</i> holders -of the office to receive a million maravedis less -salary (<i>i.e.</i> £330 less), but to retain all the -perquisites of the office. Only the four senior stewards -are in future to be paid, the rest to serve without -payment, but to retain their rations, with some -small reductions, namely, the dish of chicken -custard or rice is to be suppressed, and the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P134"></a>134}</span> -allowance of twenty pounds of ice hitherto given to each -steward daily to be stopped. The number of -"gentlemen of the mouth" is in future to be restricted -to fifty, the gentlemen of the chambers to forty, -who are not to have more than two lacqueys each. -The pages in future are to be only twenty-four. -The numbers of officials of the bakery, fruitery, -cellar, spicery, chandlery, and butchery are all -reduced to what still seems an extravagant -personnel according to modern ideas, and the old -scandal of the enormous "rations" drawn (and -in many cases sold) by all the palace officials is -once more attacked. For instance, the perquisite -of sixty wax torches taken by the chief gentlemen -of the bed-chamber is abolished; and only eight -sets of rations are to be served to the gentlemen of -the bed-chamber, whilst the chief groom of the -bed-chamber is in future to go without his fifty reals -a month in lieu of salads, and his jam on fast -days. The controller of the household will no -longer be entitled to fresh meat, pastry, bacon, -chicken custard, salad and jams, and will have to -content himself in future whilst on a journey with -two dishes of roast meat and one dish of boiled, -and two dishes for supper,—"and he must not -take anything out of the store." -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Philip's household economies -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Through every branch of the household this -process of reduction was decreed by Philip, and -even the pay of the guards was rigidly cut down. -The members of the Spanish guard had recently -had their pay doubled to 200 ducats a month, -and now found themselves reduced to their former -pay of 100. The King, by these reforms, -decreed that a saving of 67,300 ducats a year was to -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P135"></a>135}</span> -be effected. In another manuscript of the King's,[<a id="chap04fn7text"></a><a href="#chap04fn7">7</a>] in -which a year or two afterwards he recapitulates his -personal efforts to remedy the evils of his country, -he refers particularly to the sacrifices he made in -his household for the commonweal at this time. -</p> - -<p> -</p> - -<p> -"I have twice reformed my household," -he says, "and although my servants may be -more numerous than before, I have had no other -money to pay them with than honours, and they -have received no pecuniary pay. As for my -personal expenses, the moderation of my dress -and my rare feasts prove how modest it is, and I -spend no money voluntarily on myself, for I try -to give my vassals an example to avoid vain -ostentation. So I have reconciled myself to ask -for nothing for my own person, but only the -indispensable funds for the defence of my realm and -the Catholic faith. I want no more, not a -maravedi, from my vassals, and I charge you (the -Council of Castile) on your conscience to let me -know if anything is being spent beyond this." -</p> - -<p> -</p> - -<p> -Philip spoke truly and from his heart when he -expressed his desire to avoid as much as possible -the oppression of his subjects, but the science of -political economy had not yet been born, and -neither he nor his advisers could see that a system -of taxation that largely consisted of a crushing -fine upon every sale of commodities and food -stopped production and trade, and tapped the -stream of revenue before it had time to fructify -the land. The money from the Indies, or what -was left of it after the peculations of officers, all -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P136"></a>136}</span> -drifted abroad immediately, mostly before landing, -to pay for the loans raised on usurious interest, -and in return for the articles of extravagance and -luxury which were forbidden to be made in Spain, -or of which the vicious taxation had killed the -production. And so Philip, with the best of -intentions, still, be it remembered, a mere boy of -nineteen, was enclosed in the vicious circle which -the impossible policy of saddling Spain with the -defence and assertion of the Catholic faith -throughout the world had imposed upon his doomed house. -</p> - -<p> -He might, and did, as I have just shown, do -his best to economise for the supposed benefit of -his people; but it was his people themselves who -needed reforming. Whilst they complained that -matters got no better, they shouted as loudly as -ever that Spain must teach heretics their error -at the point of the pike, and they themselves -resisted and evaded by every means in their power -the sumptuary and other measures intended for -the general relief. That these sumptuary measures -were to a great extent absurd, and the methods -of enforcing them undignified and often ridiculous, -is, of course, clear to us now; but the resistance -to them was not founded on that ground, but -because they went against the prevailing sentiment -of the people, at least the people of the capital. -The general pretentiousness, idleness, and love of -luxury unearned by labour were, indeed, symptomatic -of the natural decadence of society, produced -by the unfounded inflation and unreal exaltation -of the nation for the greater part of a century -previously. The decay had gone too far now for -any but a great governing genius to remedy it; -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P137"></a>137}</span> -and Philip, though good hearted, well meaning, -and not without ability, certainly was not that. -The poison had to work itself out of the national -system by slow and painful process, until the -patient, exhausted but sound, could build up its -strength again. Philip, throughout his life a -brilliant idler with good heart and a tender -conscience, was condemned to witness the progress -of the disease without being able to understand or -remedy it; and to watch at the same time with -failing heart the parallel decline and threatened -extinction of his own historic house. -</p> - -<p> -Whilst the male, and especially the female, -swaggerers of the Calle Mayor gave grudging and -evasive obedience to the royal pragmatics against -extravagance in most respects, there was one -enactment of Philip's which, though at first resisted -more sulkily than any of them, gave rise at length -to a new fashion, which was seized upon by the -whole of Spain with avidity, and became for the -rest of the century—seventy-five years—the most -entirely characteristic article of Spanish male -dress. The ruffs under Philip III. had become -enormous, and the costly lace edging and elaborate -devices for keeping the frills stiff had made them, -perhaps, the most extravagant articles of dress -ever generally and diurnally worn in any country. -Many attempts had been made to suppress them -before Philip and Olivares tried their hands, but -all had failed. The alternative collar decreed by -Philip's pragmatics was either a plain linen band -or the flat Walloon collar falling on the shoulders. -The former of these was rejected utterly by people -who aspired to be well dressed, as being mean -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P138"></a>138}</span> -and lacking in distinction after the spreading -splendour of the "lettuce frill" ruff. The Walloon -collar, unstarched, soon got wrinkled, creased, and -soiled; and moreover, it had become to a great -extent identified with the "heretic" Hollanders -and unpopular Flemings, so that Madrid never -looked upon it with favour, though the King wore -it after his first pragmatic. The problem was to -find a new collar which should be dignified and -stiff without the forbidden starch, "or other -alchemy," as the pragmatics said; should present -the light contrast becoming to swarthy faces, -without employing the fine foreign lawn and lace -which the royal decree made illegal, and should -render unnecessary the puritanical wrinkled Walloon. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -The <i>golilla</i> -</span> -</p> - -<p> -An ingenious tailor in the Calle Mayor, early in -1623, submitted to the King and to his brother -Carlos a new device, consisting of a high spreading -collar of cardboard, covered with white or grey -silk on its inner surface, and on the outside with -dark cloth to match the doublet. By means of -heated iron rollers and shellac the cardboard shape -was permanently moulded into a graceful curve -which bent outwards at the height of the chin, -presenting in juxtaposition with the face the -surface of light coloured silk.[<a id="chap04fn8text"></a><a href="#chap04fn8">8</a>] Philip was pleased -with the novelty, which was distinctly more -"dressy" than the Walloon, and had none of the -objections of the ruff, and ordered some to be made -for his brother Carlos and himself. The tailor, in -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P139"></a>139}</span> -high glee, went home to his shop to make them. -But, alas! the pragmatics had forbidden "any -sort of alchemy" to make collars stiff, and, -moreover, the Inquisition was soon told by its spies -that some secret incantations, needing the use of -mysterious smoking pots and heated machines turned -by handles, were being performed by the tailor in the -Calle Mayor. -</p> - -<p> -This was suspicious, and smelt of the Evil One; -and soon the poor tailor and his uncanny -instruments were haled before the dread tribunal on -suspicion of witchcraft and sorcery. It could not -make much of the tools, but as, in any case, the -collars were lined with silk, and that was against -the pragmatic, the poor tailor's stock and instruments -were ordered to be publicly burnt before his door. -The tailor, in trouble, went to Olivares, who was -furious at the King's collars being burnt, and he -and the Duke of Infantado sent for the president -of the Inquisition Council, and rated him soundly. -The president declared that he knew not that the -strange things were for his Majesty; but pointed -out how dangerously new they were in shape, -how mysteriously stiffened, and how they sinned -against the pragmatic. But he was soon silenced -by the Count-Duke, who told him they were the -best and most economical neck-gear ever invented, -as they needed no washing or starching, and would -last for a year without further expense. Philip[<a id="chap04fn9text"></a><a href="#chap04fn9">9</a>] -and Carlos, with many of the courtiers, wore the -new <i>Golilla</i> for the first time during the visit of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P140"></a>140}</span> -the Prince of Wales, and the fashion caught the -popular taste. Thenceforward all Spain, Spanish -Italy, and South America wore golillas, the curve, -size, and shape changing somewhat as other fashions -changed, but the principle remained the same, -until Spain was born again and a French King -banned the golilla as barbarous, and imposed upon -his new subjects the falling lace cravat and jabot -of the eighteenth century. -</p> - -<p> -Though the satirists and poetasters might gibe -anonymously at the small remedial effect that -followed the well-meant measures of the King -and his "bogey," as they called Olivares, and -might whisper spitefully, as they did, that the latter -purposely kept Philip absorbed in frivolous pursuits, -the better to be able to rule unchecked himself, -the favourite went on his way sternly and -forcefully, pushing aside roughly those who stood in -nis path, and behaving none too generously to -those who aided him. He gave up none of the -duties of personal attendance upon the King, -although now the whole of the details of every -department of State passed through his hands. -The jealous courtiers, whose perquisites he had -curtailed, sneered beneath their breath at him for -coming into the King's room hung all round with -packets of paper, with similar packets stuck -in sheafs under the band of his hat, and bulging -from his pockets, the very way, they said, to -disgust with affairs a youth already disinclined for -business and constitutionally idle. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -The policy of Olivares -</span> -</p> - -<p> -It is quite evident, however, that someone had -to do the business of the State; and the numerous -and very able State papers and memoranda of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P141"></a>141}</span> -advice from Olivares to Philip, still in existence,[<a id="chap04fn10text"></a><a href="#chap04fn10">10</a>] -show that every subject of importance was -exhaustively explained to the King, naturally from -Olivares' point of view, and that, if Philip left -the executive power in the hands of the minister, -it was not because he was kept in ignorance of -the issues involved. Even thus early the main -tendency of Olivares' policy was avowed to the -King, a policy which was in its essence wise and -statesmanlike, but impossible of expeditious -consummation. The difficulty which faced Olivares -had faced Ferdinand and Isabel and all -subsequent Spanish sovereigns, namely, the want of -political unity of the country. The "Catholic -Kings" had attained a factitious homogeneity by -promoting a common spiritual pride, which had -given to Spain the temporary force, already -well-nigh dead when Olivares took the reins. How -could Spain face half Europe in arms, and force -orthodoxy on unwilling princes and populations -with the resources of ruined Castile alone? -Aragonese and Catalans were rich, but held their -purse-strings tight. Portugal, with its fine harbours -and its rich Oriental trade, held stiffly to the -constitution, to respect which Spanish kings had -solemnly sworn, and not a ducat of taxes could -be imposed upon it by the King of Spain without -Portuguese consent, or for other than Portuguese -purposes. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Olivares advocates unification -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The expiry of the truce with the Hollanders, -and the evident approach of war after the departure -of Charles Stuart from Spain, made necessary the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P142"></a>142}</span> -raising of large funds somehow. It has been -shown how terribly exhausted the national resources -of the Castilian realms were; and the poverty of -the country had wrung a cry from the Cortes of -Castile, which met late in 1623 to vote new supplies -for three years. They could not vote, nor could -Castile pay, more than the usual amount, which for -the needs of a new war, in addition to the resumed -struggle with Holland, was quite insufficient. It -would be necessary, therefore, for Philip soon to go -and face the independent Parliaments of Aragon, -Catalonia, and Valencia; and, whilst renewing -and taking the usual oaths, beg for generosity -from his eastern subjects. There is extant a -paper,[<a id="chap04fn11text"></a><a href="#chap04fn11">11</a>] bearing date of 1625, in which Olivares -unfolds to Philip his ideas of the relations that -ought to exist between the various dominions of -which Spain consisted: the object in view, as he -says, being to arrange that "in case any of the -States was at war, the rest should be obliged to -come to its aid and defence." He cites many -examples, ancient and modern, of the need for -national unity in the matter of finance and -reciprocal obligation, and points out for the benefit -of the outer realms of Spain that they can only -expect to form a great Power by making such -sacrifices for their King as other subjects are -obliged to make. His idea, evidently, was to -use the obligation of mutual defence as the first -step to a complete political fusion of the crowns, -and he tried to gild the pill by saying that each -of the outer realms may now be considered -feudatories of Castile, whereas if they were all united -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P143"></a>143}</span> -each would be the head. There was, and is, no -sentiment or tradition so strong in these regions, -especially in Catalonia, as that of political -independence of Castile, and any such argument as -that of Olivares was bound to meet with stout -resistance if he attempted to enforce it. The very -rumour was sufficient, and even before the journey -of Philip to the eastern realms was begun, in -January 1626, ominous murmurs came that Castile -might fight her own battles. The crowns of Aragon -would provide money and men to defend themselves, -and pay their stipulated tribute to their -King on the ancient conditions; but that if an -attempt was made to coerce any further payment -trouble would ensue. How this threat was carried -out to the bitter end the later pages of this book -will tell; but before we accompany Philip and -his mentor on their first regal visit to the stubborn -realms of the east, the further progress of events -in the capital must be told. -</p> - -<p> -Philip's routine of life had already become fixed, -and for many years to come changed but little. -Olivares, as before, was always the first to enter -his room in the morning, and assisted him to rise, -afterwards reciting to him the business of the day, -to which, except in the short but frequent fits of -penitence and remorse that throughout his life -plagued him, it is to be feared the King paid but -little attention. He rose early, and ate and drank -very soberly, dining at about eleven in the morning -after an early cup of chocolate, and performing -his religious duties. Like all his house, he was a -devoted lover of the chase, and the large preserves -in the neighbourhood of all his palaces provided -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P144"></a>144}</span> -him with ample sport; besides which, as will be -described in a later chapter, he enjoyed frequent -wild boar drives, in which his fine horsemanship -was displayed with advantage. His dress was -usually a close-fitting doublet of brown duffel with -trunks to match, or on occasions of greater -ceremony black silk or velvet with the thin chain -and tiny badge of the Golden Fleece at the neck, -but no other ornament. The golilla was almost -invariably worn, his doublet being, for outdoor -wear, surmounted by a serviceable long shoulder -cape of similar dark colour. The galligaskins -were full, and tied at the knee with ribbons, and -confined at the waist by a leather belt, square-toed -shoes with buckles, and stockings of lighter -colour than the galligaskins, but not usually pure -white, completed the leg coverings, except for -hunting wear, when gaiters or boots to the knee -were used. A broad-trimmed felt hat with a band, -and sometimes a side feather, was his head-dress; -and in the spring or autumn, when the cloak would -have been too heavy, his outdoor garment over the -close-fitting doublet was a <i>ropilla</i> or outer jacket with -false sleeves cut open and hanging from the shoulder. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Diversions of the court -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Both Philip and his wife Isabel[<a id="chap04fn12text"></a><a href="#chap04fn12">12</a>] were indefatigable -in their pursuit of pleasure, in which -their tastes agreed. The two main amusements -were the theatre and the devotional celebrations -in churches and monasteries; and the immense -number of these in Madrid and the principal cities -provided an endless choice of such festivities. -The splendour and glitter which the sumptuary -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P145"></a>145}</span> -decrees prohibited so sternly in secular life ran riot -in the temples, and a generation forbidden to be -extravagant in their own persons flocked to the -garish festivities of the Church to find the sensuous -enjoyment which the mere sight of richness gave -them. No opportunity, indeed, was lost of getting -up a religious show. Philip's second child[<a id="chap04fn13text"></a><a href="#chap04fn13">13</a>] was -born in November 1623,—the condition of the -Queen at the time of Charles Stuart's departure -having been the reason why Philip did not -accompany his guest farther on his road to the coast. -The infant Princess, Margarita Maria, only lived -a month; but the ceremonial to celebrate her -baptism reads like the relation of a fairy-tale.[<a id="chap04fn14text"></a><a href="#chap04fn14">14</a>] -</p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-144"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-144.jpg" alt="PHILIP IV. AS A YOUNG MAN. From a contemporary portrait in the possession of His Grace the Duke of Wellington at Strathfieldsaye." /> -<br /> -PHILIP IV. AS A YOUNG MAN. <br /> -<i>From a contemporary portrait in the possession <br /> -of His Grace the Duke of Wellington at Strathfieldsaye.</i> -</p> - -<p> -In July of the next year, 1624, a splendid -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P146"></a>146}</span> -opportunity for devotional display was provided -by the action of a madman. The most crowded -church in Madrid was that of the Augustinian -Monastery of St. Philip, at the entrance to the -Calle Mayor, upon whose steps and raised -sidewalk the idlers and gossips of the Court met to -whisper scandal and bandy satiric verse. Every -morning from matins until the angelus bell tolled -the hour of noon, when the soup and bread at the -gates were doled to hungry authors, stranded -poets, and idlers out of luck, Liars' Walk was -full. But rarely had such a sensation of horror -pervaded it as on the day just mentioned, when -the congregation rushed in panic from the church, -with cries of horror that a heretic had knelt before -the high altar and had deliberately insulted the -Holy Mystery there displayed.[<a id="chap04fn15text"></a><a href="#chap04fn15">15</a>] Horror upon -horrors! and in the Court of the Catholic King! -For eight days the King and Queen, with all their -Court in the deepest mourning, peregrinated the -capital, visiting shrines and making propitiatory -offerings. Every church in Madrid was draped -in black, and processions, rogations, and public -flagellations of devotees went on ceaselessly for a -week, during the whole of which time "no stage -plays were allowed, and public women were forbidden -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P147"></a>147}</span> -to ply their trade." In the corridors of the palace -itself separate altars were raised for every royal -personage, and all the jewels that the crown of Spain -could provide were piled upon them to appease the -outraged divinity. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -The Theatres of Madrid -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The deprivation, even for a week, of the pleasures -of the theatre must have been to the citizens -of the Court a greater penance for the offence of the -madman than any other; for Spain had literally -gone crazy for the stage, and Philip and his wife -led or followed the fashion eagerly. Actors, or -histrions, as they were called, were popular heroes, -and upon the Liars' Walk they swaggered and -exchanged quips with the fecund poets who supplied -them with lines of facile verse by the fathom.[<a id="chap04fn16text"></a><a href="#chap04fn16">16</a>] -There walked Quevedo, with his great tortoiseshell -goggles and his sober black garb; there, -observed of all observers, was the "phoenix of wits," -the great Lope; there, Moreto and Calderon; and -there also the rival comedians of the two theatres, -the Corral de la Pacheca and the Teatro de la -Cruz, twisted moustachios of defiance at one -another, and talked of the King's compliments at -their last appearance in the palace. -</p> - -<p> -The two theatres of the capital consisted of -large courtyards enclosed by houses, which were -usually held by the owners of the theatres.[<a id="chap04fn17text"></a><a href="#chap04fn17">17</a>] A -raised stage at the farther end, with tiled eaves -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P148"></a>148}</span> -and a curtain, was faced by a number of benches -protected from sun and rain by an awning. In -these seats men alone were allowed to sit, whilst -in the open uncovered space behind them other -men, who had paid a smaller sum, witnessed the -show standing. On the left hand on the ground -level was a sort of enclosed gallery called the -<i>cazuela</i>, the stew-pan, where the women were -accommodated; and, as upon the English stage -at the time, some of the more privileged of the -gallants were allowed to be seated on stools upon -the stage itself. In the closely grated windows of -the houses surrounding the courtyard the aristocracy -saw the play and the audience without being -seen; and as these windows corresponded with -rooms (<i>aposentos</i>) in different houses with separate -entrances, but yet in most cases of easy access to -the stage, infinite opportunities for intrigue were -provided. So scandalous did this state of affairs -become at a somewhat later period, that murderous -affrays even between the highest nobles of Spain -on the subject of the actresses were of frequent -occurrence.[<a id="chap04fn18text"></a><a href="#chap04fn18">18</a>] Philip, by the Court etiquette, was -not supposed to go to public theatres, and had -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P149"></a>149}</span> -a regular stage erected in the Alcazar and other -palaces, where comedies were performed twice a -week; but, in fact, he was a constant visitor to -both the public theatres, going, of course, incognito, -and often masked, as was the fashion of the time. -There he would sit in one of the private rooms, -unseen behind a heavily grated window, but vigilant -for any new beauty who appeared on the stage -or in the cazuela.[<a id="chap04fn19text"></a><a href="#chap04fn19">19</a>] -</p> - -<p> -Sometimes, too, the Queen would go with -similar precautions, and it is to be feared, from -the stories of eye-witnesses, that her tastes were, -at all events in these joyful early years of her -life, not too refined. Not only was she an ardent -lover of the bull-fight, but she would in the palace -or public theatres countenance amusements which -would now be considered coarse. Quarrels and -fights between country wenches would be incited -for her to witness unsuspected; nocturnal tumults -would be provoked for her amusement in the -gardens of Aranjuez or other palaces; and it is -related that, when she was in one of the grated -<i>aposentos</i> of a public theatre, snakes or noxious -reptiles would be secretly let loose upon the floor -or in the <i>cazuela</i>, to the confusion and alarm of -the spectators, whilst the gay red-cheeked young -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P150"></a>150}</span> -Queen would almost laugh herself into fits to see -the stampede. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -An <i>auto-de-fé</i> -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Nor were bull-fights, comedies, equestrian -shows and church spectacles the only amusements -of a Court which actually lived for idle -pleasures. There was another in which poignancy -of excitement and devotion of the peculiar Spanish -sort were equally blended; and, though not so -frequent as the other diversions, was still more -popular. These were the <i>autos-de-fe</i>. Heretics -of the Protestant kind there were now practically -none to burn; but sorcery, impiety, and above -all Judaism, or the suspicion of it, provided enough -victims to furnish forth an occasional public -holiday. The description of one such ceremonial -at this period will suffice.[<a id="chap04fn20text"></a><a href="#chap04fn20">20</a>] It was not long after -the mad French pedlar had outraged the religious -proprieties in the Church of St. Philip, when the -branch of the Inquisition at Madrid received advice -from one of its ubiquitous familiars that certain -persons, believed to be of Jewish origin, were in -the habit of meeting at the house of a certain -Licentiate in the Calle de las Infantas, where, -amongst other impious rites, they flogged and -maltreated a wooden crucifix. Before many hours -had passed, the whole of the accused and their -friends were in the dungeons of the Inquisition; -and, as a warning to other backsliders, it was -determined to hold a solemn public ceremonial -judgment of the offenders in the Plaza Mayor of -Madrid on Sunday, 4th July 1624. -</p> - -<p> -The municipality provided the stands and -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P151"></a>151}</span> -decorations of the great square, with a splendidly -adorned balcony for the King and Queen, six -other balconies being reserved for the ladies in -attendance, with nine balconies for gentlemen of -the palace party; a vast concourse of citizens -filling the public space, and the hundreds of -balconies looking down upon the square. An immense -staging was erected facing the royal balcony, -upon which, in their state robes, were to be seated -the Town Council of Madrid, the Inquisition of -Toledo, the Supreme Tribunal, all the Royal -Councils and other official bodies. The ceremonies -began on the evening before the great day. At -five o'clock on Saturday afternoon, a solemn -procession left the Convent of Doña Maria de Aragon,[<a id="chap04fn21text"></a><a href="#chap04fn21">21</a>] -near the palace, carrying the gigantic green cross -which upon these occasions held the place of -honour. The standard was borne by the first -official noble in the land, the Constable of Castile, -whilst the Admiral of Castile carried the tassels -of the sacred banner. Then, amidst a crowd of -priests with flaring waxen tapers, came the white -cross in the hands of the representative of Toledo, -followed by the green cross itself, in the hands of -the prior of St. Thomas. Torch-bearers and -faggot-bearers came after, many scores of them, and the -procession closed by long lines of friars bearing -tapers from every monastery in Madrid. -</p> - -<p> -At seven o'clock the next morning the King -and Queen left the palace in their coach, followed -by the whole Court; and when the royal party -had seated themselves in their gay bedizened -balconies, the long procession of the Inquisition, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P152"></a>152}</span> -with swaying censers, flaming tapers, and -propitiatory dirges, wound into the plaza under the -archway from the Calle Mayor. First came the -alguaciles of the municipality and the town officials, -then the alguaciles of the Court and the officers -of the Royal Council; seventy hooded familiars of -the dread tribunal with their big crosses upon their -sombre garb, followed with the crowd of -consultants, notaries, and prosecutors of the Holy -Office. After them walked the municipality of -Madrid, then the Chief Constable of the Inquisition -alone, followed by the fiscal of the Inquisition -of Toledo bearing the banner of the Holy Office, -whose tassels were held by fiscals of Castile. The -Inquisition of Toledo came next, and then the -Supreme Council of the Inquisition itself, the last -and most important member being Cardinal Zapata, -the Inquisitor-General. -</p> - -<p> -When all had taken their places, the Cardinal, -as usual, ascended to the royal balcony and -administered to the King the oath to keep inviolate -the purity of the Church at any cost, an oath -afterwards repeated by the members of the tribunal -itself and the Councils. Upon a lower staging -before the official platform were grouped the forty -wretched creatures in their flaming tabards of -shame, whose offence this pompous show was to -punish. An interminable sermon was preached -by the King's confessor, Sotomayor, exhorting the -accused to repent and the faithful to increased -zeal in the extermination of the enemies of the -holy faith; and then the dread sentences were -read out by the relator. Seven of the accused -were condemned to be burned alive that night -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P153"></a>153}</span> -outside the gate of the city, and four more were -to be executed in effigy, whilst their bodies rotted -for life in the secret dungeons of the Holy Office; -the rest being sent back to their prison, probably -never again to see the light of day, and to suffer -unrecorded tortures until death should release -them. The house where the offence was said to -have been committed was doomed to be swept -utterly from the face of the earth, and a church -and monastery dedicated to Christ crucified erected -in its place.[<a id="chap04fn22text"></a><a href="#chap04fn22">22</a>] By the time the condemned were led -away it was three o'clock in the afternoon; and -whilst the wretched prisoners in their <i>sambenitos</i>, -amidst the curses and insults of the crowd, went -to their doom, the smart company of courtiers, -together with King Philip and his wife, returned -to their respective homes and their much-needed -repast, doubtless in an exceedingly self-approving -and pharisaical mood.[<a id="chap04fn23text"></a><a href="#chap04fn23">23</a>] -</p> - -<p> -Whilst the King and his people were thus -absorbed in the pursuit of demoralising pleasures, -and loudly proclaiming to Europe that Spain -had abandoned none of its past pretensions, the -European league against her had been fully -organised. It had been clear to Richelieu from the -beginning of Philip's reign, that unless France -struck boldly and promptly she would be in danger -of finding herself once more shut in by the House -of Austria, more solid than ever now that Olivares -was determined to aid the Emperor to keep the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P154"></a>154}</span> -Palatinate, and the blood and treasure of Castile were -again to be squandered in fighting heresy abroad. -Spinola, victorious in Germany with Spanish -troops, was seriously threatening the United -Provinces, and Spain, in defiance of treaties, still -held by force the Valtelline, which connected -Lombardy with Tyrol. The Duke of Savoy, -ambitious and discontented with his Spanish -kinsman, tired of the rôle of catspaw to which he was -condemned, and greedy to seize Lombardy and -Genoa, readily listened to Richelieu's approaches; -and England, still smarting under the humiliation -she had suffered from Olivares, did the same, -whilst the United Provinces, already at war with -Spain, willingly joined the enemies of her enemy. -Europe found itself for a short time again thus -divided in its old way: France, Savoy, and the -Protestant Powers being on one side; whilst the -House of Austria in Germany and Spain, with the -Italian principalities, were on the other. The -first object of Richelieu was to break the territorial -circle by ousting the Spaniards from the Valtelline, -which he invaded with French and Swiss troops -in 1625. Then followed the ignominious attack -upon Cadiz by the English fleet under Sir Edward -Cecil (Lord Wimbledon) in October of the same -year,[<a id="chap04fn24text"></a><a href="#chap04fn24">24</a>] and Spain thus found herself at war with half -Europe. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -War with France -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Poor and exhausted as we have seen that the -country was, the labours of Olivares had not been -quite without result, and with great effort funds -were raised to present a front to the enemies of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P155"></a>155}</span> -the faith worthy of Spanish traditions. The Queen -offered her personal jewels to fight her own countrymen, -the French; the nobles contributed a million -ducats in cash from their ill-gotten hoards; the -pulpits and altars of Spain and the Indies rang -with priestly exhortations to sacrifice for the -faith; and the clergy itself undertook to maintain -twenty thousand troops during the war. The property -of all French subjects in Spain was confiscated, -and for once the energy of Olivares was felt in all -branches of the Spanish service. It was as if the -old times of Philip II. had returned. Feria and -Spinola, the one on land, the other at sea, forced -the French to abandon their conquests in the -Valtelline and Genoa. Spain, in a fever of pride -and jubilation, hailed the young King, who -personally had done nothing and had never left -Madrid, as "Philip the Great," and Olivares -caused the title to be officially accorded to his -young master. But after a time the diplomacy of the -Spanish Queen of France and Olivares did more -to end the war than the skill of the generals. -Richelieu was a cardinal of the Church, and could -not entirely ignore the remonstrances of the Pope, -prompted by Olivares, against his making common -cause with heretics to fight the orthodox Catholic -Power; and a treaty between France and Spain -was patched up in January 1626 with regard to -the Valtelline, where the Catholics were to enjoy -full liberty of conscience on payment of a tribute -to the Protestant Grisons. -</p> - -<p> -But in Germany the war, now mainly a -religious one, went on, the arms of the Emperor -being to a great extent successful, thanks to -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P156"></a>156}</span> -the genius of Tilly and the ample aid in men -and money poured into mid-Europe by Spain. -Spanish resources, too, were plentifully sent to the -Infanta Archduchess to carry on the eternal war -with the Dutch, who were, as of yore, upheld by -their brother Protestants in England and France. -Once more the Dutch privateers harried Spanish -commerce, and again all traffic between Holland -and Spain was prohibited, to Spain's detriment. -But the new-born spurt of energy favoured Spanish -arms even here; for Don Fadrique de Toledo -destroyed the Dutch fleet off Gibraltar, and Spinola -at last, after a siege of ten months, captured -Breda. To complete the picture of Spain's -unwonted success, the Dutch were expelled from -Guayaquil in South America and from Puerto -Rico in the West Indies, and the Moorish pirates -who had harried the Mediterranean, and even the -Spanish coasts, for years, were crushed by Philip's -galleys. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -"Philip the Great" -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The pride and jubilation in Spain passed all -bounds, and Philip himself, in a recapitulation of -the situation made to the Council of Castile,[<a id="chap04fn25text"></a><a href="#chap04fn25">25</a>] sets -forth in words of proud satisfaction the rise in the -national prestige that had followed his accession. -It is significant, however, that the occasion that -gave rise to this document, congratulatory and -exculpatory at the same time, was the absolute -destitution of the country as a consequence of the -expense caused by the renewal of the war of which -they were all so proud. -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"Our prestige," says the King, "has been -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P157"></a>157}</span> -immensely improved. We have had all Europe -against us, but we have not been defeated, nor -have our allies lost, whilst our enemies (<i>i.e.</i> the -French) have sued me for peace. Last year, 1625, -we had nearly 300,000 infantry and cavalry in our -pay, and over 500,000 men of the militia under -arms, whilst the fortresses of Spain are being put -into a thorough state of defence. The fleet, which -consisted of only seven vessels on my accession, -rose at one time in 1625 to 108 ships of war at sea, -without counting the vessels at Flanders, and the -crews are the most skilful mariners this realm ever -possessed. Thank God, our enemies have never -captured one of my ships, except a solitary hulk. -So it may truly be said that we have recovered -our prestige at sea; and fortunately so, for, lacking -our sea power, we should lose not only all the -realms we possess, but religion even in Madrid -itself would be ruined, and this is the principal -point to be considered. This very year of 1626 -we have had two royal armies in Flanders and -one in the Palatinate, and yet all the power of -France, England, Sweden, Venice, Savoy, -Denmark, Holland, Brandenberg, Saxony, and Weimer -could not save Breda from our victorious arms." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -In a similar gratulatory spirit the young King -reviews the wars in which Spain has held her own -in the Grisons, Venetian territory, France, and -Genoa. -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"We have," he continues, "held our own -against England, both with regard to the marriage -and at Cadiz; and yet, with all this universal -conspiracy against us, I have not depleted my -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P158"></a>158}</span> -patrimony by 50,000 ducats. It would be -impossible to believe this if I did not see it with my -own eyes, and that my own realms are all quiet -and religious. I have written this paper to you -to show you (<i>i.e.</i> the Council of Castile, the supreme -administrative, judicial, and financial authority in -Spain) that I have done my part, and have put -my own shoulder to the wheel without sparing -sacrifice. I have spent nothing unnecessary upon -myself, and I have made Spain and myself respected -by my enemies." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -The political blindness that afflicted Philip in -common with other Spaniards of the day, is -strikingly exhibited in this paper. The liberty or -supremacy of the Valtelline Catholics mattered not -one jot to Spain. The religious fate of Bohemia -and the Palatinate was equally foreign to purely -Spanish interests, whilst it must have been patent -to all the world that a recognition of the inevitable -independence of Protestant Holland, which it was -clear now Spain could never prevent, would have -resulted in a perfectly honourable peace in that -direction, and would have freed Spain from the -drain which was exhausting her. And yet there -is in the document just quoted, and in scores of -others of the period emanating from Philip or his -ministers, not one word to indicate any idea that -it was unwise or unstatesmanlike to lead suffering -Spain to utter ruin for the sake of championing -the Catholic faith, and all the causes masquerading -under its name, in any part of Europe. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Philip's appeal to Aragon -</span> -</p> - -<p> -But though Philip and his Castilian subjects -were blinded to political expediency by what they -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P159"></a>159}</span> -proudly considered their religious privilege and -duty, the subjects of his eastern realms, -hardheaded men of other racial origins and political -traditions, had no notion of allowing themselves -to be ruined for a sentimental idea, however -grandiose. When the King had asked the Aragonese -Cortes for the usual grant in 1624, he was told that -he must first present himself before the Aragonese -Parliaments (Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia) to -take the usual oath to respect their constitutions, -before they could make a grant; and as they -stiffly held to the principle, which the Castilian -Parliament had lost, of "redress before supply," -they could vote nothing until their legislative -demands were satisfied. The anger of Olivares at -such a reply may be guessed by the tenour of the -document of his quoted on page 142, but there -was no help for it, and Philip with as good a grace -as he might promised to visit his eastern subjects, -perfectly well aware that his progress was not -likely to be a mere voyage of pleasure, as his trip -to Andalucia had been a year previously. -</p> - -<p> -The disappointed courtier Novoa[<a id="chap04fn26text"></a><a href="#chap04fn26">26</a>] gives an -amusing account of the meeting of the Council of -State which decided upon the King's voyage. He -says that Olivares, "careful as usual of the -unessential point and careless of what was most -important," was determined to show off his oratory, -and begged the King and his brothers to sit behind -the grating in the council chamber, where unseen -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P160"></a>160}</span> -they could watch the proceedings, in order to hear -his speech. The wisest and oldest councillors in -their speeches dwelt upon the gravity of the -situation, and expressed hope that the alliance of their -enemies would soon fall to pieces, and Lord -Wimbledon's fleet be wrecked on its way home. -</p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-160"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-160.jpg" alt="GASPAR DE GUZMAN, COUNT-DUKE OF OLIVARES. From a portrait by Velazquez in the possession of Edward Huth, Esq." /> -<br /> -GASPAR DE GUZMAN, COUNT-DUKE OF OLIVARES. <br /> -<i>From a portrait by Velazquez in the possession of Edward Huth, Esq.</i> -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -The policy of Olivares -</span> -</p> - -<p> -"Then came the Count's turn to speak. Settling -himself firmly on his legs, and thrusting his crutch -stick between his bald patch and his false hair, he -made a longer pause than the occasion demanded, -and said that there was no reason for alarm, nor to -make so much of the power of many other potentates, -for his Majesty was greater than all of them -put together. Even if France, England, Venice, -Holland, Savoy, Piedmont, Sweden and Denmark -were to join together, none of them, and hardly -the whole of them united, were so great as the -realms under the dominion of King Philip. The -realm of Castile, they all knew the greatness of, and -so they did of Portugal, Aragon, Valencia, Catalonia, -Sicily, Navarre, Naples, Milan, Flanders, the East -Indies and the West and other islands, and great -territories elsewhere. Well, then! if his Majesty -alone had in various parts of the world greater -possessions than many of the others together, why -should we be so frightened of the power of many -united?[<a id="chap04fn27text"></a><a href="#chap04fn27">27</a>] Let his Majesty leave Castile, and as -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P161"></a>161}</span> -Portugal is only one realm, Naples and Sicily, so -far away and across the sea, let him go to Aragon, -Valencia, and Catalonia. Let him call their Cortes -together, and ask them for supplies. Let him -show them how many years Castile has borne the -burden alone, and demand that these three realms -shall do their part in providing men and money for -his Majesty; and those who cannot go to the war -themselves, let them provide capable and experienced -men to replace them. By this means we shall be -able to outweigh with our own forces the powers -against us, without having to go and beg for help -from foreign princes. Who doubts, he continued, -that by this means we shall raise great armies and -fleets to defend the country. We can then easily -send the aid necessary to Italy, Flanders, and -elsewhere, and to our own coasts, so that our -enemies will all be in fear of us, and perhaps will -desist from their evil intentions. This is what -appears to me, in the present case, as being necessary -to carry out the plans I have formed, which I cannot -explain at this juncture, but by which I hope to -render signal service to his Majesty." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -Novoa says that Olivares delivered an empty, -pompous harangue for two hours, but that the -above was the substance of his speech, and, after -making due allowance for the narrator's bias -against Olivares, it is evident that the speech as -given represents fairly the policy by which Olivares -stood and fell. It is difficult to understand how -a clever man could be so blind as he appears to -have been to facts that now seem so patent, namely, -that the extent and scattered position of Spain's -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P162"></a>162}</span> -vast territories were a source of weakness, rather -than of the strength of which Olivares boasted so -vainly; that Philip in resources was not more -powerful than all the enemies together; and that -France or England alone could raise from their -own resources, homogeneous and commercially -prosperous as they were, larger and steadier -contributions than could disunited Spain, and especially -ruined Castile; whilst the brave talk of demanding -heavy grants of men and money from the eastern -realms of Spain for foreign wars was very soon -proved to be hollow. Olivares thought to bounce -and bully Aragon, Catalonia, Valencia, and later, -Portugal, into stultifying their Parliaments and -abandoning their constitutions as Castile had done, -but he did not realise the fact that in adopting -this policy <i>à outrance</i> he was pitting himself against -the most powerful sentiment in Spain, namely, local -individuality; and it is not too much to say that -all of Spain's internal troubles from the days of -Olivares to the present have sprung from the -attempts to override this sentiment. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Philip and the Aragonese -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The Aragonese nobles were numerous and -powerful, and the merchants and shipmen of -Catalonia were immensely more wealthy than -any others in Spain; and even before the King -left Madrid it was evident that Olivares would -have to face strenuous opposition. Power so -absolute and so arrogant as his, so regardless of -the feelings and the dignity of others, had already -in the six years of his power raised up against him -the bitter, if discreetly veiled, enmity of many of the -older nobles, especially those of the outer realms, -and the speech we have just quoted, shadowing -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P163"></a>163}</span> -forth his policy in Aragon publicly—in addition to -the document addressed to the King and quoted -on page 142, gave the signal for the gradual drawing -together of the elements against him. -</p> - -<p> -The King and his brother Carlos left Madrid -on the 7th September 1625, attended by Olivares, -his son-in-law, the Marquis of Heliche, the Admiral -of Castile (the Duke of Medina de Rio Seco), the -Marquis of Castel Rodrigo, and other nobles, but -with much less state than usual and a smaller -attendance, the plan being to travel rapidly, and -"rush" the three Cortes into voting what was -needed. But the Aragonese and the others were -already full of suspicion. The three Cortes had -been convened,—that of Aragon at Barbastro, that -of Catalonia at Lerida, and that of Valencia at -Monzon, a town outside the realm of Valencia. -The Valencians had flared up at once, and had -sent a deputation to Madrid to remonstrate with -the King for thus disregarding their privileges. -After several interviews with Olivares, who had -treated them very off-handedly, the deputation -waited upon him for a final interview the day -before the King left Madrid. "Why should you -put this slight upon us?" asked the Valencians. -"You do not act thus with the Aragonese and -Catalans." "Oh!" replied the Count-Duke, "we -think you Valencians are softer." "If you mean," -said the offended deputation, "that we are softer -in giving way to the wishes of our King and his -ministers, regardless of our rights, that seems to -be a reason why you should grant our request -instead of rejecting it." "Well," continued -Olivares drily, "all I can say is, that the King is -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P164"></a>164}</span> -going to Monzon; if the Valencian Cortes are -assembled there when he arrives, well and good. -If not, we shall have to take the course we think -best." "Shall I write that to my principals?" -said the spokesman. "You may do as you like," -retorted the Count-Duke, as he called his page to -show the deputation out.[<a id="chap04fn28text"></a><a href="#chap04fn28">28</a>] -</p> - -<p> -Philip entered Zaragoza, the capital city of -Aragon, on the 13th January 1626, and the official -rejoicing of the citizens, though respectful, was -marred by their discontent at the lack of the Court -splendour they looked for; for the Aragonese, -though dour, are loyal and love show. In the -great cathedral on the banks of the Ebro, Philip -swore upon the Gospels, held in the hand of the -Chief Justice of the realm, never to impair the -liberties of Aragon, and to the Cortes the King made -a pitiable statement of the needs of his realm, and -asked for 3330 armed soldiers for the war, and the -right of freely enlisting 10,000 more to be drilled -and kept ready in case of need. The Deputies said -that such a vote was impossible, but offered instead -to provide a million ducats, payable in ten annual -instalments. Philip, with Olivares at his elbow, was -angry and threatening; and at last in dudgeon -he adjourned the Parliament to Calatayud, and -hurried off to Barcelona. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Philip and the Valencians -</span> -</p> - -<p> -But in the meanwhile a much more serious -conflict had taken place between the King and -the offended Cortes of Valencia at Monzon. There -for weeks the King was kept waiting. The clergy -and popular estates were bribed and frightened -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P165"></a>165}</span> -into promising to vote the amount demanded; -but, deaf to the King's anger and the violent -threats of Olivares, the landed gentlemen's estate -obstinately stood out. The expulsion of the -Moriscos, their best tenants, they said, had ruined -them, and they could not pay. Philip, in a formal -document, almost raved at their obstinacy, and on -one occasion said that there could not have been -loyal gentlemen amongst them, or they would have -stabbed a particularly bold speaker who advocated -resistance. It was necessary that the three estates -should vote together, and that the decision should -be unanimous; and at length, in the face of open -threats, the vote was cast as the King demanded, -with the exception that one member, Don Francisco -Millan, obstinately held out. He ought to be -garroted, said one of Philip's secretaries, and at the -alarmed persuasion of his colleagues he gave way. -But then other difficulties were raised. The estates -could not agree amongst themselves as to their -shares of the vote, but after much wrangling -promised to contribute in material, but not in money, -one half as much as the Aragonese paid. This -did not suit Philip, and fresh trouble, more acute -than ever, arose. The Cortes asked the King to -stay in Monzon twelve days more, whilst the Cortes -remained in legislative session; to which request -the King replied by a haughty intimation that he -should leave next day, and that the matter of the -vote of supply must be settled within half an hour, -which, taking out his watch, he told the deputation -had already begun. This message fell like a -thunderbolt upon the Cortes, which had not yet -even discussed any legislation. Some were for -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P166"></a>166}</span> -defiance, and an immediate dissolution of the -assembly without voting or discussion on any -subject. All night long they sat, considering this -grave crisis in their national history, and at six -in the morning a messenger from the King entered -the chamber, and told the members that his -Majesty had decided to punish them by abolishing -their famous right of <i>nemine discrepante</i>, by which -no vote of supply could be enforced unless it was -unanimous. In future, he said, a bare majority -would suffice, and he was leaving for Barcelona -at once. -</p> - -<p> -This was illegal and unconstitutional, and the -Valencians never forgave it, but, rather than enter -then upon the new path of open rebellion—up to -that time an unheard-of thing in Spain since the -loss of Castilian legislative power at Villalar a -hundred years before—the Cortes of Valencia -gave way, and at the stern order of the King -voted the supply unconditionally and -unanimously; after which the members were expelled -the chamber, and sooner or later an armed struggle -between the regal Castilian power and the Parliament -of Valencia was rendered inevitable. This -was the first result of Olivares' attempt to override -sentiment and ancient constitutional rights. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Philip and the Catalans -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Far more serious in the long run was the conflict -in the stubborn Cortes of Catalonia. Even before -the King made his splendid state entry into -Barcelona, the dissensions amongst the nobles in -immediate attendance upon him had come at last -to an open quarrel. The proud nobles of ancient -title looked down upon the new grandeeship of -Olivares, and his insolence had deeply wounded -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P167"></a>167}</span> -them. The matter came to a head upon a trivial -point. The King's coach had been occupied by -Philip and his brother Carlos, Olivares, as first -minister and lord chamberlain, the Admiral of -Castile as the senior official grandee by hereditary -right, with the Marquis of Heliche, Olivares' young -son-in-law, and the Marquis of Carpio, another -relative of the Count-Duke and acting master of -the horse. The party was to pass the night before -entering Barcelona at the house of the Duke of -Cardona, the proudest of Catalan nobles; and -when they were setting out in the morning the -King called for his host Cardona to accompany -him in his coach. The Admiral of Castile, -determined not to be ousted, pushing forward, took his -place in the coach and refused to move or make -way for Cardona; whereupon the King, in a rage, -rebuked the admiral roughly. To make matters -worse, the admiral and his friends at once threw -the blame upon Olivares, and the latter, feigning -an attack of gout, sulked and ostentatiously -absented himself from the solemnities of Holy -Week in Barcelona. The King thereupon appointed -young Heliche to replace his father-in-law -at court, and consequently to take precedence of -the admiral. This was too much, and the proud -noble gave the King a bit of his mind about his -favourite, and ended by flinging his key, the -insignia of office as chamberlain, upon the table, -resigned his Court appointment, and went off to -Madrid in a towering rage, there to be placed -under arrest and to suffer all sorts of investigations -and humiliations.[<a id="chap04fn29text"></a><a href="#chap04fn29">29</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P168"></a>168}</span> -</p> - -<p> -After the splendours and plausibilities of -Barcelona,[<a id="chap04fn30text"></a><a href="#chap04fn30">30</a>] the change to the hard-fisted Cortes at -Lerida was a shock to the King and his minister. -There was no hesitation in the demand of the -Catalan Cortes that they must be heard before -they would vote anything at all, and they were -more inclined to ask the King to repay them what -they had advanced to him than to grant him more -money. The tone of Philip towards them at first -was supplicatory, for they were rich, strong, and -united. Mildness, however, was wasted upon the -Catalans, and the private meetings of the members -and other signs of resistance were considered to be -dangerous. Olivares began to threaten, and gave -them three days to pass the vote, but the Catalans -were still unmoved. Then the Count-Duke, in a -panic of fear, suddenly and without notice hurried -Philip back to Madrid (May 1626). The Catalans, -when he was gone, frightened in their turn, voted -what was asked for, but all grace in the act was gone, -and a deep chasm thenceforward existed between the -eastern realms and the King's favourite in a hurry, -who had tried to undermine their ancient liberties. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -The independent parliaments -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Philip from Madrid tried to appease the Aragonese -by voluntarily reducing the contribution they -had at length voted; but the result of his journey -left not only resentment in the hearts of his -non-Castilian subjects, but led to outrageous raids of -angry Castilian soldiery into Aragon, and aroused -in the King himself a bitter feeling towards the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P169"></a>169}</span> -peoples who had been the first to challenge the -despotic supremacy which Olivares had taught -him was his divine birthright. Philip, indeed, -like his immediate predecessors on the throne, was -saturated with the idea of his divinely delegated -authority. To oppose his will was not disloyalty -alone, but impiety, and it was naturally difficult -for him to understand that this view, which was -generally held by his Castilian subjects, whose -kingly traditions were sacerdotal, could not be -shared by peoples whose institutions were based -upon a purely elective military monarchy, and -feudalism modified by a representative democracy. -How the anger rankled in his breast is seen in the -long exculpatory document which I have several -times quoted, which on his return to Madrid he -addressed to the Council of Castile.[<a id="chap04fn31text"></a><a href="#chap04fn31">31</a>] In the course -of the document, whilst showing how he, -personally, has striven to improve matters, he rates -them, and indeed almost everybody, for so -imperfectly seconding his efforts. But the hardness of -his eastern subjects was evidently that which -touched him most. -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"Anything is better," he says, "than to burden -more heavily these poor unhappy vassals of Castile, -who, by their love, their efforts, and their sufferings -have made us masters of the rest of what we -possess, and still preserve it for us, as the head -and part principal of our commonwealth. I would -far rather take burdens from these poor people -than impose further sacrifices upon them, and when -I think of what they have to pay, and also the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P170"></a>170}</span> -trouble and annoyance they have to submit to in -the collection of it, in good truth I would rather -beg for charity from door to door, if I could, to -provide for the funds necessary for the national -defence, than deal so harshly with such vassals -as these.... I grieve in my very soul to see such -good subjects suffer so much from the faults of -my ministers. If my own life-blood would remedy -it I would cheerfully give it. And yet, though -you (the Council of Castile) know how this cuts -me to the heart, and though I reproach you, you -propose no remedy.... I tried the Cortes of -Aragon, running, as you well know, serious risk, -and incurring great trouble and inconvenience, -solely for the purpose of alleviating the pressure -upon these Castilian subjects, and I am directing -my efforts in the same way with my other realms, so -that some day I hope we may be able to lighten the -taxes in Castile. God knows, I yearn for the coming -of that day more than to conquer Constantinople." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Philip's life tragedy -</span> -</p> - -<p> -We shall see as time goes on that this attitude -is the one natural to Philip through all the troubles -which gathered blacker and blacker, as the evil -seed sown by him and Olivares grew and ripened. -He himself, acting conscientiously and under divine -inspiration, was never wrong in the measures he -adopted. If suffering and adversity came, they -always came either from the wiles of the evil one, -or for some wise inscrutable purpose of God. They -were never at this time a consequence of any want of -wisdom or prescience of his. His heart bled, as -we see by his own passionate words quoted above, -for the misery of his subjects, but it never seemed -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P171"></a>171}</span> -through his life to occur to him that the way to -remedy it was to abandon an untenable position in -his foreign relations, and devote his energies to the -concentration of national resources for the promotion -of productive industry and interior economy. -</p> - -<p> -This was Philip's tragedy, the tragedy of a -lifetime which this book will try to follow to its -sad disillusioned end. The haunting, -sorrow-stricken, compassionate face shows through its -proud mask of impassivity and its leaden eyes -deep traces of the terrible struggle within; of the -throes of a man who dared not show his pain, and -who in later years bared his soul but to one woman -in the world. Weak of will, tender of conscience, -sensitive of soul. A rake without conviction, a -voluptuary who sought sensuous pleasures from -vicious habit long after they had ceased to be -pleasures to him, and yet expiated them with -agonies of remorse which made his soul a raging hell. -</p> - -<p> -This is the man. Philip the Great! "The -Planet King," as the flattering poets called him; -this pale, long-faced, sallow young man of -twenty-one, who came back to his capital in the spring -of 1626 already embittered and disillusioned, -confronted by wars and threats of wars on all sides, -overwhelmed with poverty yet inflated with pride: -seeking escape from his troubles in the company -of poets, painters, actors, and courtesans, and in -the buffoonery of distorted dwarfs and half-idiotic -monstrosities, whilst the dark heavy man with the -big square head and arrogant mien led the nation -down the slope that ended in inevitable disruption -and ruin. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn1"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn1text">1</a>] He wrote a series of interesting -descriptions of the ceremonies and -feasts in honour of Charles's visit to Madrid. -<i>Terpsichore</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn2"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn2text">2</a>] <i>Apuntamientos</i>. Secretly printed in Madrid, 1623. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn3"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn3text">3</a>] When the Duke of Osuna was arrested early -in Philip's reign he had -300 servants resident in his house. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn4"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn4text">4</a>] There are copies of many of these decrees -in British Museum MSS. Add. 9933 and 9934. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn5"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn5text">5</a>] Contemporary transcript by Father Torquemada. -MSS. Add. 10,236 -British Museum. The original is in -the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn6"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn6text">6</a>] It may be noted that Olivares, -who of course cut down his own -household, still had 122 servants after -that process. <i>Revista de Archivos</i>, iv. p. 20. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn7"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn7text">7</a>] British Museum, Egerton MSS. 338, f. 136. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn8"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn8text">8</a>] The first idea of this collar, -which was promptly dubbed <i>Golilla</i> -(little gorget), was merely as a support -for the linen Walloon, which would -thus be made to stand out like a ruff, -but the silk-lined golilla alone -was soon generally adopted. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn9"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn9text">9</a>] Philip during his life was rarely seen -in any other collar, though -in his fine portrait as a young man -at Dulwich he wears a large lace -Walloon. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn10"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn10text">10</a>] There is a most important collection of these -originals and transcripts, -in the Egerton MSS., British Museum. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn11"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn11text">11</a>] British Museum, Egerton MSS. 338. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn12"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn12text">12</a>] A biography of the Queen is given in -the author's <i>Queens of Old Spain</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn13"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn13text">13</a>] The first had been a girl, prematurely -born in August 1621, who -died in a few hours. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn14"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn14text">14</a>] There is a very long and detailed -account of the ceremony in -MS. (Biblioteca National, Madrid, p.v.c. 27), -transcribed by the writer. The -new-born babe was borne down the great -staircase of the Alcazar in the -arms of a lady of the house of Spinola, -the Count-Duke of Olivares walking -backwards with golden candlesticks -escorting the new Princess to the -rooms of her governess, the Countess Duchess -of Olivares, in the ground -floor apartment that had only a few months -before housed the Prince of -Wales. The King with all his Court -attended the Royal Chapel for the -<i>Te Deum</i>, pontifically celebrated -by the Patriarch and Cardinal Zapata. -For three nights in succession every balcony -in Madrid was illuminated -by a wax torch, and at night a great masked -equestrian display of 120 -nobles of the Court with new costumes and -liveries was performed, the -Count of Olivares and Don Pedro de Toledo -being the most brilliant, -and skilful riders. The great cavalcade -paraded the principal streets of -the capital, and ran two courses, -one in the Calle Mayor and the other -before the Convent of Discalced Carmelites. -The next day the King -rode in state with all the Court -to give thanks to the Virgin of Atocha, -returning in coaches and admiring -the illuminations. The baptism -took place in the little parish church -of St. Gil, hung for the occasion -with cloth of gold. There the Nuncio -with cardinals and bishops galore -made a Christian of the babe. -The tremendous ceremony, with silver -cradle, its rich offerings and its pompous names, -must be taken for granted -here, but the pride of the narrator -in the grandeur of it all is significant -of the time. There is extant a news-letter -from Don Antonio de Mendoza -to the Duke of Bejar of the date -(quoted by Hartzenbusch in his <i>Calderon</i>) -giving an account of the great festivity -held by Marquis of Alcañices in -his palace in Madrid to celebrate -the birth of this Infanta. "Two comedies -by different authors were represented -with excellent dancers and a dance -of maskers in which elegance and skill -vied with each other; the great -saloon in which it was held inciting -envy in the heavenly spheres, such -was the beauty and the brilliancy it contained." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn15"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn15text">15</a>] He was a French pedlar named -Reynard de Peralta, and was of -course garotted and burnt by the -Inquisition for his crime, which amounted -to a denial of the Immaculate Conception. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn16"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn16text">16</a>] The actors had also another Mentidero -or Liars' Walk of their own, -where they were wont to congregate -on an open space at the corner of -the Calle de Leon, opposite to what is now -the great literary club of Madrid, -the Ateneo. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn17"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn17text">17</a>] The original pretext for the establishment -of the public theatres -was to provide funds for the charitable -fraternities who partly owned -them, and always received a considerable -share of the takings. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn18"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn18text">18</a>] Frequent attempts were made -by the authorities to suppress the -scandals and abuses in the theatres, -which, although the performances -always took place by daylight, -were inevitable in such a state of society -as that we are now describing. -It was forbidden, for instance, for men in -the courtyard or pit to converse -with women in the cazuela or on the -stage; the actresses were not allowed -to dress in masculine garb, and -an alguacil was always to be on duty -in the auditorium during the -performance. See Schack's <i>Historia del -arte dramatica en España</i>; Pellicer's -<i>Tratado Historico sobre el origen -... de la Comedia en España</i> (1804); -<i>El Corral de la Pacheca</i>, by Juan Comba; -<i>Origen Epocas y Progresos -del Teatro Español</i>, by Hugalde (1802), -and the valuable MS. <i>Memorias -Cronologicas sobre el origen -... de Comedias en España</i>, by Antonio de -Armona, in the Royal Academy of History, Madrid. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn19"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn19text">19</a>] Philip's passion for the theatre -was so well understood, that a comedy -formed part of the entertainment -at every place he visited. In the -spring of 1624 he made a short -but very splendid progress in Andalucia, -and every great noble and city -that received him gave him a new -play. On the 18th March the Duke -of Medina Sidonia, the great -Andalucian magnate and kinsman -of Olivares, entertained the -King in his country house near -St. Lucar, and presented a new comedy -before him every day of his stay. -On the 7th April we learn that, -during his visit to Granada -the King witnessed a comedy in the -Alhambra! The King himself wrote some plays, now lost. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn20"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn20text">20</a>] Leon Pinelo's <i>Anales Manuscritos de -Madrid</i> and other contemporary -writings describe many such. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn21"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn21text">21</a>] Now the Senate. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn22"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn22text">22</a>] The site is now converted into a -pretty public garden, called the -Plaza de Bilbao. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn23"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn23text">23</a>] The <i>auto</i> is described by Leon Pinelo -(<i>Anales Manuscritos</i>), by -Montero de los Rios (<i>Historia de Madrid</i>), and others. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn24"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn24text">24</a>] A full account of this little known -inglorious episode is given from -the Elliot papers in the Camden Society, 1883. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn25"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn25text">25</a>] British Museum, Egerton MSS. 338, 136. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn26"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn26text">26</a>] <i>Memorias de Matias de Novoa; -Ayuda de Camara de Felipe IV</i>. -These invaluable memoirs, -written by a bitter enemy of Olivares, were -formerly supposed to have been written -by another favourite courtier -of Philip, called Vivanco. -Though vivid, they are unfair to Olivares. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn27"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn27text">27</a>] It is rather a curious fact that -the Count-Duke's father, the second -Count of Olivares, had been the first -councillor in 1603 to speak plainly -in the Council of Philip in on the -projects of Spain to dominate England. -He pointed out very strongly that -extension of territory did not mean -increase of power, but the contrary, -as it meant the distribution instead -of the concentration of national strength. -See the writer's <i>Calendar of -Spanish State Papers of Elizabeth</i>, vol. iv. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn28"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn28text">28</a>] Dormer, <i>Anales de Aragon</i>, MS., -Royal Academy of History, Madrid. -The published portion of the book -only covers the sixteenth century. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn29"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn29text">29</a>] Novoa and British Museum, Egerton MSS. 338. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn30"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn30text">30</a>] There is a most interesting and -full unpublished account of Philip's -entry and stay in Barcelona in British Museum, -Add. MSS. 10,236, called -<i>Entrada que el Rey Nuestro Señor hizo en -la ciudad de Barcelona y fiestas -que se hicieron</i>, 1626. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap04fn31"></a> -[<a href="#chap04fn31text">31</a>] Egerton MSS. 338. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p><a id="chap05"></a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P172"></a>172}</span></p> - -<h3> -CHAPTER V -</h3> - -<p class="intro"> -RISE OF THE PARTY OPPOSED TO OLIVARES—THE -QUEEN AND THE INFANTES CARLOS AND -FERNANDO—OLIVARES REMONSTRATES WITH PHILIP -FOR HIS NEGLECT OF BUSINESS—PHILIP'S -REPLY—ILLNESS OF THE KING—FEARS OF -OLIVARES—PHILIP'S CONSCIENCE—ASPECT OF MADRID AT -THE TIME—HABITS OF THE PEOPLE—A GREAT -ARTISTIC CENTRE—MANY FOREIGN -VISITORS—VELAZQUEZ—PHILIP'S LOVE OF ART, LITERATURE, -AND THE DRAMA—CONTEMPORARY DESCRIPTION -OF A PLAYHOUSE—PHILIP AND THE CALDERONA, -MOTHER OF DON JUAN OF AUSTRIA—BIRTH -AND BAPTISM OF BALTASAR CARLOS—PHILIP'S -FIELD SPORTS—GENERAL SOCIAL DECADENCE -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -On the King's return to Madrid in the spring of -1626 almost simultaneous baptism of another -short-lived infant Princess and the betrothal of -the Infanta Maria, the erstwhile "Princess of -Wales," to the King of Hungary, heir to the empire, -gave other pretext for one of those interminable -rounds of pompous shows in which Philip -delighted. The marriage of yet another Princess of -the Spanish branch of Hapsburg to a future emperor -was a provocation flung in the face of Europe, -and so Richelieu understood it; and again patiently -knitted his plans for taking up the challenge in -due time, and defeating finally the threatened -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P173"></a>173}</span> -hegemony of the house of Austria to the detriment -of that of Bourbon. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -The enemies of Olivares -</span> -</p> - -<p> -During the absence of the Court at Aragon, -the party against Olivares had taken courage in -Madrid; for already it was seen that the young -Queen, full of spirit as she was, chafed under the -complete subjection in which the King was held, -and the almost equal tutelage which the Countess -of Olivares endeavoured to exercise over her. -Isabel loved diversion as much as her husband -did, though her amusements were less intellectual -than his; but she could not help seeing, even if -there had not been those who were eager to tell -her, that the high hopes that the domination of -Olivares had first aroused were very far from being -fulfilled, and that the distress in the country was -greater than ever with the increased drain of the -never-ending war. Olivares, moreover, took no -pains to conciliate the Queen, and his attitude -towards ladies in general was frankly insolent -and contemptuous. He was determined, in any -case, to brook no possible interference with his -supremacy, and deliberately endeavoured to lessen -the Queen's influence by encouraging the -formation of other ties by Philip. Not that Philip, -indeed, needed much encouragement; but a -regular network of agents in the principal cities -kept the favourite informed of the appearance of -any new and charming actress on the provincial -stage, in order that she might be brought to the -theatres of the capital and placed before the eyes of -the King. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -The Infantes -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Nor was the Queen the only person of the -family whose influence Olivares was determined -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P174"></a>174}</span> -to check. The two young Infantes, the King's -brothers, were now growing into manhood, the -elder, Charles, born in 1607, being twenty years of -age, and the Cardinal Infante Fernando two years -younger. A curious memorandum from Olivares to -the King on the subject of his brothers is extant,[<a id="chap05fn1text"></a><a href="#chap05fn1">1</a>] -and shows plainly the method by which Olivares -kept his hold upon the King by arousing suspicion -of all others, even of the members of the royal -family. It appears that at the instance of the -minister Philip had appointed a commission, -headed, of course, by Olivares, to consider and -report upon what should be done for the future -of the King's brothers; and the series of memoranda -referred to set forth the result of their deliberations. -The points to be settled, says the document, -are full of difficulty, and though there has -been a period of nineteen years to consider it (<i>i.e.</i> -since the Infante Carlos was born), it is as full of -perplexity as ever. The great danger and risk -is to make a choice of servants for the Princes. -"We must approach this by taking into account -the characters and dispositions of their Highnesses. -We consider Don Carlos to be of easy and yielding -disposition, and that he will tend the way that -those who are near him may desire. But in Don -Fernando may be seen a greater natural vivacity, -which, with a little help, might be inflamed to a -point that would cause serious harm, which we -must try to prevent." It is far better, says -Olivares and his colleagues, to face the matter now -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P175"></a>175}</span> -than to let it drift until it becomes unmanageable. -"The best thing will be for Fernando to continue -in the ecclesiastic state; but not to take higher -steps in it than at present, in view of the succession.[<a id="chap05fn2text"></a><a href="#chap05fn2">2</a>] Let -him have sufficient money, but let us be careful -not to arouse his spirit and ambition by giving him -the power that too much money bestows, and do -not let us in our generosity to him defraud the -poor flocks and the other bishops. Or else give him -the bishopric of Oran and arouse his zeal in Africa, -like Cardinal Ximenez."[<a id="chap05fn3text"></a><a href="#chap05fn3">3</a>] This project was not -approved of by the commission, as the desire for -arms and conquest might set him against his -profession. "Or we might make him Inquisitor-General, -in order to introduce him into government affairs, -as was done with Prince Henry the navigator. -But the worst of that is that he is yet very young, -and the Inquisition is a very serious matter. Or -we might send him to Flanders, or even put him -into the Council of State here; but if we did that -we must put Carlos in too, and we can see many -reasons against doing so. Carlos, of course, -must be married or set to some active exercise, to -keep him employed and out of mischief until God -shall point out to us what had better be done with -him. At present there is no available princess for -him." Several princesses are then suggested, such -as one of the Savoy cousins, a younger daughter -of the Emperor, and a sister of the Duke of -Lorraine; but all are rejected, and after an -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P176"></a>176}</span> -interminable prologue the final recommendation of -Olivares is reached, namely, to get Fernando, -evidently the one he dreaded most, out of the way -by sending him to Flanders. But even this is full -of suspicion and difficulty. The people there want -a Prince of their own. The old Infanta might leave -him the throne when she died, and the Flemings -might use the Infante to conquer and hold -independence of you with your (<i>i.e.</i> Philip's) own arms, -and that, of course, must be avoided. If the -States of Flanders could be left without a master -when the Infanta dies, that would be best, but -as it cannot be your Majesty must keep them.[<a id="chap05fn4text"></a><a href="#chap05fn4">4</a>] Or -if your Majesty thought well, you might make -him Grand Admiral and Prince of the Sea. In that -capacity, as the authority would be so much divided, -it would not be easy for him to do anything to -your Majesty's detriment, especially as he will -be surrounded by persons of unquestionable -fidelity. But it is difficult to know how we can -do this. If he were appointed to supreme -command, both in the Atlantic and the Mediterranean, -with both ships and galleys under him, he would -have to depute much of his authority, and we -think this would be good. But still, it would be -putting vast power into the lad's hands. Besides, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P177"></a>177}</span> -perhaps he would not be contented with the place -unless a viceroyalty like that of Sicily was attached -to it. -</p> - -<p> -And so every possibility is discussed at length, -and every suggestion either rejected altogether or -approved of with many qualifications and drawbacks, -pointing out the danger of giving power to -princes. But though the commission could come -to no decided conclusion, Olivares, in a private -letter to Philip, recommended that Carlos should -eventually be made Viceroy of Sicily, and -Fernando sent to Flanders with a wise old household, -although, for the present, it was decided that -nothing should be done, except to keep the Princes -quiet and as much apart from affairs as possible. -</p> - -<p> -I have given to these curious documents perhaps -more space than their intrinsic importance -deserved, because they seem to me to illustrate -exactly the almost diabolical distrust that Olivares -sought to instil into the young King, even of his -own brothers. Philip's, however, was an -affectionate nature, and he was never soured against his -brothers, as Philip II. by similar Machiavellian -counsels from Perez was fatally estranged from -his. Distrust was the note struck everywhere by -Olivares: distrust of relatives, of nobles, even of -councillors, except those who were creatures of -his own; and it is evident that on the return of -the Court to Madrid, after the absence of five months -in Aragon, the favourite found the atmosphere -less grateful to him than before. The Queen, as -Regent in Philip's absence, had enjoyed an increase -of power and consideration, and the nobles, priests, -and ladies around her had been able to speak more -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P178"></a>178}</span> -boldly whilst they were relieved of the alarming -presence of the Count-Duke. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Philip's idleness -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Olivares soon struck a blow to regain any power -or prestige that he had lost and to fill his enemies -with confusion. The King, as we have seen, was -indolent and pleasure-loving, leaving all the hard -work of the Government to Olivares, upon whom -he depended absolutely. The minister knew full -well that without his guidance his master would -be utterly at sea, and the threat of his retirement -always brought Philip to heel. No step, therefore, -could have been more effectual in stopping the -mouths of the carpers opposed to the favourite, than -for the latter himself to protest against the King's -neglect of his duties. The State paper in which -Olivares remonstrated with the King in the autumn -of 1626 for his lack of attention to work, and the -King's reply, have been printed several times in -Spanish; but they deserve to be quoted here as -specimens of the consummate skill of the minister -in facing the situation in which he found himself -and his clever management of the young King.[<a id="chap05fn5text"></a><a href="#chap05fn5">5</a>] -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -The document is headed, "Paper from the Count-Duke -to his Majesty, in which he urges him to -consider and despatch current and private affairs -himself, without obtaining the opinions of the -junta, and, above all, the opinion of the -Count-Duke, so that the King himself may, by a step -later, take entire control of affairs of State and -Government." "Your Majesty is good witness of -the many times during the long period I have -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P179"></a>179}</span> -served you, that I have told you how important it -was for your best interests that people should -not only see the result of your own actions, but -that they should also recognise them as such, and -give you the full credit for them, thus also -endowing with force those actions upon which you must -needs take counsel. For it is certain, sire, that in -the present state of this republic no other course -will remedy our ills. Let people recognise in your -Majesty attention, resolution, a determination to -be obeyed, and if this be not sufficient, let it be -recognised in the orders you give, and even in your -own person in insignificant acts, nay in the most -private actions in your own chamber, where most -of the fears which the people entertain have their -origin. I have also on many occasions begged -your Majesty to give me leave to retire, and to -recognise how impossible it is for me to succeed -in any of my efforts to serve your Majesty, without -your own attention, resolution, and application to -the papers. Feeling, as I do, the weight of the -duty and love I owe to your Majesty, I have tried -to impress this need upon you in the preamble of -my various requests; and to show you how indispensable -it is for your Majesty's conscience, for -your reputation, and for the redress of the evils -of the Government, that you should work, or -everything will sink to the bottom, no matter how -desperate my efforts may be to keep things going. -I have decided, therefore, to make a last appeal to -you, because during the last few months affairs -have become so urgent that there really is no other -course but that your Majesty should put your -shoulder to the wheel, or commit a mortal sin. -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P180"></a>180}</span> -I must protest, with due respect to your Majesty, -as your humble slave and faithful minister, that -if your Majesty will not at once adopt this resolution, -I shall be looked upon as a traitor if I continue -in this place, knowing as I do that, however -I may strive, it is quite impossible, without the -personal aid and support of your Majesty, for me -to do what is necessary for the State, and this is -being proved now to me by daily experience. It -may be that the reason why your Majesty will not -consent to work and do as I beg you, arises from -the entire confidence you place in me, and that if -I were not here you might apply yourself more -to work, because you might not trust others as -you trust me. This thought, together with the -zeal and desire, as God knows, I have to serve your -Majesty, have brought me to the point of saying -resolutely, that if your Majesty will not do as I -ask you, I will go away at once without asking -your leave or even letting you know I am going, -even though your Majesty may punish my -disobedience by sending me to a fortress, because, -God forbid that I, who owe what I do to your -Majesty, should with my eyes open fail to act as -I believe for the best, even at the risk of ruin to -myself and all my kin, a loss which would be well -repaid if it resulted in inducing your Majesty to do -what is necessary to remedy the evils which demand -the personal attention of your Majesty. I have -said all that a subject may say, clearly and boldly; -I would rather risk your anger than fail in my -duty. The evil is great. Reputation has been -lost, the treasury has been totally exhausted, -ministers have grown venial and slack, taught to -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P181"></a>181}</span> -neglect the execution of the laws or to administer -them with laxity, and this is one of the great -causes of the evils that afflict the country and -justice. Take, I pray you, sire, the work into -your own hands. Let the very name "favourite" -(<i>privado</i>) disappear. I will continue to urge your -Majesty to shoulder this burden that God Himself -has cast upon you, to labour with it, if you will, -without overworking yourself, but not without -work at all. 4th September 1626." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Philip promises to work -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The appeal sounds genuine, and no doubt to -some extent it was so, for it did not suit Olivares -to be the person to be held solely responsible for -the grave state of things that was already arousing -even long-suffering Castile to passionate protest; -and the privation and misery of the greater part -of the population were, it must have been evident -to the Count-Duke, powerful instruments against -him in the hands of his enemies, now growing daily -bolder. Philip always wanted to do well, that was -the tragedy of his life, and if good resolutions had -sufficed, no better ruler could have been desired. -Any appeal, moreover, to his conscience always -found an immediate echo, though a fleeting one; -and in his reply to the minister the weakness as -well as the rectitude of his character are -touchingly displayed. In his own great sprawling hand -Philip wrote on Olivares' letter— -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"COUNT,—I have resolved to do as you ask -me, for the sake of God, of myself, and of you. -Nothing is boldness from you to me, knowing, as -I do, your zeal and love. I will do it, Count, and -I return you this paper with this reply, so that -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P182"></a>182}</span> -you may make it an heirloom of your house, that -your descendants may learn how to speak to kings -in matters that touch their fame, and that they may -know what an ancestor they had. I should like -to leave it in my archives to teach my children, if -God grant me any, and other kings, how they should -submit to what is just and expedient.—I, THE KING." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -Whatever may have been Philip's intention, -and it is impossible to doubt his sincerity, his -good resolutions, as Olivares probably foresaw, -did not last long; but the cavillers for a time -were silenced, and Olivares at any future crisis -could and did always point to his letter, and shift -a full share of his responsibility upon the King. -The responsibility, in good truth, was a heavy one. -The constant drain of men and money to Germany, -Italy, and Flanders fell mainly upon the realms -of Castile, where the poverty was greatest. The -expulsion of the Moriscos (1610), the most -ingenious and industrious craftsmen in the land, had -already produced its dire effects, and skilled -industry, which formerly paid most of the taxes, -had well-nigh disappeared. Without doing -anything to revive manufactures in Spain itself, the -Government of Olivares now began the fatal policy -of prohibiting commerce of all sorts with the -countries at war with Spain, which soon meant all -maritime Europe; and the consequence was a complete -dearth of commercial movements, a terrible rise -in prices, universal contraband and untold suffering, -which the purblind minister sought to remedy by -the puerile device of suddenly reducing by one -half the value of copper money (May 1627), and -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P183"></a>183}</span> -fixing a maximum price at which farmers might -sell food stuffs! -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Illness of the king -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Anxiety and dissipation acted upon a physique -never strong, and Philip, in the summer of 1627, -fell seriously ill in Madrid. The last baby girl had -died, and though the Queen was pregnant, the -next heir, failing issue to the King, was his brother -Carlos, a gentle, easy-going young man, in -appearance and character wonderfully like his elder -brother. But for all his gentleness Carlos was no -friend of Olivares, who had taken from his side -all the friends he depended upon, most of them, -be it said, kinsmen of Lerma, whose sister had been -the Prince's governess. -</p> - -<p> -Young Fernando, the cardinal, as we have seen, -was much more able and ardent than his brother; -and when courtiers began to shake grave heads -and doctors doubted of the King's recovery, it was -Fernando rather than Carlos who took the lead in -resenting the attempts of Olivares to isolate the -King.[<a id="chap05fn6text"></a><a href="#chap05fn6">6</a>] By means of his wife, also, Olivares -endeavoured to set the Queen against her brothers-in-law, -and to extract a pledge from her that if -the King died she would retain the minister in his -place in the interests of her unborn child. As -Philip grew worse, and himself despaired of -recovery, the Infantes, strengthened now by a large -party of nobles, made no secret of their anger with -Olivares, and the latter lost heart and fell ill (or, -as spiteful Novoa says, feigned illness), giving -himself up for lost, and groaning that everyone -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P184"></a>184}</span> -hated him so much that they even wished the -King dead in order to get rid of him. The palace -of Madrid became a buzzing nest of intrigues, in -which, however, the principal song was that of -gleeful anticipated vengeance on Olivares and all -his kin; though, unknown to his foes, arrangements -had been made by him and his party to seize the -Government and propitiate the Queen and Don -Carlos the moment the King died, as he was -expected to from one hour to the other.[<a id="chap05fn7text"></a><a href="#chap05fn7">7</a>] -</p> - -<p> -Whilst Olivares still kept his bed from illness -and fear, an attendant entered and said that the -King had recovered consciousness and showed -signs of improvement. "Who says so?" cried -Olivares, springing up in his bed. "Dr. Polanco." "Then -send Dr. Polanco to me immediately." Dr. Polanco -bore no love to the arrogant favourite, -and he came tardily to the call, and gave a dry -and reticent statement of the King's condition. -His Majesty, though better for the moment, he -said, could hardly survive another crisis. But -there were other royal physicians more courtly -than Dr. Polanco, and one soon entered the -Count-Duke's room with the welcome news that the King -was really better, and had asked for Olivares. The -Count-Duke's malady left him as if by magic at -the news, and in a few minutes he was at Philip's -bedside. On the opposite side of it stood the -young Cardinal Infante, who exchanged with him -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P185"></a>185}</span> -a glance of undisguised enmity, whilst Carlos at -his side was all mildness, only unselfishly delighted -that the King was better. After a few words of -greeting only from the King, who said he was very -ill and in want of rest, Olivares retired, disturbed -and uneasy at the open hatred of him shown by -the Cardinal Infante. In the present state of -uncertainty he dared not quarrel with the King's brother, -the cleverest member of the family, and by -submissive diplomacy and professions of devotion -soon managed to patch up a reconciliation with -him,[<a id="chap05fn8text"></a><a href="#chap05fn8">8</a>] whilst resolving in his own mind to lose no -opportunity that offered of getting away from -Madrid so inconvenient a Prince. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Philip recovers -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Again the King's life was despaired of, when, -after many mouldering relics had been piled up -fruitlessly, until the King's bedroom looked like -a rag and bone warehouse, the prayed-for miracle -was worked by a shoeless Austin friar, "who -brought that admirable and miraculous relic of -the little loaves of St. Nicholas, which the King -took from the hands of the friar with fervent -prayers and supplication for divine help and -mercy, and the King recovered."[<a id="chap05fn9text"></a><a href="#chap05fn9">9</a>] Olivares did -not spare those who had thrown him into such a -panic whilst the King lay ill, and the plans for the -future made by the minister's enemies were represented -to Philip as treason against himself. "Ah, -sire," he said on his first long conversation after -the King's recovery, "we have had an anxious -time. In future must keep our eyes open." "Yes, -no doubt," assented the King languidly. "As -for me," continued the minister, "I considered -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P186"></a>186}</span> -myself as already being almost thrown out of the -window. The Infante Fernando, sire, is in very -bad hands!" "And how about Carlos," asked -the King, "is he in any better hands?" But -though Philip listened to the whispers of treason -against all but those who were the creatures of -Olivares, he was too amiable and kind to allow -any harsh measures against his brothers, and -Olivares had to postpone for the present the greater -part of his vengeance.[<a id="chap05fn10text"></a><a href="#chap05fn10">10</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Philip's conscience -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Philip's tender conscience had, as usual, plagued -him during his illness and convalescence. In -later years, as calamity after calamity fell upon -him and his, it became his settled conviction that -the wrath of heaven poured upon his country and -upon those whom he loved best in the world was -the awful retribution exacted for his personal -transgressions; but even in this, his first severe -illness, apparently the same idea assailed him, -and as soon as he recovered he addressed a curious -and characteristic document to each of his many -councils, treating the administrative actions of his -reign as a case of conscience for himself. The -document is dated 14th August 1627, and the -preamble states that it is drawn up for the discharge -of the King's conscience after his serious illness.[<a id="chap05fn11text"></a><a href="#chap05fn11">11</a>] -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"1. If I have caused any damage or loss of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P187"></a>187}</span> -property to anybody by any act or order of mine -or otherwise, I desire that redress shall be given to -the sufferers. -</p> - -<p> -"2. If by any means or way property belonging -to any person be unjustly taken or withheld by any act -of ours, I command that the wrong be righted at once. -</p> - -<p> -"3. Consider the means that can be devised to -pay all my debts, so that in this respect my -conscience may be clear, and in future as far as possible -let all necessary expenses be justly met and paid. -</p> - -<p> -"4. Consider whether any of the contributions -payable by my vassals can be abolished, and what -reform is possible, both as to the amounts levied -and the mode of collection. -</p> - -<p> -"5. If any minister of your Council does any -unjust act, if he fails to administer justice -righteously, or if any grievance is inflicted by him on -my subjects, severe punishment must be meted out -to him. Great vigilance must be exercised by you -in this respect. -</p> - -<p> -"6. If, in order to favour or benefit me, any -injustice has been done, it must be redressed at -once, regardless of every other consideration. -</p> - -<p> -"Consider all this maturely, and report to -me.—I, THE KING." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -However well intentioned such decrees as this -might be, in the existing state of the country they -were absurd. If a foreign policy was persisted in -which brought Spain into conflict with every -progressive and prosperous country in Europe, which -shut the ports of Spain to foreign commerce, and -excluded Spanish ships from foreign harbours; if a -system of finance were persisted in which ruined -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P188"></a>188}</span> -taxpayers and paralysed production; if industry -was a disgrace and idleness respectable; if -corruption existed from the base to the summit of -the administration at home and abroad, and -ostentation, vanity, greed, and self-indulgence -permeated every class of society in the capital, -the heart from which flowed the tainted life-blood -of the nation, it was futile to order redress to be -given for individual wrongs, and for the surface -administration to be cleansed, whilst the mass was -corrupt; and it is needless to say that the King's -conscience was rapidly lulled to rest again, leaving -matters much as they were before, and as they -remained for years to come, whilst Madrid was the -artistic and literary centre of the world, and the -rest of Spain was sunk in utter misery and debasement. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Madrid in 1627 -</span> -</p> - -<p> -A glance at the material and moral aspect of -society in Philip's Court during this period, the -flower of his reign and life, will be necessary in -order to understand what followed. After the -restoration to Madrid of its rank as the capital -in 1606, the increase in the size and population of -the town had been extraordinary; and it was at -this period that Madrid assumed the extent and -appearance that it retained with little change -until the middle of the nineteenth century. As -now, the great palace on its bold spur looking over -the Manzanares and the plains of Castile to the -snow-capped Guadarramas, formed the conspicuous -boundary of the capital on the west, and the -precipitous slope on that side to the bridge of Segovia, -then recently built, checked expansion in that -direction. But to the north and east the new -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P189"></a>189}</span> -streets stretched forth in a way which was at the -time looked upon as prodigious. The Puerta del -Sol, the present centre of the capital, had even -in Philip's time begun to acquire importance as -leading to the broad new street of Alcalá, which -afforded a less congested approach to the -promenade of the Prado than the ancient and narrow -Carrera de San Geronimo. The Calle Mayor, -leading from the palace to the Puerta del Sol, was -not, as now, one broad street in its entire length, -the wide portion being, indeed, only the newer -stretch near the Puerta del Sol, but in the greater -part of its length consisted of a continuous line of -narrow and somewhat tortuous streets called by -different names. This, however, being the road to -and from the palace, was the fashionable -promenade, especially for the great swaying coaches -then the rage in Madrid. In hot summer nights -the dry bed of the Manzanares attracted fashionable -promenaders to enjoy such coolness as could -be found there; whilst the Prado itself, from the -street of Alcalá to the Atocha, on certain occasions, -especially on saints days, church festivals, and in -the evenings of spring, was the crowded resort of -the idlers. The Plaza Mayor, or great square, -standing much as it does to-day, had been built -in the previous reign, the houses that enclosed it -being capable of accommodating in their lines of -balconies as many as fifty thousand spectators to -the bull-fights, <i>autos-de-fe</i>, or equestrian shows, -which were held there on great occasions.[<a id="chap05fn12text"></a><a href="#chap05fn12">12</a>] -</p> - -<p> -The construction of the houses, for the most -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P190"></a>190}</span> -part rapidly run up to meet the sudden increase of -the population—the Court, as has been explained, -attracting everybody in Spain with brains, ambition, -or money—was extremely mean and shabby, the -heavy ostentatious palaces of the nobles, many of -which still stand, being surrounded by wretched -little shanties with mud walls and filthy exteriors.[<a id="chap05fn13text"></a><a href="#chap05fn13">13</a>] -The windows towards the street were heavily -grated, and mostly small, which gave a gloomy -dungeon-like appearance to the buildings, whilst the -total absence of drainage made the roadways a -mere middenheap, through which the heavy coaches -ploughed, and bespattered the pedestrians. To -the enormous number of strangers and foreigners -whom curiosity, politics, or business brought to -Madrid at this period, the filthy condition of the -streets became a byword. The gutters of the -houses projecting far out from the eaves threw -great jets of water when it rained into the middle -of the narrow roadways, and with the mere warning -of "<i>Agua va</i>" all the house garbage, debris, and -excrement were cast forth into the open street, -there to fester until the salutary sun had deodorised -it and reduced it to dust. -</p> - -<p> -In these streets, and especially in the portion -of the Calle Mayor near the Church of St. Philip -and the Puerta del Sol, the idlers of the capital, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P191"></a>191}</span> -which meant the greater part of the population, -loved to promenade for hours every day, preferably -in coaches, bandying coarse jests with the -people on foot. This objectless promenading and -gossiping was so characteristic that a special verb -was coined to describe it, namely, to <i>ruar</i>. -Everybody pretended to be wealthier, more highly placed, -and better dressed than he really was; and though -sumptuary pragmatics and decrees, announced by -heralds in the Calle Mayor, constantly threatened -transgressors with all sorts of pains and penalties, the -people, especially the women, continued to defy the -law in their dress and behaviour. The insolent -dames would wear outrageous garments; flattened -farthingales (<i>guardainfantes</i>) so immensely wide as -to be indecent, starched ruffs, pattens so high with -jingling heels as to be like musical stilts, and -would still insist upon covering their faces, all but -one eye, the more to pique curiosity and indulge -with impunity in their not too delicate badinage. -</p> - -<p> -The large spaces occupied by the frowning -religious houses, whilst adding to the gloom of the -city, must have increased its salubrity, in consequence -of the large shady gardens that they usually -enjoyed. At twelve o'clock, when the angelus -sounded, the monastery gates opened, and there -came forth a lay brother with an immense cauldron -of soup and a basket of bread, which formed the -principal meal of many hundreds of poor people -and idlers all the year round. The students, real -or pretended, who in token of their dependence on -these eleemosynary meals wore a wooden spoon -tucked into the brim of their hats, formed a -considerable portion of those who attacked the garlic -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P192"></a>192}</span> -broth with avidity. Broken soldiers and led -captains, gamblers out of luck and varlets out of -place, fought too for the food with the maimed and -diseased beggars who crowded the most frequented -streets at fashionable hours.[<a id="chap05fn14text"></a><a href="#chap05fn14">14</a>] In addition to these -charity meals given by the religious houses, there -were numerous lay brotherhoods established to -relieve the sick and impotent; and one particular -brotherhood, which went its rounds at night, -especially in the outer districts of the capital, -was called by the people the "bread and egg -watch," because the brethren carried with them -baskets of bread and eggs to distribute to the -needy whom they found exhausted and homeless -by the way. -</p> - -<p> -It may be asked if Madrid was so forbidding in -appearance, as it was certainly difficult of access -and lacking in comfort and convenience, what was -the attraction that drew to it at the time not only -the enriched Spaniards from the Indies, and the -ambitious and idle of the Peninsula itself, but the -immense number of foreign visitors who now -frequented it. So far as the Spaniards were -concerned, it has already been explained that by the -time of which we are writing the Court had, in fact, -drawn to itself all that was left of available wealth -in the country. There alone could the Spanish -love of ostentation be indulged; there alone could -bravery of dress and demeanour find the attention -and emulation it always seeks; there alone could -advancement in any unlaborious career be found, -for where all the patronage, wealth, and taste were, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P193"></a>193}</span> -there also must be those who sought patronage or -provided things that taste and wealth alone could -buy, and so the Court—"<i>la Corte</i>" as Madrid was -always called—shone brightly, like the last phosphorescent -spot in a decaying body, and attracted by -its brilliancy when all the rest of Spain was dark. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -An artistic capital -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The fame of the splendid shows of Philip's -Court, the traditional wealth of the monarch, and -the reputation for gallantry and gaiety which the -place obtained, brought to it pleasure-seekers from -all Europe. The close connection with Austria -naturally attracted Germans to Spain in numbers; -Flemish Catholics were, of course, almost as much -at home in Madrid as in Brussels; whilst the -marriage of Philip's sister Anna of Austria in -France had made the romantic view of Spain -fashionable there. The war with France somewhat -restricted the French incursion, but Burgundian and -Franche-Comtois craftsmen were numerous, and -the enemies of Richelieu always found a welcome -in the Spanish Court. Italians, especially -Neapolitan and Milanese subjects of Philip, who served -in his armies and provided his finest weapons, -were frequent visitors to his capital. It was, -moreover, a dilettante age, when all over Europe, -and particularly in Madrid, where for a century -the monarchs had been generous patrons of art, -a perfect craze had seized wealthy people to collect -and display rare and beautiful artistic objects of -all sorts, and the ostentatious nobles who -surrounded Philip IV., many of whom had lived in -Italy, had shared the King's love of such objects, -and had made their palaces perfect museums of -art treasures of every description. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P194"></a>194}</span> -</p> - -<p> -Olivares himself exacted from viceroys and -Spanish officers abroad presents of tapestries and -articles of virtu.[<a id="chap05fn15text"></a><a href="#chap05fn15">15</a>] The Count of Monterey and -the Marquis of Leganes, both kinsmen of the Count-Duke, -had crammed their palaces with rarities,—clocks, -mirrors, enamels, medals, marqueterie, and -paintings; and Monterey, who had been viceroy -of Naples, had brought back with him to Madrid -a whole cargo of silver repoussé work, tapestries, -ivory carvings, gems, and such treasures as the -red chalk drawing of the cartoon of Michael Angelo's -famous "Bathers."[<a id="chap05fn16text"></a><a href="#chap05fn16">16</a>] V. Carducho, who lived in -Madrid at the time, describes in his <i>Diálogos</i> -the regular meetings there of connoisseurs and -patrons of art, to inspect, exchange, or criticise -paintings, models and other rare and beautiful -things; where, he says, "originals by Raphael, -Correggio, Titian, Tintoretto, Palma, Bassano, and -living painters were admired, and where much -taste and knowledge were displayed." Besides -paintings, he continues, there were to be seen -at these meetings "coats of armour and weapons -of famous armourers, damascened swords and -daggers, rock crystal work and pyramids and -globes of jasper and glass." On one particular -occasion Carducho mentions that the host of the -meeting-place was engaged in arranging some -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P195"></a>195}</span> -articles for an exchange he was negotiating with -the Admiral of Castile, a great art patron, whom he -was expecting. They comprised an original by -Titian, six heads by Antonio Mor, two bronze -statues and a small culverin, whilst the admiral -had left with the host a good copy of a painting -by Caracci; and Carducho mentions that Monterey -had there at the same time an original Madonna -by Raphael from the convent of Discalced -Carmelites at Valladolid.[<a id="chap05fn17text"></a><a href="#chap05fn17">17</a>] -</p> - -<p> -The agglomeration of such works of art at -Madrid during a long period naturally led to the -dispersion of the great collections on the death or -fall of the noble owners, and this was effected by -the usual Spanish form of sale still common, called -an <i>almoneda</i>, such articles as are for sale usually -remain <i>in situ</i>, but on public view, with the prices -marked; and the German ambassador, Count -Harrach, mentions no less than twenty of such -almonedas of artistic collections belonging to Madrid -nobles within the space of five years, at a somewhat -later period of Philip's reign than that of which -we are now writing.[<a id="chap05fn18text"></a><a href="#chap05fn18">18</a>] Of one such noble collector -in Madrid (Juan de Espina) Quevedo says: "For -years his house was an epitome of the marvels of -Europe, visited by strangers, to the great honour -of our nation, for they had often nothing -to tell of Spain except their recollections of -him." -</p> - -<p> -I have mentioned that one of the presents -given by Olivares to the Prince of Wales on his -departure was a set of paintings, but these were by -no means the only pictures that Charles took back -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P196"></a>196}</span> -with him to enrich the royal galleries of England. -The unfortunate murdered Count Villa Mediana's -great collection was still being dispersed by -<i>almoneda</i> at the time, and here Charles bought several -specimens. Lope de Vega says that the Prince -"collected with remarkable zeal all the paintings -that could be had, paying for them excessive -prices." He was unable to persuade Quevedo's -friend Espina to sell him the gem of his collection, -two volumes of original drawings by Leonardo da -Vinci, which, however, eventually came to England -as the property of Philip Howard, Earl of Arundel.[<a id="chap05fn19text"></a><a href="#chap05fn19">19</a>] Many -other paintings and precious objects were -secured by Charles during his stay by purchase -and gift; and it may be fairly assumed that so -great an art lover as he must have found his -principal solace for his long absence from home -in the inspection and acquisition of objects he -prized so highly. In the Calle Mayor, against the -wall of the Oñate Palace, opposite Liars' Walk, -on the raised path along the side of St. Philip's -Church, the Spanish painters of the day, on the -lookout for patrons, were wont to exhibit their -canvasses for sale,[<a id="chap05fn20text"></a><a href="#chap05fn20">20</a>] and some of the modern Spanish -pictures that Charles took home with him were -doubtless seen and bought in the course of his -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P197"></a>197}</span> -daily promenade through the fashionable street of -the capital. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Valezquez in Madrid -</span> -</p> - -<p> -There was one young painter of the day, a -stripling of twenty-four, though already married -and with two children when he arrived in Madrid -at the same time as the Prince of Wales, who at -least had no need to seek purchasers for his -canvasses upon the rough side walk, though he did -exhibit them there for the admiring criticism of -the connoisseurs opposite. To have come from -Seville, as he did, was, to begin with, a good -credential in the time of Olivares, whose own noble house -was of Andalucia, and who himself was Sevillano to -the marrow. But this young man, Diego Velazquez, -had married the daughter of his master, Pacheco, -the best known painter in Seville, and the bosom -friend of Francisco de Rojas, the literary henchman -and devoted adherent of Olivares. Three years -before this, Diego had come to Court full of high -hopes and ambitions; for the painting of convent -altar-pieces in Seville was a narrow field for genius, -and Diego yearned for the wide recognition that -the "Court" alone could give. But though he -had the help of the Sevillians who abounded in -Olivares' household, and notably that of -Dr. Fonseca, the Court chaplain and King's -"curtain-drawer" in the royal chapel, business was so -pressing, both for King and minister, in the early -days of the reign, that there was no time to be -spared for portrait painters, and Velazquez -returned home disappointed. -</p> - -<p> -But in the spring of 1623, whilst Charles Stuart -was in Madrid, Fonseca, at Olivares' bidding, -wrote to the artist telling him that he might now -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P198"></a>198}</span> -with good hope return to Madrid, and sending him -fifty ducats for his travelling expenses. He needed -no further urging, nor did his famous father-in-law, -who, if he was not a genius himself, at least realised -genius when he saw it, and together they set forth, -with the assurance that young Diego was going to -conquer Madrid. There was no heart-breaking -struggle for him, though his triumph was not so -immediate as he would have wished. The effort -to get to the palace, the fountain of all patronage, -was universal; and the rivalry of competitors -was keen. Poets, dramatists, actors, placemen, and -artists were all struggling eagerly to catch the -eye of royalty, or the ministers of royalty, and for -a time even Fonseca could not secure for his -protégé an admission to the King's presence. In -the meanwhile Velazquez painted a portrait of the -priestly patron Fonseca, in whose house he lived. -As soon as it was finished the chamberlain of the -Cardinal Infante Fernando, the Count de Peñaranda, -visited the house by chance, saw the picture, -and insisted upon carrying it off with him to the -palace. Everybody at Court knew the reverend -"royal curtain-drawer" in chapel, and within an -hour the portrait had been seen by all the <i>palaciegos</i>, -from the King downward, and praised to the skies. -</p> - -<p> -Promises were sent to the young painter that -he should be commissioned to portray the King and -his brother; but the King's work and play, more -momentarily pressing, still delayed the anticipated -honour until the end of August, when Philip, on his -prancing charger—for the King was a splendid -and intrepid horseman—carracoled in the garden -of the palace before the grave, lean young painter -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P199"></a>199}</span> -with the jet black hair and flashing Andaluz eyes, -who for the first time fixed there upon canvas the -face and form which his genius was to immortalise. -Philip was a good judge of art, and when he saw -the picture, though no muscle of his impassive -face moved, he expressed his satisfaction with -courteous condescension. Olivares, vehement as -usual, and proud that a Sevillian should have -succeeded, swore that no one else had ever painted -the King as he was, and that in future Diego -Velazquez alone should paint his Majesty. When the -last touch was given to it, the great life-sized -equestrian portrait of Philip was exhibited upon -the pavement opposite Liars' Walk, not for sale, -but for the astonishment and delight of loyal -Madrileños.[<a id="chap05fn21text"></a><a href="#chap05fn21">21</a>] -</p> - -<p> -Diego Velazquez's fortune was made. Within -a few weeks he was appointed Court painter, with -a salary of twenty ducats a month, with extra -payment for each picture and a studio in the palace, -and thenceforward pensions and favours of all sorts -testified to Olivares' pride in his fellow-countryman -and the King's recognition of a genius. From the -time of the great Emperor and his son the tradition -had existed that intimate familiarity was permissible -between the King of Spain and those household -servants whom he cared thus to honour. -Both the Emperor and Philip II. had allowed -the greatest liberty to their jesters, dwarfs, and -body servants, and had extended their friendship -to the artist craftsmen who had served them. -Philip IV. bettered the instruction, for he at heart -was a poet and an artist himself; and whilst he -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P200"></a>200}</span> -delighted in the company of clever people generally, -he distinguished with life-long regard and -considerate kindness the young artist, only a few -years older than himself, who did so much to -ennoble and illustrate his Court. In Velazquez's -studio in the palace a leather armchair was always -kept sacred for the King, who was wont to come -in unannounced when the fancy seized him, and -watch the painter at work. Indeed, during his -stay in Madrid he hardly missed a day in his -visits, and would often come accompanied by his -wife to the studio. There he witnessed, gradually -growing under the magic brush, the counterfeit -presentments of those who made up his life, -his wives, brothers, and children, the latter in -their chubby babyhood, stiff with irksome splendour; -the distorted and deformed beings who ministered -to the merriment of those whose surroundings -were otherwise far from merry; the poets who -solaced his life, the women he loved, the famous -captains of his armies; Spinola, Pimentel, Pulido-Pareja, -and the rest of them; the great Olivares -himself, and all the rout of glittering satellites who -revolved around the Planet King. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -A literary court -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Philip enjoyed almost as much the society of -Quevedo as that of Velazquez, but the satiric wit -was less careful than the painter, and his medium -was more risky; so that, though his biting verse -and malicious prose had in the King an appreciative -listener, the poet was almost as often in -exile as in favour.[<a id="chap05fn22text"></a><a href="#chap05fn22">22</a>] The literary contests and -discussions which amused Philip as he grew older -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P201"></a>201}</span> -always, when Quevedo was not in disgrace, benefited -by his ready wit. Philip himself took part -in these literary orgies in the palace, frequently -proposing a subject for an impromptu play in the -facile blank verse which comes so trippingly upon -Spanish lips. The subject would sometimes be a -sacred one, in which case the treatment was such -as would shock modern ears, though for abject -lip devotion the persons who spoke so slightingly -of sacred things were never surpassed. It is -related that on one such occasion Philip set the -Creation of the World as the subject for an -impromptu play, assigning to himself the character of -the Maker. The poet, whom he had cast for Adam, -made his part unduly long, and Philip elaborately -expressed his grief, as the Eternal Father, that ever -he should have afflicted the world with such a -long-winded Adam. But though these literary -diversions had already become attractive to him -at the period at which we are now writing -(1626-1630), the gloomy old Alcazar was not a congenial -setting for frivolity; and it was not until later, -when the new suburban palace of the Buen Retiro -was specially devised by Olivares for the purpose, -that the poetic and dramatic exercises of the -Court reached their zenith, as will be related in a -future chapter. -</p> - -<p> -But from the first Philip's devotion to the -theatre never wavered, and in this his people, high -and low, agreed with him. The two public theatres -of the capital, the Corral de la Pacheca (on the -site of the present Teatro Espanol) and the Corral -de la Cruz, in the street of the same name, were -crowded every day, and sometimes twice a day; -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P202"></a>202}</span> -the performance before noon being attended mainly -by women, and that of the afternoon by men, -and women of a better class. The appurtenances -of the stage were extremely rough, and the scenery -widely adaptable where it existed at all, as the -constant changes of comedy made special scenery -impossible. The plays presented, hundreds of -which are still extant, are marvellous in the -inventive fertility of their plots; the intrigues that -spring from mistaken personality, marital wiles, -and lovers' stratagems furnishing the foundations -of most of them. The speeches, according to modern -ideas, appear intolerably pompous and long, but -the mere sound of the flowing rhythm pleased the -ears of Spaniards, as similar speeches do to-day, and -the Madrileños never grew weary of their shows. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Madrid theatres -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The following lively description of one of the -theatres in the reign of Philip IV. will give an idea -of the scene they presented on a holiday.[<a id="chap05fn23text"></a><a href="#chap05fn23">23</a>] -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -You must dine hurriedly at noon, and not -stay long at table if you are going in the afternoon -and wish to find a seat. The first thing you do -when you arrive at the door of the theatre -is to try to get in without paying. Many work -and as few pay as possible. That is the actor's -first misfortune. It would not be so bad for twenty -people to get in for four farthings, if many more -did not try to imitate them. As it is, if one person -gets in without payment others expect to do the -same. Everybody wishes to enjoy the privilege -of free admission, in order that people may see -that they are worthy of it. For this reason they -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P203"></a>203}</span> -strive so hard to enjoy it that it gives rise to endless -disputes and altercations; with all the more reason -that by these means they usually succeed in their -aim. When once a person gets entrance without -payment he adopts it as a general rule, and never -wants to pay. A fine way this to remunerate -those who merit some return for their work in -trying to amuse them. And perhaps you will think -that he who pays not is more easy to please. On -the contrary, when the actor is not properly dressed, -those who have not paid insult and hiss him most. -At last our man gets into the theatre, and asks -those who are seated on the benches to make -room for him.[<a id="chap05fn24text"></a><a href="#chap05fn24">24</a>] They tell him that there is no -seat for him, but that perhaps one of those who -have paid for a seat will not come, so he had better -wait until the guitar players appear and he may -then occupy the vacant seat. This being agreed -upon, our friend goes to the dressing-room to -amuse himself in the meanwhile. There he finds -the actresses taking off their usual clothes and -assuming those necessary for their characters; -they being sometimes as naked as if they were -going to bed. He stops and stares before one of -them, who, having come through the streets on -foot, is changing her boots by the aid of her servant. -This cannot be done without some sacrifice of -decorum, and the poor actress is much put out, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P204"></a>204}</span> -but she dares not protest, because, as her main -object is to gain applause, she is afraid of offending. -A hiss, however unjustified, discredits an actor, -because people in general incline more to the -censure of others than to their own judgment. The -actress consequently does not suspend the changing -of her boots, and suffers the importunity of the -visitor patiently. In the meanwhile the blockhead -never takes his eyes off her. -</p> - -<p> -"After that he looks from the stage to see what -is happening with the doubtful seat he covets. -It is still vacant, and in the hope that the legitimate -owner of it will not come he runs to occupy it. -The moment he does so the owner appears and -defends his claim. The other does the same, and -both grow heated and come to blows. The last -comer, as he has come to the theatre for amusement, -and finding no amusement in shouting and -fighting, thinks it better to stand for three hours -than to continue clawing, and retires from the fray, -another seat being provided for him by those who -have intervened and pacified the dispute. When -this hurly-burly has ended, our intruder settles -down quietly and casts an eye upon the cazuela,[<a id="chap05fn25text"></a><a href="#chap05fn25">25</a>] -and passes in review the women who fill it. He -takes a sudden fancy to one of them, and begins -to manifest his feelings by making signs to her. -But, my good friend! you have surely gone to the -theatre to see the play, not the cazuela. -</p> - -<p> -"It is four o'clock in the afternoon by this time, -and the performance has not begun yet. Our -friend, looking vaguely about him, first on one -side and then on another, suddenly feels that -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P205"></a>205}</span> -someone is pulling at his cloak. He turns his -head and sees an orange-seller, who, bending -towards him between the two spectators behind, -whispers in his ear that the lady who is tapping -her knee with her fan has watched with sincere -pleasure the spirit he showed in the quarrel about -the seat, and that it would be a gracious thing if -he bought her a dozen oranges in recognition of -her sympathy. Our friend scans the cazuela again, -and sees that the lady in question is the one that -caught his fancy before; so he pays for the oranges, -and tells the orangeman to let the lady know that -he will willingly pay for anything else she would -like. When the orangeman disappears with this -message, our friend thinks of nothing else than how -he shall approach the lady when they leave the -theatre, cursing the comedy in the meanwhile, -which appears to him interminable, such is his -impatience. He signifies his disapproval aloud, -and groans without cause, exciting the musqueteers[<a id="chap05fn26text"></a><a href="#chap05fn26">26</a>] -below to imitate him and to break forth in offensive -cries. This is not only rude and uncultivated, -but monstrously ungrateful, for, of all men, actors -are those who strive hardest to gain applause. -What a bad time they pass, and how laborious -whilst they rehearse a piece. And when the first -representation comes, any of them would give a -year's wage to be applauded for his part. What -anxiety assails them, what inexpressible yearning -they feel on the stage to please the public. When -they have to cast themselves down from some -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P206"></a>206}</span> -precipice, they throw themselves off the painted -canvas rock with desperation; when they have -to represent a dying man and to writhe in agony, -how they soil their clothes, which have often cost -much money, and tear their hands with the nails -and splinters of the boards!" -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -The rest of the chapter is more concerned with -the evils of the actor's life than with the audience, -which is the point most interesting to us; but it -is clear from what has been quoted that the -comedies, witty and facile as they were, nevertheless -did not form the only attraction that drew -crowds daily to the theatres of the Court. In the -first place, they were a pretext for the prevailing -idleness, and the sure sign of decadence which -manifests itself in the inactive many gazing upon -and criticising the hired exertions of the active -few. But the "corrales" of Madrid are also -shown in the above extract, and in hundreds of -allusions in the comedies themselves, to have been -places of assignation and incentives to promiscuous -gallantry.[<a id="chap05fn27text"></a><a href="#chap05fn27">27</a>] The King himself, behind the -impenetrable window grating of a first-floor private -room (<i>aposento</i>) first saw many of his mistresses, -they were not mistresses in the sense that -prevailed at the Court of the French Bourbon kings. -None of them ever aspired to, or attained, political -or social power, for the distance between the -sacrosanct sovereign and common humanity was too -great for that to be possible in Castile. They were -just the creatures Of Philip's caprice, and the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P207"></a>207}</span> -momentary playthings of his passions, none of them -retaining hold upon him but for a very short time. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -"The <i>Calderona</i>" -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Of his thirty and more illegitimate children, -of whom eight were recognised, the only one that -was given princely rank was that Don Juan of -Austria who was beloved by his father above all -others of his offspring. From the theatre, at the -period which we are now writing, Don Juan of -Austria sprang. It was at the Corral de la Cruz -in 1627 that Philip first set eyes upon the girl -whom one of Olivares' agents had sent from the -country to act upon the Madrid stage. Her name -was Maria Calderon, and at the time she appeared -in the capital she was not more than sixteen years -of age. She was no great beauty, but her grace -and fascination were supreme, and her voice was so -sweet and her speech so captivating that Madrid -fell in love with her at once.[<a id="chap05fn28text"></a><a href="#chap05fn28">28</a>] The King from -his aposento was enamoured of her the first time -he saw her, and for him to desire was to enjoy. -She was immediately summoned to the private -apartment, that the King might listen more closely -to her lovely voice, and when he heard it the -King's love grew fiercer still. From the corral to -the palace was but a step when Philip willed it, -and thenceforward the <i>Calderona</i> became the King's -best beloved mistress. She still acted upon the -stage, though gifts and tokens of affection were -piled upon her by the love-lorn King. She, proud -of the ineffable honour vouchsafed to her, became -rigidity itself in her virtue, and turned a hard face -to all other lovers. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P208"></a>208}</span> -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Birth of Baltasar Carlos -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The tradition in Spain made the position of -King's mistress not by any means one to be coveted -by most women, since it was understood that when -the liaison ended the lady must immure herself -in a convent for the rest of her life, to prevent such -a sacrilege as for the King to have a successor in -any woman's regards. It is told of one young -lady of the Court to whom Philip was making -unmistakable advances, that she shut herself -behind a locked door when she knew the amorous -King was seeking her, and cried out to him from -the inside: "No, no, sire; I don't want to be a -nun!" The Calderona had no such scruples, -either from natural devotion or because she really -felt the honour of the King's love to be -overwhelming. Her son by the King was born on the -17th April 1629, and as soon as the <i>Calderona</i> -could leave her room she sought the King, and, -throwing herself at his feet in tears, prayed for his -permission for the mother of his son to sin no more. -For it was enough, she said, to have borne a child -to the greatest monarch on earth, and nothing -more was left for her but to devote the rest of her -life to cloistered sanctity. Philip was deeply in -love with her still; all his children by the Queen, -none of whom had been sons, had expired at, -or soon after, their births, and this boy by -the <i>Calderona</i> was held to be the most beautiful -and perfect child ever seen. Philip tried hard to -alter the resolve of his mistress, but she absolutely -refused to cohabit with him again; and at last, -but with sorrow, he gave way, and the actress Maria -Calderon became the abbess of a remote convent, -whilst her child was sent with semi-royal surroundings -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P209"></a>209}</span> -to be educated with exquisite care at Ocaña, -with a view to his future greatness. -</p> - -<p> -This was the background: a vast conspiracy of -make-shift and of make-believe, before which the -Court of Philip IV. alternately prayed and postured -unconvinced. An utterly decadent society, of which -each individual was striving to get as much as -possible out of life without giving anything in return; -a society which combined besotted superstition and -abject servility to priests and ritual with appalling -impiety, a society that lived from day to day for -such pleasures as it could grasp, knowing that all -was crumbling to dissolution beneath its feet, that -squandered and lavished money, mostly ill-gotten, -in empty splendour, whilst the whole nation beyond -the mud walls of the "Court" was sunk in carking -penury. And amidst the festivities and stage -plays, the poetical recitals, the battues that stood -for sport, and the <i>autos-de-fe</i> that stood for -holiness, "Philip the Great" moved like a demigod, -knowing in his heart of hearts that all was hollow—his -wealth a lie, his dignity a mask, and he himself -but a poor sinning trifler whose coward conscience -denied him even pleasure in his sin. -</p> - -<p> -Philip's love for ostentation had full opportunity -for its exercise in October 1629, when, six -months after the birth of his son by the <i>Calderona</i>, -an heir was born to the Spanish crowns. The -month had begun with splendour, for on the 3rd -October the Prince of Guastalla had entered the -capital as the envoy of the Emperor to marry by -proxy the Infanta Maria for the King of Hungary, -heir to the imperial crown. The whole of the -grandees of Spain had gone out to receive him, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P210"></a>210}</span> -and his train of thirty-six pages and lackeys in -liveries of black velvet and gold, and his thirty-six -baggage horses with crimson and gold horse-cloths, -the Spanish nobles being so numerous and smart, -as Soto says, that "Madrid looked like another -Indies for richness." Before the splendours of -Guastalla's welcome had become dim, the prince -of so many prayers was born, and Madrid settled -down to another orgy of festivities. The -magnificence of the baptism in the Church of St. John -near the palace need not be detailed in full; suffice -it to say that a temporary staircase and gallery -splendidly adorned with tapestries descended from -the great balcony over the palace portico to the -church. Down this corridor, in a sedan chair of -silver and crystal, preceded by heralds and followed -by crowds of nobles, the child was carried very -slowly to its baptism on the lap of the Countess of -Olivares. On the left hand of the chair marched -Olivares himself, strangely dressed, as was -remarked at the time, in a long robe of cloth of silver -with sleeves reaching to the ground, his breast -crossed by a crimson baldric—some ceremonial -dress, it was thought, of the house of Austria. -Then came the new Queen of Hungary, her nephew's -godmother, and the rest of the high personages, -to attend the ceremony. It was against the -etiquette for the King to be there, but he was too -proud and happy to forego the pleasure of seeing -the show secretly, which he did from a closely -curtained pew reached from the adjoining house. -The Countess of Olivares, as supreme in the palace -as her husband was in the Government, held the -child at the font, seated upon "a chair of rock -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P211"></a>211}</span> -crystal, the most costly piece of furniture ever -seen in Europe," whilst cardinals and bishops did -their best to make Prince Baltasar Carlos of -Austria a member of the Christian Church. As -soon as the Queen was able to appear, which was -on her birthday, she was feted in her turn as she -had never been feted before. Masked equestrian -contests, torchlight parades, bull-fights, and balls -succeeded each other day after day, and in all of -them the King and his brother, Don Carlos, made -a gallant appearance.[<a id="chap05fn29text"></a><a href="#chap05fn29">29</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Philip's field sports -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The fact that both Philip and Olivares were -accomplished horsemen made equestrian pastimes -and field sports specially fashionable in this the -best period of Philip's reign. At least two realistic -representations exist of hunting battues in which -Philip was seen to great advantage, reproducing -from the brush of the great painter the exact aspect -of such diversions. That in the Ashburton Collection -portrays one of the deer hunts in the leafy glades -of Aranjuez, Philip's spring palace on the Tagus, -twenty-eight miles from Madrid. In the wooded -park the afternoon sun glints through the dark -verdured trees against the cloudless sky, and upon -a wide stretch of sward a great white canvas -enclosure is erected. Into its gradually narrowing -limits the frightened deer are being driven by -beaters, and at the narrow end of the funnel, the -only outlet from the enclosure, the "hunters" -are stationed on prancing steeds. Over the -narrowest part of the funnel neck a leafy bridge -or balcony is built, decked with crimson hangings -and furnished with soft cushions, upon which the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P212"></a>212}</span> -Queen and her ladies sit, dressed in brilliant colours. -Just beneath them, on horseback, are the King, -his brother Carlos, and the inevitable Olivares; -and as the terrified deer rush past them underneath -the ladies' bower, the cavaliers, with big -sharp hunting-knives, slash at them, killing some, -laming others, and leaving those they miss to the -mercies of the hounds that await them beyond. -The ground beneath is drenched with blood, but -the ladies smile approvingly upon the butchery. -The exercise demanded a firm seat in the saddle, -and great agility and dexterity in the management -of the horse, and it was universally admitted -that no one in Spain shone so brilliantly at these -battues as Philip himself,[<a id="chap05fn30text"></a><a href="#chap05fn30">30</a>] though Olivares, courtier -like, was only just inferior to him. -</p> - -<p> -The other picture by Velazquez, which is in the -National Gallery in London, presents a sport -somewhat less repugnant to English eyes. The scene -in this case is the hunting seat of the Pardo, a -few miles out of Madrid, and the King, within the -canvas walls of the vast enclosure, is, from the -saddle of his caracoling steed, which he sits like a -centaur, thrusting his forked javelin into the flank -of the boar as it rushes past, Olivares being close -by, whilst other mounted courtiers in different -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P213"></a>213}</span> -parts of the enclosure are participating in the -sport. Inside the enclosure there are stationed -some of the heavy leather-curtained coaches then -in use, filled with ladies. The mules in every case -have been unharnessed and put out of the way -of a charge from an infuriated boar; but as the -boars were agile when aroused, and had been -known to leap into the carriages themselves, the -ladies inside are armed with dainty little javelins -to repel any such attempt; not very easy to -happen, one would imagine, as the heavy leather -aprons or screens that cover the footplate and -serve as doors are closed. -</p> - -<p> -To look upon these pictures is to view the very -life of Philip's Court; the posturing gentlemen -outside the enclosure, the prancing gentlemen -inside. Beyond agile showy horsemanship and -well-trained steeds, nothing was called for on the -part of those who joined in the sport. There was -no danger, and little exertion needed from the -"hunters," for the quarry was all driven into the -enclosure, and could not get away. One sees that -ostentation and "show-off" are the main attraction -and object of the sport; and in the sports, as in -the pleasures and devotions, the same inevitable -note is struck: that of selfish epicureanism -that seeks to enjoy sensuously without risk or -labour. Each poor mortal is marked out in his -own esteem as the central point of a brilliant show, -and gorges the best of life's banquet to the end, -careless of who pays the scot. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn1"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn1text">1</a>] British Museum, Egerton MSS 2081, p. 261. -Some of the papers in -question were also published many years ago -by Valladares in the -<i>Semanario Erudito</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn2"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn2text">2</a>] Fernando was as yet only a deacon, -not a full priest, and the King -when this was written had only one child, -an epileptic girl infant, who -died soon afterwards. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn3"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn3text">3</a>] <i>i.e.</i> the great minister of Isabel and Ferdinand. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn4"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn4text">4</a>] This was the worst possible advice, -and its ultimate adoption consummated -the ruin of Spain. -Philip II. had left the sovereignty of Flanders -to his daughter the Infanta Isabel -and her husband the Archduke Albert, -in the hope that they might remain Catholic -and friendly, but separate -thenceforward from the Spanish crown. -The Infanta had no children, -and when she died the resumption by Spain -of the sovereignty of Flanders, -on the advice of Olivares, was disastrous. -Fernando, in effect, became -Governor of Flanders for his brother -a few years afterwards on the death -of the Infanta, and turned out a Prince -of great promise, and a military -commander of real distinction, -but he died young, and of course unmarried, -in Flanders, after years of ceaseless war. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn5"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn5text">5</a>] Contemporary transcripts are in British -Museum, Egerton MSS. 338, fol. 571. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn6"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn6text">6</a>] Novoa says that Olivares turned -Fernando out of his bedroom, -which adjoined that of the King, -in order that he (Olivares) might occupy -it during the King's danger. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn7"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn7text">7</a>] The principal conspirator with Olivares -is represented by Novoa -to have been the Marquis of Hinojosa -who had until recently been the -ambassador in London, and had specially -signalised himself by his bitter -enmity against Buckingham, whom he had -tried to ruin by means of -statements damaging to him, -and impugning his loyalty to King James. -See the correspondence in Cabala. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn8"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn8text">8</a>] Novoa. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn9"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn9text">9</a>] <i>Ibid.</i> -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn10"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn10text">10</a>] An important series of letters -from Olivares to the King soon after -his illness, mainly about the Infantes, -their characters, their friends, and -their proceedings, is in Egerton MSS., -British Museum, 2081, from which -I have already quoted some papers -on the same subject of an earlier -date. The whole object of the letters -is evidently to arouse the suspicion -of the King against his brothers. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn11"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn11text">11</a>] Contemporary draft, British Museum MSS., Add. 10,236 f. 382. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn12"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn12text">12</a>] All one side of the great square -was destroyed by fire a few years -after the time of which we are writing (in 1631). -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn13"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn13text">13</a>] The fact of so many of the wretched -houses of the capital having -only one storey is explained -by the oppressive arrangement which placed -at the disposal of the Court one entire -floor of every house of more than -one storey, a right grossly abused -by Court hangers-on to quarter their -relatives and friends rent free upon the -citizens. In Philip IV.'s time -this oppressive right had been partially -commuted to a payment of -250,000 ducats annually by the municipality, -which was estimated to be -one-sixth of the rental value of such houses. -Mesonero Romanes, <i>El Antigua Madrid</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn14"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn14text">14</a>] A vivid picture of Madrid of the time -is given in <i>El Diablo Cojuelo</i>, -by Velez de Guevara, a judge, and favourite of Philip IV. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn15"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn15text">15</a>] In this he only followed the -recognised rule of Spanish ministers. -Quevedo, writing from Madrid to his patron -the Duke of Osuna, Viceroy -of Sicily, shortly before Philip's accession, -says: "Men here are like -strumpets, every one of them has to be bought.... -The Marquis of Siete -Iglesias (<i>i.e.</i> Calderon) would like -a present for his cabinet, and it would -be worth while to send some trifle for his -cell to the King's confessor." The -"trifle" he did accept was a diamond -reliquary worth 20,000 reals -and a splendid altar jewel. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn16"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn16text">16</a>] Carl Justi. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn17"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn17text">17</a>] Carl Justi. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn18"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn18text">18</a>] <i>Ibid.</i> -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn19"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn19text">19</a>] When Sir Francis Cottington went -to Spain to negotiate peace in -1629, Endymion Porter asked him to try -and buy these drawings by -Leonardo da Vinci from D. Juan de Espina, -whom everybody knows, for -Lord Arundel. The half-Spanish Porter -gave a good many other commissions -to Cottington on his departure: -some paintings by Titian, some -orange-flower water, some orange confection, -a dozen baskets of oranges, -six barrels of large Seville olives, -caraways, figs, chestnuts, marmalade, -wine, gloves, perfumes, matting, wine, -dried peaches, fine crocks, etc., in -considerable quantities. -(Record Office SP. Spain MS. 34, November 1629.) -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn20"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn20text">20</a>] At a somewhat later period Murillo -sprang into fame and fortune -through Philip seeing a picture of his -exposed for sale here. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn21"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn21text">21</a>] Pacheco, <i>Arte de la Pintura</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn22"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn22text">22</a>] He offended Olivares somehow in 1627, -and remained in exile until -the minister fell. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn23"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn23text">23</a>] Zabaleta, <i>El dia de fiesta</i>, Coimbra, 1666. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn24"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn24text">24</a>] The mere admission to the theatre was, -and still is in Spanish -theatres, paid for separately from the seat. -And from the extract quoted -it would appear that the bench seats -at the time were sometimes booked -beforehand, as they may be to-day. -The <i>entrada</i> in Spanish theatres -gives the right to the run of the house, -but nothing more. The noble -army of deadheads appears to have been -as numerous and unblushing -three hundred years ago in Spain, -as they are in England at the present time. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn25"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn25text">25</a>] The side gallery where the women were seated. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn26"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn26text">26</a>] The men who had only paid for the -entrance and stood at the back -of the patio (or pit) were so called, -but they soon became a recognised -paid claque. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn27"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn27text">27</a>] The rooms in the top floors -were called <i>desvanes</i>. The attic rooms -were often occupied by priests. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn28"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn28text">28</a>] Contemporary Italian MS. in -British Museum, MSS. Add. 8703. -"Ritratto della nascitá qualitá -ed accioni di Don Juan d'Austria." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn29"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn29text">29</a>] All are described <i>ad nauseam</i> in the <i>Soto y Aguilar</i> MS. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn30"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn30text">30</a>] Most of the Spanish kings have been -fanatical devotees of the chase -in various forms. During the reign of -Philip's father it used to be said -that "Lerma and the woods were King." Philip -IV. spent much time in -field sports. In a letter from the -Venetian ambassador in Madrid, enclosed -in one from Dermond O'Sullivan Bear -to an Irish correspondent (March -1628), the following passage occurs: -"The King is so inclined to horse -exercise and hunting, that Olivares manages -to keep him at it all day, -thus leaving the King no time to do anything -but sign the decisions of the -Councils, which suits Olivares -perfectly." Record Office, S.P. Spain 34, MSS. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p><a id="chap06"></a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P214"></a>214}</span></p> - -<h3> -CHAPTER VI -</h3> - -<p class="intro"> -RENEWED WAR WITH FRANCE LATE IN -1628—RECONCILIATION WITH ENGLAND—THE -PALATINATE AGAIN—COTTINGTON IN MADRID—HIS -RECEPTION AND NEGOTIATIONS WITH OLIVARES -AND PHILIP—FETES IN MADRID FOR BIRTH OF -THE PRINCE OF WALES—DEATH OF SPINOLA—TREATY -OF CASALE—A "LOCAL PEACE" WITH -FRANCE—SPAIN AND THE THIRTY YEARS' -WAR—POVERTY AND MISERY OF THE -COUNTRY—UNPOPULARITY OF OLIVARES—HIS MONOPOLY -OF POWER—HIS GREAT ENTERTAINMENT TO -THE KING—HIS INTERVENTION IN PHILIP'S -DOMESTIC AFFAIRS—"DON FRANCISCO FERNANDO -OF AUSTRIA"—THE BUEN RETIRO—HOPTON -IN MADRID—HIS DESCRIPTIVE LETTERS—THE -INFANTES—PHILIP'S VISIT TO -BARCELONA—DISCONTENT OF THE CORTES—THE INFANTE -FERNANDO LEFT AS GOVERNOR—DEATH OF THE -INFANTE CARLOS—DEATH OF THE INFANTA -ISABEL IN FLANDERS—THE INFANTE FERNANDO -ON HIS WAY THITHER WINS BATTLE OF -NORDLINGEN—GREAT WAR NOW INEVITABLE WITH -FRANCE -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Richelieu and Olivares -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The Spaniards for all their poverty had never -ceased to send men and money in plenty to the -Emperor for his eternal war against freedom of -conscience in Germany, and to the Infanta Isabel -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P215"></a>215}</span> -against Holland. But Richelieu, hampered with -a war with England about the unfulfilled -conditions of Henrietta Maria's marriage contract, -had kept the peace with Spain since January 1626. -An English fleet co-operated with the Huguenots -at Rochelle, but Richelieu was equal to the -occasion, and he and Marshal Schomberg together -sent back Buckingham and his fleet disgraced and -defeated, with a loss of two-thirds of his force, -after which—late in 1628—Richelieu, relieved of the -terrible siege of Rochelle, could turn his attention -again to the doings of Olivares and the Spaniards. -The pretext for fighting this time was the old -question of the duchy of Mantua, which, being -vacant, was claimed by a French and an Italian -imperial pretender; and Olivares, thinking in any -case to grab something for Spain, seized the strong -place of Casale in Montferrat, aided and abetted -on this occasion by the Duke of Savoy, who, greedy -and discontented as usual, had again changed -sides. As soon as Richelieu was partially free -from the struggle with the Huguenots, he sent a -French army to oust the invaders from Mantuan -territory; and once more Philip saw himself pledged -to a national war with France for a cause which -was of no interest whatever to his Spanish subjects; -a war in which if he were victor he could gain little -or nothing, whilst if he were vanquished he might -lose enormously. -</p> - -<p> -Olivares began by concentrating his resources, -recalling Spinola from Flanders to meet the French -in Italy; and once more smiling upon England, -where Buckingham, smarting under his ignominious -defeat at Oleron by Richelieu, in the previous year, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P216"></a>216}</span> -was raising another fleet at Portsmouth to relieve -Rochelle. He was assassinated by Felton in -August 1628, and the fleet under Lord Lindsay -arrived too late to succour the heroic Huguenots, -who had been at last obliged to surrender in -October 1628. France was then free to launch -her whole force against Spain, and peace with -England, which had been desirable for Spain before, -became an absolute necessity. The need was a -bitter one for Olivares, for friendship and alliance -with a heretic power was an open confession to -the world that Spain's proud claim to the possession -of a divine mandate to crush heterodoxy throughout -the world could not be enforced. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Reconciliation with England -</span> -</p> - -<p> -But past insincerities and present inconsistencies -on the part of Spain weighed but little with -Charles I. of England against the flattering vision -of obtaining for his German brother-in-law the -restoration of the Palatinate by the influence of -Philip, and he welcomed the informal approaches -which for some time past had been made to him by -Olivares. The plotting with the Irish Catholics, -which had been busily carried on from Madrid, -through O'Sullivan (Count of Bearhaven), Burke -(Marquis of Mayo), the agents of Tyrone and -Tyrconnel and the Irish friars,[<a id="chap06fn1text"></a><a href="#chap06fn1">1</a>] was suddenly cooled -by Olivares, much to the disgust of the exiles; -and the Irish Dominican who had been sent from -Spain to sound Charles I., reported that peace -might now be easily settled in England. Simultaneously -Father Scaglia, an Italian friar, had been -sent from Turin by the Earl of Carlisle to Madrid -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P217"></a>217}</span> -upon a similar mission, and reported that he had -seen Olivares, and that everything was ready for -Cottington's arrival in Spain to settle terms.[<a id="chap06fn2text"></a><a href="#chap06fn2">2</a>] Rubens -also took a hand in the game. He was painting -industriously in Madrid, and was in high -favour with Philip, but held secret credentials from -Charles I., and wrote enthusiastically about the -approaching friendship of the two countries.[<a id="chap06fn3text"></a><a href="#chap06fn3">3</a>] The -preliminaries were not altogether easy to arrange. -The Irish exiles in Madrid were still clamorous for -armed Spanish aid to their desired rebellion, and -were discontented at Olivares' <i>volte face</i>, whilst -Charles I. himself, who had been tricked before -by the Count-Duke, wanted something definite -about the Palatinate before he sent Cottington -openly to Spain. Scaglia tried hard and hopefully -all through 1628 to get matters in train. Olivares -was graciousness itself in his usual non-committal -way;[<a id="chap06fn4text"></a><a href="#chap06fn4">4</a>] but when the need for peace became pressing, -he tired at last of this slow progress, and decided -to send Rubens to London in the summer of 1629 with -the rank of Secretary of the Council and Ambassador. -</p> - -<p> -At length, thanks largely to Rubens' personality, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P218"></a>218}</span> -all the thorny preliminaries were settled, and -Cottington started in November 1629, but with strict -orders from Charles that he was not to ask for -audience until the Spanish ambassador Coloma, -who was being sent from Brussels but had been -delayed, should present himself in London. For -Charles was still distrustful of Olivares, and feared -a trick to make him appear the suppliant for -peace. Rubens was prompt in conveying this -suspicion to Olivares, who was quite shocked that -anyone should doubt his sincerity. His letter to -Cottington, received by the latter when he landed -at Lisbon, elaborately explains the delay in Coloma's -arrival in London by the necessity for the ambassador -to remain with the Infanta in Flanders for a time -until the Marquis of Aytona arrived there, owing -to the loss of Bois le Duc, and ends in a -holograph postscript deploring that he should be so -distrusted: "You cannot think how this business -has distressed me!"[<a id="chap06fn5text"></a><a href="#chap06fn5">5</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Cottington's mission, 1630 -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Nothing was left undone by Olivares to win -Cottington, always a pro-Spaniard. He was offered -as a present the whole of the customs dues (£5000) -on a great English ship's cargo of goods, allowed -by special licence to enter Lisbon at the same time -as he did, which gift he refused, and all along the -road from Lisbon to Madrid evidence of thought -for his comfort met him. On the other hand, -Charles I. could not do enough to honour Coloma -when he came to a state dinner at Whitehall on -Twelfth Day, 1630, where there were so many -ladies to do him honour, writes Lord Dorchester -to Cottington, "that there were many fallings out -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P219"></a>219}</span> -amongst them for spoyling one another's ruffs, by -being so close ranked."[<a id="chap06fn6text"></a><a href="#chap06fn6">6</a>] But amiable as were -the appearances, the distrust was deep, especially -on the side of the English. When Cottington -arrived within a day's journey from Madrid, he -sent his coadjutor, Mr. Arthur Hopton, ahead to -discover what preparations were made to receive -him. He learnt, to his surprise, that Philip was -absent from the capital, having gone to escort his -sister, the Infanta Queen of Hungary, on her way -to her new home, and that Olivares had been left -behind to do the honours to the English envoy. -Cottington was determined that this should not -be, so he dodged the host of grandees, who had -been sent out with coaches and guards to welcome -him, and entered Madrid secretly by night. No -sooner had he arrived at his lodging than Olivares -presented himself, but the Englishman flatly refused -to receive him there, and, entering a coach, drove -off to the palace to offer his respects to the Queen -in the absence of the King, and seek audience -through Olivares as first minister. -</p> - -<p> -There, in his apartment, Olivares kept Cottington -in converse until midnight, using all his -blandishments to persuade the Englishman that he meant -to deal straightforwardly this time. "All my art -of fence," wrote Cottington, "could not keep him -from entering into the principal business, yet but -flashed and intermixed with other points. He -could not doubt, he said, that I had brought -orders to renew the peace negotiations at least. -I said yes, if I found good resolutions to give -satisfaction to my King (Charles) and his friends -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P220"></a>220}</span> -and allies. I know your meaning, he said, ye -would have restitution of the Palatinate. Yes, -said I; but that is not all. You know that my -King has made a league with the States, and their -interests must also be considered." The -protestations and heated disputes continued between -them thus for hours; the point of Olivares evidently -being to secure the marriage of the Palgrave's son -with a daughter of the Emperor or other Spanish -nominee without a prior restitution of any part of -the Palatinate. At last Olivares rose, and, taking -Cottington by the hand, said: "The King of England -shall do the greatest work in Christendom, for by -his means the Palatinate shall be entirely restored, -and by his means also the King of Spain shall find -peace in those northern parts."[<a id="chap06fn7text"></a><a href="#chap06fn7">7</a>] -</p> - -<p> -Whilst the two statesmen were talking, the -Countess of Olivares entered with a message from -the Queen, to ask after the health of King Charles. -Cottington was rigid. King Charles, he said, had sent -a letter to the Queen by him, though she had not -written to him for a good many years; and when -he delivered the letter he had a good mind to tell -her so, as King Charles was very much offended. -Both Olivares and his wife were much concerned -at this, and asked Cottington what had better be -done. You may tell the Queen, he replied, that -she might write a letter to King Charles, and send -it to the Spanish Ambassador in London before -the King of England's letter was delivered to her. -This was promised, and when finally Cottington -was led to the Queen he found her all smiles and -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P221"></a>221}</span> -kindness for the ambassador of her brother-in-law, -for matters were complicated terribly by the -fact that she was the sister of Queen Henrietta -Maria. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Cottington in Madrid -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Philip was not expected to return to Madrid -for several days, and in the meantime it was -necessary for Olivares somehow to worm out the nature -and extent of the Englishman's instructions. On -Monday, two days after the interview just described, -Olivares made the excuse of taking Cottington -out hawking, to get him quietly in the country -and alone all day from morn till dark. But they -had no sport, says Cottington ruefully, for the -Count-Duke was so eager in his talk that he forgot -all about the hawks. The disputations, now on -horseback, now in a coach, often waxed angry. -The States would not have a peace, but wanted -a truce, said Olivares. They will not have either, -replied the Englishman, unless my King's demands -are granted. How can we restore the Palatinate? blustered -Olivares, which is held mostly by Bavaria. -Then Cottington in a rage said he should go back -to England immediately, as he saw they had been -deceived. If you do, retorted Olivares, we will make -a league of half Europe against you.[<a id="chap06fn8text"></a><a href="#chap06fn8">8</a>] -</p> - -<p> -On Friday the King arrived in the capital, and -great efforts were made to persuade Cottington -to leave Madrid, and make a state entry, but this -he refused to do. The next best thing was to send -the whole Court in its finest garb to accompany -him to the palace for his first audience with Philip. -Nothing could exceed the honour paid him, though -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P222"></a>222}</span> -on that occasion nothing political was discussed. -But on the next day, in private conference, Cottington -came to close quarters with Philip. The great -question, of course, was that of the Palatinate. -Philip assured Cottington that he would give -every satisfaction on that point if he only had -patience until powers came from Germany. As -the Englishman left only half convinced, Philip -called him back and asked him why the English -would not accept a suspension of hostilities. -Because, replied Cottington, it would look like a -surrender of the point about the Palatinate. There -can be no peace, he said, until that question is -settled. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Cottington's negotiations -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The weeks dragged on, every trifling point -being utilised by Olivares to keep the negotiations -afoot, and relieve Spain of the strain of war with -England, without ceding—what it was clear they -could not cede—the restoration of the Palatinate, -which was mostly held by the Germans. An interminable -wrangle took place about the titles to be given -to the King of England: whether he should be called -Majesty, which the Spaniards always gave grudgingly -to any king but their own. Then it appeared -that the draft protocols sent by Coloma from London -gave Charles the style of "King, etc.," without -his full titles, and "Defender of the Faith." Although -it was late at night when the courier -arrived, Cottington hurried off to complain to -Philip of this. The King of England shall be -given whatever style he likes, laughed Philip. -Then there was a lengthy squabble about the styles -to be used by the two sister-Queens in writing to -each other. When that was settled, Cottington -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P223"></a>223}</span> -grumbled incessantly at all this intriguing with -the Catholic Irish rebels, and at Tyrone's presence -in Madrid. Again and again Cottington, tired of -Olivares' shilly-shally, was for returning to -England post haste, but the Count-Duke always -managed to smooth matters over by assuring him -that they would really use all their influence to get -the Palatinate restored if he only had patience. -</p> - -<p> -But at length, in March 1630, Cottington's -long-suffering gave way. He saw, he says, that he was -being played with, and he sent Hopton to England -to ask permission for him to come home. Charles -was loath to give up hope, but he too was beginning -to doubt the good faith of Philip and his minister, -and sent instructions that there must be no more -delay. Spain wants peace, but before peace can -be made by England, Philip must say clearly and -promptly what portion of the Palatinate he will -guarantee to restore. When this message from -England was brought to Madrid by Hopton in the -middle of May, Philip and Olivares took fright, -for a continuance of the war with England whilst -they were at war with France meant certain ruin -for Spain, and yet they could not take the -Palatinate from Catholic hands and restore it to -Protestant Frederick. -</p> - -<p> -So again the blandishments re-commenced. -"Pray tell me your real opinion," asked Philip -of Cottington. "My real opinion, sire, is that I -shall return at once, unless some means be found -for making peace with the Hollanders and raising -the ban against Palgrave," replied the Englishman. -Philip very rarely showed anger or emotion of -any sort, but he grew impatient and cross at -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P224"></a>224}</span> -Cottington's insistence, which he attributed to his -personal desire to return home for domestic reasons. -Rojas, the friend of Velazquez, and Olivares' -factotum, came and implored Cottington as a friend -to deal plainly with him, and tell him whether he -was really going home; and Olivares himself sent -for him late at night to ply him with remonstrances -and expostulations.[<a id="chap06fn9text"></a><a href="#chap06fn9">9</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Peace with England -</span> -</p> - -<p> -And thus the juggle went on for months, until -at last Charles I., himself sorely needing peace, -gave way and sent instructions to Cottington to -make a treaty with Spain, leaving all questions -still unprejudiced, like the agreement of 1604, with -which this book began. Thenceforward all was -straight sailing, for Olivares had once more worked -his way, and attained the peace that was necessary -for Spain, and yet pledging Philip to nothing. -Whilst yet the final terms were being settled, with -which Rubens was to be sent to London, news -came to Madrid of the birth of a son and heir to -the King of England. On the 15th June, Philip -received Cottington in full state to congratulate -him upon the news. Never in the brightest time -had the old palace of Madrid put on a braver -aspect, for now that in the essential matter of peace -the King had gained his point, in that of ceremonial -rejoicing he Was determined there should be no -shortcoming. Surrounded by a full gathering of -grandees in gold chains, Philip stood under his -canopy dressed in his military garb, almost English -in fashion, as he stands in the Dulwich Gallery -portrait, with a splendidly embroidered scarlet -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P225"></a>225}</span> -ropilla doublet, a broad lace collar and "paned" -hose, his breast covered with rich jewels and with -a great feather in his hat. As Sir Francis -Cottington approached him the King expressed his joy -at the news. He was as glad, he said, as if the -son had been his own; and he had prayed -upon his knees for the happiness of the young -prince. Then the delighted Englishman visited -the two Infantes to receive their good wishes, -they being, as Cottington says, "no less brave in -attire" than their brother. In the afternoon -another state visit was paid to the Queen, and to -the baby Prince Baltasar Carlos, "in cap and -feathers and loaded with charms and jewels." Solemn -proclamation of the news was made by -heralds in the public squares; the Calle Mayor -and the Plaza were illuminated as bright as day -with wax torches, and a great firework display -was made before the palace. Every religious -house in Madrid held a solemn service of thanks, -and all the priors visited the English ambassador -with their congratulations. Four days afterwards, -one of the big royal bull-fights, in honour of the -birth of a Prince of Wales, was given by Philip in -the presence of Cottington in the Plaza Mayor, -at which twenty bulls were killed, with many -horses and three men.[<a id="chap06fn10text"></a><a href="#chap06fn10">10</a>] At length the treaty of -peace, the real object of all the plausibility, was -settled. Olivares had won the game again. England -and Spain were at peace, with the Palatinate -still unrestored, and Cottington left Spain, that he -knew so well, outwitted for the second time by -the bland procrastination of Spanish diplomacy. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P226"></a>226}</span> -</p> - -<p> -Once more the rivals, Richelieu and Olivares, -France and Spain, were face to face in North Italy; -the Pope, Venice, and the new Duke of Mantua -(Nevers) being on the side of France. Richelieu -was victorious almost everywhere over the -Spaniards, Germans, and Savoyards. Carlo Emmanuele -sank to the grave broken hearted, leaving his -ancient duchy in the occupation of the French -conquerors, and Spinola died of grief before Casale -at the scant support and ungenerous treatment he -received from Spain. His successor, Santa Cruz, -patched up an ignominious treaty with the French -in the field, to the violent indignation of the -Spaniards at home; for the country which had -paid most for the war had gained nothing by the -peace. But the treaty of Casale was merely a -local pacification between France and Spain. The -house of Austria must be crushed, if France were -to be raised to the first rank amongst the nations. -Olivares unhappily could not shake off the imperial -traditions which had been the ruin of Spain; and for -many years to come Spanish men and money wrung -from starving Castile were still poured in an endless -stream to fill the armies of the Emperor. Year after -year the deadly struggle went on in Central Europe. -Sweden and the Protestants with France on the -one side, the house of Austria and the Catholics of -Germany on the other; with Spain and Spanish -Flanders as the milch cow to provide the wherewithal -to face all the progressive elements of Europe. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -The Thirty-Years' War -</span> -</p> - -<p> -With the vicissitudes of this epochal war between -antagonistic civilisations the present book is not -directly concerned, but only with such echoes and -influences of it as reached the Court of Spain. -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P227"></a>227}</span> -Battles and sieges, the death of heroes and the fall -of kings, seared their deep brand upon the page of -history. Spain, bereft of commerce and almost -of industry, might in its agony protest with -passionate tears that it could suffer no more, and -lower its dark brows when the arrogant minister -who ruled the fainéant King was mentioned.[<a id="chap06fn11text"></a><a href="#chap06fn11">11</a>] But -through it all Madrid laughed and rioted with -ghastly gaiety and pagan fatalism, eating, drinking, -and making merry, lest before to-morrow it should -die. Outside its mud walls the fields lay bare and -arid, in the provincial cities sloth and apathy -ruled supreme over grass-grown market squares -and empty streets; but in the Court, "the only -Court," the Madrileños boastfully called it, -shameless waste ran riot still; flaunting finery elbowed -aside the squalid parasites that sought its smiles -and struggled for its scraps; vain shows and vainer -posturings filled the hollow days, and the witling -who had pompously declaimed a turgid epic upon -the nation's glory was held a hundred times a -greater hero than he who starved in Flemish -dykes, or rotted of putrid fever in overcrowded -hosts before a German city, fighting and dying, as -scores of thousands of them did, for the vague -mirage of Spanish honour, of which the Court of -Philip the Great was the centre and the source. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -The Policy of Olivares -</span> -</p> - -<p> -There is no doubt that deep discontent -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P228"></a>228}</span> -smouldered throughout the country at the results -of Olivares' policy. Spaniards were ready enough -to acclaim the privilege and duty of their country -to set all the world right about religion, and to -interfere in the quarrels of Central Europe. The -boastful vainglory of Spanish superiority and the -hollow pretence of the King's irresistible power and -wealth were as popular as ever, though evidence -of their falsity was patent in every house in the -land. But though by most Spaniards the dire -effect was not traced to its true cause, and they -never thought of blaming themselves for their -sufferings, the minister who was the protagonist -of the system was held personally to be the cause -of all the trouble. Already the outer realms, -Aragon, Catalonia, Valencia, and Portugal, -understood clearly that Olivares aimed at destroying -their ancient autonomy,[<a id="chap06fn12text"></a><a href="#chap06fn12">12</a>] and were seething in -anger against him and the triflers at Madrid. -The greater nobles, even in Castile itself, disgusted -at the monopolous arrogance of Olivares, stood -ostentatiously aloof from him, only awaiting an -opportunity to retaliate. The minister had taken -care to place in the councils persons entirely -subservient to him, or those whose age or feebleness -of character made them innocuous. His principal -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P229"></a>229}</span> -subordinate ministers were his own kinsmen,—the -Count of Monterey; the Marquis del Carpio; -Marquis of Leganes; the Marquis of Aytona; the -Marquis of Heliche, who had married his only -daughter, but to Olivares' intense grief had been -left a widower within the year; and the Duke -of Medina de las Torres; Cardinal Zapata, the -Inquisitor-General and member of many Councils, -who was old, weak, and foolish; and the King's -confessor, Sotomayor, was a man of no character, -and entirely sold to the minister. -</p> - -<p> -It will be seen, therefore, that Philip was quite -inaccessible to anyone not in the interests of -Olivares. The Queen resented her husband's -isolation, but the minister and his wife kept her -also well under subjection, and her love of pleasure -made her almost as easy to manage as the King. -</p> - -<p> -If it had been possible, even now, for the whole -truth to be told to Philip as to the real causes of -the poverty and wretchedness that afflicted the -country, a prompt reversal of the policy that -caused it might have arrested the ruin. But, in -any case, it was unlikely that such change should -be made; for Philip himself failed to see, as did the -friends as well as the foes of Olivares, that only by a -frank acceptance of the fact that Spain must abandon -all her old flighty notions and impossible claims, -could prosperity be brought back to the country. -To prevent the danger of Philip's either discovering -for himself or being told by others how deep and -growing the discontent of the country was, Olivares -plunged the idle young King more completely -than ever in the pleasures and distractions that -occupied most of his time and thoughts. Hunting, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P230"></a>230}</span> -play-going, religious ceremonies, literary -amusements, and other entertainments left no opportunity -for investigation and sustained application to -business by the King. It is evident that now, -whatever may have been the case at the beginning -of the reign, the minister deliberately promoted -this waste of time for his own ends; and his efforts -to distract the King increased as the discontent in -the country and Court grew. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -A sumptuous feast -</span> -</p> - -<p> -On the 1st June 1631, for instance, the Countess -of Olivares gave a sumptuous entertainment to -the sovereigns, as she was in the habit of doing -on every possible pretext, in the gardens of her -brother, the Count of Monterey;[<a id="chap06fn13text"></a><a href="#chap06fn13">13</a>] and this is -represented by the contemporary chronicler, who -describes both fetes to have aroused the emulation -of her husband to give another entertainment to -the King and Queen on the night of St. John, three -weeks later, that should eclipse all similar occasions. -The document from which I am quoting, written by -a whole-souled admirer of Olivares, is too long -and tedious for reproduction entire here, but a -few extracts from it may be interesting as showing -now desperately the Olivares tried to please. -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"Although there were but few days to arrange -everything, the Count-Duke was determined to show -the extreme love and care with which he serves -our Lord the King, and how easily he conquers -the most difficult tasks by means of it. As a -beginning of the preparations for the feast, which -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P231"></a>231}</span> -was, amongst many other things, to include two -new comedies not yet even thought of, much less -written, his Excellency ordered Lope de Vega -to write one, which he did in three days, and -D. Francisco de Quevedo and D. Antonio de Mendoza -the other, which they wrote in a single day, and -the comedies were handed to the companies of -Avendaño and Vallejo, the two best now on the -boards, to study and rehearse." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -Notwithstanding his constant state occupations, -Olivares is said to have worked night and day -in personally making the preparations for the -great fete. Not only the garden of Monterey, but -those on each side of it[<a id="chap06fn14text"></a><a href="#chap06fn14">14</a>] were appropriated; and -a great Italian architect, who had designed the -wonderful jasper pantheon of the Kings at the -Escorial, was commissioned to build a beautiful -open-air theatre and a series of improvised edifices -for the accommodation of the principal guests. -Like magic, thanks to lavish expenditure, there -sprang up in the shady gardens a gorgeously -upholstered chamber or bower with chairs of state for -the King and his two brothers, and the customary -cushions for the Queen, placed in a projecting -balcony from which the stage could be seen, with two -similar apartments, one on each side, for the suite, -and retired nooks or niches between them, we are -told, in which the Count and Countess of Olivares -might watch over the comfort of their guests. A -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P232"></a>232}</span> -stage, surrounded and crowned by a multitude of -lights in crystal globes, and decked with flowers, -faced the royal pavilions, and on each side seats -were provided for the ladies of the Court, but no -gentleman was allowed to be present. By the wall -separating the gardens from the Prado great stands -were erected to accommodate the six orchestras and -choirs that were ordered to be present, and the -gentlemen guests, none of whom were asked to -the garden itself. To each of Olivares' great kinsmen -already mentioned was assigned a department: one -was to superintend the rehearsals, another was to -take charge of the marshalling of the coaches and -the reception of the royal guests, another had -under his care the refreshments, and so on. -</p> - -<p> -On the day before the fête the Countess of -Olivares dined in the garden, and witnessed a -full dress rehearsal of the whole entertainment; -and Madrid was agog with excitement when, -after dark on the night of St. John, all the grand -folk from the palace in their heavy coaches lumbered -down to the Prado to attend the fête. At nine -o'clock the royal party were received by the Countess -at the entrance pavilion which had been erected -for the purpose, the united choirs chanting a pæan -of welcome as the King and Queen advanced to -the chamber whence they were to see the comedies. -Gentlemen of the Count-Duke's household on their -knees offered to the royal guests and their suite -of ladies perfumes in crystal and gold flasks, scented -lace handkerchiefs, bouquets, scented clay crocks,[<a id="chap06fn15text"></a><a href="#chap06fn15">15</a>] -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P233"></a>233}</span> -fans, etc., on silver salvers. Then, after a flourish of -trumpets and an overture on the guitars, Quevedo's -and Mendoza's new comedy was performed by -Vallejo's company. "<i>Who Lies Most Thrives Most</i>" -was the name of the piece, and we are told that it -was crammed "with the smart sayings and courtly -gallantry of Don Francisco de Quevedo, whose -genius is so favourably known in the world." The -principal actress was the famous Maria de Riquelme,[<a id="chap06fn16text"></a><a href="#chap06fn16">16</a>] -who in verse welcomed the great guests, and praised -the King in a manner that, if he had not been -case-hardened to adulation, would have made an -archangel blush, whilst at the same time several strong -hints were introduced that the Count-Duke himself -was only one degree less divine than his master. -</p> - -<p> -For two hours the stage entertainment went -on, with comedies, dances, poetry and music, all -present agreeing that Don Francisco de Quevedo -had in his one day's work put more wit and humour -than other authors would consider sufficient for a -dozen comedies. At one of the intervals, when -the first comedy was finished, the King and Queen -were conducted to the adjoining garden of the -Duke of Maqueda, where they found a series of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P234"></a>234}</span> -beautiful chambers communicating with one -another, and constructed entirely of flowers and -leaves. One of these was for the King and his -brothers, another for the Queen, and the third for -the ladies in attendance, and in each of the rooms -were disguises for the guests. For the King had -been provided a long brown cloak, trimmed with -great scrolls of black and silver, and closed by -frogs and olives of wrought silver, a white hat with -white and brown plumes, a shield of scented leather -and silver, and a white falling Walloon collar; -similar but diverse disguises being provided for -the two princes. Upon a side table in each flower -chamber was a precious casket of morocco leather -and gold filled with choice sweetmeats, a variety -of perfumes, and some of the scented clay vessels of -which Spanish ladies of the day fancied the taste to -nibble and even sometimes to swallow. The Queen's -disguise was like that of the King, but with much -more adornment in the way of spangles and the -like; and when the whole party had covered their -ordinary garb with these unusual additions, "strange -in shape and fashion," they were led in stately -procession with much attitudinising to see the second -comedy, in which, says the awestricken chronicler, -"they lost no jot of the majesty which is not the -least of their inestimable virtues and perfections." -</p> - -<p> -The assumption of these fantastic disguises -by the royal personages is elaborately apologised -for by the chronicler, by whom it was considered -apparently as a somewhat risky and undignified -experiment; especially as, owing to it, no male -person except Olivares and his household was -admitted to the gardens themselves; the gentlemen -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P235"></a>235}</span> -of the Court being relegated to the stands by the -Prado wall, in order that they might not see the -King unbend sufficiently to don a disguise. When -Lope de Vega's new comedy, "<i>The Night of St. John</i>," -was finished, the royal party retired to -a banqueting-room constructed of flowers in the -other garden on the north. Here a sumptuous -supper was served at midnight, the King and Queen -at their high table being served by Olivares and his -wife, everything being done with perfect silence -and order,—"though a multitude of dishes were -carried to the musicians, singers, and gentlemen in -the orchestra stands." By the time the lights -were dimming, and the sky was turning to pearly -grey beyond the trees of St. Geronimo, the whole -stately company turned out in their coaches for -a drive up and down the Prado; and then back to -the palace, doubtless to sleep.[<a id="chap06fn17text"></a><a href="#chap06fn17">17</a>] When the dawn -broke fully, it was found that, notwithstanding -the prohibition, a perfect host of people, men and -boys, had surreptitiously found their way in from -the Prado, and, hidden in the copses and under -the stagings, they had witnessed the whole show, -including the questionable proceeding of risking the -majesty of monarchs by a fancy dress; whereupon -the chronicler attributes the quietness and -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P236"></a>236}</span> -patience of these intruders to the awe and reverence -inspired by a king, no matter how dressed.[<a id="chap06fn18text"></a><a href="#chap06fn18">18</a>] -</p> - -<p> -As will be seen by this curious account, the -hand of Olivares was everywhere. From handing -the King his shirt in the morning and drawing his -bed curtains at night, to deciding peace and war -for the nation, the Count-Duke did everything. -The King's amusements and amours were as much -his affairs as were the routine duties of Government; -and I unearthed some years ago, and described -fully in a former book of mine,[<a id="chap06fn19text"></a><a href="#chap06fn19">19</a>] a curious series of -original manuscript documents which prove that -at the period now under review (1630-1635) the -most secret domestic concerns of the King were -settled by Olivares as a matter of course. The -first document of the series[<a id="chap06fn20text"></a><a href="#chap06fn20">20</a>] is a note written by -Olivares to the King in 1630, saying that it was -high time that a certain little boy, whose age is -given as four years, should be concealed, and taken -away from the people he was then with; so that all -trace of him may be broken. He has, he says, been -thinking very deeply how this is to be done, and, -as was usual with him, had found objections to -every solution that has presented itself. But he -thinks, upon the whole, that the child should be -secretly put in the care of a certain gentleman of -his acquaintance living at Salamanca, named Don -Juan de Isasi Ydiaquez; and the Count-Duke -proposes that this gentleman should be summoned -to Court without telling him why he was wanted; -and "after seeing him, your Majesty may decide." -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P237"></a>237}</span> -Across this document Philip has written in his -big straggling hand: "It appears very necessary -that something should be done in this matter, and -I approve of your suggestion." -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -One of Philip's sons -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The rest of the papers unfold the poor sad little -mystery. The babe in question was one of Philip's -illegitimate children, christened Francisco Fernando, -and he was probably his first son; born, as we are -told in these papers, at the house of his grand-parents, -who were gentlefolk, between eleven and twelve -at night on the 15th May 1626; Don Francisco -de Eraso, Count of Humanes,[<a id="chap06fn21text"></a><a href="#chap06fn21">21</a>] leading the midwife -thither and being present at the birth, the infant -being conveyed immediately afterwards to the -house of Don Baltasar de Alamos, Councillor of -the Treasury, where a nurse awaited him, in whose -care he remained until he was delivered by Olivares -to his new keeper, the hidalgo of Salamanca, who -belonged to a notable bureaucratic and secretarial -family. The subsequent short career of the infant -does not enter into our present subject; but it is -fully detailed in the documents: the periodical -reports of the child's progress, the grave discussions -of Olivares with physicians and keepers as to his -diet and health; the provisions for his proper -education, his clothing and diversions, his infantile -ailments, the most trivial circumstances of the -child's life, are all considered and passed in review -by the minister, upon whose bowed shoulders the -whole work of the State rested. The little -left-handed royalty, for all the care with which his -life was surrounded, failed to resist the bleak air -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P238"></a>238}</span> -of Salamanca, and on the 17th March 1634 the -King's Secretary of State, Geronimo de Villanueva, -of whom we shall hear again, wrote to the hidalgo -Isasi Ydiaquez, saying "that his Majesty had -received with the deepest grief the news of the -death of Don Francisco Fernando, who showed -such bright promise for his tender years, and his -Majesty highly appreciated all the care that had -been taken with him."[<a id="chap06fn22text"></a><a href="#chap06fn22">22</a>] And a few days later, the -little corpse, dressed in a red and gold gown, and -enclosed in a black velvet coffin, was carried with -all secrecy to the Escorial, where, in the presence -of the inevitable Don Geronimo de Villanueva, the -secretary and confidential agent of the King, the -"body of Don Francisco Fernando, son of his -Catholic Majesty Don Felipe IV.," was handed to -the bishop of Avila in the porch of the church, and -buried by the friars in the vaults of their monastery. -</p> - -<p> -The frowning old Alcazar on the cliff overlooking -the Manzanares, so often mentioned as -the scene of Philip's festivities, was unfit for gaiety, -and offered but few attractions to him. The -Escorial for similar reasons was never a favourite -residence of his; and Aranjuez was always -insalubrious except in the spring. The Court -therefore was usually in residence in Madrid itself, or in -the neighbouring hunting seat of the Prado. But -there was in the extensive and beautiful grounds -attached to the monastery of St. Geronimo at the -east gate of the capital a suite of apartments used -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P239"></a>239}</span> -by the royal family for religious or mourning -retreats, or for an occasional guest house. It occurred -to Olivares in 1631 that this place might be made -more attractive, and used more frequently as a -relief to Philip from the stern mediæval palace -at the other end of the town. The idea began -with the mere levelling of an inequality here, the -clearing of a lawn there, and the building of an -aviary and a few fountains and summer houses. -But very soon the Count-Duke's ambition grew, and -he and Philip became fascinated and absorbed in the -building of a palace which became to the reign of -Philip what Versailles was to that of Louis XIV. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -The Buen Retiro -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The palace of the Buen Retiro was intended by -Olivares, and truly was, a fit setting for the elegant, -chivalric, and poetic surroundings of the King, a -light and pretty retreat in the midst of enchanting -gardens, where upon stages under the trees or in -high and gilded halls the witty dissolute comedies -might be played to an audience of the elect. Nothing -that the inspiration of genius, the efforts of flattery, -or the exercise of unrestrained expenditure could -compass was spared by Olivares in making the -Buen Retiro perfect for its purpose of keeping the -King diverted. An immense territory, in addition -to the monastery grounds, was appropriated for -the purpose,[<a id="chap06fn23text"></a><a href="#chap06fn23">23</a>] and Olivares exhausted all the -horticultural knowledge of the time in laying out -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P240"></a>240}</span> -the grounds with lakes, grottoes, and cascades; -whilst in a very short time there arose in all its -beauty the palace that in future was to be the symbol -of Philip's elegant, picturesque, but useless reign. -</p> - -<p> -Even before the building itself was finished, -the place was inaugurated by a ceremony -characteristic both of Philip and his minister. On -the 1st October 1632, the King paid his visit -to see the preparations being made for the festival -to be held in celebration of the birth of an heir to -his sister the Queen of Hungary. When he -approached the new royal house, he was met by -Olivares, who had conferred upon himself the -post of honorary Constable of the Palace, bearing -upon a silver salver the gold master-keys of the -Buen Retiro.[<a id="chap06fn24text"></a><a href="#chap06fn24">24</a>] Kneeling, he handed them to the -King, who, touching them with his hand, signified -that the bearer should retain them; and when, -later, the festivities commenced in the recently -built rooms, to continue thereafter for many days, -Philip and his wife fairly fell in love with the place, -whose lightsome grace was a revelation to them -after the dark old Alcazar. -</p> - -<p> -First there was a showy cane tourney, in which -the King on horseback, with Olivares at his side, -led a glittering troop of riders, Philip taking part -in the festivities, as the flattering poet said, "not -as a king but as a most gallant skilful gentleman." This -splendid show the greatest poet of his time, -Lope de Vega, then rapidly sinking into the grave, -celebrated in verse. "The Vega del Parnaso," -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P241"></a>241}</span> -dedicated to the first festival of the new palace, -was an appropriate swan's song of the great -dramatist, whose inexhaustible wit and invention -had done so much to lead the thoughts of his -countrymen to the theatrical expression of which this -new fairy palace was to be the apotheosis. Afterwards -there was one of the usual bull-fights; then -running at the ring, with rich prizes of silver plate, -of course won by the King, and afterwards a ball -was held in the unfinished halls, at which, as at a -modern cotillon, "perfumed purses of ducats and rich -dress lengths" were given to the lady dancers.[<a id="chap06fn25text"></a><a href="#chap06fn25">25</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Baltasar Carlos -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Only a few months before this, the Church of -St. Geronimo had been the scene of another of those -stately ceremonials which were the birthright of -Spanish princes. There, upon a splendidly decked -staging before the high altar, the tiny Prince -Baltasar Carlos, who had been carried thither the -day before, received the oaths of the Commons -of Castile as heir to the throne. There were two -violent altercations for precedence between nobles, -even in the King's presence, before the ceremony; -but all was silence as the chubby princeling, in -crimson plush embroidered with gold, toddled -up the nave to the staging, held in leading strings -by his two uncles Carlos and Fernando; the first -in a few months to sink into the grave, a silent, -amiable young enigma to the last. The little -Prince, we are told, carried a miniature sword and -dagger covered with enamel and diamonds, and -wore a black hat trimmed with bugles and -diamonds, and adorned by scarlet plumes. It is -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P242"></a>242}</span> -to be remarked that in most of these festivities -Philip himself was faithful to his love of brown -for his dress; and on this occasion is described -as wearing light brown velvet embroidered with -gold thread, and wearing the collar of the Golden -Fleece, whilst he rested his hand upon the -shoulder of his gentleman-in-waiting, the Count -de Galve, clad smartly in crimson satin and gold.[<a id="chap06fn26text"></a><a href="#chap06fn26">26</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Financial exactions -</span> -</p> - -<p> -In the meanwhile, over the tinkling of all this -courtly gaiety, there echoed the distant rumbling -of the storm. Mr. Arthur Hopton, the new English -ambassador, left in Madrid to look after English -commercial interests, and to push the eternal -question of the Palatinate, wrote to Lord -Dorchester in February 1631: "All the Spanish -Barbary garrisons are starving, but the want of -corn here is so great that every grain from -Andalusia is sorely wanted for Castile."[<a id="chap06fn27text"></a><a href="#chap06fn27">27</a>] But the -extravagant expenditure on the Buen Retiro and -on the never-ending war had to be met somehow, -and Olivares had to incur increased odium by -inventing new exactions. "The Count of Olivares," -continues Hopton, "being the most industrious -man in his master's service, and more so in the -matter of his revenue than anything else, hath -made him an instrument by directing a new -imposition on salt, making the King the owner of all -the salt that is spent, and delivering it out at 40 -reals the fanega (<i>i.e.</i> 1½ bushels), whilst remitting -12 per cent. on the wine and oil excise that had -nine years to run. This is a pretty way of imposing -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P243"></a>243}</span> -taxation on the clergy and religious without the -leave of the Pope."[<a id="chap06fn28text"></a><a href="#chap06fn28">28</a>] -</p> - -<p> -But the salt monopoly was much more than that, -as Hopton soon found by the bitter complaints of -the English shipmasters, who, now that the trade -was reopened, had hoped to do a large business -again with salt from Andalucia to England. Olivares -replied suavely to all his remonstrances, that he -wished to treat the English better than any others, -but the King <i>must</i> have money, and he hoped the -increased price of salt would not alter the new -friendship. It soon turned out that the new tax -was to be in addition to, and not in place of, the -wine and oil excise ("the millions," as it was -called); and Hopton displays almost admiration -at the financial resource of Olivares. -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"He means to keep the millions too, now that he -has got the other voted. I think it may be truly -claimed that the inventor of this project hath -discovered a way to bring a greater revenue to this -King's purse than Columbus did that discovered the -West Indies. Aragon has not yet consented, but -probably will do so, as the tax is to be imposed on -strangers (<i>i.e.</i> those who bought Spanish salt for -export). When I was last with Olivares he let fall a -word that makes me think they mean to satisfy his -Majesty (<i>i.e.</i> King Charles of England) in another -way. I said it would require good consideration to -instruct their ambassador what reasons to make the -imposition appear to be no breach of the <i>Article</i>. -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P244"></a>244}</span> -He said: 'Doubt it not.' I said it would be fit -to do it presently, for it would be better to come -to his Majesty (Charles) by way of reason than -complaint. He replied, 'We are providing some -papers to send to the King (of England) that will -not be unwelcome.'"[<a id="chap06fn29text"></a><a href="#chap06fn29">29</a>] -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -What this "secret affair," as Hopton calls it, -was does not appear; but doubtless it was one of -Olivares' usual mystifications to keep the English -complaints from being pushed too urgently, for -the hosts of English shipmasters so long kept out -of Spain by the war, but who were now crowding -into Spanish ports to trade, were clamorous about -the extortion and injustice to which they were -subjected. Hopton bribed Olivares' subordinates -heavily, and besieged the minister himself; but -the resources of delay in Spanish diplomacy were -infinite, and little redress could be obtained. Of -sweet words Hopton found an abundance from -Olivares, who was always ready to flatter in -furtherance of his aims, and Hopton was inclined -to be boastful of English prowess. "All the rest -of the world must pardon me," said Olivares once -to him, in answer to a bit of innocent brag, "but -I hold no nation fit to fight in a royal Armada but -England and Spain."[<a id="chap06fn30text"></a><a href="#chap06fn30">30</a>] -</p> - -<p> -Money, and ever more money, was Olivares' -constant cry. "His time is principally taken up," -says Hopton, "in arranging loans." The price -of salt had been raised to 35 or 40 reals 1½ bushel -for inland consumption or export, an enormous -increase "which will bring an exorbitant revenue -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P245"></a>245}</span> -if they can enforce it in all the kingdoms. They -are also decreeing a tax on all royal grants, titles, -and appointments, which will also bring a vast -revenue." Writing to Lord Dorchester in August -1631, Hopton mentions the excessive price of -all commodities in Madrid. "I can assure your -Lordship that only in regard of the value of brass -money, wherein all the trade of this country is -done, what was last year at 30 per cent. and -upwards is not now worth 10 per cent., the charge of -living here since last year is one in five increased."[<a id="chap06fn31text"></a><a href="#chap06fn31">31</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Spain's responsibilities -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Dire news too came from Central Europe, which -foreshadowed the need of yet greater sacrifices for -Spain. The meteoric Swede, Gustavus Adolphus, -had entered the field on the side of France (January -1631), and was sweeping all before him. One -imperial city after the other opened its gates to -him, and some of the Emperor's feudatories who -had been considered the most loyal rallied to the -victorious enemy. The empire was altogether -inadequate to face the strong new combination -against it, and could only, as usual, appeal to -Spain for resources. Looking back at the position -with our present lights, it is impossible to -understand the besotted folly that led Philip and his -minister to assume the main burden of a war such -as this. They had nothing material to gain by it. -The religion, and even the territorial disputes, of -the German princes were of no real importance to -Spain, and a nation in the terrible financial and -industrial condition of the latter was not justified -in further consummating its ruin for the sake of -an already outworn sentiment. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P246"></a>246}</span> -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Fresh embarrassments -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Another trouble almost as pressing as the -Emperor's war loomed also in the near future. -The old Infanta Isabel was rapidly sinking to her -grave childless; and in accordance with the -calamitous agreement of 1598, the Flemish -dominions of the house of Burgundy were to -revert in that case to the crown of Spain, a fatal -inheritance, the Flemish States being open to -attack from France on one side and Holland on -the other, and destined to keep Spain at war until -the final catastrophe overwhelmed both nation -and dynasty. Olivares had kept the two Infantes -in the background until now; though, as we have -seen by his paper of six years before, he had always -foreseen the ultimate necessity of sending -Fernando, the young Cardinal, to Flanders as his -brother's representative. Carlos, silent, amiable, -unambitious, and lacking in vitality, gave the -minister little cause for anxiety; but Fernando -was by far the cleverest of his house. The nobles -of Castile were already looking to him as a possible -leader against Olivares; and at last it was decided -that Fernando should go to Flanders, to be near -his aunt, and succeed as Governor for his brother -when the Infanta should die. Carlos being, as -he said, a man of arms, for once plucked up spirit -to protest and claim his right, as senior, to go to -Flanders, but Olivares said that after Baltasar -Carlos, "who had growne sickly of late, and there -is some doubt whether the King will have any -more children,"[<a id="chap06fn32text"></a><a href="#chap06fn32">32</a>] he (Carlos) was his brother's heir, -and could not be allowed to go far away. He was -mollified by promises that were never kept, that -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P247"></a>247}</span> -he should be sent to command in Portugal or -Catalonia; but in the summer of next year, 1632, -as will be told, he sickened and died unmarried, -greatly, no doubt, to the relief of Olivares, who -dreaded the possibility of his being made a -figurehead by his enemies.[<a id="chap06fn33text"></a><a href="#chap06fn33">33</a>] -</p> - -<p> -It was not easy to send Fernando to Flanders, -even after it was decided to do so, and many months -passed before even the money could be raised and -preparations made for his going. Hopton wrote -in August 1631: "The Infante Cardinal hastens his -going to Flanders, and has arranged to borrow of -the Fucars 240,000 ducats at 40,000 per month. -The matter is so forward that the brokers have -received the first payment, but I do not believe -that he will go; for if he do it will be no easy -matter to stay Carlos going to Portugal, and it is -not likely that the King will leave the realm so -destitute of his brothers, <i>and expose them to the -familiarity with those who may be dangerous to him</i>." A -month later he reported that, after all, the young -Cardinal was not to go that year, "but may slip away -secretly, in imitation of our King's coming hither." -</p> - -<p> -In fact, serious news had suddenly reached -Olivares from Central Europe. The battle of -Breitenfeld, in which the Emperor's best General, -Tilly, had been routed by Gustavus Adolphus, had -made the latter master of Germany, and if he -chose to march on, Vienna itself was at his mercy. -Dismay reigned amongst the imperialists at this -crushing blow, and as soon as Olivares received -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P248"></a>248}</span> -the news at the end of September he sent for -Hopton, late at night. The Englishman found him -in great agitation. "There is no time for words," -he said, "but for God's sake send to England post -haste, telling them to send to Vienna at once -every offer that may facilitate an arrangement -with the Emperor. I speak out of my goodwill -to England, and I am sending to Vienna with the -same object." The real end of Olivares' move is -evident. In the critical position of the imperialists, -with most of the Emperor's feudatories falling -away and John Frederick of Saxony in arms against -him, joined to Sweden and France, this was the -opportunity, if ever, for England to strike an effectual -blow for the Palatinate. It is true that the Marquis -of Hamilton and some Scottish mercenaries were -already with Gustavus Adolphus, but this was not -national war; and if England could be diverted -into diplomatic negotiations during this time of -the imperialists' adversity, all might be well, but -if she joined the allies the house of Austria was -ruined; and for the next few weeks, whilst the -danger lasted, nothing could exceed the amiability -of Olivares to the English.[<a id="chap06fn34text"></a><a href="#chap06fn34">34</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P249"></a>249}</span> -</p> - -<p> -Blow after blow continued to fall upon the -imperial cause. Gustavus at Mayence was practically -the master of Europe, the Spanish fleet had been -defeated off Flanders. Tilly was utterly crushed -and killed at Ingolstadt, and a revolt had broken -out in Spanish Sicily against the new taxes of -Olivares. Worst of all, when the minister decreed -that the salt tax should be levied in the -autonomous Basque provinces, the assembly there flatly -refused to pay it. Olivares blustered that he would -send 30,000 soldiers to make them. "We will -await their coming," replied the assembly, "with -3000 and beat them."[<a id="chap06fn35text"></a><a href="#chap06fn35">35</a>] And so gradually the -policy of Olivares, which kept Spain at war with -Europe for a barren idea, was leading the outer -realms of the Peninsula itself towards rebellion, a -thing unheard of for generations, because of their -fear that they too were marked out by the minister -to undergo the same fate as unhappy Castile. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Olivares and England -</span> -</p> - -<p> -In the midst of all his difficulties at home and -abroad, the consummate skill with which Olivares -played upon the English statesmen is almost -amusing at this distance of time. Hopton's spirits -rose and fell from week to week, as those of -Anstruther did in Vienna. Olivares and the Emperor -understood each other perfectly, and had no -difficulty between them in keeping England quiet -with the old bait of the restoration of the Palatinate. -A specimen from Hopton's letters will illustrate -the clever way in which Olivares beguiled -his interlocutor. -</p> - -<p> -</p> - -<p> -"In the time my memorial was in debate -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P250"></a>250}</span> -I sometimes took occasion to see the Conde -(<i>i.e.</i> Olivares). On one it happened that the <i>Ave -Maria</i> bell rang, and when he had ended -his prayer he examined me in all the material -points of our religion, wherein, I perceive, he is not -ignorant. In the sacrament of baptism I said all -the essential parts are the same in both Churches. -But, he said, here they say, 'O! he was christened -by a minister; but I (Olivares) tell them that I see -no cause why a man may not as well be saved being -christened by a minister as by a priest.' This was -in the palace, on the occasion of the christening -of our Princess, of whom they have begun to talk -of as theirs.[<a id="chap06fn36text"></a><a href="#chap06fn36">36</a>] When the Duke of Lennox went to -kiss the Prince's hand, the Countess of Olivares, -who was present, bade the Prince ask for his cousin's -hand, and said, 'You have a mistress there; -and then, turning to us, she said, 'We are beginning -to <i>galantear</i> (<i>i.e.</i> to court) already.' He (Olivares) -examined me upon the Lord's supper, and was -much pleased to know the chiefest difference is -in the manner of the presence. He asked me -concerning divorces, and approved of the practice -of confession, though, he said, that it was too -lightly practised amongst them. Did we, he asked, -receive the blessed Virgin? I said he who did so -was not considered a good Christian. He said, -'The top of the difference is the Pope's supremacy, -and the chiefest scruple was in temporalities, -because you would not have him meddle in matters -of Kings.' I said yes; whereupon he shook his -head and said no more. I know his meaning, as -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P251"></a>251}</span> -things stand between him and the Pope. He said -that if that point could be agreed I think it would -not be hard to reconcile Protestants to the Church."[<a id="chap06fn37text"></a><a href="#chap06fn37">37</a>] -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -All this talk about marriage and reconciliation -in religion had done duty only ten years before; -but apparently the English diplomatists were as -ready as ever to follow the Will o' the Wisp until the -time of danger for Spain had passed and they could -safely be shelved. The young Duke of Lennox -was flattered and treated with almost royal honours, -and Hopton himself was quite confused by the -sustained amiability of Olivares. But at length -even he began to doubt; and presented a strongly -worded memorial to Philip, calling upon him to -have the Palatinate restored. After inordinate -delay the reply to this was simply another promise -to instruct the Spanish ambassador with the -Emperor to urge the matter again upon him. In -very truth this eternal shuttlecock between Vienna -and Madrid was growing stale again; and the -English Government did now, when it was too -late, what it should have done at first, namely, -talk of preparations for war. But it was only talk; -and though it frightened Olivares for a week or -two, Hopton deplored that the preparations were -not being made a good earnest to fight; "for this -is the only way to bring Spain to reason, and they -themselves are making preparations for a big war." -</p> - -<p> -In fact it was quite evident now to everyone -that unless Spain promptly withdrew her pretensions -a great war to the death would have to be -fought with France. Her troops in the Emperor's -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P252"></a>252}</span> -armies had never ceased in Central Europe to -meet in combat those of Louis XIII., but the -impending resumption of rule by Spain over Catholic -Flanders was an event that again threatened -the integrity of France itself; for with Spanish -frontiers, north, south, and east of her, the old -position that had led to the great wars between -Charles V. and Francis I. in the previous century -would be repeated; and the new France which had -arisen under Henry IV., and had been strengthened -by Richelieu, would never suffer without a struggle -a return to the old state of affairs. Money, -constant, never-ending money, was the first desideratum -of King Philip, if such a war as that foreshadowed, -in addition to the struggle in Germany, -was to be undertaken. The outer realms, and -especially Portugal, were in a condition of sulky -apprehension; but Philip was forced to meet the -legislatures before he could get money from them. -It was a necessity that he and Olivares dreaded -and hated, but it had to be faced. All the Cortes -therefore were summoned. "All to get money for -their great engagements: how great they are they -know not themselves," wrote Hopton. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -The need for money -</span> -</p> - -<p> -But money had to be got somehow, even before -the Cortes could meet or King go to his eastern -realms. All the taxes had been anticipated, the -loan-mongers had run dry, and the silver from -the indies had not arrived. Writing in February -1632, Hopton says; "They have levied heavy -contributions on the tradesmen of Madrid,[<a id="chap06fn38text"></a><a href="#chap06fn38">38</a>] but they -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P253"></a>253}</span> -press them not hard yet, trying mild means first, -and then passing to violent. However, they spare -not those who are known to be moneyed men; -for they have sent to the Duke of Bejar for 100,000 -ducats, and to the Duke of Medina Sidonia, and -others in proportion. It will be a very great sum -in all, but will be needed for the war next -summer." Cardinal Borgia contributed 50,000 crowns, and -nobles, merchants, and churchmen were squeezed -as they had never been squeezed before, even in -the time of Lerma.[<a id="chap06fn39text"></a><a href="#chap06fn39">39</a>] In the Cortes of Castile -(February 1632) a spirited protest for once was -made, representing the poverty of the country, and -saying that it was unjust to impoverish the land -in order to send vast sums of money to the Emperor -for a war useless to Spain.[<a id="chap06fn40text"></a><a href="#chap06fn40">40</a>] But, as usual, the -deputies, who were bribed heavily, ended in voting -despairingly what was asked; and after taking the -oath of allegiance, as has already been described, -to Prince Baltasar Carlos in the Church of -St. Geronimo, they were promptly dismissed. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -The two Infantes -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The journey of the King to Aragon was an -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P254"></a>254}</span> -anxious matter. Olivares had complicated the -situation by aiding Marie de Medici and Gaston -Duke of Orleans in their armed revolt against the -government of Richelieu, to the openly expressed -fury of the people of Madrid, who hated disloyalty -to a King, even if he were King of France; and -the rumour prevailed that in revenge for the action -of Olivares a French army was preparing to invade -Catalonia and carry the war into Spain itself. The -risk and danger of the King's journey were urged -upon Philip, and discussed at length in his Council; -but Olivares, whilst admitting the risk, concluded -that, "considering the penury of your Majesty's -treasury, ... the suffering to be incurred and the -risk of annoyance from the Cortes would be lesser -evils than the loss of the two millions (of ducats) -we hope to get."[<a id="chap06fn41text"></a><a href="#chap06fn41">41</a>] But though the voyage was -decided upon, of one thing Olivares had quite -made up his mind, namely, that the King's two -brothers should not be left behind to plot at liberty -the downfall of the favourite they hated. Don -Carlos, left to himself and excluded from all affairs -by Olivares, had fallen into a dissipated mode of -life; and both he and his abler brother Fernando -were on terms of intimate friendship with the -Count-Duke's enemy, the Admiral of Castile and -his kinsmen, especially with Don Antonio de Moscoso, -who was the inseparable factotum of Don Fernando. -A most interesting paper, transcribed at -length by Novoa as being written at the time by -Olivares to the King on the subject of the two -Infantes, shows how bitter and unscrupulous the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P255"></a>255}</span> -minister was towards these two young Princes. -The vilest suspicion is expressed as to their loyalty, -and the most cynical distrust of all their actions -and words. It had been decided to send Fernando -to Flanders, but for various reasons he had not -yet been allowed to start; and when the voyage of -the King to Barcelona was decided upon, Olivares -made his cowardly secret attack upon him and his -brother Carlos in the document in question.[<a id="chap06fn42text"></a><a href="#chap06fn42">42</a>] The -nobles who are friendly to the Infantes are all -represented as traitors and scoundrels; and the Princes -themselves are credited not only with unworthy -behaviour, but also with evil plots and designs. -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"In any case," says Olivares, "they must -both be separated from all their friends, and this -voyage to Barcelona will offer a good opportunity -for doing it without attracting public notice. -Fernando," he continues, "is already kicking -over the traces, and assuming airs on the strength -of his going to Flanders; and the money he has -command of is making him dangerous. He and -Carlos are close friends, and their secret communications -indicate an evil bent. Under the pretext of -these Cortes in Barcelona your Majesty might get -Fernando and his servants out of Madrid, saying -that you wanted him to look after ecclesiastical -affairs there, and the noble and university members -of the Cortes, leaving him there when you return -to deal with and close the assembly. Moscoso, -who has a wife in Madrid and does not like travelling, -would stay here, ... and if he was bold enough -to disobey orders and try to join the Infante, we -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P256"></a>256}</span> -would soon find means to upset his projects. As -for Don Carlos, when the Admiral is away from him, -and the Prince absent, his household will assume -a very different aspect. Seeing the musters of -enemies on our frontiers and the dangers threatening -us on every hand, it will be a good plan to send -the (Catalan) nobles to their own estates, to see -what troops they can raise, giving out that Fernando -is to be their leader, surrounding him with -greyheads to keep him more enclosed, and even -imprisoned, for it is a grave crime for him to show -annoyance as he does at your Majesty's orders.... -So, Sire, if we get the Admiral away from -here there will be a way to prevent him from -returning, and the Infante Fernando may remain -in Barcelona better occupied than he is now, whilst -Carlos, quieter and in better frame of mind, may -stay by your Majesty's side." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Philip and the Catalans -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Philip as usual accepted his mentor's -recommendation. The two Infantes, fully informed by -Olivares' enemies of the reason for taking them -away from Madrid, had to accompany their brother -to the east, the Queen remaining behind as Regent. -Philip and his brothers, with a large following of -the minister's kin and friends, left Madrid on -12th April 1632, the two young Princes being almost -without attendants. Fernando's reduced household -were sent ahead to Barcelona, and the Infante -cried out aloud that this meant that he was not -to return to Madrid, and that the whole journey -to Catalonia had been got up solely to get him -away from Court for good. The Princes, indeed, -were almost in open revolt against Olivares; and -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P257"></a>257}</span> -it was noticed that they travelled with loaded -pistols at their saddle-bows, a thing never seen -before. After a stay of a week in Valencia, where -Cortes were convoked and swore allegiance to the -little Prince Baltasar Carlos, the whole Court -moved on to Barcelona, where the great struggle -for money was expected, for the stout Catalans -were determined now that they would make a -stand against the encroachments of Olivares on -their liberties. The Viceroy, the Duke of Cardona, -met the King at Murviedro, and warned him that -the Catalans were in a dangerous mood. They -objected to vote any more money, objected to a -royal Prince for a Viceroy,—it was the duty of the -King himself, they said, to come to them, and remain -whilst the Cortes were in session, and they would -not be contented unless the King stayed at least -four months with them. All along the road the -King and his favourite found the people scowling, -and at Tortosa they broke out in subversive cries -because he only stayed a few hours in the town. -</p> - -<p> -At Barcelona the King found the Cortes of -Catalonia more recalcitrant than ever, opposing -endless difficulties to everything proposed, and -advancing all sorts of old claims with regard to -ceremonial and ancient privilege, each one of -which had to be discussed interminably.[<a id="chap06fn43text"></a><a href="#chap06fn43">43</a>] At last -the ordinary supply was voted without increase, -and the Infante Fernando was accepted by the -Catalans as Governor with a sufficiently ill grace. -Fernando himself was furious, and protested to -his brother and Olivares hotly that he was being -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P258"></a>258}</span> -isolated in the interests of the latter, without the -chance of distinction and elevation that he would -have gained in Flanders. But he was at last -reconciled by mingled flattery, cajolery, and appeals -to duty, and remained as Governor to continue -the Cortes, closely surrounded by mentors in -the interests of Olivares.[<a id="chap06fn44text"></a><a href="#chap06fn44">44</a>] Lerida had refused to -send members to the Barcelona Cortes at all, and -as Philip approached the city on his way home -it was given out that he intended to punish it for -its disobedience. Terrified, the city fathers came -to meet the King and pray for pardon, which, only -with difficulty and a complete submission, was -partially accorded to them. When the Court -arrived at Almadrones, two or three days' journey -from Madrid, they were met by Antonio Moscoso, -with an ostentatious train of followers and servants, -on his way to join the Infante Fernando at -Barcelona. This could never be allowed, and the King's -confessor ordered Moscoso to return to Madrid at -once. He appealed and wept in vain at the humiliation -of such a return; but was told that the King's -orders must be obeyed without reply. When he -went to kiss Philip's hand, the King, immovable -as a statue, drily asked, "When are you -leaving?" "I must speak to the Count-Duke first, your -Majesty," replied Moscoso. "You will be too late," -said Philip, "for he was going to rest at once, and -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P259"></a>259}</span> -would not awake till ten at night, in order to set -out on the road from twelve to one."[<a id="chap06fn45text"></a><a href="#chap06fn45">45</a>] So Moscoso -was fain to turn back with a heavy heart, explaining -by the way to Olivares that the Infante had sent -for him, and he meant no harm. But though -Olivares tried to lay the whole of the responsibility -upon the King, this insult rankled deeply in the -breast of the Infante Fernando, and was one more -mark for vengeance scored up by the enemies of -the minister. An indignant and formal complaint -was made to the King by his brother, and in order -to ensure its attention it was handed to Philip by -his wife, much to the dismay of Olivares, who knew -now that Isabel of Bourbon was the head of his -foes, and that he could not dispose of her as he had -done of the Infante. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Death of Don Carlos -</span> -</p> - -<p> -As soon as Philip returned to Madrid, at the -end of June 1632, the occasion was celebrated by -another great <i>auto-de-fé</i> in the Plaza Mayor, where -the King and Queen with the Infante Carlos sat -in their balcony from eight in the morning (3rd -July 1632) till late in the afternoon, witnessing the -indictment, the preaching of prosy sermons, and the -reading of legal documents, reciting the errors and -heresies of the poor wretches who stood upon the -high scaffold in the midst of the square, dressed in -sambenitos. The ghastly rejoicing, such as it was, -soon turned to mourning. The Infante Carlos had -fallen ill on the way home from Barcelona, but had -partially recovered on his arrival at Madrid. The -summer was the most oppressive that had been -experienced for years, and the young Infante—he -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P260"></a>260}</span> -was only twenty-five—fell ill of fever in Madrid, -and died in a few days;[<a id="chap06fn46text"></a><a href="#chap06fn46">46</a>] and Olivares had one -less difficulty to contend with, though the amiable, -unambitious young man was of himself inoffensive. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -France and Spain -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Nor was it long before the other Infante was -removed from the path of Olivares. The old -Infanta Isabel ended at last her strenuous life in -1633, and Fernando was sent by way of Italy to -the States of Flanders to govern the fatal dominion -for Spain once more, to Spain's ultimate undoing. -Fernando was able and ambitious. From Milan -he was to lead a large Spanish force to Flanders. -But affairs had gone ill with the imperial cause. -Gustavus Adolphus, it is true, had fallen; but in -the fight at which he fell he had beaten Wallenstein, -with the loss of 12,000 men on the imperialist side. -On the appeal of the Emperor, Fernando turned -aside, and a critical moment when the imperialists -were delivering the attack he arrived before the -Protestant city of Nördlingen (September 1634). -His presence turned the scale, for a relieving force -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P261"></a>261}</span> -of Swedes was just approaching, and the ensuing -battle, one of the most decisive in the Thirty Years' -War, was a crushing defeat to the Swedes and the -Protestants. The Cardinal Infante passed on his -way triumphant to his new governship, crowned by -the laurels of victory and the plaudits of his -countrymen. But his active intervention in the war with -Spanish Government troops changed the aspect of -the war. The Swedes were no longer the leaders -of a federation of Protestants against a federation -of Catholics. It was clear to Richelieu that unless -with the whole force of France he threw himself -into the fray against the house of Austria, not -only Protestantism in Germany would suffer—for -that indeed he cared nothing, but the vital interests -of France. And so it happened that when the -Cardinal Infante was entering Brussels in pompous -triumph, Richelieu had already heavily subsidised -the Dutch for an active renewal of their war against -him; and within a few months, early in 1635, Spain -herself was in the grip of a great national struggle -with France, a struggle which extended as time went -on from her Flanders dominions to her Italian -possession, and from the Franche Comté to the sacred soil -of Spain itself. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn1"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn1text">1</a>] See letters from Madrid to Eugene Field -in the Monastery of Timoleague, etc., -in Record Office, S.P. Spain 34, 1627. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn2"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn2text">2</a>] Scaglia to Carlisle. Record Office, -S.P. Spain 34, MS., 19th January, 1628. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn3"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn3text">3</a>] Rubens to Carlisle. Record Office, -S.P. Spain 34, MS., January 1628, etc. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn4"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn4text">4</a>] A good specimen of his style is seen -in his reply to a letter from -Scaglia early in April 1629 -(Record Office, S.P. Spain 34, MS.), asking -for an audience at the desire -of Lord Carlisle, in order to tell Olivares -how much Carlisle esteems him. -"I will give this audience to your -lordship very willingly to-night -(writes Olivares), and it will give me -most particular pleasure to talk -about the Earl of Carlisle, of whom I -am the most affectionate servitor, -and have been so all through the worst -tribulations; although when he was here -I always considered him a friend -of France.... The differences that -have taken place between us are -all owing to French intrigue." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn5"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn5text">5</a>] Record Office, S.P. Spain 34, MS., December 1629. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn6"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn6text">6</a>] Record Office, S.P. Spain 34, 10th January 1630. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn7"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn7text">7</a>] Cottington to Dorchester, -29th January 1630, Record Office, S.P. Spain 34, MS. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn8"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn8text">8</a>] Cottington to Dorchester, 29th January 1630. -Record Office, S.P. Spain MS. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn9"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn9text">9</a>] Cottington to Dorchester, MS. -Record Office, S.P. Spain 34, many letters in 1630. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn10"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn10text">10</a>] Cottington to Dorchester, July 1630, -Record Office, S.P. Spain MS. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn11"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn11text">11</a>] W. Gardiner, writing to Lord Dorchester -when Cottington landed -at Lisbon in 1629, says: -"This city has now lost all its ancient splendour -since I was here seventeen years ago. -It is now completely ruined. All -the merchants are bankrupt, and all -their commodities are gone except -their diamonds, Brazil tobacco, -and coarse sugar, all of which are dearer -here than in Holland. There is great -discontent with Castilian rule, -and especially some new laws whose object -is to bring them more absolutely -under the King." Record Office, S.P. Spain 34, MS. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn12"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn12text">12</a>] In a letter sent by Abbé Scaglia -to Lord Carlisle in 1628 a long document -is enclosed, drawn up by the Marquis -of Leganes, who was Olivares' -principal instrument and a kinsman, -advocating the absorption of -Portugal by Spain. The evil and danger -of the existing want of unity -are pointed out, and the need to arouse -a united national spirit is enforced. -This document, supplementing those of -Olivares himself quoted on an -earlier page, show that the propaganda -in favour of national unity was -pushed persistently, and the outer realms -were naturally alarmed and -disturbed at the threat implied to them. -Record Office, S.P. Spain 34, MS. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn13"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn13text">13</a>] The house and garden of Monterey -occupied the centre portion of -the space facing the Salon del Prado -between the Calle de Alcalá and the -Carrera de San Geronimo. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn14"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn14text">14</a>] Occupying thus the whole of the space -from the Calle de Alcalá to -the Carrera de San Geronimo. -That on the north is now covered by the -new Bank of Spain, and that on the south -is still the palace of the Duke -of Villahermosa, the descendant -of the Duke of Maqueda, to whom it -then belonged. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn15"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn15text">15</a>] These very fine pieces of red biscuit -clay unglazed and highly scented -were much prized; and it was a vicious fashion, -of ladies particularly, -to masticate or eat this ware. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn16"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn16text">16</a>] This beautiful and gifted actress, -the idol of the susceptible Madrileños, -was also for a wonder at that period -a decent member of society. She -was a member of the charitable fraternity -of Nuestra Señora de la Novena, -and was very devout. She died in 1656, -and was buried at Barcelona in -the Augustan Monastery of St. Monica, -where there was a special actors' -chapel. Fifty years afterwards, her body, -and even the veil in which it -was enveloped, were found incorrupt, -and she was thenceforward considered -almost a saint. Juan de Caramuel -wrote of her: "She was a -beautiful girl, gifted with so vehement -an imagination that, to the surprise -of everyone, when she was acting her -colour changed in accordance with -the emotions she portrayed. -If the event represented were a pleasant -one, her face was rosy, whilst pallor -cloaked her cheeks when the play -was sad and sorrowful. -In this she was unique and inimitable." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn17"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn17text">17</a>] Less than a fortnight after this costly -feast, a terrible fire, which -threatened all Madrid with destruction, -and demolished in the three -days it lasted half of the Plaza Mayor, -took place (7th July 1631). The -loss and terror of the people were great; -but so wedded was the capital -to shows, that almost before the ashes -were extinguished a great royal -bull-fight in the presence of the King -and Court was held in the still -smoking square. During the corrida a house -in the Plaza caught fire -again, and many of the panic-stricken people -in their efforts to escape -were trampled upon and seriously injured. -It is stated that Philip did -not even rise from his seat, -and ordered the bull-fight to proceed. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn18"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn18text">18</a>] MS. account reproduced in Mesonero Romanos' <i>Antigua Madrid</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn19"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn19text">19</a>] <i>The Year after the Armada, and Other Historical Studies</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn20"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn20text">20</a>] Egerton MSS. 329, British Museum. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn21"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn21text">21</a>] This was a well-known noble poet and friend -of Philip's in his dramatic -amusements. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn22"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn22text">22</a>] Philip showed his appreciation -of the services of Don Juan Isasi -Ydiaquez in the most flattering way, by -at once appointing him governor -and tutor of his legitimate son and heir, -the promising little Don Baltasar -Carlos, then five years old. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn23"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn23text">23</a>] The vast park of Madrid represents part -of the grounds which ran -up from the present line of the Prado -to the extreme end of the present -park on the east, and included the whole -space from the Alcala to the -Atocha. Olivares had kept his plan secret -from the King as long as he -could, having gradually acquired the ground -without disclosing his intention. -The Venetian ambassador Corner mentions in 1635 with surprise -that the whole place had sprung up in two years. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn24"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn24text">24</a>] The only portions of the palace -now remaining are the Artillery -Museum, and the fine concert hall, -built by Philip V., and decorated by Luca -Giordiano. The ancient church of the -monastery, of course, still exists. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn25"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn25text">25</a>] At all these festivities it was the fashion -for the company to pelt -each other with egg-shells filled with scent. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn26"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn26text">26</a>] MSS Add. 1026, British Museum. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn27"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn27text">27</a>] Sir Arthur Hopton's Notebook MS., British Museum, Egerton, -1820. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn28"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn28text">28</a>] The meaning of this is that nobles -and clergy were exempt from the -food excise, but all consumers of salt -would have to pay the increased -price. But, in fact, the excise was not remitted after all. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn29"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn29text">29</a>] Hopton's MS. Notebook, British Museum. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn30"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn30text">30</a>] <i>Ibid.</i> -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn31"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn31text">31</a>] Hopton's MS. Notebook, British Museum. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn32"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn32text">32</a>] Hopton's MS. Letter-book. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn33"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn33text">33</a>] There is an extremely curious -medical report on the health and -habits of Carlos in one of Hopton's -letters from Madrid, in July 1632. -MS. Notebook. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn34"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn34text">34</a>] This was indeed the crucial time -in the fate of the Palatinate. In -the contest of ambitions in Germany -only a bold course, both towards -Spain and the Empire on the part of England, -would have been effectual. -But poor Frederick at the Court of Gustavus -promptly came to understand -that whilst his English brother-in-law -held aloof from the war he -could expect little consideration. -At this very period Charles I. was -principally interested in adding -to his picture gallery. Cottington, -writing to Hopton, 10th November (O.S.) 1631, -says: "You must tell the -Count of Benavente from the King that -the copie of the Venus of the -Prado is now ready for him, -with a picture of his Majesty, if he will give -him his St. Philip for them. -You must remember to send the King the -painted grapes which the poore fellow -hath drawn for him." Hopton's -MS. Notebook. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn35"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn35text">35</a>] Hopton's MS. Notebook. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn36"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn36text">36</a>] Mary Stuart, afterwards Princess of Orange, -whom it was proposed -to betroth to the Prince Baltasar Carlos. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn37"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn37text">37</a>] Hopton's MS. Notebook, January 1632. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn38"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn38text">38</a>] There is in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, -a draft of the royal -order, petitioning those who could afford -it to come to the assistance of -the King with money at this juncture (January 1632). -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn39"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn39text">39</a>] Hopton, writing at this time, says: -"The King told the Cortes that -if the war goes on he will have to call -upon them again. Though how the -country will beare it I know not, -for in all the kingdom of Castile their -poverty is not to be dissembled. -I am informed for a certainty that -the procuradores of Andalucia have told -the King plainly that if the -peace with England be kept they will be -able to serve him, but if not -they cannot do it." MS. Notebook. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn40"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn40text">40</a>] Hopton, writing during the session -of this Cortes, 4th March 1632, -gives an account of the anger of Olivares -and the King at the cities that -had not given their representatives full powers -to vote supplies, whilst -the cities themselves were very angry -at the demand for 6,000,000 ducats -(<i>i.e.</i> in three years), and a renewal -of the excise in addition to the salt tax. -"A decree is lately issued for a donation -through all the realm, which is -put into practice by sending gentlemen -of qualitie to every man's doore -and taking their almes down as lowe -as foure reales." Hopton's MS. Notebook. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn41"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn41text">41</a>] Decision of the Council of State, -23rd March 1632. Danvila, <i>El -Poder Civil en España</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn42"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn42text">42</a>] <i>Memorias de Matias de Novoa</i>. vol. i. p. 133. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn43"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn43text">43</a>] They are all set forth -in the documents reproduced in Danvila's -<i>Poder Civil en España</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn44"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn44text">44</a>] There were endless squabbles -between the Infante Fernando and -the Catalan deputies on all manner of subjects. -He objected to the -deputies being covered before him; -they insisted upon it as their right. -He forbade them to repair and strengthen -the city walls; they at once -employed three times as many men on it as before. -But, said Hopton, -writing on the subject: -"He is doubtless a most sweete young Prince. -All are ready to forgive him and lay -all the blame on Count Oñate, who -is with him." MS. Notebook. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn45"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn45text">45</a>] The heat was very great, -and the King consequently travelled by -night. Novoa. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn46"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn46text">46</a>] On the 29th July, Hopton wrote: -"Don Carlos was sick for seventeen -days with ordinary ague at first, -but at the end of eight days it turned to -tabardillo (spotted typhus) with convulsions. -My man has come in from -the palace whilst I am sealing up this, -and says he is not yet dead, but -cannot live two hours. -All things for his funeral are prepared, and -blacks taken up, and servants that are -to wait on his body to ye Escorial -are commanded to be in readiness -so that your honour (Coke) may take -it that this gallant young Prince -is a dead man." Hopton's MS. Notebook. -In another letter he wrote of the distress -of the people at the Infante's -death: "The mourning could not be more hearty -for the King, and they -have good reason, for he was a Prince -that never offended any man -willingly, but did good offices for all; -being bred upp amonge them to as -much perfection as they could -expect." Writing an unofficial letter to -Cottington on the same day, Hopton gives some -extremely curious private -details of the causes of the Prince's illness, -which cannot be here -translated. But he continues: -"The poore Conde de Olivares is the scape, -goat that must bear all men's faults; -but he is very much afflicted, for -he was very sure of this Prince's love, -whatsoever the world sayeth." -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p><a id="chap07"></a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P262"></a>262}</span></p> - -<h3> -CHAPTER VII -</h3> - -<p class="intro"> -INTRIGUES TO SECURE ENGLISH NEUTRALITY—HOPTON -AND OLIVARES—SOCIAL LAXITY IN MADRID—CHARLES -I. APPROACHES SPAIN—THE BUEN -RETIRO AND THE ARTS—WAR IN CATALONIA—DISTRESS -IN THE CAPITAL AND FRIVOLITY IN -THE COURT—PREVENTING LAWLESSNESS—THE -RECEPTION OF THE PRINCESS OF CARIGNANO—SIR -WALTER ASTON IN MADRID—THE ENGLISH -INTRIGUE ABANDONED -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -As Spain drifted nearer and nearer to the inevitable -war with France, Olivares became more friendly -with the English. He hinted that Spain was -getting tired of the burden of the Emperor's wars, -and might soon be pleased to give up the Palatinate. -At another time he told Hopton that the Palatine -business might be settled in a few hours; and -through all the reverses that were daily befalling -the imperial and Spanish cause the Count-Duke -kept a good face. "I never saw him merrier, -nor with greater appearance of confidence. God -grant he may have reason," reported Hopton in -the summer of 1633. Rojas, too, who was -the mouthpiece of Olivares, harped constantly -on the same string. "They were most desirous -of close friendship with England; but had such -crosses with Germany." At the same time the -talk of war with France grew throughout the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P263"></a>263}</span> -country; though Hopton could not understand -how it was possible for them to raise armies or -money, for all their talk, "having neither men -sufficient to man their ships nor to till their ground." -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Decay of commerce -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The penury of the country, indeed, was greater -than ever. The American trade, a close monopoly -nominally, had previously been the ultimate -resource of Spanish kings in need; but that was -failing now. In June 1632 the silver fleet came -into Seville, and instead of the treasure being -delivered to its legitimate owners, most of it was -seized by the Government. The merchants utterly -lost heart, and when the time came for the return -fleet to leave Seville in the autumn, Hopton wrote: -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"The Indian fleet is ready to sail, but there is no -merchandise nor merchant ships, and it will cost -the King more than it will bring. The reason for -this is that for many years past the trade of the -Indies has decayed, being wholly given up by -Spaniards, and kept alive by strangers. The -Spanish merchants think it not worth while to -continue a fleet, as the King keeps in the <i>Contratacion</i> -(India House) all the silver and gold, and hath -assumed to himself first the customs, then the 47 -per cent. average, and will not declare his purpose -as to the rest. This has caused such disability and -unwillingness to send goods, and hath brought trade -so low, that whereas licences for strangers to trade -there were hardly gotten for 4000 ducats, they are -now offering them for 4000 reales; and I thinke they -will shortly be forced to <i>hyre</i> adventurers. As for -the trade in Portugal, that country cannot do a sixth -part of it, and so they are obliged to grant licences -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P264"></a>264}</span> -to contract with strangers to trade in Brazil, -offering such conditions as they may trade safely." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -I have transcribed these lines at length, -because they show in vivid terms how the suicidal -system of finance was ruining every class of the -community. The workers, agricultural and urban, -especially the former, had been the first to go -under, then the smaller tradesmen, crushed by -the alcabala tax on all sales, and the tampering -with the currency; and the turn now had come -of the great merchants and bankers; whilst even -the nobles and churchmen had been bled freely -by the last "voluntary donation."[<a id="chap07fn1text"></a><a href="#chap07fn1">1</a>] In these -circumstances it is not surprising that the -dissatisfaction became almost clamorous in its -intensity. Such pasquins passed from hand to hand -on Liars' Walk that people said that the ghost of -Villa Mediana must surely be walking his old haunts -again, so bitter were they. Olivares, it was -whispered, had poisoned the Infante Carlos, and had -tried to send Fernando by the same road. The -French were ready with great armies to devastate -Spain, only because Olivares was coquetting with -the rebel Orleans. Even the Pope, said the gossips, -was being insulted and flouted by this minister, who -was but an ill-born Jew in disguise.[<a id="chap07fn2text"></a><a href="#chap07fn2">2</a>] "If you heard," -wrote Hopton to Cottington, in August 1632, "the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P265"></a>265}</span> -libels and foolish inventions of the people against the -Conde, you would never desire to be a favourite."[<a id="chap07fn3text"></a><a href="#chap07fn3">3</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Olivares' difficulties -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Thus affairs in the capital went from bad to -worse. Fanaticism spent itself upon the -loan-mongers, mostly Genoese and Jews with Portuguese -names, who served Olivares in extremity, and -many of them, and the richest, fell into the hands -of the Inquisition. There were frequent hints, -uttered beneath bated breath, that if all men had -their due Olivares himself would be burnt in a -<i>sambenito</i> outside the gate of Fuencarral, for he -had risen by the devilish arts of sorcery, and kept -the King in his power by witchcraft.[<a id="chap07fn4text"></a><a href="#chap07fn4">4</a>] Enormous -difficulty was experienced in levying troops for -the war, for the country was half depopulated, -and many able-bodied men fled: the old spirit -of confidence in a sacred mission was gone, and -they had now no stomach for a fight provoked by -the King's favourite. The Catalans looked on in -sulky suspicion, believing that Olivares needed -the soldiers to rob them of their liberties; whilst -in Madrid itself, though there were only eight -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P266"></a>266}</span> -companies of troops, "and more idle men to be -spared than in half Spain."[<a id="chap07fn5text"></a><a href="#chap07fn5">5</a>] The shirkers flocked -by thousands into ecclesiastical and noble service, -or in that of the Inquisition, with little or no pay, -in order to escape enlistment.[<a id="chap07fn6text"></a><a href="#chap07fn6">6</a>] News came daily, -too, of reverses in Flanders, and serious riots in -Biscay against the salt tax; and in the meanwhile -the French armies were mustering upon the -Pyrenean frontier to menace Spanish territory -when the dread hour should strike. No spot of -brightness indeed appeared anywhere. -</p> - -<p> -Olivares had opened secret negotiations direct -with Charles I. for an offensive and defiance alliance -against France, in union with the party of Marie de -Medici and the Duke of Orleans; and again the -English were sure for a time that now the Palatinate -would be restored,—too late, however, in any case, for -poor Frederick, who had just died. But soon another -cause for dispute changed Olivares' tone towards -England. Behind the amiable talk about the -Palatinate large bodies of men for the Spanish -service had been raised in Ireland. This, it was -seen, would not do. Charles I. was willing to oblige -Spain in return for concessions in the matter of -the Palatinate; and Scottish, or even English, -mercenaries, he said, might be obtained. But -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P267"></a>267}</span> -Catholic Irishmen, "utter rebels"! Olivares was -told plainly that he could not have; "for if ever -Spain meant to do us harm it would be by means -of the Irish." So the new Irish troops were stopped -by England before they were embarked, and -Olivares, in a violent rage, said he had been -betrayed and ruined, and would never trust an Englishman -again. England, indeed, at last was learning -what manner of man Olivares was. Suave and -diplomatic when it served his turn, but, whilst -gaining everything, giving nothing but vague -promises in exchange. English shipmasters were -still being disgracefully despoiled; not a step had -really been taken for the restoration of the -Palatinate; and Charles was more than justified in -insisting upon practical proofs of Spanish friendship -before he stretched a point to help Olivares. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -A dissolute court -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Through all this gathering trouble, with deep -discontent at home and menace on all sides, the -trivial life in Madrid went on in the usual way. -"The King hath been very sensible of the losse -of Rheinsberg," wrote Hopton in June 1633; -"and the Conde hath endeavoured to divert him -with playes and maskes at a new house (Buen -Retiro) he hath built near the St. Geronimo -monasterie: a thing of noe great expense for such a -King, yet murmured at by the people, who will -allow to governors in times of misfortune nothing -but care."[<a id="chap07fn7text"></a><a href="#chap07fn7">7</a>] As time went on, Philip had grown -more idle and dissolute than ever; and the tone -of the Court had followed the fashion of the King. -The newsletters of the period from Madrid are -simply a collection of atrocious scandals touching -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P268"></a>268}</span> -the honour of the highest people in the Court. -The blame for this also was laid, though not very -justly, upon Olivares, who, having lost his only -daughter, the Marchioness de Heliche, to his -enduring grief, had now cast the whole of his affection -upon his bastard son Julian, whom he subsequently -legitimated, and rechristened Enrique Felipe de -Guzman, to the fury of the nobles who were opposed to -him. But this fact, although it contributed ostensibly -to his fall, as the Queen was persuaded that he -had induced Philip to legitimate his own favourite -bastard Don Juan in order that he, Olivares, might -have a good precedent to do likewise with his, was -really but a venial fault in a Court so corrupt as this. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -A budget of scandal -</span> -</p> - -<p> -In his private letters to Cottington, Hopton -occasionally allowed himself to tell some of the -current scandal concerning courtiers, who were, of -course, well known to Cottington. He appears in -one of his letters to have hinted at a terrible -misfortune as having happened to some highly -placed ladies in Madrid, but without giving details. -Charles I. saw the letter, and was much offended -apparently that the scandal should be mentioned -vaguely. Hopton (26th October 1633) wrote an -abject letter of apology to King Charles, beseeching -pardon, and saying that he had only mentioned -scandal and avoided particulars in order to -save the lady's honour; but in obedience to his -Majesty's orders he would now tell the whole story. -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"The tragedy began in Cardinal Zapata's house, -where there is a niece of his, daughter of his -sister the Countess de Valenzuela, a very fine -lady, and exceedingly well beloved by her uncle, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P269"></a>269}</span> -who married her about two years ago to the eldest -son of the Count de Sevilla, with whom she lived -about a year, and, being left a widow, returned -to the protection of the Cardinal, her uncle. In -the house there lived a favourite servant of the -Cardinal, one Joseph Cabra, who had entered the -service at Zaragoza as a page, but now occupied -the post of highest trust in the household. The -Count of Sevilla's son was jealous of this man -before he died; but since his death the Count -his father has proceeded criminally against the -young Countess and Cabra, for living in adultery -together and murdering the husband. It is now -certain that since she became a widow she lived -with Cabra and had a child by him, which made -them resolve on a secret marriage. This was -concealed for some months, and divulged at last -through a slip of Cabra's, who failed to pay -sufficiently handsomely the officers of the church -where they were married. The whole business -then came out. Cabra fled to his own country, -where he thought he would be safe; and there he -published something vindicating his quality. There -was no reason, he argued, why his marriage with -the Countess should be considered strange. Others -of greater inequality had been married before; -for instance, the Duchess of Peñaranda and her -steward Avellaneda. He knew this, he said, by -his having had access to the secret books of Toledo -Cathedral. The Duchess of Peñaranda was a -younger daughter of the Cardinal Duke of Lerma; -and she was known in her youth to have been -free, but all passed under her high spirits. The -Duke of Lerma had a page called Avellaneda, who, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P270"></a>270}</span> -being a favourite, was appointed to wait upon his -daughter in those liberties she assumed, and to be -the instrument of justification to her and him. -The Duke of Lerma having died, the page was -appointed steward, and although he was already -married, she (the Duchess) had a child by him, -who is now five years old. Eighteen months ago, -Avellaneda's wife died, and the Duchess married him. -When the bans were published, her son, the present -Duke of Peñaranda, happened to be present; but -the names being common ones he did not suspect, -though he mentioned the matter to his mother as -a curious coincidence. This marriage being -discovered by the disclosures in Cabra's pamphlet, -threw all the town in a turmoil. The Duke of -Peñaranda assembled in the house of his sister, -the Marchioness of Villena, his confidential kindred, -to consult them as to what had to be done. There -it was decided that he must first kill Avellaneda. -When this news reached the palace, the King sent -for the Duke of Peñaranda, and ordered him to do -nothing as he (the King) would take the matter -into his own hands. He sent to Illescas, where -Avellaneda was, and had him brought in a cart -to the common prison here; the Duchess being -sent to the royal convent of nuns of St. Domingo -el Real,[<a id="chap07fn8text"></a><a href="#chap07fn8">8</a>] where she still remains. Cabra, who had -caused all this trouble, was also imprisoned, and -his wife as well, though she in her justification -said: 'Why punish me, who try to live in the grace -of God?—let them look to those who live like -strumpets'; and amongst those who did so she -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P271"></a>271}</span> -mentioned the Dowager Duchess of Pastrana. -The affair has caused dreadful scandal, but has -been hushed up. The good old Cardinal (Zapata) -has taken so much to heart the misfortune of his -niece, who, after having been committed to the -custody of an Alcalde de Corte, has been sent to a -nunnery, that ill-meaning people say that she is -really his daughter. He is so troubled about it -that he has moved to six different houses in six -months, and much mistrust exists. Another thing -has arisen out of the affair. The great distaste -to the house of Peñaranda has caused the Duke to -retire from Court. The King was quite willing -for him to go, but did not like his wife to go with -him. She is the daughter and heir to the Marquis -of Valdonquilla, the uncle of the Admiral (of -Castile), who, without taking any notice of the -King's displeasure, forced her to follow her -husband. But they say the commerce is established." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -This budget of scandal sent to the King of -England shows how utterly rotten was the moral -condition of the Court, when it sufficed for one -disgraceful episode to be made public for a whole -string of others to follow touching the honour of -those who stood highest. This scandalous -immorality, arising apparently from the absolute -degeneration of religion into a formula, and of its -ceasing to be a guide of conduct, extended to all -classes of society, and terrified stories were told -of horrible irreligious rites being carried on in the -conventual houses themselves by a secret society -called the "illumined ones" (<i>alumbrados</i>). The -particulars of one awful scandal of the sort, which -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P272"></a>272}</span> -was investigated by the Inquisition at this time -(1633), caused great excitement in Madrid. It -related to the proceedings of the nuns of St. Placido -of Madrid, who were pronounced by the -Benedictine chaplain, Fray Garcia, to be nearly all -possessed of the devil; and on the pretext of -exorcising them he was with them almost day and -night. This went on for three years, when the -fact that twenty-eight out of the thirty nuns in -the convent were said to be possessed appeared so -strange and suspicious, that the Inquisition -intervened; and, in the course of a long inquiry and much -torture of the chaplain, uncovered an appalling story -of sacrilege, black magic, and immorality combined, -for which all the persons implicated were severely -punished; though a few years afterwards (1638) an -attempt was made to whitewash the condemned.[<a id="chap07fn9text"></a><a href="#chap07fn9">9</a>] -</p> - -<p> -It is needless to say that in such a society as -this, idle, depraved, and to all effects pagan under -its morbid devotion, the race after pleasure -became ever keener, notwithstanding the disasters -abroad and the misery at home. The Saints' days -were excessively numerous, and the parishes vied -with each other in the attractions of their religious -performances; the <i>autos-de-fe</i> alternated with the -constant bull-fights, cane tourneys, and the other -festivities so often described in earlier pages; the -amorous adventures of the King became more -frequent, or at all events were more talked about, -than before; and the new palace and garden of -the Buen Retiro formed a more suitable background -for such proceedings than the old palace -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P273"></a>273}</span> -had been. Every birth in the King's family, every -reception of ambassadors, every royal anniversary, -was made the excuse for one of these long series of -festivities. Hopton, writing to Coke in October 1633, -says that the King was then boar killing at the -Escorial and Balsain, and that already the capital -was preparing to welcome him back in the following -week with a series of bull-fights and cane tourneys. -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -The Buen Retiro -</span> -</p> - -<p> -"Great preparations are being made to warme -a new house built near by the monastery of -St. Geronimo, and contrived by Olivares.... The -business seems to be a matter of Olivares' or the -King's affection, or both, as about 1000 men are -at work to have the place ready in time. They -are working day and night, as well as Sundays and -holidays. I doubt what will happen when the -place is burdened with such a posse of people as -usually resort to such pastimes, the mortar being -yet greene, the building will run some hazard. -There is much talk in the town about it, generally -against the charge thereof being taken from the -bellys of the people by an imposition on wine, -flesh, etc. They suffer it worse because they say it -is a fancy of the Conde's (Olivares)."[<a id="chap07fn10text"></a><a href="#chap07fn10">10</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P274"></a>274}</span> -</p> - -<p> -In another letter, Hopton mentions that the -house-warming of the Buen Retiro is to last four -days; with bull-fights, running at the ring, wild -beast fights and other similar sports; in which -"I may say without flattery, the King, with his -excellent comportment, exceeded all that came -in with him. The house is very richly furnished, -and almost all by presents; for the Conde hath -made the matter his own, by whose means it hath -wanted not friends."[<a id="chap07fn11text"></a><a href="#chap07fn11">11</a>] And then, as if to furnish -a fit commentary upon all this wasteful frivolity, -the English ambassador proceeds to say that trade -with the Indies was dead, and that, "if things go -on like this they will not be able to re-establish it, -and that Portuguese Indian trade has been almost -quite killed by neglect."[<a id="chap07fn12text"></a><a href="#chap07fn12">12</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Charles I. and Olivares -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Whilst the drums were beating in Madrid and -other great cities to enlist recruits to face the -French in the coming war, and Olivares, almost in -despair, was casting about for fresh ways of getting -large sums of money, he ceaselessly endeavoured -to win England to his side. It was clear that the -old method and the old bait would have to be -changed somewhat, for bland verbal assurances -from the Spaniards in favour of a restoration of -the Palatinate, whilst the Emperor was left -unpledged, could no longer impose upon the least -suspicious of diplomatists. The new move was -an extraordinary one, and displays vividly the -falsity of Charles I. For some time previous to -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P275"></a>275}</span> -the beginning of 1634, Olivares had been delighting -Hopton by his conciliatoriness, and somewhat -mystifying him by arch hints as to the future. -Writing on the 24th January 1634, Hopton says that -Olivares was very much better disposed in English -affairs than he was wont to be. "I have done him -several services, and try to leave him contented." -</p> - -<p> -A few weeks after this, an explanation of the -Count-Duke's amiability came to Hopton in the -form of a private letter from Windebank, the -Secretary of the King of England, enclosing the -copy of an address made by the resident Spanish -agent in London, Nicolalde, to Charles. There had -been a talk for weeks of sending some great -personage from Spain as a special ambassador; but -in the meantime Nicolalde had cast soundings -by suggesting a close alliance between England -and the Emperor, in which the Palatine would -join. Charles had replied cautiously, saying that -he would consider it if the Palatine were confirmed -in the possession of the territories he now held, -and especially the Lower Palatinate. But the -real inwardness of it all was revealed in a private -letter of 13th February from Cottington to -Hopton, saying that Charles was willing to league -himself with the Emperor and Spain on certain -conditions, but that Coke, the Secretary of -State, was to be kept entirely in the dark about it, -the negotiations being carried on with the King -(Charles) direct through Windebank. The object -of the proposed alliance was, "the expulsion of -foreigners from the empire, and the reduction of -the rebels to due obedience," which meant the -crushing of the Dutch Protestants. King Charles, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P276"></a>276}</span> -says Cottington, is quite set upon it. The plan -can only miscarry by incredulity on the part of -Olivares, or any waywardness of Nicolalde; and -Charles, as an earnest of his good faith, offers the -escort of an English fleet to the Infante Fernando, -if it was intended to send him to Flanders by sea.[<a id="chap07fn13text"></a><a href="#chap07fn13">13</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Intrigues with Charles I. -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Behind this there was another mysterious -negotiation going on, relating apparently to a -marriage between Charles's eldest daughter Mary -Stuart to Prince Baltasar Carlos, both of whom -were children of tender years. Many close -conversations on the subject took place between -Hopton, as the personal mouthpiece of King -Charles, and Philip and his minister. The -constant claims and complaints of the English -merchants and shipmasters of Spanish extortion -annoyed Hopton almost as much as Olivares, -because they introduced an element of trouble -in these loving confabulations. But Hopton, -though zealous to serve his King, was clearly ill -at ease, as well he might be, for it was a dangerous -business for Charles to receive a big money subsidy -from SPain, as was proposed, and to turn the arms -of England against the Protestants. Hopton goes -so far, indeed, as to say in his letters to Windebank -that he is not in favour of the subsidy, but that King -Charles should fit out a fleet at his own expense -against the Dutch. This will, he says, be easier, and -will leave Charles more free and able to bring the -Dutch to reason. But, he continues, if the matter is -undertaken at all, it must be seen through to the -end, or Holland will wax too insolent to be borne. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P277"></a>277}</span> -</p> - -<p> -Long discussions with the Council of State and -with Olivares kept Hopton busy in Madrid for -months; the while the great betrayal proposed -was kept from the Secretary of State and all the -responsible ministers in England, a good foretaste -of the policy that led Charles Stuart to ruin and the -block. To the official Secretary of State, Hopton -had much to say about the great preparations being -made in Spain for war, but no word about the -secret plan for England to join in it on the Catholic -side. Great loans and levies are constantly being -raised, he reported in April 1634. -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"This great ship," he wrote, meaning of course -Spain, "contains much water (<i>i.e.</i> money), but many -leaks, and is always dry. It is certain that they have -made loans this year for 13 millions (of ducats), and -are still treating of more, yet at the end of the year -they will neither have money in their purse, nor -army paid, nor nobody contented; which is to be -attributed to the hard terms wherewith they do -their business. For being masters of the mines of -gold and silver, and withal having but few friends, -nobody will serve them but for their interests: -and their own subjects are so well conceited of -themselves, as they think they cannot be paid -enough."[<a id="chap07fn14text"></a><a href="#chap07fn14">14</a>] "In their present levies," he continues, "though -they are sorry men, they give them 3 reales a day, -which is 18 pence English, and yet have all they -can do to keep them from running away. Subjects -are fearfully hardly pressed. The hard usage of -business men in the Indian trade has made -concealment general, which has greatly reduced the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P278"></a>278}</span> -revenue of the crown. Great measures were taken -to discover unregistered treasure in the last fleet, -and they found 600,000 ducats, and will yet find -more. But this again will stop trade." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Approach of war -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Everything possible was done by Olivares to -please the English at this juncture. The prisoners -of the Inquisition at Cadiz were released, Hopton -was made much of, King Charles was the most -popular potentate amongst the idlers of Madrid; -whilst the French ambassador, stoned and insulted -in the streets, was fain to take refuge in a monastery -twelve miles away to avoid scandal. "They want -our friendship now," wrote Hopton, "and we may -make our market." The English ambassador had -his head quite turned by so much attention, and, -to the anger of King Charles, was drawn by the -superior diplomacy of Olivares into going beyond -his instructions in his promises to the Spaniards. -The King of England had been bitten too often -by Spanish plausibility not to be distrustful; and -Windebank's letter to Hopton, in May 1634, was -almost violent in its scolding. Hopton had gone -so far as to say that the English had decided to -put a powerful army in the field to punish the -insolence of the Dutch, whereas King Charles had -only broached it as a proposition, and Nicolalde -in the meanwhile was pledging the Spaniards to -nothing. When Olivares was pressed for guarantees -in return for the English aid he craved, the -usual story was told; and by the middle of July -Hopton wrote to Windebank— -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"<i>The</i> business, as I expected when I saw them -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P279"></a>279}</span> -haggling, has come to naught. They only want to -keep us neutral; and the affair is at an end. I am -not sorry, unless the Palatine might be made secure. -When I said they would oblige the gratefullest prince -living, Olivares replied: 'No hay gratitud entre -Reyes' (There is no gratitude between kings)."[<a id="chap07fn15text"></a><a href="#chap07fn15">15</a>] -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -Olivares was beset on all sides. Detested by the -nobles, with nearly all of whom he was at feud;[<a id="chap07fn16text"></a><a href="#chap07fn16">16</a>] -feared and dreaded by the commercial community, -whom he had ruined; overworked, and at his wits' -end to face the vast present and prospective drains -upon the national resources, striving not only to -do all the work of State himself and to direct -everything, but also to keep the King in a good humour -by providing an endless series of amusements for -him, the Count-Duke was "so spent with the -burden of business that lies upon him," as Hopton -wrote, "as to deserve pity, if he would only pity -himself." There was no class of people now that -did not feel the crushing weight of the war -expenditure, even before the great war with France had -begun. In June 1634, Hopton reports that "a -new tax had been imposed of one-eighth of the -value of all wine sold in Madrid, with no exception -allowed, and one twenty-fourth of all that is sold -in the Castilian realms. All the shops that sell -wine are shut, so that all stock may be registered -and an account be rendered of sales. They think -thus to charge the retailer under great penalties. -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P280"></a>280}</span> -It is like to be a great trouble, and the greater part -of the benefit will be consumed in officers and false -accounts." "I doe much doubte," he continues, -"that by degrees those impositions will first be -laid upon all things of home fabric and growth, -and afterwards upon those things imported from -abroad; and your Honour (Coke) may guess to -what immoderation the revenues of this crown will -grow by this means."[<a id="chap07fn17text"></a><a href="#chap07fn17">17</a>] -</p> - -<p> -The good, simple ambassador made no allowance -for the self-stultifying operation of oppressive -taxation, and if he had reviewed the state of affairs -a few years later, he would have seen, as we shall -in the course of this book, that, so far from -benefiting Philip's treasury, these blighting impositions -on the exchange of commodities ended in a decrease -of the revenue. But whilst the citizens were -groaning under impossible burdens, and the curses of a -whole nation were following the careworn Count-Duke, -the King, as much afflicted with the troubles -of his people as anyone, but looking upon them -as a visitation of providence, must needs seek in -pleasure distraction from his vicarious sorrow -which the oppressed citizens themselves could not -escape. -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"All the Court is at the new house" (<i>i.e.</i> the -Buen Retiro) "for a fortnight," wrote Hopton in -July 1634, "which time hath been spent in all -manner of entertainments and much to their -Majesties' contentment, wherein the Count of -Olivares took great pains, all things being ordered by -himself; and so well, as it savoured of his excellent -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P281"></a>281}</span> -judgment in all things, especially in the furniture -of the house, which was such as not to be thought -there had been so many curiosities in the whole -kingdom; and this at very little expense, for it -was for the most part done by presents. Howbeit -the things that were bought were dearly and -punctually paid for, inasmuch as nobody can wisely -complain." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Furnishing the Buen Retiro -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Doubtless no one could <i>wisely</i> complain, but -many had reason to do so, for few great people -with art collections escaped spoliation, and the -other palaces were to a great extent denuded of -their treasures, for the purpose of cramming the -Buen Retiro with rarities. Some of the nobles, -like the Auditor Tejada, were artful enough to have -copies made of their best pictures, and sent the -copies as originals to the Buen Retiro. But, as -in his case, this was bitterly resented by Olivares -if it was found out. The Marquis of Leganés, the -nephew of the Count-Duke, had a superb collection -of pictures and articles of vertu brought from -Flanders and Italy; but when he was called upon -to disgorge, his wife stepped in and claimed the -whole collection as her dowry, and the Marquis -was let off with the present of a piece of tapestry. -The chapel was fitted up at the expense of the -President of the Council of Castile; the Infante -Fernando continued to send beautiful objects, many -of them spoils of war from Flanders; Olivares' -brother-in-law Monterey had to surrender much -of the vast store of pictures he had collected -at Naples; and all the painters in Madrid -were kept busy copying or designing canvasses -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P282"></a>282}</span> -for the new palace,[<a id="chap07fn18text"></a><a href="#chap07fn18">18</a>] under the direction of the -King's painter, Don Diego Velazquez, who, having -returned from his long visit to Rome, was now, -and had been for the last three years, again -working indefatigably in his studio in the old -Alcazar. -</p> - -<p> -This, indeed, was the period when the great -artist produced some of the best of his work, such -as the Surrender of Breda (the Lanzas), the portraits -of the child Prince Baltasar Carlos, the fine portrait -of Olivares reproduced in this book, and the famous -equestrian portrait of Philip himself. In the midst -of all the growing national trouble, this in many -respects was the most brilliant and perhaps the -happiest time of Philip's reign, so far as he -personally was concerned. His habits were fixed and his -pleasures keen. His fits of contrition were frequent, -it is true; but they were always banished by fresh -pleasures or amours contrived by Olivares. The -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P283"></a>283}</span> -King intermittently attended to State business -himself; but the interminable discussions and -reports by the various Councils upon every subject -made the despatch of business peculiarly irksome and -tedious. The Spanish system of a consultative and -deliberative bureaucracy, indeed, seemed specially -devised to disgust anyone but a patient laborious -plodder like Philip II. His grandson, impatient -of detail and quick of apprehension, loathed the -dull pompous discussions of the Councils, and not -unnaturally was content to hear a summary of -results from Olivares, whose final decision he -always confirmed. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Philip's domestic life -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Philip's domestic life at this time had every reason -to be happy, though the growing tension between -his wife and Olivares had to some extent estranged -them, and the Queen was, under the influence of -the minister, somewhat ostentatiously excluded -from public business, not unnaturally to her -annoyance. She was, however, a good wife, and shared -Philip's frequent pleasures gaily, whilst in devotion -of the peculiar Spanish type she was even more -emphatic than he. She had a woman's reason -for her dislike of Olivares, as well as the political -objections to him which were the ultimate cause of -his fall. It has already been mentioned that in -pursuance of his system of doing everybody's -work, the minister had taken under his care the -management of the King's affairs of gallantry, -and the results thereof. This, of course, was -perfectly well known to the Queen, and the satirical -poets who wrote so copiously of frailty in high -places took care to publish the fact. Even Hopton, -when in a gossiping mood, referred to it more than -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P284"></a>284}</span> -once. Speaking of the skits that were current -about Olivares and the new palace, he wrote: -"He (Olivares) hath had likewise some harsh -words with the Admiral for speaking to the King -in disparagement of his new house; and the Queen -hath had her little saying to him also, for some -opinion she had of some secret pleasures there -brought to the King." -</p> - -<p> -Whatever may have been the sum of Philip's -infidelities, and it cannot be denied that they -were numerous, they were never more than -temporary and vulgar intrigues, which, whilst they -would naturally annoy his wife, did not threaten -her permanent influence or interfere with her -continuous marital life with her husband. With -monotonous regularity almost every year the -Queen gave birth to a child, usually a girl, whose -advent was an excuse for the customary series of -costly festivities so often described in earlier pages, -festivities that in most cases lasted almost as long -as the life of the child whose advent they greeted; -for all the infants up to this time (1634) had died -except the sturdy, promising little Baltasar Carlos, -who was idolised by his father and mother, and, so -far as the oppressive etiquette of the Court would -allow, was petted by the whole Court. The little -Prince who was born in 1629, had early developed -a love for horsemanship and field sports, and as a -baby horseman, hunter, or soldier, he is presented -to the life again and again by Velazquez. From -Flanders his admiring uncle Fernando sent him -many presents, beautiful armour and weapons in -miniature, which now adorn the rich Armeria in -Madrid, martial toys, and above all in 1633 what -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P285"></a>285}</span> -afterwards became the Prince's favourite steed, a -"little devil of a stallion pony," as the Infante -calls him, that had to be lashed liberally before -Baltasar Carlos was allowed to mount him.[<a id="chap07fn19text"></a><a href="#chap07fn19">19</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -The Portuguese problem -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The limited number of his near relatives had -become a source of embarrassment to Philip. Of -his two brothers, one, Carlos, had died, and the -other, the Infante Cardinal Fernando, was in Flanders -fighting and working heroically. There were no -other Spanish relatives, but the heir Baltasar Carlos -and the beautiful illegitimate son Juan, now -growing into a handsome, clever lad in the secluded -castle of Ocaña, whilst the German archdukes had -drifted farther and farther from Spain, as had the -Savoy Princes. It had always been the policy -of the house of Austria to keep the Spanish nobles -powerless in the Peninsula. They might command -Spanish armies abroad and act as viceroys across -the seas, but were never to be trusted with executive -power in the realms of Spain; and it had become -increasingly difficult, now that the nobles of the -outer realms had grown distrustful of Olivares, -to find men of the respective provinces who were -of sufficient rank and could be trusted to govern -the non-Castilian territories in the name of the -King. The principal difficulty was in Portugal, -where the widest autonomy, and every possible -guarantee against Spanish oppression, had been -granted by Philip II. But, as we have seen, the -tendency for a long time past, and especially under -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P286"></a>286}</span> -Olivares, had been to curtail the rights enjoyed by -Portugal since the union of the crowns. -</p> - -<p> -The promise that none but Portuguese should -rule in the country had been disregarded almost -from the first in the appointment of Viceroys. -The Austrian nephew, the Archduke Albert, had -reigned under Philip II.; and Moura, the wise -half-Portuguese minister of Philip II., had ruled -Portugal for years under his son. But to appoint -a Portuguese noble now, with Olivares' known -policy, would have been highly dangerous, and the -Portuguese would hardly have stood a Spanish -noble, even if Philip had dared to appoint one. The -policy of conciliation that Philip II. had adopted -had left the house of Braganza, which had a -better claim to the Portuguese crown than Philip, -richer and more powerful than most sovereigns. The -reigning Duke of Braganza had married a sister -of the Spanish Duke of Medina Sidonia, the head of -the Guzmans, of which house Olivares was a cadet; -and in normal circumstances Braganza might -have been the ideal man for Viceroy. But the -circumstances were not normal. The deepest -discontent reigned in the country at the ruin that had -befallen its trade in consequence of its union with -Spain, and especially at the new taxation for Spanish -objects proposed at the bidding of Olivares; and -a subject so powerful and so popular as Braganza -was naturally suspect. The difficulty was met at -the end of 1634 by going somewhat far afield for -a ruler of Portugal. The younger daughter of -Philip II., the Infanta Catharine, had married -Carlo Emmanuele, Duke of Savoy, in 1585; and -one of their daughters, Princess Margaret, the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P287"></a>287}</span> -widowed and dispossessed Duchess of Mantua, a -first cousin of Philip, was brought to Spain to -govern Portugal,—the idea being that, as she was -a lady and a foreigner, she would be a safe and -obedient instrument in the hands of Olivares. In -November 1634 she entered Madrid in great state, -and at the bull-fights and other festivities held to -celebrate her coming she sat by the side of Philip -and his Queen, which the Madrileños thought a -great and unusual honour, accorded in order to give -her higher prestige and authority before she set -out for her fateful government, a figurehead for -Olivares' attempts against Portuguese autonomy. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Catalonia -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Catalonia was more uneasy even than Portugal. -There had been a talk all the summer of the King's -going thither to ask for more money, and the -Catalans were in anger at the very idea. So -great was the ill-feeling, that the Viceroy, the Duke -of Cardona, a humble servant of Olivares, thought -it safer to keep out of the way of his subjects; -and the Castilian soldiers were daggers-drawn -with the people, in whose houses they were billeted, -in defiance of the Catalonian constitution. -</p> - -<p> -The growing danger from these provinces, and -the busy intrigues of Richelieu with the Dutch, -to the intended detriment of Spain, again drove -Olivares to seek a renewal of the suspended negotiations -intended to draw Charles I. into the Catholic -camp. At the end of July, Olivares sent for Hopton -in great excitement, to show him an intercepted -letter of the Prince of Orange, which, he said, -disclosed a dangerous plan against England and -Spain. "Ah!" said the Count-Duke, "we ought -to have carried out that league of ours." "It -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P288"></a>288}</span> -was your fault," replied Hopton, "that it was not -concluded. Nicolalde in London was not authorised -to give the necessary pledges." "Well," retorted. -Olivares, "the matter may be arranged now, if -you like." The hint was enough for Charles. The -first thing, he said, was to get rid of Nicolalde, who -was unsympathetic; and he sent an English agent -named Taylor to Madrid to recommend this course -to Philip. -</p> - -<p> -Soon negotiations were in full swing again. -Some great personage, the Count of Humanes -probably, was to be sent to England, whilst the -Duke of Medina Celi was to go to France, and -endeavour to secure the return of Marie de Medici -the Queen-Mother and her son Orleans to France, -which of course would have meant the paralysation -of Richelieu. When the news came of the decisive -battle of Nördlingen (page 260), gained over the -Swedes and Weimar by the Infante Fernando, the -great rejoicings and festivities with which Philip -greeted the victory (October 1634), the bonfires and -bull-fights and <i>Te Deums</i>, did not disguise the -fact that war with France sooner or later must -now be inevitably faced, and the efforts to come to -an agreement with England proceeded more warmly -than ever. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -The agreement with Charles I. -</span> -</p> - -<p> -In October, at length, Windebank sent to -Madrid the draft of the agreement, and one stands -aghast at the unwisdom of Charles and his secret -advisers, in thus showing willingness to betray -the Protestant cause at the hollow charming of -Olivares. England was to provide twenty ships -of at least 400 tons each, ostensibly to protect the -coast of England and Ireland; but as soon as -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P289"></a>289}</span> -the fleet was at sea, notice was to be given to the -Dutch in the form of an ultimatum to surrender -to Spain, or the English would attack them. -Spain was nominally to lend, but really to give, -to Charles 200,000 crowns, and 100,000 a month -for every month the fleet was at sea.[<a id="chap07fn20text"></a><a href="#chap07fn20">20</a>] When -Hopton saw Philip with this draft, and as usual -raised the question of the Palatinate as a pendant -to the Agreement, only evasive answers were given -to him, and again the negotiations flagged, whilst -desperate efforts were made in Spain itself to force -the nobles to raise and arm soldiers to take the -field against France when the expected war should -begin in the spring. -</p> - -<p> -But whilst Olivares was thus striving to obtain -at least the neutrality of England on the easiest -terms for Spain, there was other diplomacy at -work at least as profound and more generous than -his. The battle of Nördlingen had broken up the -effective league between Sweden and the German -Protestants, and John Frederick of Saxony, with -the other German Lutherans, soon made terms of -compromise with the Emperor, by which they -gained the toleration they sought, and the Thirty -Years' War came to an end, so far as the religious -struggle in Germany was concerned. But the -far-reaching schemes of Richelieu would have been -frustrated if the war had ended here, leaving -Spain free from the drain of helping the Emperor; -for then she would have had power to deal with -Holland effectually, and re-establish her waning -hold over Italy to the injury of France. So, as -war with Spain was necessary for Richelieu, he -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P290"></a>290}</span> -took good care to isolate his opponent before it -began. He first effected an alliance with the -United Provinces, and intrigued in Catholic Flanders -with the nobles. Then he drew into his net Savoy, -Mantua, and Parma; he occupied the Valtelline again, -and Sweden was coupled to the car of France anew -by Axenstiern, whilst, as a last stroke, he strove hard -to include Charles I. in his league with the Dutch. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -The intrigue with England -</span> -</p> - -<p> -At the end of 1634, Olivares sent to Hopton -in a great fright at news that he had heard, to the -effect that Charles I. had joined France and Holland -in their league; and bitter complaints were made -of the treatment of Spanish cruisers in English -ports and in the Channel. In one case a Dutch -prize had actually been taken away from the -Spanish captors by English vessels, and brought -into Dover. What was the meaning of it? asked -Olivares in a towering rage. Was the King of -England going to throw them over after all? -A mention of the Palatinate only made him more -furious still. Thus the bickering and bargaining -went on all through the year 1635; Hopton -urging Olivares to send some news worth the -carrying by Taylor to London about the Palatinate, -and the Count-Duke wrangling over the details -of the agreement about the subsidy to England, -which he swore that Charles had altered without -consultation with Nicolalde. "He (Olivares) is -in a good humour now," wrote Hopton on one -occasion; "but he is of a most dangerous nature, -to which we shall always be subject as long as -the business of the Palatinate shall last." -</p> - -<p> -At length, when Olivares had exhausted the -possibilities of prevarication in Madrid, the secret -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P291"></a>291}</span> -draught agreement was sent back to London for -further discussion and amendment, and the continued -neutrality of England at least was secured -for another breathing space. One is struck with -positive admiration for the masterly way in which, -with this stale bait of the Palatinate, England was -beguiled by Olivares from year to year, and -prevented from joining the enemies of Spain. -Richelieu had been bidding for English aid or benevolent -neutrality too, and this was a chance which, if -Charles had possessed any statesmanship worthy -of the name, or any national ambition apart from -the advantage of his dynasty, might have enabled -England to play the part of the arbiter in Europe. -But, as usual, the chance was missed by the instability -of Charles, and when the cloud of war burst in -the spring of 1635, the negotiations between London -and Madrid were still dragging on. There was a -talk at one time of a partition of the Spanish -Netherlands between France and Holland after they -should have been conquered, and this made Charles -more eager than ever for the alliance with Spain -to prevent such an eventuality, whilst both Olivares -and Richelieu were glad to keep him wavering -with insincere negotiations. His own condition, -moreover, in England was already becoming -difficult; for he had levied the ship money, and had -taken the first fatal step by deciding to dispense -with his Parliament; so that a strong ally with -ready money was desirable to him. -</p> - -<p> -Windebank wrote to Hopton on 27th May 1635: -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"The French ambassador is pressing King Charles -very hard to make a league with them; and it is -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P292"></a>292}</span> -not the fault of the Spaniards that it is not already -concluded, for they are going the right way to -thrust us upon the French, though they cannot -send a letter or pass an ambassador without us. -This is a strange fascination, and they deserve to -smart for it, as they will dearly if Dunkirk be -besieged and his Majesty help them not."[<a id="chap07fn21text"></a><a href="#chap07fn21">21</a>] -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -A little later Hopton writes: "Their (the -Spaniards) only hope for Flanders and at sea is -the friendship of our King. And yet they retain -their gravity, as if they were the arbiters of the -world. I saw the Conde yesterday, and, though he -was a little troubled, yet he is very confident that -all would end to their honour." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -The conclusion of the precious alliance with -King Charles had evidently at last to be carried -through, or further delayed, by more highly-placed -ambassadors than Hopton and Nicolalde; and it -was decided that Sir Walter Aston should go to -Madrid and the Count of Humanes to London. -Olivares was, or pretended to be, apprehensive of -the coming of a new English ambassador, but was -assured by Hopton that Sir Walter was all that -could be desired from the Spanish point of view. -Humanes, on the other hand, was reported to be -"an honest gentleman, but with a good enough -conceipt of himself. Thinking to get great things, -he will be a little hard to deal with in England." But -the seas were crowded with Dutch and French -cruisers, and the land route through France was of -course closed to Spaniards, so it was a difficult thing -to get Humanes to England at all, unless he went -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P293"></a>293}</span> -back in the English ship that brought Aston. -And so month after month of 1635 slipped by, -the war proceeding actively in Flanders against the -Infante Cardinal, and the French troops threatening -Catalonia from Perpignan, whilst the English -treaty with Spain was still on the balance. Hopton, -in June 1635, told Olivares that this coldness and -delay in his proceeding was producing a bad effect -in England, and that unless they stirred themselves -King Charles might look elsewhere. "Upon -what ground do you say that," asked Olivares. -"Upon Nicolalde's way of proceeding, and the -delay that is taking place. It makes us think that -the whole thing is a pretence," replied Hopton. -"Everything is now practically settled with very -few alterations, and there need be no more delay," -Olivares assured him. -</p> - -<p> -In July alarming news came to Madrid, that the -Infante Cardinal had sustained severe defeat in -the Low Countries (at Tirlemont), and was in -personal danger. The Infante was intensely -beloved in Spain, and the evil tidings "caused -great care to their Majesties and the whole Court, -for I cannot express what tenderness all sorts of -people show to the Infante," wrote Hopton; and, -almost for the first time, Philip flew into a violent -rage with Olivares, when he learnt that a letter -written by the Infante, asking for further -resources, had been concealed from him. Olivares -found himself faced now, as he had never been -before, by a determination on the part of Philip -to act in opposition to his advice. Philip had -no lack of personal courage, and under stress was -capable of prolonged exertion. He was burning, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P294"></a>294}</span> -too, to distinguish himself in arms, as his brother -had done; and, urged thereto by many of Olivares' -enemies, he was insistent in his wish to lead his -armies in person on the Catalonian frontier, now -threatened by the French. Olivares, knowing that -if the King were in the field he could not keep him -isolated, or hope to retain his exclusive hold upon -him, resisted the King's desire to the utmost, and -almost daily squabbles took place between them on -the subject. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -The plot thickens -</span> -</p> - -<p> -It was clear now to Olivares that the aid of -English ships in the Channel was really in the -circumstances desirable for the success of Spain -in Flanders. The road through Lombardy had -been rendered difficult by the adhesion of the -several Italian princes to Richelieu's league, and -the war that was proceeding on the Rhine; and -the sea route was equally dangerous by reason of -the Dutch and French squadrons. So the Count-Duke -made another desperate attempt to buy -Charles Stuart cheaply, and on trust. Late in -July 1635, Olivares sent a very pressing message to -Hopton that he wanted to see him, and when the -ambassador presented himself in the palace, the -Count-Duke asked him if he had a confidential -English servant he could lend him, to hurry off -to England at once with despatches for Nicolalde -in London. "Yes," replied Hopton, "my man David -Matthew will serve your turn"; and before many -hours had passed David Matthew was speeding on -his way to London, with instructions to the Spanish -agent that the maritime treaty was to be settled -at all costs. The question of the Palatinate, -Olivares told Hopton again, should really be -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P295"></a>295}</span> -settled now, though, not unnaturally, Hopton had -his doubts; for he knew secretly that the rebel Earl -of Tyrone had been brought disguised to Madrid -by the Emperor's ambassador, and was plotting -even then with Olivares to raise sedition in Ireland -if King Charles turned to the side of the French. -</p> - -<p> -Nicolalde in London still went no further than -amiable speeches; but at least Olivares' urgency -had the effect of deciding Charles to send Sir Walter -Aston to Spain, though poor Humanes died in -Madrid, whilst still waiting for a ship to carry him, -and was replaced as ambassador in London by -Count de Oñate, much to Hopton's delight, who -looked upon the appointment of so highly placed -a personage as a great compliment. "For what -he cannot do, nobody can. He is very honest, -but somewhat hasty. In any case it is good to be -rid of Nicolalde, who hates us." Aston, when he -arrived at Corunna in September 1635, was received -with ostentatious warmness; and it was evident -that his coming meant more than the mere -ratification of a treaty already nearly concluded. -Cottington sent by him what he calls "a merry -letter" to Olivares, to tell him "how French -I have become, for the Queen (Henrietta Maria) -dined with me at Hanworth awhile since, and not -long after the new French ambassadors, who now -are become my friends, after complaining to the -King of my ill affection to their master's service, -calling me Conde de Olivares." It is plain that -Sir Francis Cottington's "merriment" was -intended to convey a hint that unless Olivares was -really prompt this time in closing the deal, Charles -would go over to the French. Hopton was hopeful -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P296"></a>296}</span> -but doubtful of Aston's better success than his -own, for he knew that the Palatinate still stood -in the way, and that Catholic Philip could never -force the Emperor to restore it to a Protestant. -"I believe they wish for a close union," he wrote, -when he was leaving to return to England, "and -this King might revoke the impediment if he liked, -but I shall never be convinced he will do it till he -comes to the point."[<a id="chap07fn22text"></a><a href="#chap07fn22">22</a>] -</p> - -<p> -Money, as usual, was the great desideratum for -Philip, if the war was to be carried on with hope -of success. Cortes were summoned both in Castile -and Barcelona, and the former, as usual, did as -they were asked, and voted 3 million ducats for -the year;[<a id="chap07fn23text"></a><a href="#chap07fn23">23</a>] Olivares having at the time laid by, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P297"></a>297}</span> -as we are told, no less than 8 millions, "which he -will make 16 before the war begins in earnest." Spain -was fortunate that year 1635, too, with the -Indies fleet, which arrived in June with 14 millions -of ducats, "of which the greater part will reach -the King, besides the good profit he will get out -of the confiscations." The Cortes of Barcelona -was, as always, difficult to deal with; and for a -time they were obstinate in their refusal to vote -anything at all. But it was their own country -now that was threatened, and on the promise of -the King to relieve them from the levy of men -for his armies, the Cortes of Catalonia agreed to -vote him 400,000 ducats, and promised as much -more as they could afford. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Philip's revolt -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Philip's great dispute with Olivares was with -regard to his wish to visit Barcelona during the -session of the Cortes, and to remain there with his -army, ready to lead it either to Italy, France, or -elsewhere, as the events of the war might demand. -The favourite was shocked at the King being -exposed to such danger, and especially at the -idea that he might leave the country; and he -opposed with all his experience and authority the -King's plan. "If Olivares can hinder the King -from engaging his person he will do so. He -pretends to give way, so as not to cross the King, who -is set upon it, but he will not fail of ways to compass -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P298"></a>298}</span> -that which he wishes."[<a id="chap07fn24text"></a><a href="#chap07fn24">24</a>] But though Olivares -was determined, Philip was obstinate; and when -the minister, as was his wont, told the King that -the Council of State was opposed to his going, -Philip addressed a rescript to the Council, ordering -them to discuss and vote on the question of his -going, but that every Councillor should give his -reasons individually to him for the advice he -tendered. This was not in accordance with the usual -procedure, and under Olivares' guidance the Council -declined to do it, saying that the Count-Duke's -knowledge of their opinions was so complete that -he would report them to the King. It appears -that Philip had given peremptory orders to Olivares -to make every preparation for his immediate -departure, and this was the subject submitted by the -minister to the Council for discussion. With the -arrogant Count-Duke dominating them, the -Councillors, who were all his humble servants, of course -agreed with him against the King. Money was -short, they said, for the journey; and the recent -successes in Flanders might perhaps make the -voyage unnecessary. In any case, they begged the -King not to undertake the matter lightly. Philip -made the best of this halting dissent, replying that -he accepted the advice as to not going for the -moment, but ordered that everything should be -made ready for his going at twenty days' notice if -it became necessary.[<a id="chap07fn25text"></a><a href="#chap07fn25">25</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Continued decadence -</span> -</p> - -<p> -In the meanwhile the never-ending trivial show -of Madrid went on. The idlers still paraded up -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P299"></a>299}</span> -and down the Calle Mayor or gossiped on Liars' -Walk for the greater part of the day. Philip issued -ferocious but ineffective pragmatics against -extravagance in dress and household appointments;[<a id="chap07fn26text"></a><a href="#chap07fn26">26</a>] -both the public playhouses were filled, and the -comedies applauded by eager crowds as usual. -But, on the other hand, famine had laid its grisly -hand everywhere on the arid lands of Castile, -the excise had been increased until even in the -capital itself starvation was not a threat but a -reality; the ecclesiastical revenues were drained -as they had never been drained before, and salaries, -pensions, and State debts were either not paid at -all or else ruinously curtailed. In Madrid, penury -was now evident even amongst the better classes;[<a id="chap07fn27text"></a><a href="#chap07fn27">27</a>] -and Philip, who always lived frugally in his own -person, was obliged to write to his brother -Fernando, begging him to save to the utmost: not to -allow his household to wear other than plain cloth, -and not to spend a ducat unnecessarily. -</p> - -<p> -Spanish troops were fighting under the Infante -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P300"></a>300}</span> -for the preservation of Flanders, in Germany, in -Italy, in the Valtelline, wherever the enemies of -the faith or the allies of Richelieu defied the Spanish -claims; and yet it never entered the head, apparently, -either of Olivares or his master, that these -terrible sacrifices were useless to Spain; except -that it was a point of honour to hold the Catholic -States of Flanders that had been the ancient -inheritance of its royal house. Holland was really -lost beyond all recovery, though the stiff-necked -pride of Castile would not acknowledge it; the -religious question in Germany had already practically -settled itself, and had left Spain hardly an -excuse for fighting for orthodoxy there. All that -was needed, even now, for Spain was to eat her -unavoidable leek, to recognise facts patent to all -the world, and to abandon her impossible pretensions; -and peace with France and Holland might -have been attained with ease. But through all the -suffering and stress, that if continued meant national -exhaustion, there was no indication anywhere of -the conviction that Spain must voluntarily humble -herself or bleed to death. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Court diversions -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The process of social decadence had gone on -apace, as was inevitable in such circumstances. -scandals were of constant occurrence. At the -end of 1635, when the grave matters referred to -were under discussion, two nobles, the Marquis -del Aguila and Don Juan de Herrera, came to -blows with each other in the theatre of the Buen -Retiro Palace, in the presence of the King himself;[<a id="chap07fn28text"></a><a href="#chap07fn28">28</a>] -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P301"></a>301}</span> -and whilst they fled from justice, a greater noble -still, the Count of Sastago, Captain of the King's -Guard, was accused of inciting them to the disturbance. -As was invariably the case, no sooner was -one offence mentioned than a dozen were added -to it. The Count, it was said, had sold the -sergeancy of the guard for 1100 ducats; the -provedor of the guard paid him fifty reals every -day, filched from the mess bill; he ill-treated his -wife, ... and much else of the same sort; and -as soon as Count de Sastago was under lock and -key for these offences, no less than three other -noble Counts were competing and quarrelling with -each other for his place as Captain of the Guard;[<a id="chap07fn29text"></a><a href="#chap07fn29">29</a>] -whilst, a few days afterwards, Zapata, the Lieutenant -of the Guard, was carried to prison for making a -disturbance at the entrance of the palace, and -breaking down the barriers to get in, against the royal -orders, whilst Prince Baltasar Carlos was coming out. -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -On New Year's Eve 1636, we are told, "their -Majesties went to dine at the Buen Retiro, where -there was in the afternoon a sort of comedy or -festival never seen before in Spain. First there -appeared the poet Atillano, who has come from -the Indies, and who may justly be called a prodigy -of the world, as he proved himself to be on this -occasion; for such is his poetic rage, that he utters -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P302"></a>302}</span> -a perfect torrent of Castilian verse on any subject -proposed to him,[<a id="chap07fn30text"></a><a href="#chap07fn30">30</a>] and, withal, in very remarkable -style, with much taste and adornments from the -Scriptures and classical authors, brought in most -aptly, with comparisons, emphasis, digressions, -and poetic figures, which strike his hearers with -astonishment, many believing that it can only be -done by devilish arts, for he never drops a foot or -forgets a syllable.... After Atillano came Cristobal, -the blind man, well known at Court; and he also -showed his skill in turning out couplets impromptu, -with his usual prettiness and propriety, and quite -in courtier-like fashion. But as he lacks erudition, -and the other man possesses much, you may well -imagine the difference between them. After the -poets came Calabaza, the dwarfs, the little negro, -and the girls they call the <i>Count's wrigglers</i>;[<a id="chap07fn31text"></a><a href="#chap07fn31">31</a>] and -they represented their figures and played a hundred -monkey tricks to raise a laugh. Afterwards the -party ended by a ball and masquerade. It was -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P303"></a>303}</span> -very good and diverting; and my lady Countess -of Olivares gave the collation to their Majesties." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Progress of the war -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The year thus fittingly begun in the Court was -signalised by the Cardinal Infante Fernando in -Flanders and France by military capacity which -recalled the great days of the Emperor a hundred -years before. The French and Dutch allies were -already suspicious of each other, and were not -co-operating cordially; so that Fernando had been -able to wear out the resistance of the French -without a general engagement, and whilst they, -disorganised and decimated with famine and disease, -retreated into France, the Infante overran Picardy -and Champagne. He pushed his advance beyond -the Somme and to the banks of the Oise, threatening -Paris itself, and elated Olivares planned a -simultaneous invasion of France under the Admiral of -Castile, and yet another from the side of Germany -over the frontier of Burgundy. The only one of -these attacks that came to anything was that of -the Cardinal Infante; but even he, either from -want of resources or lack of boldness, lagged on -the line of the Somme and Oise until the French -had recovered from their panic. Orange was also -marching to aid his ally, and Paris had raised a -great army of citizens to resist further attack; and -early in 1637 the Spaniards, under the Cardinal -Infante, had retreated into Flanders again, forced -once more to stand on the defensive. But the net -result of the temporary display of Spanish vigour -had been to free the Catalonian frontier from -imminent fears from the French, and Philip had -found no excuse for insisting further upon his -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P304"></a>304}</span> -desire to place himself in command of his troops in -Barcelona. -</p> - -<p> -A perusal of the gossiping newsletters of the -times, though, of course, much that they record -is merely trivial, throws a lurid light upon the -utterly lawless condition of the capital at this -grave juncture, when the nation was supposed to -be straining every nerve to prevent humiliation -at the hands of its implacable enemy. It would -be profitless to give details of all, or of any large -number, of the scandals mentioned by the chroniclers -from day to day; but as a specimen a few -entries belonging to this year 1636 will give an -idea of the state of affairs in Philip's Court at the -time. In January, Don Antonio Oquendo, the famous -naval commander, was at Mass in the church of -Buen Suceso,[<a id="chap07fn32text"></a><a href="#chap07fn32">32</a>] when a challenge to immediate -combat was brought from the rival admiral Nicholas -Spinola. Oquendo just gave himself time to -confess, and then met his opponent, both being -mounted and armed with knives. One of the -combatants was wounded before the passers-by could -interfere, and the other fled to hiding.[<a id="chap07fn33text"></a><a href="#chap07fn33">33</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -A turbulent capital -</span> -</p> - -<p> -A day or two later, proclamation was made in -the streets that the King ordered all the Portuguese -murderers in Madrid to leave within a week, or -they would be apprehended and sent before the -judges, who Were considering their cases. "The -intention of this," sapiently says the chronicler, -"appears to be that they may thus be forced to -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P305"></a>305}</span> -enlist as soldiers, and the pragmatic with regard -to the number of lackeys allowed had a similar -object." At the same time a scandalous quarrel -was going on between the officers of the Inquisition -and the alcaldes of the Court, or judges of first -instance, on some trivial point of etiquette, but -which ended in wholesale excommunication of -all the alcaldes in a body, and several inferior -officers on both sides being condemned and -imprisoned by the rival authorities. In the summer -another panic occurred in the Church of St. Philip -and on Liars' Walk, because a heretic shouted -some sacrilegious words in the church; and soon -afterwards an offended soldier murdered by a -pistol shot a gentleman named Bilbao on the steps -leading to the crowded atrium of the church, the -most frequented spot in Madrid. -</p> - -<p> -On the 28th July there was a great bull-fight in -the Plaza Mayor, which had attracted a vast -concourse of people, as the bulls were said to have -been unusually savage. They must have been so, -for several men were killed; but worse than this, -daggers were drawn and a slashing match -commenced under the King's very eyes. Philip, -outraged at such disrespect, ordered the offenders to -be arrested. They were handed by the alguacils -to the Archers of the Guard, from whom they -managed to escape. Philip quite lost his temper -at this, which he very rarely did, and rose -wrathfully to leave the arena. The Queen pulled him -by the cloak, and coaxed him into sitting again -whilst two more bulls and many horses were done -to death. But the King was still unappeased, -and as he went out past the Archers of the Guard -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P306"></a>306}</span> -he told them "that they had managed it very -nicely. Why were they Archers, he wondered, and -what were they paid for?" the matter ending -in mutual recriminations between the Archers -and the alguacils, and the punishment of the -former. -</p> - -<p> -Matrimonial scandals succeeded each other daily -in the Newsletters, and the highest names in the -Court are treated with the utmost scurrility in -this particular; whilst accusations of corruption -on the part of judicial authorities and priests are -quite as common. The authorities whose duty it -was to keep order appear to have been as lawless as -the rest of the citizens. The Corregidor[<a id="chap07fn34text"></a><a href="#chap07fn34">34</a>] (Governor -of Madrid) had occasion in October to call upon -the King's upholsterer and valet de chambre, who -was also captain of a newly raised company of -militia. The soldiers in his courtyard, for some -reason not stated, snatched the Corregidor's wand -of office from the page who carried it, and, having -broken it, belaboured the boy's back with it. The -Corregidor, offended in his dignity, told the soldiers -angrily that he was a member of the Council of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P307"></a>307}</span> -War, and their master; whereupon one of the -men-at-arms thrust his pike against the august breast -of the Corregidor, and threatened to kill him. -Upon this a free fight took place between the -alguacils in attendance on the Corregidor and the -soldiers, and after much uproar one of the soldiers -was overpowered and borne off in triumph by -the alguacils to the prison of the municipality, -"notwithstanding that it was the feast day of -our seraphic father St. Francis." The Corregidor -lost no time, but sat in judgment at once, and of -course found the soldier guilty. But before the -trial was done a great rabble of soldiers assembled -outside the Guildhall (Casa de la Villa) to rescue -their comrade from the hands of justice. The town -officers read an order from the balcony that every -soldier was immediately to withdraw, and the -stout-hearted Corregidor himself arrested the -ringleader, and, kicking and cuffing, thrust him -into a cell. That afternoon the Corregidor -accompanied the first offender through the streets of -Madrid, whilst 200 strokes of the lash were -administered on the poor soldier's bare back, and when -the Corregidor returned to the Guildhall he stood -by whilst the other offender was tortured on the -rack. Out of this arose a quarrel royal between -the Council of War, who took the soldiers' part, -and the Royal Council, who were for the civil -authorities; and for weeks afterwards recriminations -and punishments were abundantly exchanged. -</p> - -<p> -There was, indeed, in all spheres a shocking -absence of real dignity and restraint. Crimes of -the most horrible description are mentioned as -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P308"></a>308}</span> -being prevalent in the better classes;[<a id="chap07fn35text"></a><a href="#chap07fn35">35</a>] and after -the first outcry they were allowed to go almost -unpunished and unchecked. As may be supposed, in -such a state of society superstition of the grossest -description was common. The proceedings of the -miracle-working nun of Carrion, to whom, it will -be recollected, the Infanta Maria had recommended -the Prince of Wales, had become so notorious that -the Inquisition had taken her in hand, and -condemned her as a witch and an impostor. But this -appears only to have increased her fame for sanctity, -for several books in her praise were burnt by the -Inquisition, and every measure taken to expose her -frauds by the Holy Office; but with so little effect, -that after her death, early in 1637, an edict was -read in every church in Madrid pronouncing major -excommunication against all those who retained -images, portraits, signatures, crosses, certificates, -beads, or books relating to her.[<a id="chap07fn36text"></a><a href="#chap07fn36">36</a>] When the Marquis -of Aitona was unwilling to start from Madrid to -take up the governorship of Milan in the spring -of 1636, and delayed his departure from week to -week, a fresh pretext for delay, and one generally -praised, was that it would be most unwise for -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P309"></a>309}</span> -him to leave Madrid on the Ides of March, -because it was the anniversary of the murder of -Cæsar. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -General lawlessness -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The lawlessness was not confined even to grown -people, but extended to children. It appears that -late in 1636 a pragmatic had been drafted, but not -yet officially promulgated, decreeing that no man -in future might wear in Madrid the long wisp of -hair before the ears (<i>guedejas</i>) that had recently -become the fashion; and women were strictly -forbidden to appear in the strange farthingales or -very wide hoop skirt, flattened back and front, -called <i>guardainfantes</i>; "although," says the -chronicler, "it has not yet been proclaimed, the boys -are already hunting women who wear guardainfantes -as if they were cows, hissing and whistling -at them, and insulting them dreadfully. To such a -length has this insolence been carried, that mounted -alguacils have been posted to prevent violence, -two boys having been killed in the street last -Thursday by attendants upon the women, who -had turned upon the boys."[<a id="chap07fn37text"></a><a href="#chap07fn37">37</a>] -</p> - -<p> -Whilst Olivares bore upon his bowed shoulders -the whole burden of government, resorting to the -most empirical means to raise money, such as -calling in the copper coin and restamping it to three -times its former value,[<a id="chap07fn38text"></a><a href="#chap07fn38">38</a>] the King had to be -distracted and kept amused by never-ending -entertainments, such as those that have been described -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P310"></a>310}</span> -in former pages.[<a id="chap07fn39text"></a><a href="#chap07fn39">39</a>] Hardly a week passed without -some pretext for a long series of such shows, which -now usually took place at the favourite Buen Retiro. -Aston, in one of his letters to Coke in May 1636,[<a id="chap07fn40text"></a><a href="#chap07fn40">40</a>] -describes the festivities of Whitsuntide that year. -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"Three days of noble feasting," he calls it; -"the first day a masquerade on horseback, in the -evening, and bull-fights on the other two days, -with cane tourneys. I was invited to all of -them, and had the particular honour on the -first night to be placed in a balcony in the -King's own apartments with the grandees; this -being an unusual honour. On the other days I -occupied a special balcony with my own people. -When the welcome news of the Cardinal Infante's -victories in Picardy came to Madrid late in -September 1636, the rejoicings were frantic. His -Majesty and all the Court rode to Our Lady of -Atocha to give thanks.... They returned at night -through the streets, illuminated by countless torches; -all the Councils having been ordered to make a -celebration in honour of the occasion, they all -complied famously, and with great sumptuousness, -each feast having cost 2000 ducats, and others are -yet to come which will surpass them all."[<a id="chap07fn41text"></a><a href="#chap07fn41">41</a>] -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P311"></a>311}</span> -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Continual festivities -</span> -</p> - -<p> -A few weeks later, an excuse was found in -the expected arrival in Madrid of the French -Bourbon Princess of Carignano, wife of Prince -Thomas of Savoy, who was fighting for the -Spanish under the Cardinal Infante, and it was -determined that in her honour the Buen Retiro -should surpass itself. Before the Princess had -even embarked for Spain, the great preparations -were begun "to finish the new arena at the Buen -Retiro. Experts have been despatched to the -country around Madrid to obtain the 80,000 planks -which will be needed for the barriers that are to -surround it. The work is going on so actively, -both in levelling the ground and erecting the -woodwork, that there is no cessation, even on Sunday -or feast days; and the Corregidor has erected -there a scaffolding with a (neck) ring to punish -the workmen who do not complete their task -properly, as an example to the others. A triumphal -car is also being made, of which the cover alone is to -cost 4000 ducats; and it will be enclosed in glass, in -order that the inside may look more beautiful."[<a id="chap07fn42text"></a><a href="#chap07fn42">42</a>] -</p> - -<p> -Another fine feast is described by Aston in -June 1636. Writing to Coke, he says: -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"The King and Queen retired to Buen Retiro to -enjoy the curious gardens and new waterworks -contrived by Olivares, and a great variety of festivals. -One on Midsummer night was of the greatest ostentation -and curiosity I have ever seen in my life. I had -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P312"></a>312}</span> -the honour to be invited to it, and had extraordinary -favour and respect shown in the place that was -given to me. The entertainment was a play that -was made on purpose to be acted by the three -several companies of players of this town, the -intention whereof was so good; the place where it was -acted being set out with three several scenes of much -ostentation, and the disposition of the lights so full of -novelty and delight, that I am highly tempted to give -your honour a larger description of it, but that it would -prove to be business enough for a large letter."[<a id="chap07fn43text"></a><a href="#chap07fn43">43</a>] -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -It was not all feasting and play-going for Sir -Walter Aston at the historic "house with the -seven chimneys." When he arrived to replace -Arthur Hopton, early in 1636, the famous agreement -between Philip and Charles was still uncompleted, -and the complaints of the English shipmasters -against Spanish oppression were louder and more -insistent than ever. Tyrone and the Desmonds -were in Madrid negotiating for the raising of fresh -Catholic Irish regiments for the Spanish service, -and urging Philip to make no terms about the -Palatinate unless Charles would restore the lands -of O'Neill. But the aid of an English fleet in the -Channel became more and more desirable to Spain -as the war went on; and it was clear that the old -vague promises and smiling plausibilities of Olivares -had at last lost their efficacy with Charles. An -instructive light is thrown upon the methods by -which Olivares still strove to cope with the -situation, by an original holograph letter in the Record -Office[<a id="chap07fn44text"></a><a href="#chap07fn44">44</a>] from Olivares' confidential secretary Rojas, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P313"></a>313}</span> -to the imperial ambassador in Madrid, asking him -by King Philip's orders to "give some words of -hope to the English ambassador about the -Palatinate." "It is of the utmost importance that we -should make use of all such expedients as present -themselves; as it appears that the King of England -is extremely busy preparing a powerful fleet to be -used to the detriment of this Crown, ... probably -against Brazil, in co-operation with the Hollanders." -</p> - -<p> -On the 18th June 1636, Olivares wrote a serious -letter to Aston, evidently intended to bring affairs -to a crisis. He, Olivares, had news, he said, of -a design of a French naval attack on the English -coast. Aston replied coolly that he had no doubt -due measures would be taken in England to repel -any attempt; but in the subsequent interview he -succeeded "in persuading," as he says, "the Conde -to assent to the terms for the co-operation of the -English fleet, and Count de Oñate was instructed -to start for England at once. They are really -trying to prove that they desire the King of -England's friendship. Indeed, in the present state -of things it is needful for them, and I hope our -King will make wise use of the opportunity."[<a id="chap07fn45text"></a><a href="#chap07fn45">45</a>] But, -withal, the Palatinate, which was the question -nearest to Charles's heart, was still left open, -though Arundel in Vienna was pushing the point -there industriously, while the Palatine himself -appealed personally to Philip by a letter which -received no answer. -</p> - -<p> -When Count de Oñate eventually presented -himself before King Charles at Whitehall, the -English King left no doubt that the Palatinate -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P314"></a>314}</span> -was uppermost in his mind. Speaking in Latin, -he asked Oñate three questions—"Whether, having -notice of the final answer of the Emperor to Arundel, -he hath any power by way of interpretation or -otherwise to qualify the said answer? Whether -he hath power from the King of Spain to deliver -to King Charles, or the Prince Elector, that part -of the Lower Palatinate in his (Philip's) possession, -and also by this mediation that part held by the -Emperor? Whether he hath commission to set -down in particular those conveniences that his -father told Arundel the King of Spain would -insist upon? Whether, in accordance with the -assurance given by the English ambassador in -Spain, King Charles may expect by him (Oñate) -any more particular and full satisfaction than -hath yet been delivered?"[<a id="chap07fn46text"></a><a href="#chap07fn46">46</a>] Needless to say -that Oñate had no clear answers to any of these -questions, nor instructions to forward the matter -of the Palatinate definitely; and once more -discouragement fell upon those who had hoped to carry -through the treaty. -</p> - -<p> -Hopton, when he arrived in London and heard -the news, wrote to Aston by Richard Fanshawe, -who was on his way to Spain: -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"A greater change has taken place in our -purposes in the last month than in years before. -Our eyes are now opened to the intention of -the house of Austria to keep hold of the -Palatinate. They must have a very mean -opinion of us to treat our King with so little -courtesy. If his Majesty gives way to the opinion -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P315"></a>315}</span> -of his subjects about the Palatinate, it will prove -to Spain their error. It is incredible that they -should act thus. They will certainly lose us if -they be not careful." At the same time, the -Spaniards were boasting in Madrid that "the -Palatinate has been put to bed, and the King of -England will not dare to break with us about it." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -England again shelved -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The need of Spain for English co-operation -was now once again growing less urgent, for the -star of Richelieu was temporarily dimmed. The -coalition of the Italian princes against Spain had -fallen to pieces, the Dukes of Mantua and Savoy -died, and Parma was forced to submit to Spain. -The Valtelline was retaken and occupied by the -Spanish troops, and the Grisons conciliated; -whilst Cardinal la Valette's campaign in 1637 -against the Infante Cardinal partially failed. In -Germany, too, the French were defeated all along -the line, and, worst of all, France lost Alsace. -Richelieu, moreover, was faced by the dangerous -Court intrigues of Gaston of Orleans and his cousin -Soissons, and half France was in smouldering -revolt against the taxation imposed by the great -Cardinal. The way across Lombardy and Tyrol -to Germany and Flanders by land was now open -to Spanish troops; and Olivares, having kept -unstable Charles of England on the tenterhooks -all these years with the bait of the Palatinate, could -now snap his fingers at him, and for a time drop -the mask. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn1"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn1text">1</a>] An attempt was made to enforce gifts -of this donation from foreigners, -and four English youths at Bilbao resisted, -but on Hopton's representations they were exempt. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn2"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn2text">2</a>] In fact, a notification had been sent -to the Pope that the Nuncio -in future would be treated -as any other ambassador, and the large revenue -drawn by the Papacy from Spain would be in future taken by -the King. Upon this the Nuncio was withdrawn, -and much trouble ensued. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn3"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn3text">3</a>] Corner, the Venetian ambassador in Madrid, -writing at the same -period, says: "He (Olivares) -is greatly hated both by the grandees and -by the people of all classes, -but nobody believes that he can be turned -out of his place.... He is very austere -and hard in his dealings with -people, which causes great anger, -and the murmurs against him are -open and loud, even the preachers -in the pulpits denouncing him; and -everybody is saying that it is a wonder -he can stand against it all." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn4"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn4text">4</a>] As if to silence these terrible hints, -Olivares had at this time adopted -an ostentatiously saintly mode of life. -Corner speaks of him as living -very quietly and in great melancholy -since the death of his only daughter. -"He professes to live in much piety -and devotion, confessing and -communicating every day. -He has so many masses said daily, and to all -appearance lives the life of a devotee. -He has now begun to lie in a -coffin in his chamber like a corpse, -with tapers around him, whilst the -<i>de profundis</i> is sung; whilst in ordinary -affairs he talks like a capuchin -friar, and speaks of the grandeur -of this world with the greatest disdain." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn5"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn5text">5</a>] Hopton's MS. Notebook. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn6"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn6text">6</a>] Hopton, writing soon after this (January 1634), -says the levies are -going on very slowly. -Yesterday a pragmatic was published limiting -the number of lackeys and squires, -all beyond that number are to be -discharged, and so also are those employed -in unnecessary trades, so -that many will be at leisure to serve the King. -But the pragmatics -did not dare to attack the greater scandal -of all, namely, the enormous -number of ruffians who escaped -all responsibility to the ordinary laws -by becoming nominally "Familiars" -of the Inquisition, or servants, -in the broadest sense, to the religious communities. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn7"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn7text">7</a>] Hopton's MS. Notebook. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn8"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn8text">8</a>] This was an ancient Dominican -religious house near the palace, -at the corner of the present Cuesta -de Santo Domingo in Madrid. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn9"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn9text">9</a>] Particulars of the case will be found -in the contemporary MS., D. 150, Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn10"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn10text">10</a>] On a portion of the site -of the Buen Retiro the Countess of Olivares -had formerly had an aviary with a -collection of domestic poultry, in -which she and her husband had taken great interest. -The wits of the -capital had dubbed the place -"the hen-coop"; and the name was the -peg upon which the satirists and poets -hung their scurrilous gibes at -the new palace. Corner, the Venetian -ambassador at this time, writes: -"The origin of the edifice has become -a subject for great ridicule. The -site was occupied by a collection of poultry -the Countess had, and although -the hens were curious and pretty -of their sort, it was a source of much -wonder and derision that the Count, -who is occupied in such grave -business, should have taken such interest -in the hens.... Everybody -calls it (the palace) the 'hen-coop,' -and numberless pasquins have been -written about it, even Cardinal Richelieu -joking about the hens and -the hen-coop to a secretary of the -King (Philip) who was in Paris." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn11"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn11text">11</a>] Hopton's MS. Notebook. Corner also -says that anybody who -wished to stand well with Olivares hurried -to send some precious thing -to adorn the Buen Retiro. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn12"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn12text">12</a>] <i>Ibid.</i> -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn13"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn13text">13</a>] Fernando was in Milan, -and was already under orders to march to -Flanders overland at this time. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn14"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn14text">14</a>] Hopton's MS. Notebook. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn15"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn15text">15</a>] Hopton's MS. Notebook. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn16"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn16text">16</a>] At this very period the great -Don Fadrique de Toledo, son of the -Duke of Alba, was in prison, -the victim of Olivares' jealousy, and most -of the grandees avoided Court as much as possible. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn17"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn17text">17</a>] Hopton's MS. Notebook. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn18"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn18text">18</a>] Carl Justi. Presents of paintings -were also sent from England. -Coke, for instance, sent, presumably -from Charles I., a picture by Horatio -Gentileschi as a present to King Philip. -It is extraordinary to note -in the correspondence of the English -diplomatists at this period the -constant mention of the sending -of pictures to Spain, and vice versa, -mostly for King Charles, -but very often also for Lady Cottington. In -May 1633, Hopton writes to Cottington -the following reference to a -painter sent to Madrid to copy pictures -for Charles I., which I do not -think has been noticed before. -"The King's painter is sending some -pieces. He is a very well governed young man -and a good husband -(<i>i.e.</i> a good manager of money), -yet by reason of the dearenesse of this -place, and being willing to live -in so handsome a manner as a man sent -by his Majesty, money goes away apace -which I cannot remedy, because -I doe not see that he can; but I conceive -his Majesty will have a very -good account of him, to whose service -I perceive he hath wholly disposed -himself." A little later we are told that "the King's painter -hath fallen sick of a calenture, and grows worse. -I am out of a great deal -of money by him." Lady Cottington -and others in England were constantly -asking for Labrador's flower and fruit pieces -to be sent to them, -and purchases and exchanges of pictures -are often spoken of for King -Charles himself. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn19"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn19text">19</a>] The charming picture by Velazquez, -here reproduced, represents the -little Prince at about the age of nine -on his pony galloping near the -Pardo. There is another charming -equestrian portrait of the Prince -in the Duke of Westminster's collection, -with Olivares in the background. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn20"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn20text">20</a>] Hopton's MS. Notebook. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn21"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn21text">21</a>] Hopton's MS. Notebook. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn22"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn22text">22</a>] It is curious that during all this -period of great international anxiety -and important negotiations, the talk -about pictures is still constantly -to be met with in the diplomatic correspondence. -At one time, in June -1635, Suero de Quiñones wished -to send two pictures as a present to -King Charles. "I (Hopton) and -King (Charles's) painter have seen -them, and think they are good, -particularly a Venus and Adonis of -Luqueto. The other piece is by Tintoret. -Suero de Quiñones is poor, -but of quality. I know not why he -should give his pictures away thus." But -Quiñones, urged doubtless by poverty -rather than his quality, -did not give them away after all, -and perhaps never intended to do so; -for Hopton writes months afterwards: -"Quiñones has played the knave, -and sold his pictures." On another -occasion (July of the same year), -Hopton expresses his delight to Cottington -that Labrador's paintings -had come to hand at last. -"The painter who made the landskips," -he continues, "is now dead, -and his pieces are much sought after and -highly prized. I have a few of them -and am using diligence to get -some more, at your lordship's service. -If the man had lived I think -I had carried him with me to England; -for he was grown much out -of love with his own country, and was -much my friend." MS. Notebook. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn23"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn23text">23</a>] After they had voted this usual -9 millions to extend over three -years, the Cortes were thunderstruck -in the following January 1636, -by a demand of Olivares that they -should vote an additional 13 -millions. The members were all paid -and submissive; but this was -too much even for them. -They flatly refused to vote the sum, which -they said it was quite impossible -for their constituents to pay. The -royal Council then at once commenced -criminal proceedings against -them, whereupon the members prayed -for time to consult their constituents, -and orders were given by the Council to levy the 13 millions -of necessary without the vote: -to this abject state had representative -institutions been reduced in the realms -of Castile. See Danvila's -<i>Poder Civil en España</i>, <i>Documents</i>, -and Rodriguez Villa's Newsletters, 1636-37. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn24"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn24text">24</a>] Hopton to Coke, 13th June 1635. MS. Notebook. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn25"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn25text">25</a>] Council of State Deliberations of 19th November 1635. -Danvila, <i>El Poder Civil en España</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn26"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn26text">26</a>] There was one pragmatic which touched -Madrid to the quick, -namely, that which forbade the use -of carriages except to a very few -privileged people. -So great was the outcry against this, that it was -found to be impossible to enforce it, -as the driving about in coaches -was the main pleasure and amusement -of every one who could afford -it, and of many people who could not. -Whilst, therefore, the pragmatic -was rigidly enforced in the provincial -capitals, licences were issued to -anyone in Madrid to own a coach -on payment of 100 ducats.—Rodriguez -Villa's Newsletters, January 1636. -Other pragmatics were issued -at the time, regulating the courtesy titles, -as it was found that too many -people were calling themselves <i>Lordship</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn27"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn27text">27</a>] In the Rodriguez Villa's Newsletters -at this period, hardly a week -passes without reference to the selling -up of some nobleman's belongings -for debt. One of the most ostentatious -nobles in Madrid, the Marquis -de las Navas, was soon after this fined -for some offence, and as he had -no money an execution was put in on his -coaches and horses, which it -was then found were not his own but hired; -and his furniture and even -the tapestries of his palace belonged to other people. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn28"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn28text">28</a>] Both of them got safe away abroad, -and the Marquis del Aguila -was condemned to death in his absence. -Herrera subsequently issued -a public challenge for the Marquis -to meet Him and fight in Switzerland, -and thus explains the affray. -The Marquis, he asserts, said in the theatre -that he was drunk, and though he made -no reply to this, an hour afterwards -he came behind him and struck him -a great blow on the back -of the neck. He (Herrera) then drew his sword, -and he and the Marquis -were both seized by the Guard. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn29"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn29text">29</a>] <i>La Corte y Monarquia de España en</i> 1636-1637, -a series of newsletters written by an -anonymous grandee in Madrid, edited by A. Rodriguez Villa. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn30"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn30text">30</a>] Philip had grown very fond -of these tests of literary promptitude, -at which he appears to have shone. -In Morel Fatio's <i>Espagne au XVI. et -XVII. Siècle</i> there is reproduced -the programme of a great burlesque -<i>Academy</i> of this sort, -which took place at the Buen Retiro during the -fetes of 1637. There are fourteen items -for competition, of which the -following are good specimens: -A romance declaring which stomach is -most to be envied, that which will digest -great sorrows or great suppers. -An epigram in two Castilian couplets, -declaring which is the most -foolish, to be a fool sometimes -or to be always discreet. Sixteen -roundels, about a procuress who was dying, -much comforted that -there were no proper men left in the world; -and just as she is about to -expire, a young man comes in whom -she receives with delight, saying -to him, "My friend, you are just in time; -there are two beautiful lasses -in there, as good as gold; -one dark and the other fair." And as the -youth was hesitating which to choose -the expiring old woman cried, -"My son; for heaven's sake take the dark one. -This is no time for -me to deceive people." The tale has been -drawn out thus, because -they say it is true. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn31"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn31text">31</a>] Las Sabandijas del Conde. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn32"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn32text">32</a>] This church was at the end of the -Puerta del Sol, where the Hotel -de Paris now stands. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn33"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn33text">33</a>] Oquendo, only a few weeks later, -took command of the galleys at -Cadiz to attack the French fleet, -and received 200,000 ducats. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn34"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn34text">34</a>] This was the Count of Montalvo, -who must have been more quarrelsome -and punctilious than most of his compeers, -for only a few weeks -after the contention here described -he had a violent quarrel with the -Council of Castile, the supreme judicial authority, -which ended in the -Corregidor himself being imprisoned -and heavily fined. It appears that -he had ordered an alguacil to attend him, -which the alguacil refused -to do, as he was not under his jurisdiction. -The Corregidor's answer -was to cast the man into prison; -whereupon the alguacil appealed -to the President of the Council of Castile, -who told the Corregidor that -he had exceeded his powers. The touchy Corregidor in a rage burst -out with: "A rebuke to me. -By Christ's body, his Majesty the King -has many ministers who do not know what they are doing." The -scandalised president without more ado -cast the Corregidor into prison, -from which only after much trouble he was released. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn35"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn35text">35</a>] Particulars of these may be found -in Rodriguez Villa's <i>La Corte y -Monarquia de España en</i> 1636-1637, -p. 50 and in Barrionuevo's -Newsletters of a subsequent date. -With regard to the period now under -review (1636), one of the accused -persons under torture was hastily -taken down from the rack, -"as he showed an intention of accusing -half Madrid." On this occasion two -obscure persons were burnt alive, -but scores of aristocrats whose names -are freely mentioned in the letters -escaped with short banishment from Court -or no punishment at all. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn36"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn36text">36</a>] It was afterwards stated that -one bishop had surrendered thousands -of the nun's letters to the Inquisition, -and the Cura of Santa Cruz had -"a room full of crosses, medals, images, -and old rags belonging to her, -whilst the Duke of Arschot had two -thousand made specially to be blessed -by her." Rodriguez Villa. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn37"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn37text">37</a>] Rodriguez Villa's Newsletter, October 1636. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn38"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn38text">38</a>] This, as Aston wrote, -made gold and silver a mere merchandise. -The pragmatics, it is true, fixed the -premium on silver at 25 per cent., -but it was at once raised -in the open market to 34 per cent. and more, -the resulting distress and dislocation -of business being appalling. Aston -to Coke, 29th May 1636. -Record Office, S.P. Spanish MSS. 38. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn39"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn39text">39</a>] In April of this year, 1636, for instance, -Philip for some reason -or other was in depressed spirits on Sunday 26th, -and was for a time -secretly closeted in the chapel alone in prayer. -At once, we are told, -"great and sudden preparations were ordered -to be made in the palace -for comedies and interludes, -and the comedians were warned to play as -many buffooneries as they could to make -his Majesty laugh." An -account in MS. of all that happened -in the Court from 1636 to 1642, -Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, H. 33 -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn40"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn40text">40</a>] Record Office, S.P. Spanish MSS. 38 -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn41"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn41text">41</a>] Newsletter. Aston also describes -the rejoicings on this occasion, -and mentions that Philip "let fall -some expressions of regret that his -brother-in-law's affairs had fallen -into such bad case." This was a curious -expression, as the brother-in-law -in question was the King of France, -and it was Philip's own army that had put him "in bad case." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn42"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn42text">42</a>] Rodriguez Villa. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn43"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn43text">43</a>] Record Office S.P., Spain MSS. 38. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn44"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn44text">44</a>] <i>Ibid.</i> -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn45"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn45text">45</a>] Aston to Coke, 30th June 1636. -Record Office, MSS. S.P., Spain, 39. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn46"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn46text">46</a>] Record Office S.P., Spain MSS. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p><a id="chap08"></a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P316"></a>316}</span></p> - -<h3> -CHAPTER VIII -</h3> - -<p class="intro"> -FESTIVITIES IN MADRID—EXTRAVAGANCE AND -PENURY—NEW WAYS OF RAISING MONEY—HOPTON -AND WINDEBANK—BATTLE OF THE -DOWNS—VIOLENCE IN THE STREETS OF MADRID—REVOLT -OF PORTUGAL—FRENCH INVASION OF SPAIN—REVOLT -OF CATALONIA—PHILIP'S AMOUR WITH -THE NUN OF ST. PLACIDO—THE WANE OF -OLIVARES—PHILIP'S VOYAGE TO -ARAGON—INTRIGUES AGAINST OLIVARES—FALL OF -OLIVARES -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Princess Carignano -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Nothing even in Spain could exceed the -magnificence with which Philip greeted the Bourbon -Princess of Carignano. She was really a person of -little importance, but her significance in Spain for -the moment was that she was a sister of the Count -of Soissons, who in France was in arms against -Richelieu; and a foe of the Cardinal was a friend -of Spain. The proud dame was equal to the -occasion, and, after endless discussions as to the -exact behaviour of both at a proposed interview -with the English ambassador, Sir Walter Aston -decided that he could not, with due regard for his -dignity, meet the Princess at all. The points of -difference seem trivial enough: when Aston was -to take off his hat, how many steps upon the dais -the lady was to advance to meet him, and so on; -but the Princess was indignant that the Englishman -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P317"></a>317}</span> -should thus haggle over the courtesy due to -her, and all Madrid took malicious part in the -squabble.[<a id="chap08fn1text"></a><a href="#chap08fn1">1</a>] The usual round of festivities for the -Princess, with the addition of a great pig-sticking -day with twenty wild boars at the Pardo, were -followed in a fortnight by another series more -sumptuous still, to celebrate, the election of Philip's -brother-in-law to the kingship of the Romans and -to the succession of the imperial throne. Many -detailed accounts of these extraordinary feasts, -the greatest ever given in the Buen Retiro, exist;[<a id="chap08fn2text"></a><a href="#chap08fn2">2</a>] -but so many similar celebrations have been -described in this book from Spanish sources, that it -will suffice in this case to quote only Sir Walter -Aston's short description of what he saw. "On -the 7th February 1637 the King came from the -Pardo to the Buen Retiro, and he has been busy -ever since arranging the festivities for the election -of the King of the Romans. The feasts began on -the 15th, the King being present. A large place -had been specially cleared and levelled before -the Buen Retiro, and built about with uniform -scaffolds two storeys high, the posts and divisions -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P318"></a>318}</span> -all beautified with paintings and gilding. The -King and the Conde (Olivares) dressed themselves -in the house of Carlo Strada, the <i>asentista</i> -(loan-monger), by whom they were richly presented, not -only with jewels but with the whole furniture of -the apartments,[<a id="chap08fn3text"></a><a href="#chap08fn3">3</a>] which he had provided for each. -<span class="sidenote"> -A sumptuous show -</span> -His house is in the Carrera de San Geronimo, where -the King and Conde took horse, and, attended by -200 of the nobility and persons of quality, and -two triumphal chariots drawn by 20 oxen apiece, -entered the Plaza, where they performed a curious -masquerade after their manner full of changes, the -one half of the horsemen being led by the King -and the other half by the Count-Duke; the King -and Conde and all the rest being richly clad after -the same kind. The Plaza was round about set -full of torches in several heights, and postures -which had so much delight and magnificence in -the appearance, that those who have looked -curiously into the entertainments of former times -say that amongst the Romans they have not read -of any greater ostentation.[<a id="chap08fn4text"></a><a href="#chap08fn4">4</a>] The charge hath -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P319"></a>319}</span> -certainly been very great, but hath cost the King -nothing; for it hath long used this town to defray -all extraordinaries either for his honour or his -pleasure. Since then there has been a bull-feast and -some fresh entertainment every day. On Sunday -last there was a masked carnival fit for the Shrove-tide -season; so full of variety of different figures, -antique shapes, and several dances, that I have -not seen in a ridiculous way any of more pleasure. -Late advices have given them little contentment; -but however their business may go abroad, they -are resolved to make themselves merry at home."[<a id="chap08fn5text"></a><a href="#chap08fn5">5</a>] -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -However "merry" the Court might be, the -need for money was more pressing than ever. In -the same letter that describes these entertainments, -we are told that the Marquis of Castel Rodrigo -had been sent to Seville to demand 800,000 ducats -for present needs in Madrid. "Though he is to -demand it as a denature, this King's requests are -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P320"></a>320}</span> -understood to be commands, and admit of no reply.[<a id="chap08fn6text"></a><a href="#chap08fn6">6</a>] The -denature has already begun in this Court, and -is to go through the whole kingdom, everybody -being told by way of request what he has to -pay." The Pope, too, who had been for months striving -to bring about peace or a truce, was persuaded to -consent that the Spanish clergy should be mulcted -in 500,000 ducats; and when the Indies fleet -arrived, Olivares ordered a similar amount of private -treasure in it to be seized in exchange for assignments, -which, says Aston, is commonly a very slow -and lame payment. But the greatest novelty in -the way to raise funds was invented at this juncture -by a Jesuit priest in Madrid named Salazar, and was -at once seized upon by Olivares to become until -our own days a principal source of revenue in all -civilised States; namely, the device of using -government-stamped paper for all official and -formal documents. This new impost was published -in Madrid early in 1637, there being four denominations -of stamped paper; respectively of 1, 2, 3, and -4 reals per sheet, to forge which was an offence -punishable by death. The lawyers and people were -up in arms against it, though financiers said it -would bring in two million ducats a year, and the -Nuncio and priests flatly refused to conform to -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P321"></a>321}</span> -it for the ecclesiastical courts, etc., without the -special order of the Pope.[<a id="chap08fn7text"></a><a href="#chap08fn7">7</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Prices in Madrid -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The prices of commodities in Madrid had risen -enormously in the previous few years, thanks to -the tampering with the coinage and the oppressive -operation of the alcabala tax on all sales; and the -figures given by Hopton at the time to Coke are -very significant of the increased cost of living. -Aston, sore and humiliated at the final failure of the -treaty, begged to be recalled; and Hopton, who -had not long returned to England disappointed, -and, as he said, shelved, was again nominated for -the embassy at Madrid. But Coke informed him -that his allowance for diet would be in future -reduced from £6 to £4 per day, "as it was in the time -of Queen Elizabeth." Sir Arthur Hopton (he had -only just been knighted) wrote feelingly on this -matter, pointing out how unjust the reduction was. -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"All the diet of table and stables is three -times as dear as in Sir Charles Cornwallis's time, -when the £2 a day was first added. A loaf of bread -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P322"></a>322}</span> -was then worth 12 maravedis, and is now worth -34.[<a id="chap08fn8text"></a><a href="#chap08fn8">8</a>] -An azumbre[<a id="chap08fn9text"></a><a href="#chap08fn9">9</a>] of wine was then worth 12 -maravedis, and now sells for 30; a pound of mutton, -which was then worth 17 maravedis, is now worth -40; a fanega[<a id="chap08fn10text"></a><a href="#chap08fn10">10</a>] -of barley then cost 6 reals,[<a id="chap08fn11text"></a><a href="#chap08fn11">11</a>] and -16 now. I myself have paid as much as 26. If -this new rule be enforced, the English ambassador -cannot maintain his position, for some of the small -Italian ambassadors have as much as £6." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -But Hopton need not have exerted himself to -obtain the full pay; for before he could make -ready to return to his post a change came over -the scene. Aston had long been puzzled as to what -was being arranged in London. Rumours had -reached him that some agreement was on foot -between England and France, but Hopton from -London had emphatically assured him, on the -23rd May 1637, that nothing of the sort was -intended. By the next courier Aston received an -enigmatical letter written by Charles's own hand, -which only made the mystery deeper, and drew -from the ambassador an impatient exclamation -that he could not give any useful warning to the -English merchants on such a riddle as that. Why -was he not told, he asked, if war was really intended, -and he then could make some use of his knowledge. -The King's letter is a characteristic one, and as it -has not to my knowledge ever been printed, I give -it in full. -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P323"></a>323}</span> -</p> - -<p> -"Watt. The darkeness of ther inventions -could not suffer my resolutions to be cleare: so -that it was impossible to send you a right light -to walke by. What that is (though uncertaine -yet) Secretary Windebanke will send you worde. -They may be assured of my friendship, but then -ther actions not their words must doe it. So -referring you to my Secretaries despatch, I rest -your friend Charles R. Theobalds, the 15th June -1637."[<a id="chap08fn12text"></a><a href="#chap08fn12">12</a>] -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -English neutrality -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Aston had not to wait many days for partial -enlightenment. Hopton wrote reminding him of -Olivares's dictum that there was no gratitude -amongst princes; but said the Count-Duke might -have been more grateful on this occasion with -advantage to himself. Now it was too late; for a great -change had been effected in English policy, and a -treaty had been arranged with France. A few days -later, Windebank wrote a long official despatch, -setting forth all the causes for complaint against the -house of Austria, and announcing an alliance with -Louis XIII.[<a id="chap08fn13text"></a><a href="#chap08fn13">13</a>] But still Aston did not know whether -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P324"></a>324}</span> -it meant war with Spain, or simply a neutrality with -benevolent tendency towards the French and Dutch. -He learnt before long that all that Richelieu had -needed was to divert Charles from an agreement -with Spain, for the Stuart ship was already steering -straight for the breakers, and thenceforward no active -attack from England had to be feared by either of -the parties to the great struggle on the Continent. -</p> - -<p> -Relations between England and Spain almost -came to open hostility when, in October 1639, the -powerful fleet of seventy vessels which Philip had -by a supreme effort fitted out was almost destroyed -by the Dutch in the Downs, and in English waters, -where they had taken refuge from Tromp's pursuing -fleet. When the Spanish agent in England sought -from Charles the protection due to a belligerent in -neutral waters, the King at once attempted to -bargain for conditions about the Palatinate. But -Tromp was in no mood for scrupulousness, and, -taking the matter in his own hands, whilst Charles -was huckstering, boldly attacked and routed -the Spaniards as they lay on the coast of Kent. -Olivares was furious, and demanded redress from -the King of England, who, he said, had aided the -Dutch in their attack. Admiral Pennington, to keep -up appearances, was imprisoned for not defending -the neutrality of English waters; but that was all. -The Battle of the Downs was a deathblow to Spain's -spirited attempt under Olivares to become again a -great naval power, and the loss of prestige and -material then suffered was never fully recovered. -</p> - -<p> -By the neutrality of England settled in 1637, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P325"></a>325}</span> -and the cessation of the war in the Valtelline and -in Italy, the area of the duel to the death between -France and Spain, between Richelieu and Olivares, -was gradually narrowing; but this concentration -of the struggle brought nearer the danger to -Spanish territory itself. Great as had been the -pressure brought to bear upon all classes to obtain -funds for the war, the threat of invasion made the -cry for money more peremptory than ever. Not -only every noble, but now every knight of an -order, was summoned to provide a horse and arms -for himself and servant, and to hold himself in -readiness to join a company; and coach and cart -horses were seized for government use everywhere.[<a id="chap08fn14text"></a><a href="#chap08fn14">14</a>] A -new "donativo" was decreed for Madrid, and -rich men were unmercifully drained.[<a id="chap08fn15text"></a><a href="#chap08fn15">15</a>] Even the -beggars who lived in squalid plenty were passed -in review, in order to find how many impostors -there were who in purse or person could serve -the King. It was found by this inquiry that of -3300 people who lived by public mendicancy in the -capital, only 1300 were really poor and deserving.[<a id="chap08fn16text"></a><a href="#chap08fn16">16</a>] On -the other hand, as we have seen, at this very time, -with the danger hourly growing, ostentatious -expenditure on pleasure exhausted in a day sums large -enough, in relation to the national revenue, to have -provided to a great extent for the more pressing needs. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Poverty and extravagance -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Peculation and personal lavishness were as -remarkable as the public waste. A Portuguese -Count of Linhares, who was Philip's Admiral of the -Galleys of Sicily, arrived in Madrid in February -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P326"></a>326}</span> -1637, and in his first audience he gave to the -King a string of diamonds, which was said to -be the handsomest ever seen in Europe, its value -being estimated at considerably over 60,000 -ducats. The Count then went to salute the Queen, -to whom he offered a casket with a pair of -marvellous earrings. The Queen, we are told, fell in -love with them at once, and without waiting for -ladies or tire-women, snatched her own ornaments -from her ears and put in the new pair. Whilst she -was admiring the effect of them in a mirror the -King came in, delighted, to show her his string of -diamonds, which he wore in his hat; and they -exchanged many jokes at each other's vanity. -What the Count-Duke received as his present from -Linhares is not stated; but that he was so pleased -with Linhares' generosity that he said, "This -is the sort of ministers and viceroys for his -Majesty"; and he thereupon appointed Linhares, -much to the latter's chagrin, Viceroy of Brazil, -which post he would only accept on all manner of -new and favourable conditions.[<a id="chap08fn17text"></a><a href="#chap08fn17">17</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P327"></a>327}</span> -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Noble criminals -</span> -</p> - -<p> -It was in all respects high time that the noble -courtiers who surrounded Philip should be made -to occupy themselves in real warfare against the -enemy of their country, for their quarrels and -turbulence had already reached a point that made -them a public reproach. It had been for more than -a century a fixed policy of Spanish kings to keep -the territorial nobles as much as possible excluded -from executive activity in the Peninsula, and to -attach them to the personal service of the monarch -at Court. The peerage had been enormously -increased under Philip III. and IV., and the -numerous class of newly enriched and ennobled -courtiers and officers that thronged Philip's Court, -utterly idle and corrupt as they were, with no -great feudal or military traditions, had become -insolent and pretentious beyond measure. -</p> - -<p> -The broils of the nobles during the month of -festivities in the early part of 1637 were so -scandalous, that it was seriously considered by Philip and -Olivares how they could punish the highly placed -law-breakers, and positively forbid duels -altogether. First, the quidnuncs on Liars' Walk -were regaled at the end of January by the sight of -four gentlemen of birth being led past the Calle -Mayor to be hanged instead of beheaded. These -criminals had plied their impudent trade of -cloak-snatchers in every street in Madrid, and had, -amongst many other outrages, killed a priest who -had objected to part with his raiment. The Duke -of Hijar, a great friend of Olivares and a -notable boaster, had been relieved not only of his -cape, but of his sword and buckler as well; and -a considerable band of these ruffians, led by a -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P328"></a>328}</span> -young noble of nineteen, one of those hanged, had -so terrorised the streets of the capital as to make -them unsafe in broad daylight. The next day, ten -men and women, mostly people of good position, -were whipped through the Calle Mayor as thieves -and receivers; and some highly born gentlemen -were condemned to death as housebreakers. "This -place," wrote an eye-witness, "simply swarms with -folks of this sort, and the efforts of the ministers of -justice are powerless to stop them."[<a id="chap08fn18text"></a><a href="#chap08fn18">18</a>] -</p> - -<p> -One morning soon afterwards, Madrid woke up -to find the walls placarded with a public challenge -from Don Juan de Herrera to the Marquis del -Aguila to meet him and fight to the death in -Switzerland. These were the two nobles who had -fought in the presence of the King (page 300), and -had fled from justice to foreign parts; and the -subject of discussion amongst the idlers and satirists -in Madrid was whether or not the Marquis was -bound to accept the challenge. But in three days -this subject had to give way to another excitement. -Don Juan Pacheco, eldest son of the -Marquis of Cerralbo, had asked the manager of one -of the theatrical companies of the capital, Tomas -Fernandez, to represent a new comedy, in honour -of the recovery of his sweetheart, the daughter -of the Marquis of Cadreita, from fever. -Fernandez had made other arrangements for his -company and declined to do so; and Pacheco at -once hired a bravo to stab the comedian as he was -walking and chatting with other actors in the open -space near the Church of St Sebastian, called the -"Liars' Walk of the Comedians." When the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P329"></a>329}</span> -assassin delivered the blow, this noble employer -who was standing close by, shouted: "That is the -way to serve varlets." -</p> - -<p> -Hardly had the exclamations on this event -ceased, than another affray between gentlemen -in broad daylight interested the gossipers. On -the 10th February there was dress rehearsal of -the mounted masquerade in the new arena at the -Buen Retiro, which has been described on page -318. The populace broke into the ring, and the -royal guard had much trouble to clear the space -for the riders. During the process of clearing, -young Spinola, indignant that he, a Genoese noble, -should be hustled, called out offensively to Don -Francisco Zapata, the lieutenant (whom we have -seen in trouble before): "Hi, Don Francisco! don't -you know who I am?" to which Zapata replied: -"I don't care who you are"; and in spite of his -threats of vengeance Spinola was "moved on." As -Zapata left the gates of the palace afterwards, -he met Spinola waiting for him in the Prado. "I -have a word to say to you," cried the Genoese. -"I have no sword," replied Zapata. "Then I will -wait whilst you go and fetch one," said Spinola; -and with that Zapata leapt in a rage from his -mule, and, snatching a sword from a bystander, he -fell upon his opponent, though the pair were -separated before blood was shed. -</p> - -<p> -Another foolish fray over punctilious trifles -took place on the following day between the Count -of Salazar and one of the gentlemen in attendance -on the Princess of Carignano, a Milanese Spanish -subject who bore an Italian title of Count de Pozo. -The Spanish nobles always sneered at Italian titles; -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P330"></a>330}</span> -and Salazar shied at calling Pozo "Lordship." The -latter had retaliated by calling Salazar -himself "Worship" instead of "Lordship," and when he -met him in the Calle Mayor had neglected to bow -to him. Worse still, when they met again in the -passage of the Buen Retiro palace leading to the -Count-Duke's apartment, Salazar doffed his hat, -and Pozo neglected to return the salute. In a -moment Salazar turned back, and, snatching off -Pozo's wide-brimmed felt hat, gave the owner a -tremendous buffet on the face with it. In a moment -swords flew from scabbards, and the two angry -nobles grappled; but they, too, were separated, -Salazar taking refuge in the German embassy, -whilst Pozo fled into hiding. The "discourses" -in this case decided that Salazar was in the wrong; -but he had many friends, and held a perfect levee -in the German embassy, closely isolated from -suspicious visitors, to prevent a hostile message -reaching him that would need his going out to -fight. But by a trick one of the pages of the -Princess of Carignano obtained admission, and -handed him a challenge from Pozo. When the -antagonists met next morning at the place -appointed, on the outskirts of the town, they were -both arrested; and even then the two alcaldes who -arrested them had a violent quarrel as to which of -them should take Salazar. -</p> - -<p> -These, and several other scandals of the sort, -all happened within the space of a fortnight; and -it is little wonder that the Royal Council, at the -instance of Olivares, discussed the matter and -reported to the King that something must be done. -The step decided upon was very Spanish. All the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P331"></a>331}</span> -old fire-eaters and officers of experience were -fighting under the Cardinal Infante in Flanders, and to -them the whole subject was referred for consideration -and report; "after which a very strict pragmatic -will be drawn up and published forbidding -duels under heavy penalties, and even making -them cases for the Inquisition, or at least that -the principals and their descendants should be -degraded. Either of these two courses would -touch Spaniards deeply." Needless to say that, -long before the report from Flanders came to -Madrid, if it ever came, these good resolves were -forgotten, and the affrays of noble ruffians -disgraced Madrid uninterruptedly as before. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Nearing the crisis -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Philip and his minister, indeed, had plenty of -other things of greater moment to occupy them than -this. From the first we have seen that Olivares -recognised the absolute need for fiscal unity and -equality of sacrifice from all Spain if the old dream -of supremacy was to be enforced and France -humiliated. Portugal, Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia, -naturally jealous of ancient rights which each -successive ruler had sworn to respect, were -determined to resist any attack by the favourite upon -their autonomy. I have on many occasions pointed -out that the main explanation of the past, and -problem of the future, of Spanish history is the -intensely local and regional character of the -patriotism of the people. In our times the rapid means -of intercommunication between the parts, and the -existence of a unified administrative system for -two centuries, have in some directions rendered -this feeling less conspicuous than it was; though -in others, and particularly in Catalonia and the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P332"></a>332}</span> -Basque Provinces, it is still strong and clamant. -But in the time of Olivares the sentiment was -absolutely unimpaired. Philip II., even after -the rising against him in Aragon, had done little -really to injure the ancient <i>fueros</i>, whilst in Portugal -he had gone to the very extreme of prudence in -recognising the separate national rights of his -new subjects. Any attack, or even threat, -therefore, on the part of a new and much hated minister -like Olivares upon this, the strongest racial and -traditional sentiment of the most active and -enterprising communities in the Peninsula, was certain -to lead to conflict. -</p> - -<p> -The need for money, nevertheless, was pressing, -and however statesmanlike the aim of the minister -may have been if its execution had been gentle -and cautious extending over many years, it became -the height of rashness when forced to an immediate -issue. Olivares was very far from being foolish -or naturally rash, and when his policy was first -explained to Philip, soon after his accession, he did -not disguise that his object was difficult to attain, -and must be a work of time.[<a id="chap08fn19text"></a><a href="#chap08fn19">19</a>] But when once he -had embraced the policy which forced upon Spain -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P333"></a>333}</span> -costly wars abroad, defeat and ruin for himself -was the only alternative to the dangerous plan of -making the autonomous realms pay their share -of the cost of wars undertaken by the King, and of -the rampant waste amongst the decadent crowd -in Madrid that had already bled Castile to exhaustion. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Portuguese autonomy -</span> -</p> - -<p> -For some years the Portuguese had been justly -irritated by the giving to Spaniards of administrative -offices in Portugal, and by the contemptuous -way in which Olivares habitually received -representations or remonstrances as to the injuries -suffered by Portuguese subjects in consequence -of the union with Castile. The principal -instruments of the Count-Duke in his attempts to rule -Portugal on Castilian lines were two creatures of -his—Miguel Vasconcellos and Diego Suarez, both -Portuguese of obscure origin, who had practically -superseded the Duchess of Mantua, Philip's nominal -figurehead, who was personally not unpopular. In -1637, at an attempt to impose a tax on all property -in Portugal for Spanish purposes, risings took -place in the Algarves and Evora, and protests loud -and deep came from other Portuguese cities. -Madrid at once announced that the King himself -would go with a large force and conquer his realm -of Portugal; but though this was untrue, the -Duke of Medina Sidonia marched into the Algarves -with a Spanish force, whilst another threatened the -north of Portugal, and the Portuguese, unready -as yet for the conflict, were cowed by the threat. -But the injury rankled deeply, and when, in the -following year 1638, Olivares summoned to Madrid -the Portuguese archbishops, seven nobles and three -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P334"></a>334}</span> -Jesuit priests, to discuss the closer unity of the two -countries—an assembly which coincided with -the imposition of a new illegal tax upon the -Portuguese as a punishment for the risings—Portuguese -nobles and people alike knew that unless they were -to be enslaved by Castile they must needs fight for -their national existence. -</p> - -<p> -Thenceforward the great conspiracy that was -to bring independence to Portugal never ceased -until victory crowned the attempt. The Duke of -Braganza, the Portuguese pretender with the -best right to the throne, was prodigiously rich and -over cautious, but his virile Spanish Guzman wife -was eager and ambitious; whilst her wealthy -brother, the Duke of Medina Sidonia, head of the -Guzmans, silently helped forward the scheme which -would make his sister a Queen, and afford him, -the most powerful vassal of the Castilian crown, -a precedent for the creation of an independent -principality for himself in Andalucia, free from -the weak and corrupt bureaucracy led by his cousin -Olivares in Madrid. -</p> - -<p> -In the meanwhile the war with France had taken -a new aspect. The much vaunted Spanish invasion -of France through Bayonne under the Duke of -Nocera had turned out a ridiculous fiasco, and it -was soon evident that Richelieu meant to make -an effort to revenge the attempt by an invasion -of Spain, as well as to retrieve the reverses he had -sustained elsewhere in the previous year. Anna of -Austria, the Queen Mother of France, did her best -privately to persuade her brother and Olivares to -terms of peace acceptable to her son; and she sent -to Madrid for the purpose, in the summer of 1637, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P335"></a>335}</span> -a Minorite friar, who had many interviews with -Olivares on the subject. But the war had now -entered into a phase which involved the personal -rivalry of two all-powerful statesmen, as well as -the prestige of two great nations, so that it had to -be fought to a finish. The blinded courtiers in -Madrid, moreover, openly scoffed at the idea of -making peace with France until Spain had asserted -its incontestable superiority;[<a id="chap08fn20text"></a><a href="#chap08fn20">20</a>] and all that the -Minorite friar took back with him to France was -the little finger of Saint Isidore the Husbandman, -the patron of Madrid, which was secretly cut from -the body of the saint in his church in the Calle de -Toledo at midnight, to be sent as a venerated relic -to Philip's sister Anna in Paris.[<a id="chap08fn21text"></a><a href="#chap08fn21">21</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Spain invaded -</span> -</p> - -<p> -In the summer of 1638, Richelieu was ready to -strike his blow on Spanish soil. Crossing the -river Bidasoa at St. Jean de Luz, a French army -rapidly captured Irun and the fine harbour of -Pasages, and laid siege to Fuenterrabia both by sea -and by land. The Prince of Condé (Henri de Bourbon) -and the Duke de la Valette were in command on -land, and the Bishop of Bordeaux at sea. An attempt -was made by the French to storm the hill upon -which the fortress stands, but the Admiral of Castile -and the Marquis of los Velez, with 6000 men from -Navarre and Guipuzcoa, eager to fight for their -own provinces, came opportunely upon the scene. -A dashing charge threw panic into the French -camp, and the besiegers fled headlong to their boats. -Spaniards were always ready enough to fight -when well led, and they were fighting for their own -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P336"></a>336}</span> -provincial frontiers; and though La Valette was -accused by Richelieu of treachery, and condemned -to death in his absence in England, whither -he had fled to join Marie de Medici, his men on -this occasion were fairly beaten by Spanish soldiers, -who were irresistible when they were defending -their own provinces. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -The French repelled -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The same thing was seen in Catalonia in the -following spring, where, counting upon the notorious -disaffection of the Catalans with Olivares' policy, -Condé in the spring of 1639 invaded Roussillon, -which then belonged to Catalonia, and captured -Salcés. Peremptory demands for help came to -Madrid, but Olivares was in no hurry to help the -Catalans, and preferred that their own impotence -to defend their country without the aid of Castile -should be first demonstrated. The provincial -authorities were stout and determined, and rapidly -raised an army of 10,000 men. But the Catalans -had no leader yet worthy of the name; and, though -they fought bravely, they fought for a time in -vain. They were badly and timidly led; and -8000 of them died of the plague before Salcés, -in which fortress the French were shut up. Condé, -late in the autumn, came back from Provence with -a new French army of 20,000 foot and 4000 horse -to reinforce the French; and though the case -seemed hopeless, the Catalans, ever a dour race, -determined to stand and fight them. Full of -confidence, the French army stormed the trenches of -the besieging Catalans on the 1st November. But -the ditches and moats were swollen by autumn -rains, and regiment after regiment rushed to the -attack, only to be repelled with terrible loss by the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P337"></a>337}</span> -stout Catalans, behind their earthworks and gabions. -Discouragement at last seized the French, and -they fled, leaving the Catalans masters of the field, -and Salcés unrelieved. The fortress surrendered -to famine at the beginning of the year 1640, and -the second attempt of Richelieu to invade Spain -failed. Nor were the attempts upon the Catalan -coasts by the French fleet under the Bishop of -Bordeaux more successful; for, after some -depredations and the temporary occupation of Spanish -ports, the French fleet was scattered by a storm -and returned disabled to France. Once more it -was proved that Spaniards were indomitable when -they were fighting for a deep-seated sentiment. The -deepest of all was local loyalty. Whilst the -sentiment of religious selection had been dominant it -had given Spaniards a strength not their own; but -that burning faith was ashes now,[<a id="chap08fn22text"></a><a href="#chap08fn22">22</a>] and the only -thing worth fighting for, beyond the inborn love -of contest, was the independence of the province -that gave them birth, and for this, rather than for a -Spain that for most of them was but a geographical -expression, Spaniards were still ready to sacrifice -their lives without stint. -</p> - -<p> -It was a wretched story that King Philip had to -tell the Cortes of Castile that were assembled in -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P338"></a>338}</span> -Madrid in the summer of 1638. His treasury, -he said, was more empty than ever; "for he had -been obliged by his duty to oppose all the heretics -in Europe in defence of the Catholic religion, as -well as the enemies of his house in Italy, Germany, -Flanders, and Brazil, and a greater war was now -on his hands than had afflicted Spain since the -time of Charles V. And although peace had -been discussed through various channels, as yet -unsuccessfully, the surest way to attain -tranquillity was to arm more powerfully than ever, and -strike their enemies with dismay." Seventy two -millions and a half of ducats had been raised by -loans at 8 per cent. interest, and spent in the -previous six years on war, in addition to two -millions and a quarter for the army in Spain itself. -This was an expenditure unheard of previously -in Spain, and it meant that a sum greater than -ever was demanded now of Castile in the form of -an enormous addition to the food excise, and an -increase of the alcabala. The country was -depopulated and starving, said the deputies;[<a id="chap08fn23text"></a><a href="#chap08fn23">23</a>] but -withal the duty of his Majesty as a Christian prince -was clear, and, no matter at what sacrifice, the -means for fighting the battle of the Church and -Spain must be found by his faithful vassals. -</p> - -<p> -And so, through 1638 and 1639, as has already -been told, the war went on, not on the whole -unfavourably for Spanish arms, for the French -invasion, at least, was repelled; but more disastrously -than ever, for the overtaxed and ruined people -upon whom the crushing burden lay of providing -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P339"></a>339}</span> -funds. Talk of peace went on in Madrid all the -while. A secret agent of Richelieu named Pujol -was in close though cautious negotiation with -Olivares for three years, both ministers professing -ardent desires for an agreement. But it was -clear that neither was disposed to give way an -inch in his claims, and again and again the -Spanish agents declared that on no account would -they recognise the Dutch otherwise than as -recalcitrant rebels against their King. In the -circumstances, therefore, peace was impossible; for -Holland had not held her own for seventy years -to bow the head now, and in the summer of 1640 -the internal storm which had long been gathering -burst upon Spain, not, we may be sure, to -Richelieu's surprise, and all hope for peace fled. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Rebellion in Spain -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The fatal burden of Philip's inherited task, and -the traditions imposed at his baptism, had led -him to embark in impossible wars for an idea; -the need for money to support a policy of Quixotic -adventure had drained Castile; and the unhappy -insistence of Olivares in exacting from the autonomous -realms a similar sacrifice, had at last sapped -their loyalty to the sacred personality of the -sovereign. Philip, in the prime of his manhood, -after nineteen years of rule, found himself face to -face with rebellion of his own people, as well as -with a great war abroad; whilst the centre of his -realm, whither all wealth flowed and whence all -power emanated, was sunk in pagan epicureanism, -pride, pretence, and sloth. -</p> - -<p> -In earlier chapters we have seen that on both -the occasions that Philip had personally attended -the Cortes of the eastern realms, he, and especially -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P340"></a>340}</span> -Olivares, had quarrelled bitterly with the deputies, -and had returned to Madrid in anger, leaving a -rankling discontent behind. Olivares since then -had lost no opportunity of dealing hardly with -Catalans particularly,—their causes in Madrid -being treated with ostentatious neglect, and their -interests passed over, in order, as Olivares said, -to teach them the lesson of obedience; whilst the -Catalans, whose qualities certainly do not include -submissiveness, repaid this treatment by passively -resisting the orders that came to them from the -Court. When Roussillon was invaded by the -French in the autumn of 1639, Olivares had been -slow to send succour from Castile. As we have -seen, the drain for the foreign war was tremendous, -and both money and men were scarce, even if -Olivares had desired to send prompt aid. But -such was not the case; and the main efforts by -which the French were expelled and Salcés captured -were those of the Catalans themselves. The -Viceroy was Queralt, Marquis of Santa Coloma, -who, although a Catalan, was devoted heart and -soul to Olivares, and had been chosen as a more -pliant instrument for the minister than his -dignified predecessor, the Duke of Cardona. -</p> - -<p> -To Santa Coloma, whilst the Catalans were -straining every nerve to defend their principality -from the French, Olivares and the King -continued to send messages calculated to arouse the -deepest resentment of the people. -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"Do not," wrote Olivares, "suffer a single man -who can work to absent himself from the field, nor a -woman who can bear on her back food or forage.... -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P341"></a>341}</span> -If the enterprise can be effected without violating -the privileges of the province, well and good, but -if in order to respect these the service of the King -is retarded by one single hour, he who dares to -uphold them at such a cost will be an enemy to -God, his King, his race, and his country.... -Make the Catalans understand that the general -welfare of the people and of the troops must be -preferred to all rights and privileges.... You -must take great care that the troops are well lodged -and have good beds; and if there are none to be -had, you must not hesitate to take them from the -highest people in the province; for it is better that -they should lie on the ground than that the troops -should suffer." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Revolt in Catalonia -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The reinforcements from Castile and elsewhere -that eventually reached Catalonia under Spinola, -Marquis of Balbeses, arrived after most of the -fighting was over, and the French had retired; -but orders were given that these troops should -remain quartered in the province. This was a -violation of one of the most cherished rights of -the Catalans; and Spinola made matters worse by -his marked insolence to people of the country, and -his public instructions that in every case the troops -lodged in a place were to be stronger than the -inhabitants, so that they should always be the -masters. Protests and indignant remonstrances -met with the same contemptuous treatment from -Olivares, Santa Coloma, and Spinola; and as the -months wore on the mood of the Catalans became -ever more dangerous. It was announced in the -spring of 1640 that the King would go and hold -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P342"></a>342}</span> -a Cortes in Barcelona; but to hold Cortes, it was -remarked that he did not need the strong armed -force he summoned to attend him. The knights of -the orders were again placed under contribution, -and protested in vain that it was an abuse to press -them thus for subordinate military service; the -grandees of Castile were each commanded to -provide and pay for four months 100 soldiers each; -and this, on the top of other swollen demands, -aroused higher than ever their hatred of Olivares. -The Duke of Arcos said that he had already paid -900,000 ducats; the Dukes of Priego and Bejar, -800,000 each, and others in like proportion, and -that they were at the end of their resources.[<a id="chap08fn24text"></a><a href="#chap08fn24">24</a>] The -Portuguese nobles saw in the summons only a -pretext for withdrawing them from their own -country, and many went into hiding to avoid -compliance with it, whilst others with feigned -acquiescence procrastinated until they could safely -throw aside the mask. -</p> - -<p> -Whilst Philip was still trifling in Madrid with -the usual merrymakings at the Retiro to celebrate -the feast of Corpus Christi in June 1640, there -came flying news from Barcelona that the threatened -tempest had burst. The Catalans, driven to -desperation by the exactions and insolence of the -polyglot rabble of troops quartered upon them, -had risen and massacred every Castilian soldier -and officer they could hound down. Santa Coloma -himself in flight had sunk by the wayside, and -had been hacked to death by his maddened countrymen; -and from Barcelona through all Catalonia -the fiery cross had been borne with cries, it is true, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P343"></a>343}</span> -of "Long Live the King"; but still louder shouts -of "Vengeance," "Liberty," and "Down with the -Government." In a vain attempt to stem the -flood the old Duke of Cardona was reappointed -Viceroy; and, after his death shortly afterwards, -was succeeded by the aged Archbishop of Barcelona. -But it was too late, and anarchy soon ruled -unchecked. Cardinal Borja, himself a Valencian and -an active minister of Philip's thenceforward, openly -declared in the Royal Council at Madrid that "the -revolt could only be drowned in rivers of blood." -</p> - -<p> -Again the screw had to be turned, and Olivares -was almost in despair. But he worked like a giant, -cajoling and humouring Braganza and the -Portuguese nobles into what he hoped was a better -frame of mind, whilst he depleted the Portuguese -frontier of the forces with which he had up to that -time terrorised the sister kingdom. The details -of the Secession War in Catalonia cannot be told -here.[<a id="chap08fn25text"></a><a href="#chap08fn25">25</a>] Suffice to say that again Philip, supported -by the enemies of Olivares, clamoured to be allowed -to lead his troops against the rebel subjects; but it -suited the minister to keep him amused with poetical -academies, comedies, amours, and devotions, -rather than to bring him in touch with realities, and -enable him to learn the whole of the dire truth. -</p> - -<p> -The Marquis of los Velez was sent to Catalonia -with such an army as could be got together, and -in the summer he swept through the province, -almost without resistance, until he came to -Tarragona and Barcelona, which places had been -occupied, by the invitation of the Catalans, by -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P344"></a>344}</span> -French troops. Epernon, who commanded them, -again showed the white feather, and retired; but -the stout Catalans, though deserted by their -allies, formally renouncing the rule of the King of -Castile and acknowledging Louis XIII. as their -prince, manfully stood behind their trenches to -defend the capital. The attempt to storm the -outworks was made on the 26th January 1641, -the Earl of Tyrone leading the Irish regiment, and -falling dead at the first onset. The battle was a -desperate and sanguinary one, but just as victory -seemed assured for the Castilians, a panic seized -them; a Catalan attack in their rear completed -the demoralisation, and Barcelona, untaken and -victorious, proclaimed itself a French city, whilst -the routed Spanish army retreated to Tarragona, -a mere rabble. Thenceforward French government -troops poured into the principality; and -Philip, amidst his alternate wanton pleasures and -agonised remorse in Madrid, realised that the -realms of his fathers were crumbling apart, and -that the King of France ruled with the consent of -Spaniards over some of the richest provinces of -Spain. The knowledge struck like death to the -heart of Philip, for up to that hour, kept in the dark -by Olivares, he had never understood the tenacity -of the autonomous States, or the danger of tampering -with a deeply rooted national tradition. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Secession of Portugal -</span> -</p> - -<p> -But the news of the secession of Catalonia, -terrible as it was, came only a few weeks after -another blow which had affected Philip even more. -The King, in the earlier days of December 1640, -was presiding over one of the ostentatious bullfights -that he loved, given in honour of the Danish -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P345"></a>345}</span> -ambassador, when a courier from the Portuguese -frontier galloped post haste to the quarters of Olivares -in the palace. Soon Liars' Walk and Calle Mayor -were full of grave faces and important whispers that -dreadful news had come from the sister kingdom. -In the palace, even in the Plaza where the -bullfight was being held, everybody knew or guessed -the story that had come; yet none dared whisper -a hint to the King, for the sallow, frowning face -of the Count-Duke was rigid, and until he spoke -the word none might break the silence. Hours -passed; the bull-fight came to its usual end, and, -on returning to the palace, the King sat at play -with his friends. To him entered the Count-Duke, -gay and smiling. "I bring great news for your -Majesty," he said. "What is it?" asked the -King, with little concern. "In one moment, Sire, -you have won a great dukedom and vast wealth," -replied the minister. "How so, Conde?" inquired -Philip. "Sire, the Duke of Braganza has gone -mad, and has proclaimed himself King of Portugal; -so it will be necessary for you to confiscate all his -possessions." The King's long face fell longer -still, and his brow clouded, for all his minister's -jauntiness. He was no fool, and he knew this was -tidings of evil moment. "Let a remedy be found -for it," was all he said, turning anew to his game; -and the Count-Duke, as he left the room, looked -sad, as if he saw the beginning of his own eclipse. -</p> - -<p> -In three hours the long prepared conspiracy had -come to a head. Braganza himself had done little, -though he had artfully kept himself out of the -trap which Olivares had cleverly baited for him. -</p> - -<p> -On the 1st December 1640 the cry had rung -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P346"></a>346}</span> -through Lisbon, "Long live King John IV." The -hated Vasconcellos had been murdered first, literally -torn to pieces by the crowd; the Duchess of Mantua, -Philip's Vice-Reine, had been respectfully -conducted to safety in a convent, and the Castilians -in the city had been interned in the fortress. -Resistance there was none, and no adequate Spanish -force to make any; and although for the rest of -Philip's sad life the pretence was kept up of treating -the Portuguese as rebels, and intermittently war -was pushed on the frontier to regain Castilian hold -over the country, the separation was permanent, -and Portugal never lost her independence again.[<a id="chap08fn26text"></a><a href="#chap08fn26">26</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Fresh troubles -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The volume of discontent against the minister -grew apace, and all Olivares could do was to keep -Philip amused, whilst he isolated him more and more -from those who could open his eyes to the true -state of affairs. Several attempts had been made -in the past years by rash individuals to open the -King's eyes. Once a young courtier named Lujanes -had thrown himself at the feet of Philip in the -royal chapel, and had shouted to him to beware of -Olivares, who was bent upon his ruin. He was -hurried away, and the servile friends of the -Count-Duke shrugged their shoulders and said the poor -fellow was a lunatic; but the next day he died -mysteriously in confinement, and the gossips made -no hesitation in saying that he had been poisoned. -Other cries to the same effect had from time to time -greeted Philip in the streets and public diversions; -but now they became more frequent and -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P347"></a>347}</span> -outspoken. As he was going on a wolf-hunt, cries arose: -"Hunt the French, sire! They are our worst -wolves." The disaster of a great part of the Buen -Retiro being burnt down with its sumptuous contents, -during a splendid carnival in February 1641, -a few weeks only after the reception of the ill news -from Barcelona and Lisbon, gave fresh cause for -complaint against Olivares. Twice previously the -King had been in danger there by the bursting of -reservoirs, and now he ran a worse risk by the place -catching fire.[<a id="chap08fn27text"></a><a href="#chap08fn27">27</a>] The place was accursed, said the -grumblers; and when the irreparable loss of precious -works of art by the fire had to be made good by -"voluntary" offerings of similar things from -private collections, and 60,000 ducats for rebuilding -were extorted from the deputies of the Cortes, with -20,000 from the municipality of Madrid, 30,000 from -the Council of Castile, and 10,000 from the Council -of War, whilst the soldiers in the field were unpaid -and starving, all those who were not absolutely -slaves to the Count-Duke openly cried shame.[<a id="chap08fn28text"></a><a href="#chap08fn28">28</a>] -</p> - -<p> -Another trouble occurred at this time which -embittered Philip's heart and conscience for years -to come; and this, again, whether true in all its -particulars or not, was added to the heavy account -that the people at large had against the Count-Duke. -It will be recollected that a horrible scandal -had taken place in the convent of San Placido in -Madrid in 1632. The matter was hushed up and -condoned in 1638, and the nuns went into residence -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P348"></a>348}</span> -again. Now, the patron of San Placido was the -King's confidant, and Olivares' henchman, the -protonotary Geronimo de Villanueva, whose mansion -in the Calle de Madera adjoined the convent. -Villanueva had always been one of the useful -ministers of Philip's amours, and when his convent -was rehabilitated in 1638 he brought stories of a -very beautiful young nun that he had seen there. -Philip and Olivares insisted upon seeing this paragon -of loveliness, and Villanueva, exerting his authority -as patron, obtained entrance into the locutory for -the King in disguise; and for many nights in -succession the interviews took place. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -A convent scandal -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The affair, though very carefully concealed, -began to be whispered, before the King and his -friends had penetrated beyond the grille which -separated them from the beautiful nun; and -though Philip's conscience after an offence was -tender enough, it usually did not operate until -after the offence was committed. So determined -was he to approach more nearly to the object of -his passion, that Olivares and Villanueva together -managed by bribes and prayers to persuade the -nun to consent to a violation of her vows, and to -admit the King. A passage was made from Villanueva's -house to the cellars of the convent to facilitate -the entrance of the King; but before the secret -work was finished, the nun, either conscience-stricken -or afraid of consequences, told the abbess what -was going on. The punishments meted out by the -Inquisition a few years before had probably been -enough for this good lady; for she besought -Villanueva to desist from so terrible and dangerous a -crime, But Villanueva, anxious to please the King, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P349"></a>349}</span> -and being, like most of the courtiers of his -generation, a religious cynic, turned a deaf ear to her -entreaties. When later he led the enamoured -King through the secret passage into the sacred -cloister, and to the room where it was arranged -that the meeting should take place, the pair were -horrified to see that the abbess had laid out the -nun upon a bier, her eyes closed, her hands crossed -upon her breast clasping a crucifix, whilst tapers -were burning at the head and foot of the bier. This -was too much for Philip, and he fled; but subsequently -affairs were arranged more comfortably, -and the amours, we are assured, continued for -some time.[<a id="chap08fn29text"></a><a href="#chap08fn29">29</a>] -</p> - -<p> -By and by the Inquisition heard something of -what was going on from its spies. What could -be done? The King was too high even for the -Holy Office to touch; yet so awful a sacrilege -as this could not be allowed to go on. The -Inquisitor-General was Friar Archbishop Sotomayor, -Philip's own confessor, a creature of Olivares, and -a man of indifferent character; but even he took -the King to task severely and repeatedly for his -crime. Subsequently, when Philip probably was -tired of the intrigue, he desisted, and then, after -interminable secret inquiries by the Holy Office, it -was decided that Villanueva was guilty of sacrilege -of the worst description, and must be arrested. -The King, remorseful or panic-stricken, was for -letting the matter take its course; but Olivares, -trembling now for himself (in 1642), went to the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P350"></a>350}</span> -Inquisitor-General, Sotomayor, with two decrees -signed by the King, one dismissing him and banishing -him from Spain, the other giving him a pension -of 12,000 ducats a year for life, on condition that he -resigned the Inquisitor-Generalship and retired -to Cordova. Sotomayor naturally accepted the -latter alternative. At the same time strong measures -were taken in Rome by Philip's agents to induce -the Pope to demand the reference of the case to -him. The Inquisition obeyed the Pope's command, -and sent the whole of the papers in a casket to -Rome by one of its own confidential officers. -Olivares managed to delay his departure whilst one -of the King's painters, perhaps Velazquez, made -several sketches of the messenger's face, which -sketches were sent off post haste to the King's -officers in various parts of Italy, with orders to -capture the original secretly wherever he appeared, -and send him closely isolated to Naples, whilst -his precious casket of papers was to be forwarded -intact to Olivares. -</p> - -<p> -The unfortunate messenger, Paredes, landed at -Genoa, where he was at once kidnapped and spirited -off to the strong castle of Ovo at Naples, fated to -be kept in close confinement for the rest of his -life, fifteen years. The casket was conveyed with -great secrecy to Olivares, who, with the King, -reduced it and its unread contents to ashes in -Philip's private room. The new Inquisitor-General -was a Benedictine friar in the confidence of Queen -Isabel, one Diego de Arce; and as no news came -from Rome of the case, letters were written by him -and the Council of the Inquisition to the Pope. -The latter, primed by Philip's ambassador, still -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P351"></a>351}</span> -kept silence; and as the minutes of the trial of -course could not be found, and the wretched -messenger had apparently vanished from the face of -the earth, there were no proofs forthcoming against -Villanueva, who remained under interdiction and in -partial seclusion. -</p> - -<p> -This, however, could not continue for ever; -and when, in 1644, Olivares had disappeared from -the scene, and nothing more was to be feared from -him, Villanueva was formally arrested by the -Inquisition, and carried off to Toledo, where he was -taken before the judges in <i>penitenciæ</i>; and, -without any particulars being recited, was admonished -that he had sinned enormously by sacrilege and -irreligion, whereby he had incurred the heaviest -penalties; but that the Holy Office in its clemency -would absolve him, only imposing upon him the -obligation of fasting on Fridays for the rest of his -life, of never entering a convent again, or speaking -to a nun, and of giving 2000 ducats for charity to -the Prior of the Atocha. The King then restored -Villanueva to his post, and imposed perpetual -silence with regard to the case against him.[<a id="chap08fn30text"></a><a href="#chap08fn30">30</a>] What -penalty Philip himself paid for his terrible offence -is not known; though it is said that the clock of the -convent, which played the dirge for the dead each -hour, and which existed well within the memory -of the present writer, and perhaps exists still, was -one of the King's peace offerings to the outraged -cloister. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P352"></a>352}</span> -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Don Juan legitimated -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The clouds gathered ever blacker over Olivares. -The demands he was forced to make now for -resources to face the French in Catalonia, and to -present some show of attempting the recovery of -Portugal, drove the Castilian nobles and people of -means into almost open revolt. The copper -currency was again tampered with, being reduced to -one-sixth of its previous value;[<a id="chap08fn31text"></a><a href="#chap08fn31">31</a>] and large demands -were assessed in silver upon persons who were -assumed to be able to pay. In Madrid alone on -this occasion, 150 people were sent to the dungeons -for their inability or unwillingness to pay all that -was asked of them. In addition to the public -causes for the hatred of the people against the -minister, there were also personal reasons of -rapidly increasing strength for his unpopularity -with his own class. His arrogance had always -offended the nobles of high lineage, and he now -added to it, as if in mere wantonness, an offence -for which even his own kin never forgave him. -His only daughter had died soon after her early -marriage; and whatever may have been Olivares' -faults, he was an extremely fond father. He had, -as he grew older, practically adopted his nephew -Don Luis de Haro, son of the Marquis del Carpio, -as his heir; but suddenly there appeared at Court -a young man of twenty-eight, up to that time -known by another name, and passing as the son -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P353"></a>353}</span> -of a small government official in Madrid. The -name now given to this person was Enrique Felipe -de Guzman, and Olivares brought him to the -palace and to the King's apartments, introducing -him as his son. The young man was a person -of no breeding or attraction, and his mode of life -was far from exemplary, but Olivares appears to -have been perfectly infatuated with him. Following -his own bent, the son had married a lady of good -house in Seville; but Olivares had higher views -for him, and, by dint of great and costly efforts, -caused the marriage to be declared invalid. No -people in the world were more tenacious of purity -of blood than the Spanish nobility, whose open -immorality of life, indeed, added to their strictness -with regard to their legitimate succession; and, -much as Olivares favoured his new son, and lavishly -as, at his instance, Philip endowed him with rank, -resources, and offices, it was difficult to get him -acknowledged as an equal by the proud Guzmans, -and much less by the nobles, who were already -bitterly opposed to the minister. But Olivares -was powerful and determined. At his instance, -the handsome, gallant young son of the King, and -of the actress the <i>Calderona</i>, who was now twelve -years old, was brought to Madrid, and by decree -was given the same semi-royal honours as had -been bestowed on the other Don Juan of Austria, -the son of the great Emperor. Queen Isabel had -but two living children, young Baltasar Carlos, the -heir, and a younger girl, Maria Teresa. Baltasar -Carlos, who was the same age as his half-brother, -was a promising, sturdy little Prince, immensely -popular with the people of Madrid as he pranced -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P354"></a>354}</span> -about on his pony, or raised in his name fresh -regiments for the war. But naturally the Queen -his mother was jealous that another son of the -King, even better looking than Baltasar Carlos, -should be brought into such close competition -with her own legitimate offspring.[<a id="chap08fn32text"></a><a href="#chap08fn32">32</a>] -</p> - -<p> -The significance of the legitimation of Don Juan -was seen in a family council summoned by the -Count-Duke, in which Olivares' three sisters, all -great ladies, and their children, were required to -greet Enrique Felipe de Guzman as "Excellency," -and a relative.[<a id="chap08fn33text"></a><a href="#chap08fn33">33</a>] All the Castilian nobility was up -in arms at such an insult; but the disgust was -infinitely deepened when Olivares demanded of the -Constable of Castile, the Duke of Frias, the hand -of his daughter for Enrique Felipe de Guzman, -and when the Constable, a weak man, consented -to the indignity— -</p> - -<p class="poem"> - Soy de la Casa de Velasco,<br /> - Y de nada hago asco.<br /> -</p> - -<p class="poem"> - Here great Velasco's chief you see;<br /> - Nothing is too vile for me,<br /> -</p> - -<p class="noindent"> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P355"></a>355}</span> -was written by one of the poets of the Calle Mayor, -and another scorpion was added to the lash preparing -for the back of Olivares. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -The son of Olivares -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The minister was no weakling, and his hand -fell heavily upon those who dared to oppose him. -Quevedo's trenchant pen had scarified the vices -and weaknesses of Madrid in a dozen satires: he -had scourged the slothful, vain, pretentious crew -that filled the gutters of the slums and the galleries -of the Buen Retiro; but so long as he was friendly -to Olivares none dared to touch him. The moment -he turned his glib verse and bitter prose, addressed -to the poet-king himself,[<a id="chap08fn34text"></a><a href="#chap08fn34">34</a>] to an exposure of the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P356"></a>356}</span> -evils arising from the policy of the favourite, then -isolation in a dark and filthy dungeon was -Quevedo's reward. There, until the favourite's fall, -the poet, loaded with chains, was kept, whilst the -vices he had scourged grew greater with impunity. -</p> - -<p> -The streets of Madrid became more scandalous -even than before. Bravos and assassins almost -openly stood for hire; murder and robbery were -so common in broad daylight as to attract only -passing notice, and in one fortnight at this period -(1641) there were 110 murders in Madrid alone, -many of them of persons of position.[<a id="chap08fn35text"></a><a href="#chap08fn35">35</a>] Devout -in form as were the people, even sanctuary was now -no protection, and the most hideous sacrilege -went hand in hand with grovelling sanctimoniousness. -Fresh pragmatics, with penalties ferocious -in their severity, denounced evil living, but little -notice was taken of them after the first few days. -Women still clattered up and down the Prado -and the Calle Mayor on high jingling pattens, and -with great swelling farthingales, their faces covered -and their breasts exposed; cape snatchers still plied -their trade at the street corners, and ruffling bullies -picked quarrels for gain with peaceful citizens. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P357"></a>357}</span> -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Disintegration -</span> -</p> - -<p> -In Catalonia the Spanish armies and fleet were -being beleaguered and beaten hopelessly (1641). -The French King had received the oath of allegiance -from Barcelona, whilst powerful French armies -under Schomberg, De la Motte, and Meilleraie, -with Richelieu behind them, held the principality -firmly, cordially seconded by the Catalans -themselves. All Spain, even Madrid, now almost at the -end of its resources, saw that the country was upon -the rapid slope that led to utter ruin. Portugal -gone, with hardly as yet a pretence of winning it -back. Catalonia gone, apparently as hopelessly, -Andalucia almost in revolt,[<a id="chap08fn36text"></a><a href="#chap08fn36">36</a>] and Naples simmering -in discontent: a great empire of formerly loyal -people falling into impotent disintegration, and all -fingers pointed at the heavy, frowning, yellow-visaged -man, who worked night and day doing -everybody's work, and desperately keeping the -King immersed in trifling pleasures, as the author -of all this ruin and disgrace. -</p> - -<p> -It was inevitable that it should be so; but it -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P358"></a>358}</span> -was, of course, unjust. At the beginning of the -reign, and for long afterwards, the policy that caused -the trouble, that of persisting in the inflated claims -of a century before, had been heartily endorsed -by the whole people. They wanted glory, pride, -supremacy. They wanted still to act the part of -God's militia, to dragoon the world into one -belief—their own—to boast of the riches of their King -and the greatness of their country. But when -at last they understood that a policy abroad of -bombastic meddling and of domestic waste at home -was costly, they turned to rend the man who had -carried their vain aspirations into acts. Olivares -was no wiser than other Spanish statesmen of his -time. He could only see with the eyes of his own -generation; and his share of the blame for the -ruin that had ensued upon his rule was only greater -because more conspicuous than that of the whole -people, who were blinded and besotted by the -foolish hope of enjoying advantages, national and -personal, which were beyond their means. -</p> - -<p> -In April 1642, Madrid was panic-stricken by -the news that the last reinforcements sent to the -seat of war, and raised with such terrible suffering -from the exhausted people, had been overwhelmed -by Marshal de la Motte; and Castile was now -powerless to send adequate forces to make any -head against the absolute domination of Catalonia -by the French. The satires and epigrams fell as -thick as autumn leaves in Madrid, urging Philip -to wake up and act the man. Louis XIII. was to -be present with his army on Spanish soil at -Perpignan, and was already playing a worthy part -in a great national crisis; whilst Philip, his Spanish -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P359"></a>359}</span> -brother-in-law, still dangled about the Buen Retiro, -busy in arranging comedies, even writing them, -some said; planning ostentatious shows and -affected literary competitions, or, as a change, -speared driven boars at the Pardo. The Queen, a -Frenchwoman though she was, added her tears and -entreaties that her husband himself should go -whither his duty called him, no matter at what -sacrifice of his ease and pleasures. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Philip goes to the war -</span> -</p> - -<p> -To do Philip justice, he personally was eager -to fulfil his duty; but long custom had made him -almost incapable now of shaking off the yoke of -Olivares and having his own way. For a time the -minister and his obedient Councils opposed every -obstacle to the project of the King's joining the -army in the field. The personal danger was made -most of; the incommodity of the voyage, the -inconvenience to the troops to be weighted with -the additional responsibility of the safety of the -monarch; the risk of assassination by rebel -subjects; even the positive lack of money for the -journey, was urged, again and again, upon Philip -by Olivares. It was useless, moreover, he said, for -the King to go without large reinforcements. On -the other hand, the Queen and the higher nobles, -even many of the Councillors, urged that the case -was desperate, and that without the King's personal -example Catalonia was lost for ever to Spain. They -even began to whisper that cowardice was the reason -of Olivares' obstinate resistance to the journey; -and at length Philip, aroused for once in his life, -put his foot down, peremptorily silenced the -remonstrances of the Council, and tore up its Memorial -opposing his going. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P360"></a>360}</span> -</p> - -<p> -Again the drums were beaten. The cities of -Andalucia were appealed to in the name of loyalty; -the nobles and their sons were once more squeezed. -The son of Olivares, with his father's money, raised -a chosen corps with which he made a brilliant show -before the King, and gave an excuse (says Novoa) -to put pressure upon other young nobles to do the -like. At last, with infinite effort, a new force was -got together to accompany the King to Aragon; -the Queen, working strenuously, selling her jewels, -putting pressure upon pious ladies and ecclesiastics -to subscribe, making much of the popularity of -her son Baltasar Carlos; and for the time putting -aside the frivolous pleasures that had delighted -her, to play a part worthy of the daughter of the -gallant Béarnais, Henry of Navarre. -</p> - -<p> -When news came to Madrid that Louis XIII. was -on Spanish soil in Roussillon, Philip finally -determined to go to the front in spite of Olivares. -He would go by Aranjuez, he said, and if the -Count-Duke did not like to join him there he should go -without him. This was open rebellion, but -Olivares was too old a hand to gainsay the King, who, -like all weak men, was obstinacy itself when once -his mind had been made up. On the 26th April, -Philip, on a splendid charger, with pistols at his -saddle-bow and sword by his side, rode to the -Atocha church to pray to the famous image of the -Virgin, and thence by Barajas and Alcalá de -Henares, on his way to the war. Like a lighted -powder-train the enthusiasm flew through the country as -the King passed onward. Not in the memory of -living men had a monarch of Spain thus rode forth -to war to fight for his inheritance, and the foul -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P361"></a>361}</span> -miasma of sloth and ignoble enjoyment was swept -from the hearts of thousands of young Spaniards, -whose spirits were aflame and whose chivalry was -touched anew with the spirit that in times past -had made their sires invincible. -</p> - -<p> -The Queen was left in Madrid as Regent, with -the President of the Council of Castile and the -Marquis de Santa Cruz to aid her; and Olivares, -who knew well the danger of the course he was -obliged to acquiesce in, lagged behind in the capital -as long as he dared,—afraid of the war, sneered some; -afraid of leaving the Queen alone, whispered others; -whilst, as time went on, the opinion became general -that the King's going was all a feint to get more -money and men. There seemed good reason for -the suspicion; for when Olivares at length joined -his master, it was with plans formed to beguile -Philip in the usual way. Two days were passed -in devotion at the shrine of St. James at Alcalá; -then a pompous visit with long festivities to -Olivares' own house at Loeches; and thence to -Aranjuez, where and in the neighbourhood nearly -a month was passed in hunting parties, tourneys, -and the like, with frequent visits from the Queen. -Again the war spirit in the country flagged, and -the people despaired at so much trifling, when, -as the saying went, there were three Kings on -Spanish soil instead of one.[<a id="chap08fn37text"></a><a href="#chap08fn37">37</a>] -</p> - -<p> -At length Philip shook himself free again, -thanks to the exhortation of his wife; and on the -20th May rode forth from Aranjuez, now with a -numerous unwieldy train of servants, carriages, -and baggage, and followed by Olivares in terror -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P362"></a>362}</span> -of assassination, surrounded by guards whom he -beseeched to allow no one to approach him.[<a id="chap08fn38text"></a><a href="#chap08fn38">38</a>] Olivares -was in mortal fear, too, of an interview -between Philip and his cousin the Duchess of -Mantua, the expelled Vicereine of Portugal; whom, -much to her indignation, the minister had -forbidden to come to Madrid, and had secluded under -formal restraint at Ocaña, which lay in the road -by which the King must pass. The Duchess, if -once she got ear of the King alone, would tell him -how, and why, Portugal had been lost; and in -the long drive during which the Duchess shared the -King's coach on his way to Ocaña, she laid such -a story before him, of oppression, cruelty, and -unwise government, as to leave Philip shocked -and angered that so much had been hidden from him. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Philip in Aragon -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Visiting noble houses and shrines on the road, -and seizing every opportunity for delay, Olivares -managed to spin out the journey to Saragossa -until the 27th July, when Aragon itself was half -overrun by French raiders. Philip's entry into -the city was more fitting for a monarch's triumphal -return from victory than for the opening of a -campaign by a soldier. Soon after his arrival he -heard with dismay that Monzon, the ancient -legislative capital, had been occupied by the French; -whilst everywhere his troops were either retiring -before the enemy or being beaten hopelessly. The -greater nobles, both Castilian and Aragonese, -systematically avoided contact with Olivares; but the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P363"></a>363}</span> -presence of Philip in the Aragonese capital offered -a good opportunity for a visit of the grandees to -him, in order to take counsel as to what could be -done in so calamitous a state of affairs. Olivares -received them almost rudely, and refused them -collective access to the King, whereupon the nobles -in high dudgeon shook the dust of Saragossa from -their feet, and to a man swore to be avenged on -the insolent upstart who, they said, was keeping -the King prisoner. In fact, Philip was practically -isolated in two rooms whilst at Saragossa, on the -plea of the risk to his life if he went out. Olivares -rode forth every day in a coach closely surrounded -by guards, and no one was allowed to approach him. -</p> - -<p> -For all the months that Philip passed in the -Aragonese city he never saw his army or -approached the enemy, his main amusement being -to watch tennis matches from his window.[<a id="chap08fn39text"></a><a href="#chap08fn39">39</a>] Roussillon -was lost in September, never to be recovered, -when Perpignan fell; and thenceforward every -week brought some story of disgrace and defeat -for the Spanish arms; whilst Philip, in inglorious -despair, moped in his seclusion, bereft even of his -cherished amusements. Olivares was growing -desperate. Every courier brought from the -stout-hearted Queen Regent in Madrid messages of -encouragement and good cheer. She was working -bravely, and with wonderful success; collecting -funds from hoards hitherto unsuspected, gathering -troops and putting heart into them. With her -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P364"></a>364}</span> -son by her side she reviewed soldiers, and made -herself the idol of the populace, who for a time -had plucked up some hope and pride in the future -of their country. But with the Queen's cheery -news to her husband there always went open or -covert blame of Olivares. To the minister she -sent all the plate, jewels, and treasure she could -collect; but he saw from the comparative ease -with which she could raise it, whilst he could not, -that she held the winning hand and had the people -behind her. In despair of beating the French in -the field, he stooped to conspire with Cinq Mars -against the life of Richelieu himself. The -conspiracy was discovered, and made the feeling against -him personally more bitter than ever. -</p> - -<p> -Philip could not be kept quite ignorant of the -misery and ruin around him, or of his own -undignified position, and he grew moody and irritable -with the minister who had led him to such a pass. -Without even consulting him, he appointed the -Marquis of Leganes, a cousin of Olivares and an -experienced soldier, to the chief command of what -was left of his army; and Olivares, foreseeing his -disgrace, craved leave to retire. But this Philip -would not allow. He had no other minister to -replace him; he was in the midst of a disastrous -war, and he had neither the energy nor the knowledge -necessary to take matters in his own hand at -this juncture. -</p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-364"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-364.jpg" alt="PRINCE BALTASAR CARLOS. From a painting by Velazquez in the Prado Museum" /> -<br /> -PRINCE BALTASAR CARLOS. <br /> -<i>From a painting by Velazquez in the Prado Museum</i> -</p> - -<p> -The Queen in Madrid had no lack of friends and -advisers, all of them enemies of the Guzmans, -especially the Counts of Castrillo and Paredes; -but the ostentatious legitimation of Olivares' son -Enrique had also alienated his own most influential -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P365"></a>365}</span> -kinsman, the Haros, represented by the Marquis -of Carpio, whose son he had disinherited so far as -he was able; and these with other former adherents -now joined the Queen's friends. All Madrid knew -that the Queen was against Olivares; and, safe now -from his presence, she made no concealment of it. -"My efforts and my boy's innocence must serve the -King for eyes," she said; "for if he use those of the -Count-Duke much longer my son will be reduced to -a poor King of Castile instead of King of Spain." -</p> - -<p> -When la Motte defeated Philip's army under -Leganes before Lerida late in the autumn (1642), -the last hope seemed gone. Torrecusa, the -Neapolitan general who had fought so well in the -previous campaigns, went to Saragossa, and, forcing -his way to the King, told him that all was lost -unless a change was made in the direction of affairs. -Torrecusa was mollified with a grandeeship on the -spot; but Philip, overweighed and almost at his -wits' end, was fain to return to his capital, in the -desperate hope of raising another army in the -spring, though the citizens of Saragossa prayed -him to stay and defend them against the -all-victorious French and Catalans.[<a id="chap08fn40text"></a><a href="#chap08fn40">40</a>] Alas! he had -neither troops nor money with which to defend -them,—no spirit, no counsel, no hope. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Fall of Olivares -</span> -</p> - -<p> -On the 1st December 1642, Philip turned his face -towards Madrid, after signing decrees, drafted by -Olivares, imposing upon Castile new and crushing -impositions with which to raise a fresh army. -Another "voluntary" levy of money was ordered, -a new loan authorised, the seizure of all the church -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P366"></a>366}</span> -and domestic plate decreed, and a tax of 7 per -cent. upon all real property demanded. Well might the -subjects stand aghast at this. Where, they asked, -was the actual money to come from? The copper -was so debased as to be worthless; the only standard -was silver at a high premium (38 per cent.), and of -this there was not enough available for currency, -much less to represent the new demand. When, -therefore, Philip entered Madrid by the side of his -wife, all spirits were prepared and eager for the -change they saw must come. As the royal pair -passed in their coach from the Retiro to the palace, -blessings loud and long greeted the Queen, such as -Philip had never heard before. -</p> - -<p> -Olivares understood the signs of the times too. -Summoning his brother-in-law Carpio, he tried to -reconcile him, but in vain, and complained bitterly -that all the gentlemen of the King's chamber had -turned his enemies. He talked, indeed, about -retiring; but Philip never moved a muscle of his -face, and the minister knew that the course which -had served him so often was powerless to help him -now. The Countess was strong and resourceful, and -undertook to bring Philip round. When she met -him in the palace that evening, she spoke much of -her husband's services and efforts, and of the -excellent arrangements he was making for carrying -on a successful war in the following spring. -Philip bowed gravely, but made no reply. The day -afterwards (14th January 1643) a courier came from -the Emperor, bringing more bad news to Philip and -bitterly attacking Olivares, and this also sank into -the King's mind. -</p> - -<p> -Moodily the King walked to his wife's apartment -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P367"></a>367}</span> -that afternoon. There, to his surprise, he -found with her the heir Baltasar Carlos, now aged -fourteen. Casting herself at the King's feet with -her son by her side, the Queen solemnly exhorted -him, for the sake of what remained of their child's -inheritance, to cast aside the evil councillor who -was dragging them all to ruin. The King was -troubled, for everything with him was a case of -conscience, and he felt that he could trust no one. On -his way from his wife's apartment he traversed a -passage where he was intercepted by an old woman, -his foster-mother, Ana de Guevara, who had been -banished by Olivares and had returned without -leave. Kneeling, she in her turn implored Philip to -listen to those who loved him best; and then with -a torrent of impassioned eloquence she impeached -the favourite and all his acts: spoke of the national -ruin, of the people's misery, of fields untilled, of -looms idle, of the foreigner reigning over Spanish -land, and of people who once were the soul of -loyalty now in revolt against their King, all, all -through Olivares. Philip was overwhelmed, and -could only raise her, saying, "You have spoken truly." -</p> - -<p> -But still one more blow was to be struck that -night at the falling favourite. The Duchess of -Mantua, secretly summoned by the Queen, had -fled from Ocaña, and as fast as post-horses could -draw her carriage through the winter storm she -had come to Madrid. Suddenly appearing in the -office of Olivares, she said she had come to see the -King, and required lodging and food. The minister -treated her with great rudeness, and made her wait -for four hours before he provided a bad lodging for -her in the house of the Treasury. But she was the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P368"></a>368}</span> -King's cousin; and the next day the Queen -introduced her into Philip's presence, where, this time -with documentary proofs, she brought home to -him the responsibility of Olivares and his creatures -for the loss of Portugal. -</p> - -<p> -That night Philip wrote to his minister, saying -that the leave to retire he had so often craved was -now accorded him, and that he might go where -and when he pleased. Olivares, we are told by -one who saw him, stood as if turned to stone as -he read the letter; but at length, recovering his -serenity, he turned to his wife and told her that -he needed rest and change, and would shortly leave -for a stay at Loeches, his seat some twelve miles -from Madrid, if she would start at once and prepare -the place for his coming. Guessing the truth, she -resisted as much as possible, but was at last forced -to obey. On the following morning, according to -his invariable custom for so many years, the minister -entered the King's room early, and knelt before him -for a time in silence. Then he launched forth an -eloquent denunciation of those who had slandered -him in the eyes of his master, and in justification -of his efforts. He had failed, he acknowledged; -circumstances and the venom of his enemies had -wrecked his best laid schemes for the exaltation -of Spain and the glory of his Sovereign; but at -least he prayed that his loyalty should be -recognised, and that, in the retirement to which he -willingly went at the King's behest, he might carry -with him the regard of the master he had so -strenuously tried to serve. -</p> - -<p> -No word of reply came from the King, whose -long sallow face remained as expressionless as if -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P369"></a>369}</span> -moulded in putty, and Olivares left the presence -for the moment defeated; but still revolving in his -mind other expedients to regain Philip's favour, or -at least to delay his own fall. First he wrote to his -energetic and spirited wife at Loeches, telling her -the whole truth; for where he had failed he thought -she might succeed. When her husband's letter -reached the Countess, she was just taking her seat -at table for dinner, "and on reading it not only -did her natural colour fly from her face, but the -rouge with which she covered it, as is the fashion -in the palace, paled and left her like a corpse."[<a id="chap08fn41text"></a><a href="#chap08fn41">41</a>] Leaving -her dinner untouched, the afflicted woman -hurried back to Madrid; and after an interview -with her husband tried her blandishments upon -the King as he was on his way through the -corridors to visit his children as usual. She found -him unmoved and silent, and then, rushing to the -Queen's apartment, she threw herself at her feet. -But Isabel had suffered under her hard rule too -long, and answered coldly: "What God, the -people, and evil happenings have done, Countess, -neither the King nor I can undo." -</p> - -<p> -Then Olivares summoned to the Retiro his -nephew, Don Luis de Haro, Carpio's son, who he -knew was in high favour with the King. He had, -he told him, been a bad uncle to him; but he had -brought his father and him from their remote -grange at Carpio, and had made them rich and -powerful; and he begged him, notwithstanding -later jealousy, to be a good nephew to him and -plead his cause. Haro saw the King, and gave -him account of several secret points of politics -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P370"></a>370}</span> -on behalf of the fallen minister, and asked in his -name many and expensive favours for his servant, -all of which Philip granted,[<a id="chap08fn42text"></a><a href="#chap08fn42">42</a>] but kept silent with -regard to Olivares himself. -</p> - -<p> -Soon the news was whispered in Madrid; and -Liars' Walk was like a swarming hive. At first men -were incredulous. It was all a sham, they -declared; just another trick to squeeze more money -out of them on the pretext that the hated Olivares -had gone. But by and by the happy truth gradually -forced itself upon them. The nightmare that had -sat for all these years upon the heart of Spain had -been shaken off at last! And then there burst out -such a frantic flood of rejoicing as Madrid had -rarely seen before. We have a King again! cried -the crowds that stood in the great square before -the palace; and squibs and pasquins were handed -from hand to hand by the score.[<a id="chap08fn43text"></a><a href="#chap08fn43">43</a>] But still day -followed day and yet Olivares tarried in the vain -hope of averting his fate. A hundred excuses were -found by him for delay: the difficulty of transport, -the condition of his health, his desire to see all -those who had served him well provided for, and -much else. Hints reached him in plenty that his -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P371"></a>371}</span> -absence was desirable, though he admitted no one -to see him. His keys were demanded, and he sent -them; once he saw the King in public audience, -and talked to him of affairs for a quarter of an hour, -but those who stood by remarked that Philip's -eyes never once rested upon him; and again he -retired discomfited, with tears coursing down his -cheeks. As the King and Queen, with the Duchess -of Mantua in their coach, went on St. Anthony's -day (17th January 1643) to the Convent of Discalced -Carmelites, the people, who now knew everything, -impulsively surged around them with joyous cries: -"Our King is King at last!—God save the King!" -</p> - -<p> -At length Philip grew impatient at the delay, -for he would appoint no new officers until he was -clean quit of Olivares and his crew, and he decided -to hunt for two days at the Escorial in order that -measures might be taken in his absence. No -sooner had he left than the Countess of Olivares -made another tearful appeal to the Queen, who -dismissed her promptly; and on the second day -(20th January 1643), when Philip was approaching -Madrid on his way back, a great gathering of -nobles came out to meet him. Through Melchior -Borja they said that they wished to place themselves -and their possessions at the disposal of their -King once more. Hitherto they had stood aloof, -for reasons now known to him; but so soon as -that evil cause was removed they were willing to -stand by him to the death. Then they urged him to -change all his councils and administrative officers, -and begin a new régime. -</p> - -<p> -When Philip entered the palace, he turned to -Don Luis de Haro and asked, "Has he gone?" -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P372"></a>372}</span> -"No, Sire," was the reply. "Is he waiting for us -to use force?" grumbled the King; and soon the -hint was conveyed to Olivares, and, convinced -now of the hopelessness of his case, the man who -had ruled Spain over the King for two-and-twenty -disastrous years slunk out of the capital by -unfrequented ways, accompanied by only four -attendants in a coach with closely drawn curtains, in -mortal fear of assassination; for, as his spiteful -biographer says, the very children in the streets -would have stoned him to death if they had known -of his flitting.[<a id="chap08fn44text"></a><a href="#chap08fn44">44</a>] -</p> - -<p> -Not until the fallen favourite had left Madrid -well behind him did Philip feel himself safe. -Summoning to his workroom in one of the corner -towers of the old palace, Cardinals Borja and -Spinola, and a number of the nobles who had -opposed Olivares, he addressed a long speech to -them. He was, he said, ardently determined to -take the details of Government into his own hands -in future. The Count-Duke had served him long, -well, and zealously; but his health had broken -down and he needed repose. Thenceforward he -(the King) would have no confidential minister, -but would work himself as minister, with the aid -and counsel of his hearers, from whom he asked -now reports and suggestions for future remedial -action. Oñate, an old man and vain, hoped for -some days that he was to replace Olivares as sole -minister, but the King promptly undeceived him, -and declared publicly that in future he would have -no other minister but his wife, whose energy, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P373"></a>373}</span> -wisdom, patriotism he now understood for the -first time. -</p> - -<p> -As for the once powerful minister who had gone -into obscurity broken-hearted, none was so poor -as to do him reverence, few magnanimous enough -to give him a good word. Those who had -beslavered him with adulation were the first now -to load him with ignominy; even the Constable of -Castile, who had so willingly married his daughter to -Olivares' base son, now stripped of all his honour, -claimed that young Guzman's earlier marriage -had been valid after all. When it was pointed -out to the Constable that this would leave his -daughter dishonoured, he replied: "I would rather -see my daughter a bawd and free, than an honest -woman and Guzman's wife."[<a id="chap08fn45text"></a><a href="#chap08fn45">45</a>] -</p> - -<p> -The many scathing attacks published upon -Olivares and his administration, provoked by his -fall, found but one able, though imprudently frank, -answer, which was called <i>Nicandra</i>,[<a id="chap08fn46text"></a><a href="#chap08fn46">46</a>] and is -ascribed to Ahumada, the Prince's tutor, and to -that staunch friend of Velazquez and of the -Count-Duke, Francisco de Rioja; but now that the dust -of the convulsion has cleared away, we see that -it was Olivares' methods rather than his principles -that were the cause of the disasters of his rule. -The foreign policy which he represented was not -his alone, but was the policy of the immense -majority of his countrymen at the time; and if it -had not brought him into antagonism with the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P374"></a>374}</span> -provincial and autonomous traditions of the outer -realms of the Peninsula, the principal factor of his -fall would not have existed. The vast wealth -which it was said he had heaped upon himself, -amounting, so his enemies asserted, to the enormous -total of 400,000 ducats a year, was not accumulated -for personal gratification or greed, as had -been the case with Lerma, nor were the sums he -obtained larger than were appropriated by his -great rival Richelieu. He lived very quietly, -almost humbly, giving the whole of his time to -work, and spent his revenues largely in the -entertainment and convenience of the King. -</p> - -<p> -From Loeches he soon, with the King's permission, -retired to Toro, far away from Court. -Even there, divested of his dignities and power, -the envy and hate of his enemies pursued him. -More than once in the two years that followed his -retreat the King seemed inclined to recall his old -minister. But watchful eyes and jealous heart -always frustrated such an idea, if it was -entertained. Many a time, in fear of such a calamity -to them, the nobles, especially those of Aragon, -urged the King to punish with death a man who -had thus betrayed his confidence; but Philip was -neither cruel nor unjust, and naturally drew back -from such a course as this. Once it seemed as if -the enemies of Olivares had almost succeeded; -for in reply to an address from the ex-minister -upon public affairs, in which the latter offered his -services again, the King wrote from Saragossa: -"In short, Count, I must reign, and my son must -be crowned King of Aragon. This is difficult -unless I deliver your head to my subjects, who -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P375"></a>375}</span> -demand it unanimously, and I cannot oppose them -any further." -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -The end of Olivares -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Alas! the head of Olivares was useless to them -or to anyone else thenceforward, for the letter -sent him raving mad, and he died on the 22nd July -1645, only two years and a half after his disgrace. -Thenceforward Philip, for good or for evil, stands -alone. What is done he does, and no powerful -minister is interposed as a shield between him -and the responsibility for his acts. "Philip the -Great" meant well, but he had yet to learn the -lesson that broke his heart: that good intentions -alone are not sufficient to ensure success; and that -the despairing struggles of one conscience-haunted -man are powerless to save a nation that has lost -its faith in itself, and its dependence upon labour -as a means to salvation. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn1"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn1text">1</a>] She ended by utterly wearing out -her welcome, and disgusting -everybody in Madrid by her pride -and rapacity and the turbulence of -her followers, and before she left -she was supplanted by another great -French lady, the Duchess of Chevreuse, -who came to Madrid from London -as an emissary of Marie de Medici, -and was received with great -distinction, much to the Princess -of Carignano's anger. Needless to say -that nothing came of either of the intrigues, -and that Richelieu kept his -hand firmly on the helm until he died in 1642. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn2"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn2text">2</a>] These two series of festivities, -which together lasted about a month, -certainly mark the high-water mark -of the splendour of the Buen Retiro. -Full descriptions of parts of them -have been published by Mesonero -Romanes in <i>El Antiguo Madrid</i>, -by Morel Fatio in <i>L'Espagne au -XVI. et XVII. Siècle</i>, and by at least -three contemporary writers—Mendez -Silva, Andrés Sanchez del Espejo, -and the Newsletters in Rodriguez Villa's -<i>Corte y Monarquia de España</i>, etc. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn3"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn3text">3</a>] The contents of the King's apartment, -given by Strada to Philip, -"with a very precious reliquary," -was valued at 20,000 ducats. But -this splendid gift did not save Strada -from a fine of 200 ducats a few -weeks afterwards, for having addressed -Camporedondo, the senior member -of the Council of Finance as "Lordship" -whereas by the pragmatic he -was only allowed to be addressed as -"Worship." The house Strada lived -in was one he rented from Spinola -his fellow-Genoese. As an instance -of the prevailing corruption it may be -mentioned that Strada paid -300 ducats to the author of the official -account of these festivities for -the favourable references to him in it. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn4"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn4text">4</a>] The Newsletters say that there -were 7000 wax lights, which -alone cost over 8000 ducats, -the cost of this one day's feast being -300,000 ducats—afterwards increased -to 500,000 ducats. This enormous -expenditure shocked everybody who thought -about the matter. "The -gossips," says the Newsletter, -"assert that this great event, which had no -other end than pastime and pleasure, -which indeed was pure ostentation -was to show our friend Cardinal Richelieu -that there is plenty more money -left in the world to punish his King." But -many persons who dared -in the subsequent carnival to blame -this waste found themselves in the -dungeons a few days afterwards; -and several priests who preached -before Olivares at St. Geronimo -in the ensuing Lenten retreat, and ventured -to denounce such wicked extravagance, -were banished from Court. -Rodriguez Villa's Newsletters have much to say about this. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn5"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn5text">5</a>] Aston to Coke, 20th and 25th -February 1637.—Record Office, S.P. Spain -MSS. 38. This part of the entertainments -had been arranged and paid for -by Philip's state secretary and -confidential friend, Geronimo de Villanueva, -Marquis of Villalba, of whom we shall hear later. -On the following -Tuesday the regular public carnival took place, -and the licence appears -to have been shocking in the extreme. -In one of the cars a donkey was -represented as dying in bed, -with pretended priests and friars mocking -the most sacred mysteries around him, -whilst the supposed doctors -were going through indecent antics. -One masker was covered with -habits of knighthood, crosses, and noble insignia, -with the significant -motto, "For Sale." Rodriguez Villa. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn6"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn6text">6</a>] Amongst other devices at this period, -Olivares in the King's name -appropriated one-third of all the -household plate and manufactured -silver in private hands, and ordered -each member of the Councils of the -Indies and Castile to provide each month -200 ducats in silver to be -exchanged (for depreciated copper) -at the exchange of 25 per cent., the -current rate being 38. -A young Irish student at the Escoria -came and said that he had discovered -how to convert a mark of silver -and a mark of copper into two marks of pure silver. -Olivares accepted -the youth's offer to demonstrate -his discovery at the palace before -experts, but after two attempts -he ignominiously failed and was imprisoned. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn7"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn7text">7</a>] As may be imagined, Father Salazar's -invention produced a perfect -torrent of satires, and the Jesuit himself -was sternly reproved by his -ecclesiastical superiors for busying himself -in financial affairs. So bitter -was the feeling against him, -that he was forced to leave the Society. -Amongst other rumours about him -was that he had devised a government -monopoly of drinking water. -In the ensuing Lent the pulpits -of Madrid rang in denunciation -of Father Salazar; and at the carnival -a masker dressed as a peasant bore a banner inscribed— -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> - Sisas alcabalas y papel sellado,<br /> - Me tienen desollado.<br /> -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> - With food excise and tax on all I sell.<br /> - And now with paper stamps, you've flayed me well.<br /> -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -The unfortunate masker had to fly to hiding -to escape the wrath of -Olivares. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn8"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn8text">8</a>] Thirty-four maravedis at the normal -value would be equal to -2½d. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn9"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn9text">9</a>] An azumbre is ancient liquid measure of about 2 quarts. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn10"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn10text">10</a>] A Castilian fanega of grain is 1½ bushel. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn11"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn11text">11</a>] This is the silver real, then worth 6d. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn12"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn12text">12</a>] Record Office, S.P. Spain MSS. 39. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn13"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn13text">13</a>] Although not immediately touching -our subject, a very curious -set of letters included in the above -in the Record Office may be mentioned. -They relate to Secretary Windebank's young son Christopher, -or Kit Windebank, as he was called. -He had been sent under Aston's -care to Spain to see the world; -and had been quite carried away by the -<i>genius loci</i> of Madrid, and got out -of hand altogether. The scapegrace -makes the best of his proceedings -in his letters to his father and mother, -but Aston's reports tell a different tale, -and Kit is very angry when -his money is stopped. -The worst of it was that he fell in love with a -Spanish girl, and, running away from embassy, -married her. At Aston's -instance Olivares threw into prison -the priest who married them; but -a thousand legal difficulties existed, -he said, to obtaining a divorce, -especially as Kit swore that he would not give -up the girl, who was -<i>enceinte</i>. At the end, however, -he submits sulkily, the girl is sent to -a convent, and young Kit returns home; -doubtless to commit bigamy -in due time in England, -and continue the knightly family of Windebank. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn14"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn14text">14</a>] It is curious to note that when -the census of private coaches was -made in Madrid for this purpose, -it was found that there were 900 in use. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn15"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn15text">15</a>] March 1637, Rodriguez Villa's Newsletters. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn16"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn16text">16</a>] <i>Ibid.</i> -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn17"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn17text">17</a>] The Portuguese in question was -splendidly repaid for his generosity. -and when he left Madrid at the end -of the year he had received the -following grants,—"Marquis of Viseu, -Count of Linhares for his eldest -son and successors, the post of Marshal -of Portugal for his second son, -that of Governor of Ceuta for his third son, -an extension for three years -longer of the revenues of the governorship -of Sofala (<i>i.e.</i> Mozambique), -a grant of 24,000 for his own expenses, -5000 ducats per annum for ever, -2500 ducats perpetual pension -for his daughter-in-law, General on land -and sea during his stay in Brazil -with the title of Viceroy, and the title -of Lieutenant-Generalin Portugal so long -as the Duchess of Mantua rules -there, grants for a second life of all -the pensioned knighthoods he holds, -and four pensioned knighthoods -to be disposed of as he likes, and a -renewal for three lives of the pension -he holds from the crown." It was -said that these grants were worth 700,000 ducats. -This is a fair specimen -of the lavishness to quite a second-rate personage -at a time when the -nation was in the deepest distress. -Rodriguez Villa's Newsletters, 1637. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn18"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn18text">18</a>] Rodriguez Villa's Newsletter, 1637. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn19"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn19text">19</a>] The following words occur -in the famous Memorial on the subject -referred to on page 142, etc.: -"Let your Majesty hold as the most -important affair of your State -to make yourself <i>King of Spain</i>. I mean, -Sire, that you should not content -yourself with being King of Portugal, -of Aragon, of Valencia, Count of Barcelona, -but that you should strive -and consider with mature and secret counsel -to reduce these realms of -which Spain consists to the laws and form -of Castile, without any -distinction. If your Majesty succeeds in this, -you will be the most powerful -Prince in the world. -Nevertheless this is not a business which can be -carried through in a limited time nor -do I suggest that it should be -disclosed to anybody, however confidential -he may be; because the -desirability of the object is indisputable, -and what is to be done in -preparation and anticipation can be done -by your Majesty yourself." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn20"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn20text">20</a>] Rodriguez Villa's Newsletters. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn21"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn21text">21</a>] Aston's letters, MSS., Record Office S.P., Spain. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn22"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn22text">22</a>] How completely the old crusading spirit -had decayed is seen in -the derision with which the courtiers -in Madrid greeted the saying of -Antonio Mascarenhas, the dignified -old-fashioned hidalgo governor of -Tangier. When he visited Madrid -he went to present his respects to -the little Prince Baltasar Carlos. -"Who are you?" asked the boy. "I am -the gentleman," replied the Portuguese, -"who by and by will help your -Highness to conquer the Holy Sepulchre." It -was the answer of a knight-errant, -sneered the courtiers, and so it was, -but it was this fervent -knight-errantry which had given to Spain -the strength it had possessed, and -which under the scoffers and mockers -it never could possess again. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn23"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn23text">23</a>] The speeches are given <i>in extenso</i> -in the documents printed in -Danvila's <i>Poder Civil en España</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn24"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn24text">24</a>] Novoa, <i>Memorias</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn25"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn25text">25</a>] The best contemporary is that -by General de Melo, <i>Guerra de -Cataluña</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn26"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn26text">26</a>] The details will be found in -<i>Historia de la Conjuracion de Portugal, -Revolutions de Portugal</i>, Vertot; -<i>Historia del levantamiento de Portugal</i>, -Seyner; and Canovas de Castello's -<i>Estudios del Reinado de Felipe IV.</i>, vol. i. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn27"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn27text">27</a>] The King was actually dressing at the time, -and with the royal -family escaped to one of the hermitages -in the park, though at one time -in danger. Many ladies who were -yet in bed fled in their night garb, and -were rescued with difficulty. Novoa. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn28"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn28text">28</a>] <i>Ibid.</i> -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn29"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn29text">29</a>] The only part of the story which appears -open to question is the -continuance of the intrigue after Philip's -remorseful flight. There -seems to be some doubt about this. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn30"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn30text">30</a>] The story is told with many embellishments, -but the above version -is the most trustworthy. -It comes from a contemporary MS., written -after the fall of Olivares, -transcribed by Mesonero Romanes in <i>El Antiguo</i>, -Madrid. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn31"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn31text">31</a>] August 1642. Novoa, an eye-witness, -referring to this time, says; -"Trade and commerce were confused, -and the prices rose enormously, -so that people could not find money -for boots and clothes; and even -provisions could not be had, as no one would sell. -The copper money -was valueless, and people threw it about -or forced it upon those to whom -they owed money, as the law gave it currency. -The agony and desperation -of the people were intense, and utter despair consumed the -hearts and lives of the people." Novoa, <i>Memorias</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn32"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn32text">32</a>] Don Juan was acknowledged in 1642, -and the occasion was taken -for a great series of festivities -to celebrate the event, though the state -of public affairs at the time was more -deplorable than ever. The -Nuncio Panzuolo took a prominent part -in the affair, and gave the Pope's -blessing to the young Prince; -but it was noted that the Queen, usually -so hearty and debonnaire, -was cold and haughty when Don Juan was led -up to kiss her hand and that of -Prince Baltasar Carlos. It was noticed -that the latter, prompted apparently -by his mother, addressed his -half-brother as <i>Vos</i>, You, -which was the manner usually adopted towards -nobles, but not to royal personages. -An interesting unpublished paper -in Italian in the British Museum gives -many curious particulars of Don -Juan's youth, and the details -of his legitimation. Add MSS. 8703. -"Ritratto della nascitá qualitá costumi -ed accioni de Don Juan d'Austria." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn33"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn33text">33</a>] A most amusing account of this family -council is given by Novoa, -who hits off the respective characters -of the three sisters—the Marchiones -of Carpio, Marchioness of Monterey, -and Countess of Alcañizes—very neatly. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn34"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn34text">34</a>] The terrible Memorial, -written by Quevedo, exposing in burning -words the state of the country, -and calling upon the King to arouse -himself, should be read by anyone -who desires confirmation of the pictures -I have tried to trace in this book. -The paper was slipped under the -King's napkin at dinner, -and was accompanied by a parody paternoster, -beginning as follows— -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> - Filipo, que el mundo aclama<br /> - Rey del infiel tan temido,<br /> - Despierta, que por dormido<br /> - Nadie te teme, ni te ama;<br /> - Despierta, rey, que la fama<br /> - Por todo el orbe pregona<br /> - Que es de leon tu corona<br /> - Y tu dormir de liròn,<br /> - Mira que la adulacion<br /> - Te llama con fin siniestro<br /> - "Padre Nuestro."<br /> -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> - Hail, Philip, King whom all acclaim,<br /> - In fear the infidel to keep,<br /> - Awake! for in thy slumber deep<br /> - No one doth love or fear thy name.<br /> - Awake! oh King, the worlds proclaim<br /> - Thy crown on lion's brow to sit,<br /> - Thy slumber's but for dormouse fit.<br /> - Listen! 'tis flattery's artful wile<br /> - That sunk in sloth thy days beguile,<br /> - And calls thee, its base ends to foster,<br /> - "Pater Noster."<br /> -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn35"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn35text">35</a>] At this time three of the principal -grandees of Spain were banished -from Court by Philip, for scaling the walls -of the Retiro at night and -clandestinely making love to the maids of honour. -Two years previously affairs had reached such -a scandalous length with the nobles, -that Philip ordered a special commission -to inquire into the matter. -As a result a large batch of nobles, -two marquises and one of Philip's -chamberlains amongst them, -were expelled as persons of known evil -life. But suspicion is aroused -by the terms of the decree that their -dissoluteness was not the sole cause -of this disgrace, as they are said to -have "frequented gambling houses -and there murmured without any -reason at all against the present Government -and the higher officers -of the State, although some of them -are deeply obliged to the same." -Rodriguez Villa's Newsletter. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn36"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn36text">36</a>] An extremely dangerous conspiracy -hatched at this time in Andalucia was discovered, -and contributed much to the increased unpopularity -of the Guzmans. -The principal plotters were two of Olivares' greatest -kinsmen, the Duke of Medina Sidonia, -brother of the new Queen of -Portugal, and the Marquis of Ayamonte, -the object of the conspiracy -being to make Medina Sidonia -King of Andalucia by the aid of the new -King of Portugal. Ayamonte had already -betrayed to the Portuguese -a conspiracy hatched by Olivares in Lisbon; -and then suggested to -Medina Sidonia that the discontent -in Andalucia and the disorganisation -in Madrid offered a good opportunity -for him to proclaim himself an -independent sovereign. -The proud magnate consented, but the plot -was discovered. Olivares did his best -to minimise the matter, and the -Duke was let off with a heavy fine, -much humiliation, and a challenge -to fight John IV. in single combat; -but Ayamonte lost his head, although -his life had been promised if he divulged -the whole plot, which he did. -A curious account of how the plot -was discovered is in MSS. Egerton, -2081, British Museum. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn37"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn37text">37</a>] That is to say, Philip, -the King of Portugal, and the King of France. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn38"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn38text">38</a>] It must not be forgotten that Novoa, -who says this, was an enemy -of Olivares; though there is no doubt -that the minister did believe at the -time that his death was planned. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn39"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn39text">39</a>] These particulars are taken from -an interesting Italian MS. in -the British Museum, Add. 8701, -from the pen of the Venetian ambassador -in Madrid at the time, -and also to some extent from Novoa. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn40"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn40text">40</a>] Novoa ascribes their desire -for his presence to the money spent by -the Court. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn41"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn41text">41</a>] So one of her servants who was present told Novoa. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn42"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn42text">42</a>] "I got a pension of 400 ducats," -says Novoa; and he relates the -whole of these grants and favours -to those who had served Olivares. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn43"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn43text">43</a>] Amongst the skits was a placard -that was stuck upon the palace -gates, saying— -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> - El dia de San Antonio<br /> - Se hicieron milagros dos;<br /> - Pues empezó á reinar Dios,<br /> - Y del rey se echó el demonio.<br /> -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> - Saint Antonio's day did bring<br /> - Of miracles this twain,<br /> - 'Twas then the Lord began to reign,<br /> - And devil cast from the King.<br /> -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn44"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn44text">44</a>] Novoa and, also for other details, -Newsletters in Valladares' -<i>Semanario Erudito</i>, vol. xxxiii. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn45"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn45text">45</a>] Many of these particulars are taken -from the Venetian narrative, -British Museum MSS., Add. 8701. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn46"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn46text">46</a>] The work was confiscated by the Inquisition, -and the supposed -authors and the printer prosecuted; -as were the attacks that gave rise -to it. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p><a id="chap09"></a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P376"></a>376}</span></p> - -<h3> -CHAPTER IX -</h3> - -<p class="intro"> -DEATH OF RICHELIEU AND OF THE CARDINAL -INFANTE—PHILIP'S GOOD RESOLUTIONS—HIS -CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE NUN OF -AGREDA—PHILIP WITH HIS ARMIES—DEATH OF QUEEN -ISABEL OF BOURBON—THE WAR CONTINUES -IN CATALONIA—DEATH OF BALTASAR CARLOS—PHILIP'S -GRIEF—HE LOSES HEART—INFLUENCE -OF THE NUN—HIS SECOND MARRIAGE WITH -HIS NIECE MARIANA—HIS LIFE WITH -HER—DON LUIS DE HARO—NEGOTIATIONS WITH -ENGLAND—CROMWELL'S ENVOY, ANTHONY -ASCHAM—HIS MURDER IN MADRID—FRIENDSHIP -BETWEEN PHILIP AND THE ENGLISH -COMMONWEALTH—CROMWELL SEIZES -JAMAICA—WAR WITH ENGLAND -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Changed conditions -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The disappearance from the scene of Olivares -seemed to the people of Madrid to change the -national winter into summer. All the evils under -which Spain had groaned so long would vanish, -they thought, like snow before the sunshine; and -once more Spain, powerful and rich, would dictate -the law to Europe. Philip swore in solemn fashion -to forsake dissipation and devote himself -thenceforward to the welfare of his people. It was a -golden dream whilst it lasted, and for a time it -really did lift Spaniards into some semblance of -the old-time faith and confidence. All the gang -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P377"></a>377}</span> -of Guzmans were thrust into the background, and -those who had stood aloof were now summoned -to the Councils of the King. Quevedo came from -his dungeon, cynically triumphant; the distribution -of business amongst a multitude of unimportant -juntas subservient to Olivares was abolished, and -the great Councils again took executive and -administrative charge of the affairs entrusted to them. -The active and intelligent influence of the Queen -was exerted everywhere; and new life was breathed -for a time in the languishing body of the State. -</p> - -<p> -There were also other great changes nearly -coinciding with the fall of Olivares that increased the -hopefulness of Spaniards for the future. -Richelieu died some months before, and the personal -rivalry between the two ministers, which had done -so much to embitter the war, disappeared. Then, -in May 1643, the King of France, Louis XIII., -died, and Philip's sister, Anna of Austria, became -Queen-regent of France for her five-year-old son, -Louis XIV. Anna had always been a true daughter -of Spain, and deplored the war between the land -of her birth and that of her adoption; and it was -hoped that she would find a means to end the -differences. Another event had occurred at the -end of 1641, which, whilst adding to Philip's gloom, -made the continuance of the war in the Netherlands -more hopeless than ever. The Cardinal -Infante Fernando, his frail physique worn out by -constant campaigning and enfeebled by fever, died -at Brussels;[<a id="chap09fn1text"></a><a href="#chap09fn1">1</a>] and Philip had no relative now to -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P378"></a>378}</span> -stand for Spain in the ancient patrimony of Burgundy. -</p> - -<p> -With all these changes in the space of two years, -the spring of 1643 seemed to blossom with hopes of -peace once more, humiliating as the terms might be. -But again Spanish pride stood in the way, and after -long discussion Philip's new councillors determined -that honour demanded the expulsion of the French -from Spanish soil before any negotiations for peace -with them were undertaken. With infinite difficulty -money and men were got together somehow[<a id="chap09fn2text"></a><a href="#chap09fn2">2</a>] for -Philip to take the field again in Aragon, where -the French had arrived within a few miles of -Saragossa. Before he could start on his way thither, -there came from Flanders news of a crushing defeat -sustained by General Melo, who had replaced the -Cardinal Infante in the command. Melo at first -had done well; for he was skilled and bold, and had -more than held his own against the allies. But -on the 18th May 1643 the terrible battle of Rocroy -was fought, in which Melo himself was captured, -Count de Fuentes was killed, and the Spanish -army of 20,000 men, the tried veterans who were -the last remnant of the once invincible <i>tercios</i>, -whose fame was world-wide, were put to utter rout -by the genius of the youthful Enghien (Prince of -Condé). The Spanish infantry never regained the -prestige they lost at Rocroy, which was to the army -of Spain what the defeat of the Armada was to her -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P379"></a>379}</span> -navy;[<a id="chap09fn3text"></a><a href="#chap09fn3">3</a>] and with the knowledge that disaster -was pursuing him on all sides, for the Portuguese -were raiding far into Castile and the French were -threatening the capital of Aragon, Philip left -Madrid, his heart well-nigh breaking, early in June -1643. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -The nun of Agreda -</span> -</p> - -<p> -In the five months that had passed since he -had dismissed Olivares the King had tried hard; -but already his indolence was casting its -paralysing blight over him; and most of the work of the -Government was handed to Don Luis de Haro, -the nephew of Olivares, who went with the King to -Aragon. This time Philip was accompanied by -a modest train, and by little of the ceremonial -state that Olivares had deemed needful for his -previous voyage. He travelled slowly, nevertheless, and -on the 10th July, as he approached the Aragonese -frontier city of Tarazona, he halted at the humble -Convent of the Immaculate Conception at Agreda, -which in the previous few years had been founded -by a lady whose fame for sanctity and wisdom had -already become wide, though she was but forty -years of age yet. Maria Coronel had written -several mystically religious books, and the convent -under her rule was known for its rigidity in an age -when most cloisters had grown lax. Philip -probably visited the house and its abbess as a usual -compliment and duty; but the visit, whatever its -motive, set its mark upon him for the rest of his life. -</p> - -<p> -The abbess, Sor Maria, as she was called, must -have been a woman of worldly wisdom as deep as -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P380"></a>380}</span> -was her piety. She must have impressed the King, -moreover, powerfully as being absolutely -disinterested and free from mundane temptation. -He was, as we have seen, almost in despair at the -magnitude of the tasks before him; the strong -spirit upon which he had leant since he was a boy -had passed out of his life, and he knew not whither -to turn for unselfish counsel. Sor Maria, saintly, -but keen, with her sad yet half humorous face, -and her shrewd, kindly eyes, seemed to him a very -rock of refuge, and in the long talk he had with her -she spoke so wisely, yet so fearlessly, of the -oppressive governance and ungodly methods of Olivares, -she urged the King so powerfully to trust to God -and himself alone, to work and pray and make -his people cleanly, that he went forth from Agreda -refreshed in faith and hope, leaving with Sor Maria -his command that she was to write to him her -private counsel when she listed, and to pray for him -and his unceasingly with all her saintly soul. -</p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-380"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-380.jpg" alt="The nun of Agreda" /> -<br /> -The nun of Agreda -</p> - -<p> -Thenceforward until death snapped the spiritual -link that joined them, the heart of Philip was -bared in all its sorrow, its weakness, and its sin -to Sor Maria alone. The haughty face with the -pathetic eyes and great projecting jaw remained -unmoved before the world, only the deepening -furrows in it showing the storm that raged within. -Men thought that he was callous and cold; for he -suffered silently behind his mask. But Sor Maria -knew, and none but she under heaven, the true -secret of the King's gilded misery. His cry of -agony, of remorse, of pity thenceforward came -to the cloistered nun as a surer way to reach the -throne of grace than to all the cardinals, confessors, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P381"></a>381}</span> -and bishops who waited upon his smile, and gently -hinted disapproval of kingly vice. -</p> - -<p> -At the end of July 1643, Philip entered his -city of Saragossa, this time, to the delight of the -jealous Aragonese, unattended by the crowd of -dissolute nobles and courtiers who made love to -their wives and threatened their political liberty.[<a id="chap09fn4text"></a><a href="#chap09fn4">4</a>] No -time was lost now in moving against the French, -who were threatening the centre of Aragon, and -the new commander, Felipe de Silva, whom Olivares' -jealousy had consigned to a prison, showed great -energy, and soon changed the appearance of -affairs. It will be useful for our purpose to -reproduce the principal paragraphs of Philip's first -letter to the nun on the 4th October 1643, five -weeks after his arrival at Saragossa, the precursor -of so long and important a correspondence.[<a id="chap09fn5text"></a><a href="#chap09fn5">5</a>] -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Philip and Sor Maria -</span> -</p> - -<p> -"SOR MARIA,—I write to you leaving a half -margin, so that your reply may come on the same -paper, and I enjoin and command you not to allow -the contents of this to be communicated to anybody. -Since the day that I was with you I have felt much -encouraged by your promise to pray to God for -me, and for success to my realm; for the earnest -attachment towards my well being that I then -recognised in you gave me great confidence and -encouragement. As I told you, I left Madrid -lacking all human resources, and trusting only to -divine help, which is the sole way to obtain what -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P382"></a>382}</span> -we desire. Our Lord has already begun to work -in my favour, bringing in the silver fleet, and -relieving Oran[<a id="chap09fn6text"></a><a href="#chap09fn6">6</a>] when we least expected it; whereby -I have been able, though with infinite trouble and -tardiness for want of money, to dispose my forces -here so that we shall, I hope, start work with them -this week. Although I beseech God and His most -holy Mother to succour and aid us, I trust very -little in myself; for I have offended, and still -offend very much, and I justly deserve the -punishments and afflictions which I suffer. And so I -appeal to you to fulfil your promise to me, to -clamour to God to guide my actions and my arms, -to the end that the quietude of these realms may -be secured, and peace reign throughout Christendom. -The Portuguese rebels still raid the frontiers -of Portugal, acting against God and their natural -sovereign. Affairs in Flanders are in great extremity, -and there is risk of a rising unless God will -intervene in my favour; and though affairs in Aragon -have somewhat improved with my presence, I -fear that unless we can gain some successes to -encourage people here they are liable to lose -heart and to take a course very injurious to the -monarchy. The necessities, of course, are numerous -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P383"></a>383}</span> -and great; but I must confess that it is not that -which distresses me most, but the certain conviction -that they all arise from my having offended our -Lord. As He knows, I earnestly wish to please -Him and to fulfil my duty in all things; and I -desire that, if by any means you arrive at a -knowledge of what it is His holy will that I should do -to placate Him, write to me here, for I am very -anxious to do right, and I do not know in what I -err. Some religious people give me to understand -that they have revelations; and that God -commands that I should punish certain persons, -and that I should dismiss others from my service. -But you know full well that in this matter of -revelations one must be very careful, and particularly -when these religious persons speak against -those who are not really bad, and against whom I -have never discovered anything injurious to me; -whilst others are approved whose proceedings -are not usually thought well of. The general -opinion about these persons is that they love -turning things over, and that their truth cannot -be depended upon. I do hope that you will keep -your word to me, and will speak with all frankness -as to a confessor, for we kings have much of the -confessor in us. Do not let yourself be influenced -by what the world says, for that is little to be -depended upon, seeing the aims of those who -move such discourse; but be guided solely by -the inspiration of God, before whom I protest (and -I have just partaken of Him, in the Sacrament) -that I desire in all things, and for all things, to -fulfil His sacred law and the obligation which He -has laid upon me as a King. And I hope in His -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P384"></a>384}</span> -mercy that He will take pity on our pains and help -us out of those afflictions. The greatest favour -that I can receive from His holy hands is that the -punishment He lays upon these realms may be -laid upon me; for it is I, and not they, who really -deserve the punishment, for they have always -been true and firm Catholics. I do hope you will -console me with your reply, and that I may have -in you a true intercessor with our Lord, that He -may guide and enlighten me, and extricate me -from the troubles in which I am now immersed.—I, -THE KING. Saragossa, 4th October 1644." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Philip's inner self -</span> -</p> - -<p> -In addition to the invaluable and unquestionable -glimpse which this letter affords of public affairs, -it gives us the key, more entirely perhaps than -any of the six hundred letters that followed it, -to the real character of the King. He was weak; -he confesses to have no confidence in himself, -although in his heart of hearts he is striving to -live well and do his duty. He is unable to struggle -successfully against the worldly pleasures that -have captured him, and which he pursues still, -whilst hating himself for doing so. Conscience-haunted, -he is the only sinner, and the terrible -conviction forces itself upon him that his personal -sins of omission and commission are to be visited -in awful punishment upon whole nations of innocent -people. His natural justice and his knowledge of -men cause him to rebel against the suggestions -that come to him, even under the cloak of religion, -to punish those who in his eyes have done no ill; -and behind the regal purple and the stately port -of his great office we see the poor soul, so remorseful -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P385"></a>385}</span> -in the knowledge of its sin and insignificance as -to feel unworthy even to pray without a poor -nun's intercession to the appalling deity he thinks -he has incensed. And yet, with all this humility, -how the true Spaniard peeps out in the conviction -that God has His eyes specially on him; how -God's designs for the universe revolve around his -fortunes, his acts, and his transgressions. Only -by the light of these self-revelatory letters can we -see how penetrating was the genius of Velazquez. -The tragic, haunted face of Philip, when age had -palled his pleasures, only told its tale to the painter; -and its pride, its weakness, its mercy and despair, -an enigma until now, are explained to us when, after -looking upon his portrait, we read the King's own -words, meant for the eyes of the cloistered nun alone. -</p> - -<p> -Whilst Philip was, for the first time for twenty -years, manfully struggling against his indolence, -and facing his enemies in Aragon, the Queen, as -regent of Castile, was straining every nerve to -provide money for the campaigns; and during the -autumn (1643) an army of 16,000 men was mustered -in the various provinces, and sent to the King. -Queen Isabel too put her hand to the Augean stable -of Madrid. Murders in the streets and armed -affrays upon trifling pretexts were as numerous as -ever, one Newsletter (25th August) enumerating four -or five of such fatal scandals during the previous -few days;[<a id="chap09fn7text"></a><a href="#chap09fn7">7</a>] one of which—although that was in -Valencia and is given as an instance—is curious: -one Iñigo Velasco, an actor, we are told, having been -beheaded "because, forgetting the humility of his -calling, he courted ladies as impudently as any -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P386"></a>386}</span> -gentleman could have done." But it was noticed -in Madrid that the punishment now followed the -crime more surely and more promptly:[<a id="chap09fn8text"></a><a href="#chap09fn8">8</a>] that -immorality was attacked more earnestly than -before, and that the large public houses of -ill-fame were being rapidly cleared out by the new -President of the Council of Castile. -</p> - -<p> -The financial officers and others were also -having rather a ruthless time, for secret -commissions descended upon them and their papers -without notice one after the other, and scores of -thousands of ducats of ill-gotten plunder had to be -disgorged; whilst the friends of Olivares who had -survived his fall, and kept their places, were -gradually made to understand that things had altered -for them.[<a id="chap09fn9text"></a><a href="#chap09fn9">9</a>] The Countess of Olivares thus far had -held firmly to her footing as Mistress of the Robes, -notwithstanding the frowns of the Queen; but the -Duchess of Mantua brought matters to a head with -her. As the Countess aspired to sit upon a seat -in the royal carriage instead of in the doorway, -the Duchess rose and said that that was not her -place, and she would leave the carriage. The -Queen placated her, but a few days afterwards -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P387"></a>387}</span> -the Queen's coach was surrounded in Madrid by -a crowd that cried, "Long live the Queen, and -down with the Duchess of Olivares"; and soon -orders came from the King in Aragon that the -lady was to follow her husband into retirement. -</p> - -<p> -The legitimated son, too, Enrique Felipe de -Guzman, who had kept close to the King as a -gentleman-in-waiting, found that the atmosphere -at Court, and especially amongst Aragonese, was -antagonistic to him; and he also was dismissed to -join his father.[<a id="chap09fn10text"></a><a href="#chap09fn10">10</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Baltasar Carlos and Juan -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The only subject of difference between Philip -and his wife now was the rivalry between his two -sons. Young Baltasar Carlos had been granted -a separate household, and was already assuming -the state befitting the heir of Spain. Philip was -devotedly attached to him, as was his mother; -for, after allowing for all the adulation of courtiers, -the Prince must have been a manly and gracious -youth. But Don Juan was infinitely more -handsome, and it was said of extraordinary talent, -although it is fair to say that the actions of his -later life hardly justified the fame of his youth. -In any case, Philip was very proud of him, and -now gave him a separate household, with many -noble attendants and officers about him, and, as -a separate residence, the suburban pleasure house -called Zarzuela. Don Juan was to be called -Serene Highness, and was to address gentlemen as -<i>Vos</i>, You, as if he had been a royal Prince. To -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P388"></a>388}</span> -add to his importance, he was now made Grand -Master of St. John, and delighted the courtiers -with his boyish assumption of sovereign dignity.[<a id="chap09fn11text"></a><a href="#chap09fn11">11</a>] -Isabel looked askance at all this, and Baltasar -Carlos saw little of his half-brother; but Philip, -having before him the example of his great-grandfather -and the other Don Juan, evidently destined -his left-handed son for great things. He had, -moreover, no near male relatives now, and it is -clear that there were ample opportunities for -usefulness open to a semi-royal Prince in Philip's wide -dominions. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Philip's reformation -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Philip and his little army in Catalonia and -Aragon did well. Monzon was captured by Silva -from the French on the 3rd December, to the -immense solace of the King, who had been -beseeching the nun's prayers for the victory; and -with the laurels still on him he returned in triumph -to Madrid to pass the Christmas with his wife. -The Queen had ordered dinner to be prepared for -his reception at the Buen Retiro (14th December), -and had gone to meet him at the Atocha, where -the holy image had to be thanked for his safe -return. But Philip was a changed man since the -nun's weekly letters of exhortation and encouragement -had reached him; and the palace of past -frivolities was not in accordance with his mood. -He would not even enter it, but went, gaily -dressed, through the cheering crowds to the old -palace, which if gloomy was yet kingly. Philip -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P389"></a>389}</span> -went the next day to the Discalced Carmelites to -pray; but the Queen did not accompany him, -for the proud, exacting Savoy Princess, Duchess of -Mantua, who lived in the convent, occupied the -royal apartments, and all manner of questions of -etiquette would have arisen if the Queen had -gone with her husband. -</p> - -<p> -During the few days of staid rejoicings for -Christmas, for the splendid old entertainments -were now discontinued,[<a id="chap09fn12text"></a><a href="#chap09fn12">12</a>] the King wrote to Sor -Maria to ask her to help with her prayers the -expected arrival of the silver fleet from Mexico; and -as a mixture of mystic devotion and worldly aims -the King's letter is quaint. -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"The promise you gave me when I was with -you, that your prayers should not fail me, delighted -me much, and I remind you of it in the greatest -necessities. We are expecting hourly, by God's -help, the arrival of the galleons, and you may -imagine what depends upon it for us; and although -I hope that, in His mercy, He will bring them safely, -I want to urge you to help me by supplicating His -Divine Majesty to do me this favour. It is true, I -do not deserve it, but rather great punishment; but -I have full confidence that He will not permit the -total loss of this monarchy, and that He will -continue the successes that He has begun to give us. -I should very much like to succeed in carrying out -the advice you give me in your letter of the 6th -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P390"></a>390}</span> -instant.[<a id="chap09fn13text"></a><a href="#chap09fn13">13</a>] I can assure you I will try to do so; and -for my part, I will use every effort to comply with -the will of God, both personally and in official -matters. May He give me grace to do it. I -cannot help telling you of the joy it gave me to -come hither and see the Queen and my children, -for my absence had seemed to me very long. -They are, thank God, very well; and although I -shall feel keenly leaving such company, I am -preparing to return; for the welfare of my realms -must be placed before all things, even before the -pleasure of being with such treasures as these. -God send me the time when I may enjoy them with -more tranquillity." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -The King's and the nun's prayers were satisfied. -A few days after the letter was written, Madrid was -rejoiced to know that the galleons had arrived -safely, "which on this occasion were sorely needed; -for the loans for the frontier fortresses, and for -Italy and Flanders, were held back, and the lenders -would not do business without this guarantee.... -They bring five millions (of ducats) for the King, -and almost as much for private owners, with much -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P391"></a>391}</span> -indigo, etc.... It is believed that the King will -not take any from private people or from the -treasury pensions, so that we all breathe again."[<a id="chap09fn14text"></a><a href="#chap09fn14">14</a>] -In these somewhat alleviated circumstances, Philip, -full of hope, started for Aragon on 6th February -1644, having signalised his short stay in Madrid -by giving the gold key of chamberlain to Diego -Velazquez, "who, they say, is at the present time -the greatest painter in Spain. I understand there -are to be no more honours given this Twelfth Day, -as in other years."[<a id="chap09fn15text"></a><a href="#chap09fn15">15</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Philip again in Aragon -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Philip, with a very small suite, hurried to -Aragon; for already in his absence his officers were -quarrelling amongst themselves about ridiculous -questions of style and precedence, and on the -very frontier a deputation of Aragonese notables -met him to ask for the dismissal of his Commander-in-chief, -Felipe Silva, the most successful General -he had; and, although not immediately, Silva, -disgusted by the jealousy that surrounded him—a -Portuguese—ultimately went into retirement, -to the lasting loss of Spanish arms. Whilst Philip -was busy in Aragon ordering the coming campaign, -the welcome news came to him in March 1644 of -the pregnancy of his wife; but soon his joy was -dashed with the intelligence of her miscarriage -and illness. The gossips said that, attended only -by the Marquis of Aytona, he rushed to Madrid -secretly for a few days to see her; but whether the -cloaked cavalier who came post from Saragossa -was indeed the King is uncertain. In any case, -Philip was with his army during the summer, -gradually making way before the French, and -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P392"></a>392}</span> -keeping up his resolution to live an exemplary life; -although the nobles and others were beginning to -grumble that Don Luis de Haro was almost as -powerful a minister as his uncle Olivares had -been. -</p> - -<p> -Philip was still rejoicing over the capture of the -important city of Lerida at the middle of August -1644, and the relief of Tarragona in September, -when ill news came to him of his wife's health. -She had, it seems, on the 28th September suffered -some sort of choleraic attack with erysipelas. -Messengers were sent to the King, whilst the doctors, -as was their wont, bled the patient copiously until -they had left her bloodless, though with symptoms -which now would be recognised at once as those -of diphtheria. Then, in their desperation, the dead -body of St. Isidore the Husbandman and the sainted -image of the Atocha were brought to the palace; -though the dying woman protested that she was -unworthy to have them brought to her bedside. -But the inflammation of the throat increased, -notwithstanding all the charms of the Church and the -prayers of young Baltasar Carlos, who was devotedly -attached to his mother. There was no church -nor convent in Madrid that did not bring out in -procession its crucifixes and most sacred images -in Prayer for the Queen's restoration to health, -and the fervent prayers of a whole people went -up in rogation that her life might be spared. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Death of the Queen -</span> -</p> - -<p> -On the 5th October the Queen tried to make -a new will, but she was too weak to sign it, and -only left verbal testamentary instructions before -witnesses for the King to be informed of her wishes. -At noon that day she sent for a <i>fleur de lys</i> which -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P393"></a>393}</span> -formed one of the ornaments of the crown, and -in which there was a fragment of the true Cross. -This she worshipped fervently, and her two children, -Baltasar Carlos and Maria Teresa, were brought -to her; but she would not suffer them to approach -her for fear of infection, though she blessed them -fervently from a distance. "There are plenty -of Queens for Spain," she sighed; "but Princes and -Princesses are rare." The next day, at a quarter -past four in the afternoon, stout-hearted loyal -Isabel of Bourbon breathed her last, aged 41. -Garbed as a Franciscan nun, the body of the Queen -was borne to the Convent of Discalced Carmelites, -where she had so often prayed and diverted -herself;[<a id="chap09fn16text"></a><a href="#chap09fn16">16</a>] and thence soon afterwards it was carried -back again to the palace in grand coffins of lead -and brocade, to lie in state with flaring torches and -all the pomp and circumstances of royal mourning. -"Isabels always bring happiness to Spain," shouted -the crowd that adored her, after the fall of -Olivares. She, poor soul, had brought happiness neither -to Spain nor to France, though she did her best -and was truly mourned. She had always been -devoutly Catholic; and since the commencement of -the war she had grown stronger in her devotion, -and in her determination to reform the scandalous -licence of the Court.[<a id="chap09fn17text"></a><a href="#chap09fn17">17</a>] Frenchwoman though -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P394"></a>394}</span> -she was, no breath of suspicion of her loyalty -to her husband's people had ever been heard -during all the years of war with her brother's -realm. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Philip's grief -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Philip hastened home as fast as relays of mules -would carry him. At Maranchon, about fifty -miles from Madrid, where the King had alighted -to dine at a wretched <i>venta</i>, the courier bringing -the news of the Queen's death met him. The -ministers and courtiers around the King, knowing -how he loved his wife, avoided telling him the evil -tidings at first; for the anxiety and fatigue of the -voyage had told upon him, "and he had only just -dined." But a few miles farther on, at Almadrones, -the news was broken to him in his carriage by the -Marquis of Carpio and his son, the favourite Haro, -and the bereaved King begged to be left alone -with his grief. Turning aside from Madrid, now -a city of mourning for him, Philip retired to the -Pardo, where, with his son Baltasar—all that was -left to him now, for Maria Teresa was but a -child—for a few days he indulged his sorrow in -private. Thence he went for the official mourning -in the old apartment at San Geronimo; whilst, with -the gloomy pomp traditional in Spain, the body -of the Queen was carried at dead of night across -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P395"></a>395}</span> -the bleak Castilian plain, with hundreds of monks -and nobles following, to the gorgeous new jasper -pantheon at the Escorial reserved for Kings and -mothers of Kings, which, from very dread, Isabel -had never dared to enter in her lifetime.[<a id="chap09fn18text"></a><a href="#chap09fn18">18</a>] -</p> - -<p> -Three days after the Queen died her wraith -appeared, it is said, before the nun of Agreda, -asking for the prayers of the godly to liberate -her from purgatory for the vain splendour of her -attire during her life.[<a id="chap09fn19text"></a><a href="#chap09fn19">19</a>] Philip himself was -overwhelmed at his loss, and the nun wrote to him -exhortations to resignation and patience; but it -was a month before he could gather sufficient -courage to reply: his grief, as he says, and the many -calls upon him having prevented him from doing it -before. "I find myself in the most oppressed state -of sorrow possible," he wrote, "for I have lost in -one person everything that can be lost in this world; -and if I did not know, according to the faith that -I profess, that the Lord disposes for us what is best, -I do not know what would become of me." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -The following spring again saw Philip in the -field in Aragon. Things were going badly with -him now, and he was again losing heart. To the -nun he wrote on the 25th March 1645— -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"Your letter indeed arrived at a good time; for -the cares that surround me had much afflicted me, -and your words have encouraged me. I now trust -that God in His mercy, looking to all Christendom, -and to these realms, which are so pure in their -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P396"></a>396}</span> -Catholic faith, will not allow us to be ruined utterly, -but will shield and defend them, and grant us a -good peace. Short are the human resources with -which I have returned hither; and what appals -me most is to see that my faults alone are sufficient -to provoke the ire of our Lord, and to bring upon -me greater punishments than before. But the -greater the punishment, the greater will be my -appeal to faith and hope, as you say; and I will -continually supplicate our Lord to supply with -His almighty hand what we need. I for my part -will do all I can, trying not to displease Him, and -to comply with the obligations He has placed -upon me, even though in doing so I risk my own -life. I have not hesitated to give up the comforts -of my home, in order to attend personally to the -defence of these realms: for, whilst I thus fulfil -this duty, I trust our Lord will not fail me; but -in any extremity I submit to His holy will. I have -wished for the Prince to begin to learn what will -fall upon him after my days are done; and so, -though alone, I have brought him with me, and -have confided his health to the hands of God, -trusting in His mercy to guard him, and to guide -all his actions to His greater service."[<a id="chap09fn20text"></a><a href="#chap09fn20">20</a>] -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -The campaign brought reverse after reverse to -Philip. Jealousy had lost him the services of -Silva, his best General; and the new French -Viceroy of Catalonia, Count de Harcourt, scattered the -Spaniards at Balaguer, and all Catalonia and -most of Aragon lay at his mercy, if he had been -sure of the loyalty of the Catalans, who, truth -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P397"></a>397}</span> -to say, were getting somewhat disappointed and -tired of their French masters. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -War in Catalonia -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The Aragonese mostly remained faithful to -Philip, but held firmly to their privileges; and -when in the autumn of 1645 he summoned the -Cortes of Saragossa and Valencia to swear allegiance -to Baltasar Carlos, they drove a hard bargain, -and Philip was forced to concede many legislative -demands of the members, in return for sparing -votes of supply. The tale he told to the Castilian -Cortes summoned early in 1646 in Madrid was -disconsolate in the extreme. All was spent: the -wars still went on in Flanders, Germany, Italy, -and Catalonia, as well as on the Portuguese frontier, -and the regular revenue was utterly insufficient. -The deputies were as much afflicted by the penury -of their constituents as the King was by the -emptiness of his treasury, but with many groans they -voted an immediate grant of a million and a half -of ducats in money, and in the following year an -extension of the special war taxation upon food, -and leave to sell pensions was granted. -</p> - -<p> -Almost every week beseeching letters went -from Philip to the nun, praying for her intercession -with the Almighty to aid him in his troubles; -and the replies of the good woman were always -wise, as she inculcated hope and labour without -remission. Sometimes Philip's faith weakened, -and he almost despaired, for he was convinced -that all the national trouble arose from his personal -sins, and yet, as he says, he could not help sinning. -In the meanwhile disasters fell upon his arms -thick and fast, and the national distress became -more intense. He could suffer his own troubles, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P398"></a>398}</span> -wrote Philip, for he knew that he had deserved -them; "but to see the sufferings of so many poor -innocent people in these wars and conflicts pierces -me to the very heart, and if with my life's blood -I could remedy it I would expend it most -willingly." -</p> - -<p> -When Philip returned to Madrid for the winter -of 1645-46, Sor Maria's constant exhortations had -prevailed upon him to make a determined attempt -to cleanse Madrid of some of its blatant vice in -order to win God's favour. She was particularly -strong in her condemnation of the dress and -demeanour of the women of the capital, and a severe -pragmatic on the subject was issued: the playhouses, -to the dismay of the comedy-loving people, -were rigorously closed,[<a id="chap09fn21text"></a><a href="#chap09fn21">21</a>] the press-gangs that -scoured the country for recruits were enjoined to -be merciful to the poor in their operations, and other -measures urged by the nun became the law of the -land, whilst the lethal crimes so common in Madrid -were prosecuted now with merciless severity. -</p> - -<p> -Leaving his capital at least outwardly more -decent, Philip travelled north again in April 1646, -accompanied by his promising young son, now -approaching manhood; Pamplona, the capital of -Navarre, being taken on the way, in order that the -Navarrese Cortes might swear allegiance to the -heir. No sooner had they entered Pamplona, late -in April, than Baltasar Carlos fell seriously ill of -tertian fevers; and the nun's prayers were frantically -supplicated for the boy by his afflicted father, -who would not leave his son's side, although the -Aragonese were getting clamorous for his coming to -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P399"></a>399}</span> -direct the campaign, which had already been -opened by the enemy, who were actively besieging -Lerida. After two months' delay, Philip at length -entered Saragossa in June, when he received the -news of the death of his sister, the Empress Maria, -who had been betrothed to Charles, Prince of -Wales. This, coming on the top of all his other -troubles, almost broke the poor King down. "If -I did not recognise that my troubles are sent by -God, as warnings for me to prepare my own -salvation, I could hardly tolerate them.... Help -me, Sor Maria, to pray to Him; for my strength is -small, and I fear my weakness." -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Baltasar Carlos dies -</span> -</p> - -<p> -A greater blow than all fell upon him soon -afterwards. An insincere embassy had been sent -to England some little while before, in order to -frustrate the betrothal of Mary Stuart, daughter -of Charles I., with the Prince of Orange; and the -means employed had been the old suggestion of -the marriage of an English Princess with Baltasar -Carlos. It came to nothing, and, so far as the -Spaniards were concerned, was a mere feint from -the first, for the real wish of Philip's heart, as it -had been that of his father, was still further to -cement the two branches of the house of Austria, -by marrying his heir to the Emperor's daughter. -Imperial ambassadors were at Saragossa when -Philip arrived, and the King wrote cheerfully to -the nun soon after, saying that the marriage of -Baltasar Carlos had now been settled, and that his -niece Mariana of Austria was betrothed to his -heir. "My son is very much pleased with his -new state, and I am so too, to have chosen such -a good daughter-in-law, as I hold this marriage -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P400"></a>400}</span> -certain to produce very beneficial effects to the -Catholic religion, which is my sole aspiration."[<a id="chap09fn22text"></a><a href="#chap09fn22">22</a>] -</p> - -<p> -Not many weeks afterwards, on the 7th October, -the King in great trouble writes to the nun— -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"I have received your letter, but I confess that -I am not in a condition to reply to it, for our Lord -has placed upon me a trial through which I can -hardly live. Since yesterday my son is oppressed -with very extreme fever. It began by severe pains -in his body, which lasted all day; and now he is -delirious, and we are in such fear that we hope it -will turn to smallpox, ... of which the doctors -say they see signs. I know, Sor Maria, that I -deserve heavy punishments, and that all that may -come to me in this life will be insufficient to repay -my sins; but I do cry now to the divine mercy -of our Lord, and the intercession of His holy -Mother; and I beseech you to help with all your -strength." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Philip's despair -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Three days afterwards, the heart-broken father -writes in dull despair that his son had died. -"I have lost," he wrote, "my only son, and such a -son, as you know he was." And for this pain the -consolations of the good woman, though salutary, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P401"></a>401}</span> -were weak. Philip bowed his head, and to all -outward seeming was resigned to his loss. He -did not rail against the decrees of Providence that -had left him alone in the world, but his resignation -now was a fatalistic hopelessness; for this blow -had finally convinced him that the Most High -had doomed him to affliction, and his people to -suffering untold, solely for his sins. There was no -way out of it, even by prayer; and Philip for a -time gave up trying to be good. -</p> - -<p> -Don Luis de Haro already did most of the work -of the State, and Philip grew still more idle after -the death of his son, one of the results of his -indolence being a weakening of the struggle he had -fought for four years against the temptations of -the flesh. Sor Maria from her convent took him to -task somewhat seriously for his remissness, and for -the first time Philip defended himself with some -spirit[<a id="chap09fn23text"></a><a href="#chap09fn23">23</a>] with regard to his dependence upon others. -He was anxious to do right, he assured her; but -his great predecessors and all other monarchs had -been obliged to employ ministers, and he did not -think he could be doing wrong in following their -example. One man cannot, he says, look into the -execution of all his commands, and must trust to -others; "for it does not accord with the dignity -of a monarch to go from one office to the other -to see personally that his decrees are being properly -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P402"></a>402}</span> -carried out." When he first came to the throne, -he reminds the nun, he was only sixteen, and, quite -naturally in his inexperience, depended upon a -man of more knowledge than himself. Where he -had erred was in keeping that minister supreme too -long. Since he dismissed Olivares he had tried -to avoid having a favourite; and the minister -who people now say does everything was brought -up with him as a boy, and has always been -irreproachable; but even so, he (Philip) had always -refused to give him the post of sole minister, and he -only does what the King cannot do, namely, look -after the raising of funds, and hear the opinions -of people with whom the King cannot discourse. -"I, Sor Maria," he wrote, "do not shirk any labour, -for, as anyone can tell you, I am here seated in this -chair continually with my papers before me and -my pen in my hand, dealing with all the reports -that are sent to me here, and with the despatches -from abroad; resolving points in question immediately, -and trying to adopt the most proper decision -in each case." -</p> - -<p> -The nun even took upon herself, as the winter -wore on, to tell the King that it was high time to -arrange the new campaign, and follow up the -brilliant defence of Lerida which had ended in the -defeat of the French under Condé himself. The -Aragonese thought so too, for the troops there -refused to move for a time unless Philip would come -to Saragossa, as in previous years, to direct the -campaign personally. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Philip betrothed again -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The nun could hardly speak very clearly in -reprehension of the King's moral backsliding, -although her hints even in this respect are pretty -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P403"></a>403}</span> -broad. But his confessor and the other friars -around him did not hesitate to do so; and people -other than friars were saying that with no heir to -the crown the King must marry again. So long as -Baltasar Carlos lived, Philip had gently put aside -these suggestions by saying that his hopes were -centred in his son; but when after his heir's death -his excesses in the intervals of his poignant -contrition shocked the devotees of his Court, and they -added their censure to the pressure of the -laymen for another Queen-Consort, Philip consented, -though without enthusiasm, to marry again. He -was only forty-two, but anxiety and dissipation -had aged him, and he was approaching the years -when most of his ancestors had developed the -peculiar strain of mystic devotion that borders upon -madness, but his people clamoured for a male -heir, for the Infanta Maria Teresa was only eight, -and Don Juan of Austria, popular as he was, was -impossible as King. In the letter which Philip -wrote to the nun, on the 9th January 1647, he says: -"I have received a letter from the Emperor -condoling with me for the loss of my son, and at the -same time offering my niece to be my wife. As this -agrees with my own feelings, I think I may decide -to accept this marriage, which is doubtless the most -fitting one for me; so I hope that our Lord will -help this with His powerful hand, so that the -business may tend to His service, and to that of my -own country"; and a few weeks afterwards he -conveyed to her the intelligence that the match has -been arranged. -</p> - -<p> -Mariana was as yet a child, and the daughter -of Philip's sister Maria. That such a companion -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P404"></a>404}</span> -can have been really congenial to him it is difficult -to believe, but his subjects needed an heir. The -unhappy tradition that imposed upon Spain the -belief in its duty to dictate orthodoxy to the world -was not yet dead, and the solidarity of the house -of Austria was a first condition for its success. -Spain had already paid dearly for such Austrian -help as she had obtained, and the price now given -for the further union was a high one indeed; for -by this dire incestuous union of Philip and his -niece the consummation of his country's ruin and -the extinction of his dynasty was wrought. What -for the time being was worst of all was, that the -support of Austria in the wars that were finally -to exhaust Spain was withdrawn even before the -marriage took place. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -The treaty of Münster -</span> -</p> - -<p> -For three years the representatives of the Powers -of Europe, invited by the Emperor, had been -laboriously discussing terms for a general pacification -at Osnabrück and Münster. Philip wrote to the -nun that the French demands were so insolent -that it was clear that they did not want peace;[<a id="chap09fn24text"></a><a href="#chap09fn24">24</a>] -but the Hollanders were more inclined to an -accommodation, for they had grown suspicious of the -ultimate designs of Mazarin. After interminable -intrigues and self-seeking, however, an arrangement -was arrived at which practically ended the Thirty -Years War; and Spain, beaten to her knees, still -burdened with war in Catalonia, on the Portuguese -border, and in Flanders, with her kingdom of -Naples in full revolt, was obliged to accept, at last, -what the world had seen to be inevitable for many -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P405"></a>405}</span> -years past, the recognition of Protestant Holland -as an independent Power. For nearly a hundred -years the war with her Protestant former dependency -had dragged Spain down, and made her an -easy prey to the French, and at last from the sheer -impotence of Spain to struggle longer the Treaty -of Münster (October 1648) was signed by her, which -made Holland free and gave Alsace to France. -The central European Powers were satisfied, the -religious compromise was ratified, there was nothing -more for the Emperor to fight for, and he retired -from the war with France, leaving Philip to fight -her enemy alone. The long dream of Spain's -supremacy over an orthodox Catholic Europe was -indeed dissipated at last; she had now to fight -for the integrity of her own soil and her continued -existence as a great nation, and in this hard strait -the empire deserted her. -</p> - -<p> -All through the year 1647, Philip remained in -Madrid, whilst the wars in Flanders and Catalonia, -as well as on the Portuguese frontier, dragged on -with various fortunes, but on the whole not -disastrously for Spain. The great revolt of Massaniello -in Naples for a time threatened Philip with the -loss of the kingdom; when the happy thought -came to him of sending his brilliant young son, -Don Juan, thither as his Commander-in-chief. He -arrived at a time when Guise, the French pretender -to the Neapolitan crown, had disgusted the fickle -populace which had formerly acclaimed him, and -by a fortunate <i>coup de main</i> Don Juan recaptured -the city for his father in February 1648, to the joy -of most of the inhabitants, who were tired of the -anarchy which had lasted for a year. The exploit -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P406"></a>406}</span> -raised the popularity of the young Prince almost as -high as that of his famous namesake after Lepanto, -and the rejoicings in Madrid to celebrate the victory -made the capital for a time seem its old self again. -</p> - -<p> -But though the lieges might still enjoy their -brilliant shows as of yore, Philip himself had -become introspective and gloomy; and he attended -the bull-fights and parades with sad, weary face. -He wrote weekly to the nun deploring his frailty, -and beseeching her intercession; but it is clear -that he had thrown over most of his good resolutions, -for Don Luis de Haro was as necessary to -him as Olivares had been; and the fragile beauties -of the capital found in him again as ardent an -admirer as ever.[<a id="chap09fn25text"></a><a href="#chap09fn25">25</a>] The departure of the bride -who was to rescue him from his evil life was long -delayed for want of money, both on the part of -her father the Emperor, and of Philip;[<a id="chap09fn26text"></a><a href="#chap09fn26">26</a>] and, -notwithstanding the King's saintly contrition after -his faults, the talk of his loose and idle life began -to make him personally unpopular with many, -who thought that his place was with his army -in Catalonia rather than in the Retiro sunk in -slothful pleasures.[<a id="chap09fn27text"></a><a href="#chap09fn27">27</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P407"></a>407}</span> -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -An execution -</span> -</p> - -<p> -In September, a great Aragonese noble of -turbulent antecedents, the Duke of Hijar, with -three other nobles of rank, were suddenly seized -and committed to prison in Madrid. The accusation -against them was that they had plotted against -the crown: some said in favour of the King of -Portugal, others in favour of France; but the King -specially assured the nun that there had not been -discovered any design against his life. The Duke, -as soon as he was arrested, endeavoured to -implicate Sor Maria in the plot, and produced a -letter from her to him. In a note in her own -hand on the King's account written to her of the -execution of the prisoners in December, she -explains the matter. Hijar, it appears, had written -to her hinting at some plan against the Government -being in contemplation, and asking her advice. She -had replied deploring such wickedness, and had -referred him to the King. The nun says that many -had been the attempts to bring her into trouble -about it; but that in all his letters to her referring -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P408"></a>408}</span> -to the plot the King had never even mentioned -her connection with the matter, which showed -that he, at least, did not believe that she was -culpably concerned. The King, indeed, in his -letters rather makes light of the affair, as being -"the most foolish conspiracy ever conceived," -and he evidently did not think that the Duke of -Hijar was the prime mover in the affair; as -repeated torture having failed to wring any -incriminatory admissions from the Duke, the judges -sentenced him to perpetual imprisonment only, -though we are told that the torture had made him -a cripple for life, both hand and foot. One of the -other conspirators died of a fit in the prison soon -after the death sentence was passed, his fate, as -Philip wrote to the nun, being worst of all, since -he had died unabsolved. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -The "Hijar conspirators" -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The public execution in the Plaza Mayor of -the two principal conspirators, both nobles, Don -Pedro de Silva, Marquis de la Vega de Sagra, and -Don Carlos de Padilla, moved excitement-loving -Madrid profoundly, and several eye-witnesses of -the scene have left their impressions of it. From -one unpublished account in the British Museum[<a id="chap09fn28text"></a><a href="#chap09fn28">28</a>] -the following description is condensed as an example -of a Spanish execution, of the first importance at -the time. -</p> - -<p> -Shortly before noon, on Saturday, the 5th -December 1648, the massive doors of the Carcel de -la Corte, opposite the Plaza de Santa Cruz, near the -Atocha entrance of the Plaza Mayor,[<a id="chap09fn29text"></a><a href="#chap09fn29">29</a>] opened for -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P409"></a>409}</span> -a sombre procession to issue therefrom. First -came seventy alguacils of the Court; then followed, -amidst tapers and swinging censers, two famous -figures of Christ from the parish church of Santa -Cruz opposite, with the attendant clergy. Then -came a saddle mule covered to the ground with -housings of black baize, and led by an executioner. -Upon the mule sat Don Carlos de Padilla, who -only on the previous day had been divested of -his honourable habit of a Knight of Santiago. -Now, as he rode disconsolate, a crucifix in his hand -and closely surrounded by many Jesuit fathers, -he wore a long gown of black baize, with a cap of -the same, and a steel chain dangled from his right -foot. It was noticed, too, that instead of the -almost universal golilla he wore a white starched -Walloon collar unblued. -</p> - -<p> -After him came on another draped mule the -Marquis, Don Pedro, similarly garbed; but, instead -of the collar, wearing the tippet of a Fellow of the -College, of Cuenca at Salamanca. Following the -condemned men came crowds of alguacils, notaries, -and officers of justice; and as the procession swept -along dismally, heralded by tolling bells and the -dreary call of the criers for the people to pray for -the souls of the departing, vast crowds stood at -every coign of vantage, and were held back at the -end of each side street by guards and alguacils. -The procession did not enter the Plaza by the nearest -gate, that of the Atocha, but debouched into the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P410"></a>410}</span> -Calle Mayor, in order to enter the Plaza by a -principal, Guadalajara, portal. It was noticed -that as Don Carlos Padilla reached the entrance -by the Guadalajara gate his face lit up radiantly, -and the word passed along the awestruck crowd -that a heavenly vision had brought comfort to -him, now that all earthly comfort had fled. -</p> - -<p> -The Plaza Mayor itself had been cleared of all -its fruit stalls, as if for a bull-fight; and in the -centre (where now stands the statue of Philip -III.) was erected a scaffold, upon which were two -uncovered chairs side by side. Don Carlos de Padilla -ascended first the fatal stair, and, taking his seat -upon the left-hand chair with much serenity, -slowly arranged his long gown decorously, whilst -the swarm of priests and friars around him -continued their sacred ministrations. The doomed -noble's hands and feet were firmly bound to the -chair, and a strip of black baize blinded his eyes. -Then the executioner, stepping forward, with a -large butcher's knife slashed the throat across -again and again. It was remarked that Don -Carlos, being a robust man, shed an immense -quantity of blood. Then going behind him, the -executioner with several heavy blows on the nape -of the neck severed the head entirely, and the -deed was finished. -</p> - -<p> -Then came the turn of the Marquis, Don Pedro -de Silva, to mount; and as he reached the top his -eyes perforce rested upon the dead body of his -comrade, still bound to the chair. "Blessed be -the name of the Lord," he exclaimed in horror at -the ghastly sight, as he took his seat on the -adjoining chair. The strip of baize that had bound the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P411"></a>411}</span> -eyes of Don Carlos was too much soaked with blood -to be used for the second time, and another had to -be brought; Don Pedro devoutly repeating the -Creed in the meanwhile. It was noticed that Don -Pedro, being a dry, shrunken little man, shed but -little blood; and when his head at last was severed -from the back, as that of Don Carlos had been, -the King's justice was satisfied. The bodies -remained in the chairs all that day; but at one o'clock -in the morning the executioner and the widows -shrouded the bodies by the light of two candle-ends, -and enclosed them in rough coffins, in which they -were carried in procession, with the parish cross -and eight wax tapers before them, across the Calle -Mayor to the churchyard of St. Gines for burial. -The two Christs of Santa Cruz went with them too, -though the clergy were not allowed to accompany -them; for they had claimed the right of burying -the bodies in their own church, which is the parish -in which the prison is situated, and the King had -ordered the sepulchre at St. Gines. -</p> - -<p> -The King had taken no part in the trial of the -prisoners, and had strictly enjoined the five judges -specially appointed to investigate the case to be -absolutely impartial, though the nun herself had -almost violently urged that no mercy should be -shown against men who aimed at overturning the -Government. The real object of the conspiracy -appears to have been the overthrow of Don Luis -de Haro, and the adoption of a conciliatory policy -which would end the warfare in Catalonia and -Portugal, even at the cost of a sacrifice of pride -and territory to Spain. -</p> - -<p> -Already, when the impressive sight just described -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P412"></a>412}</span> -was passing in Madrid, the new girl Queen-Consort -was slowly, very slowly, making her way from city -to city of her father's dominions, Tyrol, Hungary, -and Italy, on her way to the expectant arms of -her elderly avuncular bridegroom. Festivities and -celebrations greeted her in every town she entered, -and everywhere the inexperienced girl enjoyed -her new importance without restraint. At Trent, -Philip's representatives met her, and thenceforward -she travelled as Queen of Spain, staying -on her way for many weeks at each place.[<a id="chap09fn30text"></a><a href="#chap09fn30">30</a>] The -reasons for so long a delay were several. First, -money was scarce for the conveyance of the -tremendous company of 160 Spanish nobles with -their households who accompanied the Queen; -secondly, the plague was raging throughout eastern -Spain, where she had to land; and thirdly, she -herself was as yet quite immature, being barely -fifteen. -</p> - -<p> -During all this long delay, which lasted until -the late autumn of 1649, Philip continued to write -to the nun, deploring his inability to overcome the -frailty of the flesh, and fervently invoking her aid -in prayer to make him as perfect as he wished to -be. Though the world knew it not at the time, it -is quite certain from these letters that the ecstatic -religious mysticism that had taken possession of -his father, grandfather, and great-grandfather at -a similar age, had at this time firmly captured -Philip IV. But he, unlike them, still retained his -pleasure-seeking instincts, and with him it was a -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P413"></a>413}</span> -never-ending battle between the spirit and the flesh -which prevented him subsequently from sinking -into the monkish seclusion of his ancestors. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Queen Mariana -</span> -</p> - -<p> -At length, whilst Philip was in Madrid in -September, a messenger, bringing for him a beautiful -jewel from his bride, came to announce her landing -on Spanish soil at Denia;[<a id="chap09fn31text"></a><a href="#chap09fn31">31</a>] and the King at once -wrote in delight to the nun, to tell her the news -and ask her blessing, to which the good woman -replied by urging him to begin a new life on his -marriage. Mariana had been received at Denia -by all the nobles of Valencia, where the Sandoval -interest was strong, and jealousy surrounded her -from the first hour; the Duke of Najera and -Maqueda, who had conducted her from Italy, being -dismissed in disgrace as soon as he landed for some -lack of respect reported of him. -</p> - -<p> -Mariana troubled her head little about such -things. She was a red-cheeked, full-blooded lass, -with bright black eyes, and an insatiable ambition -to enjoy and make the most of life. Selfish and -hard-hearted she proved herself to be later, but -now in her florid spring she seemed a gay, happy -girl, whose high spirits nothing could damp, even -the prospect of matrimonial life with a worn-out, -disillusioned voluptuary in chronic anxiety about -his soul. As she slowly moved onward through -Valencia and Castile, she was entertained -everywhere with feastings and shows which delighted -her. At one place, after dinner, some of the King's -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P414"></a>414}</span> -dwarfs and buffoons were introduced to amuse her, -at whose antics she screamed with laughter. The -stately Countess of Medillin, a Sandoval, her -Mistress of the Robes, shocked at such a breach -of etiquette, reminded her that sovereigns of Spain -never laughed in public. But Mariana snapped -her fingers at such stiffness, and avowed that she -should laugh as often as she saw anything to laugh -at; and when the same great lady informed her -that it was a violation of all the Court traditions -for her to walk, she obtained a similar answer. -</p> - -<p> -As she approached Madrid, Philip, with his -young daughter, Maria Teresa, moved to the -Escorial, to be within easy riding distance of the -village of Navalcarnero, where the royal wedding -was to be celebrated.[<a id="chap09fn32text"></a><a href="#chap09fn32">32</a>] Every few days, letters, -gifts, and loving messages had passed between -Philip and his bride since her arrival on Spanish -soil, and he evidently desired to act his part of the -anxious lover irreproachably. When, therefore, he -learnt that the Queen was to arrive at Navalcarnero, -on the 6th October, he complied with the traditional -usage of the Spanish Court, and set forth on -horseback, and in perfectly transparent disguise, to -look upon his new wife incognito and without -formality for the first time. That he did so to his -satisfaction is on record in his subsequent letters -to the nun, for Mariana was a buxom lass, and as -she sat gaily smiling at the comedy with which she -was being entertained before her evening meal, she -doubtless looked an attractive bride. The King -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P415"></a>415}</span> -retired that night to a little neighbouring hamlet -called Brunete; and betimes in the morning, with -a brave array of courtiers, he rode up to the humble -house in which Mariana was temporarily lodged, -whilst she stood smiling and blushing beneath -her plentiful rouge until he approached, when she -made as if to kneel; but he raised her without a -word, and led her to the adjoining chapel, where -mass was celebrated before them, and the marriage -was performed by the Primate of Spain, Cardinal -Moscoso Sandoval, with all the state which -Navalcarnero could contain. -</p> - -<p> -After their dining in public at noon, there was a -long series of bull-fights and comedies to go through -before the royal pair and their Court in the great -swaying coaches moved on the Escorial, where the -early days of the honeymoon were to be passed. -A league from the palace they were met by the -Infanta Maria Teresa, who at once became the -friend and play-fellow of her stepmother, only five -years older than herself, and thenceforward her -inseparable companion. The stern old monastery -palace of Philip II. tried its hardest to look gay -for the occasion, with its 11,000 wax lights and -its array of fine courtiers; but gaiety sits badly -upon it. Here in diversions, especially in hunting, -the time passed happily for three weeks before the -pair proceeded to the Pardo, nearer Madrid, whilst -the capital was busy putting on the festal garb it -loved so much, and had missed for so long. -</p> - -<p> -At length all was ready. From the Retiro to -the old palace, the entire length of Madrid, a series -of beautiful triumphal arches were erected, spanning -the road. All the fountains, which were ordinarily -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P416"></a>416}</span> -unpretending enough, had been turned to account -and made to appear classic temples, whence the -Olympian gods and goddesses dispensed refreshing -nectar to the world. The shabby house-fronts -were masked by erections of imitation marble, or -hung with splendid tapestries and armorial shields; -in fact, Madrid once more, almost ruined though -she was, managed somehow to raise money enough to -make herself handsome again for a space. Mariana, -with her white teeth, rosy painted cheeks, so full -and round, and her frank, unabashed gaiety, -captured the hearts of the Madrileños at once, as she, -rode on her splendidly caparisoned milk-white -palfrey, from the Buen Retiro by the Carrera de -San Geronimo, across the Puerta del Sol, and -up the Calle Mayor to the palace. They did not -know yet, as they learned later, that she was greedy -and hard, caring nothing for Spain except for what -it could give her.[<a id="chap09fn33text"></a><a href="#chap09fn33">33</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Philip's second marriage -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Philip was too much immersed in the delights -of his honeymoon to write to the nun for several -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P417"></a>417}</span> -weeks after his marriage; but when he did write, -on the 17th November, he testified to his full -satisfaction with his new wife. "I confess to you that -I do not know how I can thank our Lord for the -favour he has shown me in giving me such a -companion; for all the qualities I have seen up to the -present in my niece are great, and I am extremely -content, and desirous not to be ungrateful to Him -who has granted me so singular a boon: showing -my gratitude by changing my life and executing -His will in all things." The nun in her reply places -much stress upon the need of the country for an -heir to the crown, and urges the King to be faithful -to his wife, if only for that end; "trying to fix -your whole attention and goodwill upon the Queen, -without turning your eyes to other objects strange -and curious." Philip had no great difficulty at -the time in following his friend's advice; for he -really was smitten with the fresh charms of his -fifteen-year-old niece-wife. He was full of good -resolves and saintly protestations; he would never -go astray again, for he was as anxious for a son -as his people were, though he confided to the nun -that he was in doubt whether his wife was as -yet mature enough to bear children, "although -others of her age, which is fifteen years, are so. -But it is easy for our Lord to remedy this, and I -hope in His mercy that He will do so."[<a id="chap09fn34text"></a><a href="#chap09fn34">34</a>] -</p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-416"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-416.jpg" alt="MARIANA DE AUSTRIA: SECOND WIFE OF PHILIP IV. From a portrait by Velazquez at the Prado Museum" /> -<br /> -MARIANA DE AUSTRIA: SECOND WIFE OF PHILIP IV. <br /> -<i>From a portrait by Velazquez at the Prado Museum</i> -</p> - -<p> -In the meanwhile, Mariana, the depository of -all these hopes, was diverting herself as best she -could, in girlish romps with Maria Teresa, and in -the constant shows, comedies, and masques which -were offered for her pleasure. Once more the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P418"></a>418}</span> -Buen Retiro rang with mirth and blazed with -lights. The playhouses of the capital again were -allowed to open their doors; and the Madrileños -did their best to evade, bit by bit, the sumptuary -enactments that had kept them in sober garb and -outward gravity of demeanour for seven years of -war and trouble. Neither the war nor the trouble -was yet over, for the plague came almost to the -doors of Madrid, and scourged whole provinces; -whilst the war with the French still went on in -Catalonia and Flanders, and Portugal continued to -defy successfully the arms of Philip. But, withal, -the drain upon Castile, bad as it still was, became -somewhat less pressing; for Mazarin had his hands -full in France with the revolt of the Fronde, which, -of course, Spain helped to the extent of her -possibilities; and the Catalans were far less enamoured -with their French masters than they were at first. -Don Juan, the King's son, moreover, who was now -in command in Catalonia, was doing well, and -winning popularity on all sides, whilst the -recognition of Dutch independence by Philip -had freed his Indies fleets from their greatest -danger. -</p> - -<p> -The novelty of the King's honeymoon soon wore -off, and in his letters to the nun he refers to his -wife thenceforward kindly and with solicitude, -but as it seems somewhat wearily, and usually -in connection with her many more or less -disappointed hopes of maternity, or to her love for -shows and festivities; which it is quite evident -from his tone now palled upon him. Pleasure -and the joy of living absorbed most of Mariana's -attention, and, immersed as the King was in business -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P419"></a>419}</span> -and devotion, he could have little in common with -his young wife. His own habits were absolutely -fixed, and an observer at his Court at the time -says that it was possible to foretell a year -beforehand exactly what the King would do on a given -day and hour.[<a id="chap09fn35text"></a><a href="#chap09fn35">35</a>] His demeanour in public was like -that of a statue, and when he received ambassadors -or ministers it was noticed that no muscle of his face -moved but his lips, and he rarely showing any -emotion, even by a smile. Already the haughty -disillusionment, represented by Velazquez so finely in -the later portraits, had been fixed indelibly upon his -features, and his eyes had grown blear with remorseful tears. -</p> - -<p> -In 1651 a daughter was born to Philip and -Mariana, and christened with the usual extravagant -pomp Margaret Maria,[<a id="chap09fn36text"></a><a href="#chap09fn36">36</a>] but, though oft expected, -the longed-for son came not. Mariana felt her -husband growing colder, and guessed his infidelity. -Then she fell homesick and disappointed, and -Philip became anxious. A splendid series of -festivities were arranged at the Buen Retiro to -solace and enliven her, an ingenious Florentine -being requisitioned to invent novelties to attract -her attention. But it was all dust and ashes to -Philip now. He speaks in his secret letters always -gently of his young wife, sometimes even almost -with enthusiasm of her goodness; but it is plain to -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P420"></a>420}</span> -see that there was little sympathy between them,[<a id="chap09fn37text"></a><a href="#chap09fn37">37</a>] -for his terrible remorse at his moral fragility and -evil life, and his grief at the troubles he firmly -believed he was bringing upon his people by his -own backsliding, show that the struggle between -the spirit and the flesh had begun again as severely -as ever, and that Mariana was powerless to keep -him entirely faithful to her. She, on her side, -had soon learnt the lesson of the Court. Her face -grew cold and haughty, and her ostentatious -German sympathies and repellent Austrian manner -cooled the warm-blooded spontaneous Spaniards -towards her. Thus, with all stately dignity, -decorum, and solemnity in outward seeming, the -ill-matched pair lived: passing from Madrid to -Aranjuez and the Escorial at stated seasons, wearily -going through the dull, depressing tale of -prearranged devotions and duties; the Queen seeking -such distraction as was possible in comedies and -the like, the King spending much time at his desk, -reading the never-ending reports of his Councils -brought to him by Don Luis de Haro, and scribbling -in his big straggling hand on the margins "<i>Como -parece</i>," or some similar sentence signifying his -acquiescence in the conclusions arrived at by his -advisers. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Philip's changed life -</span> -</p> - -<p> -And behind this dreary changeless round there -was, unknown to all but one lonely cloistered -woman, a human soul in mortal pain for -transgressions real and imaginary, which it was unable -to avoid, and yet was convinced were dragging the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P421"></a>421}</span> -man it animated and millions of the people that -he loved and pitied to suffering and sorrow. -Philip's constant correspondence with the nun had -changed him much; for it is evident, whatever -may have been his shortcomings, that her exhortations -to him to be brave, dutiful, and faithful, -and her wise insistence upon unceasing work and -prayer, had made the King watchful of his own -weakness, and kept him from sinking into -indifference. It is highly probable, indeed, that in -his constant self-reproach his failings at this time -were exaggerated by him, as those of his father -had been on his deathbed. Certainly, from this -time forward he tried his best, according to his -lights and strength, to live worthily, and to rescue -his country from the trouble into which the policy -of his ancestors and himself had dragged it; though -still there was no glimmering of true statesmanship -such as was needed in circumstances so -difficult. Philip's spirit was a poor one; and his -faith, notwithstanding his devotion, was far from -robust. He continued to look upon himself and -his country as doomed irrevocably by the Almighty -to suffer for his personal sins and those of his -generation, and the only remedy presented to his -mind was to plead fervently for mercy through -a saintly soul untouched by the sins of the time. -Of the efficiency even of this resource he needed -constant reassurance, and for ever foresaw disaster -whilst he was frantically praying for triumph. -</p> - -<p> -Lacking in statesmanship as were Philip and -all his advisers, it would nevertheless be unjust to -attribute to their ineptitude alone the troubles -that overwhelmed Spain. It has been pointed out -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P422"></a>422}</span> -that Philip inherited both his policy and his -methods; and so fixed were they upon the tradition -of Charles V. and Philip II., that nothing short of a -real genius or a sudden great catastrophe could -have altered them. But Philip was specially -unfortunate in the international circumstances of -his time. The deadly rivalry between the house of -Austria and the house of France had existed since -the earliest years of the sixteenth century; and wars -between them had been frequent since that period. -But England had always provided a check to -prevent such wars being fought to the bitter end. It -had been a fixed canon of English foreign policy -that the Flemish dominions of the house of -Burgundy, that had descended to the Spanish Kings, -must never be allowed to fall into the hands of -France, and when such a danger threatened, -England invariably interfered in favour of Spain; -whilst any aggressive action of France against -England, either in Scotland or elsewhere, usually -brought Spain to the side of the English sovereigns. -But the revolutionary war which had overthrown -the monarchy of the Stuarts had for years doomed -England to impotence in the struggles of Europe; -and Richelieu and his successor Mazarin had been -able to disregard an influence which had always -previously stepped in to prevent the final -humiliation of Spain. Without this immunity from -England's interference, France would never have -been free to foment rebellion in Catalonia and -Portugal; and it may be said that Philip to a -great extent owed the extremity of his tribulation -to the internal disturbance in England. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Philip and England -</span> -</p> - -<p> -It will be recollected that after the diplomacy -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P423"></a>423}</span> -of Olivares had secured the neutrality of England -in the war with France, Sir Arthur Hopton remained -in Madrid as English ambassador, having little to -do but to press the constant complaints of English -shipmasters against the authorities of Spanish -ports, and other maritime questions. But in the -late summer of 1641, Olivares had sent to Hopton, -and in a long interview with him had complained -that Charles I. had received an ambassador from -the Duke of Braganza, the usurping King of -Portugal. Hopton says[<a id="chap09fn38text"></a><a href="#chap09fn38">38</a>] that the Count-Duke -spoke modestly and without much bitterness in -the matter, and the English envoy at once pointed -out that Charles did not presume to judge of the -Duke of Braganza's right to the crown, but that -as English interests in Portugal were very large, -it was needful that he should negotiate with the -power wielding effective control in the country. -Sir Arthur, moreover, slyly pointed out that words -only had passed between his King and the -Portuguese envoy, whereas it was with much more than -words that the King of Spain had aided Bavaria -to keep the Palatinate. Indeed, with the exception -of constantly harping on the Palatinate in his -discussions with Philip and his ministers, and -complaining of the action of the Spanish ambassador in -London, Don Alonso de Cardenas, against Charles -I., Sir Arthur Hopton confined himself practically -to the negotiation of shipping claims,[<a id="chap09fn39text"></a><a href="#chap09fn39">39</a>] until affairs -in England and his lack of money necessitated his -return home in 1644. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P424"></a>424}</span> -</p> - -<p> -When at last the axe fell in Whitehall, on the -30th January 1649, upon the neck of the Stuart -King, Don Alonso de Cardenas, who was accredited -to Charles and not yet to the Parliament, was -without definite instructions how to proceed, and -for that or some other reason he did not identify -himself with the Dutch ambassadors in their -protest against the death sentence pronounced -upon the King. This may have been an accident; -but it is certain that there was little love lost -between Charles I. and Philip since the visit of -the former to Madrid, and his French marriage. -It is true that large numbers of Irish and English -troops had been raised for the Spanish service -with his consent even during the course of the -civil war, but his sympathy with Braganza, and -the ostentatiously French leanings of Henrietta -Maria, had, as Charles's troubles increased, estranged -Philip from him personally. It was, moreover, -of the highest importance to Philip that, whoever -had command of the English fleet and the Channel, -should be friendly with him. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Spain and the Commonwealth -</span> -</p> - -<p> -It was a serious thing, nevertheless, for Philip, -the soul of legitimacy, to have dealings with rebels -and regicides; and when Cardenas conveyed to -Secretary Geronimo de la Torre in Madrid the -news of the tragedy of Whitehall, Philip and his -Councils discussed as usual interminably the best -course to be pursued. -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"Truly," wrote Cardenas, three days after -Charles's execution, "I am as grieved as so dreadful -a tragedy as that which has befallen this unhappy -Prince demands. The events both in this country -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P425"></a>425}</span> -and abroad have contributed to it, and especially -the turmoils in France.... You will now see that -what I wrote to you on the 20th August was a true -forecast, and indeed I wrote it from certain -knowledge I possessed of the designs of these people; -namely, that they would try to do without a King, -and if they could not succeed in that they would -choose the Duke of Gloucester.... We are here -in utter chaos, living without religion, King, or law, -subject entirely to the power of the sword, and this -faction is bearing itself as the conqueror of the -realm, wherefrom many novelties will spring."[<a id="chap09fn40text"></a><a href="#chap09fn40">40</a>] -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -The next letter from Cardenas, on the 19th -March (N.S.), warned the Spanish Government that -the English were in negotiation with the French, -and that unless prompt steps were taken the danger -to Spain would be great. This intelligence set -Philip's Councils considering again; for unpleasant -as it would be to make friends with these "heretic" -regicides, their threatened alliance with France -in the war would have meant certain ruin for -Spain. As usual, the Councils deliberated -frequently and at length, and, equally as usual, -followed their tradition of avoiding as long as -possible decisive action of any sort. An agent of -the Parliament came to Cardenas in April 1649 -to say that the English Government was desirous -of continuing in friendly relations with Spain, -and desired to know if King Philip would receive -an ambassador from them. This was disconcerting; -but the embarrassment was increased by -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P426"></a>426}</span> -a letter which Sir Francis Cottington wrote to -Cardenas from the Hague, saying that the Prince -of Wales (Charles II.) had instructed him to go -to Madrid as his ambassador, and to ask assistance -in his attempts to regain the crown of England. -The Council was determined, if possible, to prevent -Cottington from coming until the attitude of the -French towards Charles was known, but they were -very doubtful, on the other hand, about receiving -a republican envoy, and accrediting the Spanish -ambassador to the Parliament, and thus putting -Philip in the unenviable position of offending -Charles II. and the legitimist elements in Europe. -</p> - -<p> -The result of many weeks of deliberation in -Madrid was that which might have been confidently -foretold from the first, namely, to cast upon -someone else the responsibility of deciding. Philip -accordingly wrote to the Archduke Leopold, his -Governor of Flanders, asking him, in the first place, -to stop Cottington by any pretext until he -discovered what his instructions and object were, -or to prevent his going to Madrid at all if possible -without offending him. Cottington was to be -assured secretly of Philip's sympathy with Charles, -but to be told that the best way for Charles to -regain his father's crown was to bring about peace -between Spain and France. The Archduke was -instructed to rap Cardenas sharply over the knuckles -for saying so much to the agent of the Parliament, -and to instruct him to hold the English revolutionary -Government at arm's length for the present, "until -at least it was solidly established."[<a id="chap09fn41text"></a><a href="#chap09fn41">41</a>] -</p> - -<p> -In the meanwhile no formal declaration was -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P427"></a>427}</span> -to be made on behalf of Spain, either to Charles II. or -to the Parliament; although, with characteristic -duplicity, the former was given the title of -Majesty in a letter antedated, so that the Parliament, -if they learnt of it, might think that it was written -before the Stuarts had been excluded from the -succession.[<a id="chap09fn42text"></a><a href="#chap09fn42">42</a>] And, as if to counterbalance this, -Cardenas was unofficially to convey to the -Parliament Philip's satisfaction at their friendliness. -This non-committal attitude, of which Spanish -statesmen were always so fond, soon tired the -downright English politicians of the Parliament, -and they began to show their teeth. In July -Cardenas was informed that he would not be -treated as an envoy unless he produced new -credentials addressed to the Parliamentary Government, -and he begged Philip either to recall him -or to send new credentials. Philip and his Councils -were very loth to do either, intent, as usual, upon -running with the hare and hunting with the hounds. -At first it was agreed by Philip's Council that -the King should not recognise the English Parliament -until it was quite clear whether it or Charles II. was -likely to prevail in the end; whilst the Stuart -Prince in Holland was to be treated with full -ceremony, but nothing else. Other Councillors -consulted later thought that, as the Parliament -was strong and threatening, the Archduke Leopold -in Flanders should be empowered to give Cardenas -temporary leave to go to Belgium on the pretext -of ill-health; but that if any grave occasion should -arise another envoy might be sent temporarily, -<i>duly accredited to the Parliament of England</i>; and -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P428"></a>428}</span> -a small number of Councillors, whilst deploring the -necessity, were in favour of new credentials being -sent to Cardenas at once. The matter was finally -submitted to Philip himself, who decided that -the Archduke should act as he thought best.[<a id="chap09fn43text"></a><a href="#chap09fn43">43</a>] Being -in closer touch with the realities and dangers -of the situation in Flanders than were Philip and -his Councillors, the Archduke promptly sent -credentials to Cardenas addressed to the Parliamentary -Government of England; and thus it happened -that the ultra-Catholic King of Spain was the -first sovereign in Europe formally to recognise -the Puritan revolution in England, and the Stuarts -had to pay thus for the reception of an envoy of -the Braganza King of Portugal by Charles I. years -before. -</p> - -<p> -The chain of grievances between the Stuarts and -Philip was unbroken. The rebuff in Madrid in -1623, the insincere juggling of the Spaniards about -the Palatinate, the marriage of Charles I. to a French -Princess, and the recognition of the Portuguese -pretender led now, in 1649, to the strange and -paradoxical position in which Philip, whose -Dominican baptism was described in the first pages of -this book, and who ever since had been the champion -of Catholic orthodoxy, made friends with the stern -Ironsides and Puritans of the Long Parliament.[<a id="chap09fn44text"></a><a href="#chap09fn44">44</a>] It -was important also for Cromwell so to deal with -the continental Powers as to prevent them from -extending to Charles the aid he was so industriously -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P429"></a>429}</span> -soliciting for the re-establishment of his family -on the throne of England; and if France and -Spain, from which Cromwell had most to fear, could -be conciliated, the main danger from without which -threatened the English republic would be avoided. -</p> - -<p> -It was therefore natural that the Parliamentary -Government should be desirous of establishing -as early as possible full diplomatic relations with -Spain. The question was on several occasions -pressed upon Cardenas in London; but it went -against the grain for so proud a sovereign as Philip -to receive an ambassador from a Government whose -very existence was a negation of the principle of -Spanish sovereignty. He dared not, however, -drive England into the arms of France against him, -and after the usual protracted deliberation the -Spanish Council of State reported upon the letter -from Cardenas in these words: "It was a matter -of the gravest importance to pass over so serious -an excess as that which the English had committed -in publicly beheading their King and born ruler; -and it would be very worthy of great monarchs -to contribute to the punishment of those who were -guilty of such an atrocious crime."[<a id="chap09fn45text"></a><a href="#chap09fn45">45</a>] But, -nevertheless, whilst they recognised this, they saw the -difficulties in the way of Philip's doing so. Again -they took shelter behind the former reception of -the Portuguese envoy by Charles I., and decided -that as yet no other Power had recognised Charles -II. there was no reason why they should take the -lead in doing so, especially as Prince Rupert's -fleet was still finding welcome in Portuguese ports -with his prizes. After much preamble of this -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P430"></a>430}</span> -sort, Philip's Council made a clean breast of it to -each other: the Parliament of England, with its -fleet, was too strong for Spain to offend, and, -distasteful as it might be, the ambassador from the English -Parliament must be allowed to reside in Madrid. -Cardenas had recommended that a bargain should -be made, and that Cromwell, in return for the -reception of his envoy in Spain, should refuse to -receive a Portuguese envoy in England; but Philip -was afraid of drawing the cord too tight, and -gave orders that the Puritan ambassador should -be placed upon the same footing as the other -ministers from foreign Powers resident in his Court. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -A Republican envoy -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The man chosen for the post was one Anthony -Ascham. He must have been in an advanced stage -of consumption; for, when he was first appointed -in October 1649, he was doubtful if he could go, -and wrote to Lord President Bradshaw, saying -that the haemorrhage of the lungs from which he -suffered was so bad that he must go to his father's -house at Boston to recover before he could set -out.[<a id="chap09fn46text"></a><a href="#chap09fn46">46</a>] However, although still in wretched health, he safely -arrived at Cadiz, though not without an attack -on the voyage from a French man-of-war, on -the 17/27 March 1650. The great Andalucian -magnate, Duke of Medina Celi, received him with -all honour, and took him across to Port St. Mary -to lodge at his palace. Ascham wished to go to -St. Lucar, as being a quieter place, and better -fitted for an invalid; but, to his surprise and -indignation, he learnt from the Duke that he was -not to be allowed to leave Port St. Mary until -instructions came from Madrid. The Duke, indeed, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P431"></a>431}</span> -expressed haughty astonishment that the Parliament -should have presumed to send an envoy -at all until they learnt King Philip's pleasure in -the matter. Philip knew all about his coming -months before, Ascham replied; and whatever -orders came from Madrid to the Duke, he, Ascham, -would only acknowledge a direct reply to the letter -of the Parliament to King Philip. -</p> - -<p> -It was clear that, although fear forced the -Government in Madrid to receive the envoy, they -were determined to snub him as much as possible, -and during the time Ascham was detained at Port -St. Mary, not unwillingly, for he was still very ill, -it was decided that although he might be sent to -Madrid with an escort to ensure his safety, when he -arrived there he was to be kept waiting on various -pretexts as long as possible before even being -received by Don Luis de Haro, who was to avoid -all negotiations or agreements when he did see him, -until he knew the tenour of his instructions and -his object in coming to Spain;[<a id="chap09fn47text"></a><a href="#chap09fn47">47</a>] the intention of -Philip and his Councillors evidently being to -compromise themselves as little as possible until it was -proved which party in England would ultimately -triumph. Ascham was kept in Port St. Mary's -until almost the middle of May, though treated -with ostentatious respect; and at last, with an -escort of six Spanish officers, headed by a colonel, -slowly moved on through the burning Andalucian -summer to Madrid. -</p> - -<p> -He had naturally expected to be taken, as was -usual, to some good private house retained by the -King for his accommodation; but, much to his -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P432"></a>432}</span> -surprise, the colonel who was the chief of his escort -led him on the day of his arrival, Sunday, 5th June, -to a poor inn kept by a widow named Pandes in -the Calle del Caballero de Gracia. Ascham, who -was accompanied by a secretary named Fischer, -an Italian interpreter, and an English servant, -remonstrated against being thus exposed to the -discomfort and danger of lodging in an open posada -without locks or bolts upon the doors. The colonel -was very haughty and off-handed about it, doubtless -prompted by his superiors, and told the envoy that -his duty was ended in bringing him safely to Madrid; -but that he would return in the morning. Ascham, -in high dudgeon, remained at the inn that night, -and early in the morning sent for an Englishman -named Marston resident in Madrid, who came at -once, accompanied by another Englishman who -was with him at the time, one Laurence Chambers.[<a id="chap09fn48text"></a><a href="#chap09fn48">48</a>] To -them Ascham, in alarm, stated the case. Here -he was, he said, without even a lock on his door, -in a Catholic country swarming with enemies of his -Government and his religion; with Sir Francis -Cottington posing at the Spanish Court as the -representative of Charles Stuart; and yet the colonel, -who had just visited him, had told him that he -must look after his own safety, for he had done with -him. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Murder of Ascham -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Ascham had that morning sent his interpreter -to see Secretary Geronimo de la Torre, who had -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P433"></a>433}</span> -expressed surprise at the colonel's action; and had -promised to place some of the King's own guard -at Ascham's disposal. "But in the meanwhile," -said Ascham, "here I am in hourly danger of my -life, for I cannot trust these people." His own -ignorance of Spanish had prevented his -understanding his escort's instructions, and whether -the safe-conduct sent to Medina Celi covered his -stay in Madrid and his return to the coast. "If -not," said poor Ascham, "I am a dead man." Marston -and Chambers agreed as to his danger, -and at once set out to find him a fitting lodging in -a safe house. -</p> - -<p> -Whilst the Englishmen were house-hunting for -the unfortunate ambassador in the forenoon of -the 6/16 June, another party of their countrymen -were drinking in a tavern within a few doors of the -posada where Ascham was lodged. For years -Catholic Irish and North and West countrymen -from England had been incorporated in the Spanish -armies; and at the final break up of the royalist -forces in England many of Charles's late soldiers -enlisted under the same banner. They were a -turbulent, swaggering lot, though good soldiers, -and were wont to hang about the Catholic Flemish -cities and Madrid until new companies were formed -in which they could serve. Five or six men of this -sort it was who were drinking in the tavern in the -Calle del Caballero de Gracia. There was Major -Halsey, a man from Lancashire; Captain Prodgers, -a Welshman; Captain Williams, his compatriot; -Valentine Roche, an Irishman; and one Sparkes, -a merchant's book-keeper from Oxford, as well as -a Scottish trumpeter named Arnet. The talk -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P434"></a>434}</span> -turned upon the arrival in Madrid on the previous -evening of the Roundhead ambassador, sent by -the men who had murdered his Sacred Majesty -King Charles. It were a good deed to kill such a -crop-eared knave, said one of the swashbucklers; -for he had even written a scurvy book defending -the regicides. The wine was heady and cheap; -and as they talked thus and drank, the project grew -in favour, for were they not in Catholic Spain, -where to kill a heretic and a rebel, envoy or no -envoy, was a godly deed that all men praised? -</p> - -<p> -In the meanwhile Marston and Chambers -came back to the posada, which was still without -a guard, and informed Ascham that they had found -an excellent and secure lodging for him. Mr. Fischer -was asked to go with them to see the house -and settle the bargain; but dinner being on the -table in the room on the first floor occupied by -Ascham, the latter asked his countrymen to partake -of the meal before going. Marston declined, and -earnestly recommended the envoy to forego his -dinner and move to the new lodgings instantly, -since the guard had not come, and he had reason -to feel apprehensive for the envoy's safety. The -Italian interpreter, John Baptist Arribas, made -light of the danger, and persuaded Ascham to dine -first and then to transfer his lodging, whether the -King's guard came or not. With this Marston and -Chambers, accompanied by the secretary Fischer, -went out, leaving Ascham and his interpreter at -dinner, attended by the English serving-man. -</p> - -<p> -Presently a tramping upon the stairs was heard, -and the Lancashire soldier, Major Edward Halsey, -entered the room, followed by Williams, Sparkes, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P435"></a>435}</span> -and Arnet; whilst the others remained at the door -and the head of the stairs. Halsey advanced as if -to salute the envoy, and the latter rose, but seeing -the three others following Halsey he drew back -towards a side table upon which some loaded pistols -were lying. Before he could reach it Halsey seized -him by the hair and cried out, "Traitor!" whilst -Williams thrust him through the arm with a dagger, -and another stabbed him in the temples. The -unhappy envoy fell at once, and the murderers -hacked him about the head and body as he lay; -whilst the Italian, in mortal fear, made as if to fly, -crying out in Spanish, "I am not the man!" But -as he ran towards the door he was slashed -across the stomach by Halsey and another of the -ruffians, and was just able to stagger into the -bedroom beyond, where he fell dead. -</p> - -<p> -Then the six assassins fled, as they had arranged -to do, to the Church of St. Andres, a door or two -away in the same street, where before the high -altar they claimed sanctuary. In a few minutes -all the quarter was in an uproar, from the Red de -San Luis at the top of the street to the Convent of -St. Hermenegildo at the bottom. Grave alcaldes -carrying white wands, and followed by alguacils, -surrounded the posada, and on entering the upper -room they found Ascham and the Italian -interpreter lying dead, and the English serving-man -uninjured, but almost beside himself with terror. -The case was so scandalous that the alcalde ordered -the murderers to be taken from sanctuary, a -most unusual thing, which was looked upon askance -by those who saw it. But Philip had been determined, -since he had enjoyed the support of the nun, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P436"></a>436}</span> -to allow no immunity to open assassination in the -capital; and with shouts of indignant protest five -of the prisoners were led off to gaol. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Spain and Cromwell -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Much interrogation there was of Mr. Fischer. -Why had they come to Spain? What was their -religion? and finally, the poor secretary had his -money and papers seized, and was borne off to -remain in strict seclusion in the alcalde's house -pending the orders of His Majesty. Philip was -intensely annoyed at the news of the crime, which -rendered his position with Cromwell's Government -more difficult than ever. He found himself, to -begin with, at issue with the ecclesiastical -authorities, who peremptorily demanded the restoration -of the prisoners to sanctuary; the murderers, -moreover, openly boasted of their deed, and -competed with each other in claiming the leading part -in it. The feeling in Madrid was, of course, -strongly in favour of them; for was it not a virtue -to kill an unrepentant heretic and rebel regicide? -Every Madrileño who had enjoyed himself at an -<i>auto-de-fé</i> knew that it was a saintly act and not -murder which these men had done; and they in -their prison were the heroes of the hour. -</p> - -<p> -Philip personally could hardly be expected to -look upon it otherwise; for in his eyes a King, -however bad, was sacrosanct. Yet how could he let -the murderers of a political envoy under his -safe-conduct go free, and thus arouse the ire of Cromwell, -who with his Council now wielded the power of -England, and could ruin Spanish commerce as -well as ensure the victory of the French in the -lingering war. Again political expediency won -the day; for Philip refused to surrender the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P437"></a>437}</span> -prisoners to the Church or to the Inquisition, and -they remained in prison until the affair blew over -and circumstances changed; when all but one of -them, who had died, were quietly let out and disappeared. -</p> - -<p> -In the meanwhile Fischer assumed the part of -agent in Madrid for the Parliament, and was -treated by Haro with marked politeness and -respect. "Had Fischer any authority to negotiate an -alliance?" asked Don Luis. "No," replied Fischer. -"The Parliament is not so much perplexed at -the murder of their agent as at the tardance -thereby of a firm league between the two countries." Haro -said that the King was still just as anxious -to be friendly as the English were. "Are not the -French and the Portuguese the enemies both of -the Parliament and of King Philip?" "Yes," replied -Fischer; "but the Parliament will be very -scrupulous about sending another envoy until they know -how Ascham's murderers are to be punished."[<a id="chap09fn49text"></a><a href="#chap09fn49">49</a>] "Cottington," -writes Fischer, "is still here, and -lives in good fashion, by his Catholic Majesty's -charity; although I am confident he can work little -with him,—but he passeth better here than he can -elsewhere, so he thinks not of departure. Had the -Parliament once capitulated with his Majesty -(<i>i.e.</i> Philip) I suppose he would be quickly -cashiered."[<a id="chap09fn50text"></a><a href="#chap09fn50">50</a>] -</p> - -<p> -Fischer was not a man of sufficient standing -to bring about an international agreement; and -by Cromwell's orders he returned to England in -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P438"></a>438}</span> -1651, without having negotiated an alliance. But -thenceforward Cromwell and Philip were polite -and friendly to each other to an extent that filled -English royalists and Catholics with indignant -surprise. A high noble, the Marquis de Lede, -was sent from Spanish Flanders to congratulate -the Lord Protector upon the assumption of his -new dignity; and Cardenas had nothing but kind -messages to give from his master to the English -Puritans. Cromwell, however, wanted something -more solid than amiable messages. He knew full -well, as indeed Fischer wrote, that fear, not love, -made the Spanish King so courteous. Cromwell -had, it is true, secured something when he prevented -Spain from helping the Stuarts, but he wanted -also as conditions of the proposed alliance with -Spain that freedom should be given to English -ships to trade in the West Indies, that the power -of the Inquisition over Englishmen in Spain should -be limited, that reciprocal advantages in the -matter of duties should be given to English and -Spanish trade, and that English merchants should -be allowed to buy wool in Spain. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Cromwell seizes Jamaica -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The two first demands were flatly and haughtily -refused by Cardenas in Philip's name, and Cromwell -looked around for a means of coercion, for he was -in no humour to take the traditional view of -Spain's awesome superiority. He found it in -Mazarin's difficulties in France, and his urgent need -to end the war quickly at any cost. The aid of -England on the sea would make all the difference, -and if he obtained it Spain must bow the head -and accept the terms he offered them. So he bade -higher than Philip for Cromwell's friendship,—Dunkirk, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P439"></a>439}</span> -a Spanish Flemish port to be jointly captured, -being the bribe; and Blake, who had long been -co-operating with Philip to suppress Moorish piracy -in the Mediterranean, suddenly sailed with the -Parliament fleet, and without a declaration of war -fell upon the Spanish silver fleet in the Atlantic, -whilst Penn and Venables attacked Mexico and -St. Domingo unsuccessfully, and without warning -captured from the Spaniards the rich island of -Jamaica. -</p> - -<p> -This was in May 1655; and the news fell upon -Philip like an avalanche. Panic spread through -Seville and Cadiz, and curses loud and deep of -the falsity of heretics rang through Liars' Walk -and the Calle Mayor. For all these years poor -overburdened Spain had kept at bay half the world -in arms, but hitherto the diplomacy which had -successfully kept England neutral had saved her -from being utterly overwhelmed. Now, as hope -was dawning that her great antagonist was fainting -from the domestic strife which crippled Mazarin, -and that terms honourable to Philip's pride and -respectful to the integrity of his territory could -be attained, the new and strong republican England -had cast her glaive into the scale on the side -of France; and Spain, already exhausted, plague-ridden, -and bankrupt, was face to face with two -great enemies instead of one. Well might Philip -write to the nun when he heard of the intentions -of the English fleets, and the probable outbreak of -hostilities: "If this should happen it would be -the final ruin of this realm; and no human power -would be able to stop it: the Almighty hand of -God alone could do it; and so I beseech you most -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P440"></a>440}</span> -earnestly to supplicate Him to take pity upon us, -and not to allow the infidels to destroy realms so -pure in the faith and so religious as these are. -Blessed be His holy name!"[<a id="chap09fn51text"></a><a href="#chap09fn51">51</a>] -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn1"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn1text">1</a>] A pathetic account of his -deathbed is given by Novoa. After -eighty-eight days of continual fever, -the miraculous image of Our Lady of -Bois le Duc was brought to his sick chamber. -As the image entered -the door the Prince chanted the hymn, -"Mater, Mater Gratia," and -when he reached the words -"Mater Misericordia" he faltered and died. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn2"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn2text">2</a>] The Cortes of Castile voted 4,000,000 -ducats a year for six years -in June 1643, and the silver fleet arrived -in Seville intact with a large -treasure, which was seized -by the Government as a forced loan. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn3"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn3text">3</a>] The story of the battle of Rocroy -is told in minutest detail by -Canovas del Castillo in <i>Estudios de Reinado -de Felipe IV.</i>, vol. ii. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn4"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn4text">4</a>] Newsletter, Valladares' <i>Semanario Erudito</i>, vol. xxxiii. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn5"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn5text">5</a>] Many isolated letters have been known, -and some of them published, -at various times; but in 1885 -the whole correspondence, so far as it is -known, was published by my lamented friend, -Don Francisco Silvela. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn6"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn6text">6</a>] Oran, a Spanish fortress -on the African coast, was closely beleaguered -by land and sea by the Moors, -at the instance, so it was said, of the -new King of Portugal. -The Duke of Arcos, Governor of Valencia, -managed to run the blockade -with two English ships full of provisions, -and the place was thus relieved. -The superstitious Madrileños of the -time attributed the relief to -a miraculous painting of the Virgin that -had just been discovered in Madrid. -A servant girl had begun to sing -a hymn of praise and dance before the figure, -when she saw the fingers -of the painting move. Her cries brought -the crowd to see the miracle, -and all Madrid was stirred. -The painting was taken to the convent of -Discalced Carmelites. -The next day it was exposed in the church, and -the news came of the relief of Oran. -Newsletters, Valladares. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn7"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn7text">7</a>] Villadares' Newsletter. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn8"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn8text">8</a>] The punishments were terrible. -In a Newsletter written during -this winter it is mentioned -that two young gentlemen of birth had been -hanged that week as known thieves. -"A young girl who was their -accomplice did not accompany them, -as she was not old enough to be -hanged, but they gave her two hundred lashes, -and cut off her ears -under the scaffold, after which they -kept her all day hanging by the -hair in sight of the public; -so that she died of the punishment within -two days." Valladares. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn9"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn9text">9</a>] The famous Villanueva, we are told, -had to dance attendance upon -Secretary Andres de Rozas instead -of keeping everybody waiting in -his antechamber; and the King's former -confessor had to pay his respects -in the cell of Friar Santo Tomas, -who was now the King's spiritual guide. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn10"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn10text">10</a>] A Newsletter of the time gives rather -a quaint instance of the feeling -against him at Saragossa. -Don Antonio de Mendoza, the poet, entered -a room where Guzman was playing cards. -Guzman impatiently said: -"How tiresome that man is to -me." Mendoza stood behind his chair -to watch the game. "Get away from there," -said Guzman, addressing -the noble as "Vos," You, instead -of "Your Worship." This was repeated, -when Mendoza in a rage said: -"I am not 'Vos' to you, and don't intend -to be," and flung off to complain to the King. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn11"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn11text">11</a>] Valladares' Newsletter, 28th July 1643. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn12"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn12text">12</a>] The King's good example had as yet done -but little to wean the -Madrid people from their bad habits. -On the 26th December a gentleman -was shot dead before the Church of -St. Sebastian, and the next day a -murderous affray in a playhouse -about a seat ended in two deaths. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn13"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn13text">13</a>] The advice to which this refers -is significant, and was evidently -intended to be so by the nun, -although the words she uses are very cautious -and involved. "I supplicate your Majesty, -as your servant, to make -yourself thoroughly versed in everything -touching you. This admonition -is very important, and in order -to adopt it with full knowledge of facts, -your Majesty should choose, -guided by your own sound judgment, someone -whom you can depend upon, and listen -to him with the fitting dissimulation. -God will not deny this boon to your Majesty; and when you -have learnt the truth, the execution -should be rapid; for the evil is -great and the remedy needs resolution. -God assist your Majesty and -rule your heart." This probably refers -to the reform of the social and -moral evils in Madrid, as that subject -had been broached by the nun -in her first interview with Philip. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn14"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn14text">14</a>] Valladares' Newsletter. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn15"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn15text">15</a>] <i>Ibid.</i> -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn16"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn16text">16</a>] Only a few weeks before her death, -she had gone to the Discalced -Convent to visit the Duchess of Mantua -with Baltasar Carlos. When -she entered the apartment she noticed -that the cushions placed under -the canopy for her to sit upon were -of black velvet. She thought black -unlucky, as the King was in danger; -and she made an excuse not to -sit down. When she had sent her son -off to play about the convent, -she sat upon the carpet rather than -risk the ill-luck of sitting on black -cushions. Valladares' Newsletter. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn17"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn17text">17</a>] One of her last acts had been -to issue a stringent decree—probably -suggested to Philip by the nun of Agreda, -with regard to the comedies, -of which in her happier days -she had been so inordinately fond. In -future it was ordered that no -fictitious plots should be represented, -but only scenes from the Scriptures -or from history. No actors, male -or female, were to dress in gold cloth; -and no unmarried woman nor -widow was to be allowed to appear -on a stage, only married women, -whilst gentlemen were not permitted -to visit an actress more than twice. -New plays were not allowed to be produced -more than once a week; -and plays in private houses were forbidden; -whilst the managers were -not to receive in their companies any -actors but those known to be -decent and well behaved. Valladares' Newsletter, March 1644. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn18"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn18text">18</a>] Novoa; Valladares' Newsletters; -Florez, <i>Reinas Catolicas</i>, and -Martin Hume's <i>Queens of Old Spain</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn19"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn19text">19</a>] <i>Life of Sor Maria</i>, quoted by Florez. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn20"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn20text">20</a>] <i>Cartas de Sor Maria</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn21"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn21text">21</a>] Avisos de Pullicer. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn22"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn22text">22</a>] The Prince, who had seen the nun -on his way to Saragossa, wrote -the following artless letter to her -about his betrothal. "Mother, two -or three days ago my father gave me -a letter from you congratulating -me on the marriage that my father -has made for me with the Archduchess -Mariana. I am the most pleased in the world to have taken -this state, especially with my cousin, -who was the one I wished for ever -since I had use of my reason; -and it seems impossible to me that I -could have come across any other woman -so much to my taste. So -I hope His Divine Majesty will let us -be very happily married, which -is all I can hope for. I ask you to pray -for this. Our Lord guard you.—I, -THE PRINCE. Saragossa, 20th July 1646." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn23"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn23text">23</a>] Her reproaches were curiously framed. -Just as after the Queen's -death she had tried to reform -the extravagance of women's dress by -pretending to have seen Isabel's ghost -in trouble for her fine garments -on earth, so she now appealed to Philip -to keep hard at work, by saying -that the soul of Baltasar Carlos -had told her that he was troubled to -see his father surrounded by people -who looked after their own interests -rather than after those of the nation. -<i>Cartas de Sor Maria</i>, 30th January 1647. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn24"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn24text">24</a>] One of their proposals was -to evacuate Catalonia in exchange for -Spanish Flanders. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn25"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn25text">25</a>] Writing to the nun on 15th July 1648 -from Madrid, in reply to her -expressions of sorrow at the vice prevalent, -he says: "It pierces my -heart, too, to see the vicious state -at which the world has arrived. I -recognise it as clearly as you do, -and as I cannot remedy it so quickly -as I should like I am greatly troubled; -although I do what I can. God -grant that I may succeed in remedying it, -and that I may begin by -my own amendment; for there is no doubt -that I need it more than -anyone. Pray for me, Sor Maria, -... for I have need of your help -against my own frailty." <i>Cartas de Sor Maria</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn26"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn26text">26</a>] <i>Ibid.</i> -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn27"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn27text">27</a>] How deep this feeling was is seen -by the courtier Novoa's words -at the time (<i>Memorias</i>). -"The only place where the war was carried on -with activity was here in Castile, -and that in a most unheard-of way, -by disarming subjects and divesting them -of their property on the -pretext of the war. Even the -treasury warrants which had been specially -exempt from deduction were again -seized and forced to yield a half. -When those who had to pay were advised -not to do so, because whilst -the war lasted so long would the -Government cut their purses and would -soon take everything, a certain person asked: -'Why do they give habits? -(of knighthood).—'Because they are cloth,' -was the reply. 'Why do -they give keys?' (<i>i.e.</i> the office of -chamberlain).—'Because they are -iron.' 'Why do they give titles?'—'Because -they are air.' 'Why do they not -give money?'—'Because that is the -essence and substance of everything, -and they do not wish anyone to have -it.' And he added: 'God -save us from him who is liberal -to vice and stingy to virtue, for the only -people now who are comfortable and -placed aloft are concubines and -the women who look after them, -low and common women, and those -men who have been base enough -to marry them.'" This was pretty -plain speaking for a courtier; -but, of course, the Memoirs were not -made public for many years after. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn28"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn28text">28</a>] Egerton MSS., 367, 181. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn29"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn29text">29</a>] The "prison of the Court" still -stands nearly opposite the Plaza -de Santa Cruz, at the end of the -Calle de Atocha, and near the entrance -to the Plaza Mayor. It was built in 1634 -by the same Italian architect -who had designed the Buen Retiro, -and is a very handsome building. -It is now used as the Spanish Foreign Office, -which was formerly housed -in the basement floor of the royal palace. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn30"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn30text">30</a>] A tedious account from day to day -of her doings was written by -Mascarenhas, Bishop of Leiria, -who accompanied her. <i>Viage de la -Serenisima Reina</i>, etc., Madrid, 1650. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn31"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn31text">31</a>] Some days before arriving at Denia -the Queen's flotilla had anchored -at Tarragona to water, -and amongst other ceremonies the Queen was -amused during the necessary delay -by the representation of a comedy -by Roque de Figueroa on the quarter-deck -of her vessel. Pinelo, <i>Anales</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn32"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn32text">32</a>] I have remarked in my <i>Queens of Old Spain</i> -that the reason why -these wretched villages were often chosen -for royal weddings was the -custom to free them thenceforward -from seigniorial tributes. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn33"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn33text">33</a>] Soto y Aguilar gives interminable -accounts of the festivities to -celebrate the entrance of the Queen into Madrid. -The entertainments -lasted nearly a month. -Novoa says that on the 27th November the -King himself took part in a "masquerade" -on horseback, as in old -times, running in a pair with his -first minister and favourite, Don Luis -de Haro: "all the nobles and gentles -in the realm taking part in this -show, which in liveries and splendid -appointments surpassed all others. -It was indeed a day of marvellous brilliancy. -A proclamation was -issued by sound of drum, -by which the King gave leave to men of business -and capitalists trading abroad for them -to fit out eighty ships and trade -with them in his ports and those of his allies, -but not with the French -Catalans or Portuguese. -Politicians talked much of this, thinking it -would be of the greatest advantage -to the country." The chronicler, -however, says that no advantage was taken -of the permission, as merchants -thought that the ships would be seized -for the King. This shows how -completely confidence had been lost -in the honesty of Philip's Government, even by his friends. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn34"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn34text">34</a>] <i>Cartas de Sor Maria.</i> -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn35"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn35text">35</a>] Aersens van Sommerdyk. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn36"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn36text">36</a>] Florez relates that at this sumptuous -christening the little Infanta -Maria Teresa was god-mother, -and in drawing off her glove she dropped -a very precious bracelet of brilliants. -A lady in the crowd picked it -up and offered it to the Infanta, -who even thus early had learnt the -haughty traditions of her house, -to take nothing from the hand of anyone -but certain officials, made a sign that -the lady was to keep the bracelet, -<i>Reinas Catolicas</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn37"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn37text">37</a>] He usually speaks of her in the earlier -years as "my niece," not -as "my wife," or "the Queen," -and very frequently mentions her and his -daughter together as "the girls." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn38"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn38text">38</a>] Record Office MSS., S.P. Spain 42. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn39"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn39text">39</a>] See Hopton's summary of his proceedings -in Spain. Record Office MSS., S.P. Spain 42. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn40"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn40text">40</a>] MSS. Simancas, <i>Estado</i>, 2526; -Canovas, del Castillo, <i>Estudios del -Reinado de Felipe IV.</i> -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn41"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn41text">41</a>] Simancas MSS., <i>Estado</i>, 2526; Canovas del Castillo. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn42"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn42text">42</a>] Simancas MSS., <i>Estado</i>, 2526; Canovas del Castillo. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn43"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn43text">43</a>] Canovas del Castillo. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn44"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn44text">44</a>] I have remarked elsewhere -(<i>Spanish Influences in English Literature</i>) -the strange approximation -of the Spanish mystics (such as Sor Maria) -with the English Puritans. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn45"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn45text">45</a>] MSS. Simancas, <i>Estado</i>, 2526; Canovas del Castillo. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn46"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn46text">46</a>] MSS. Record Office. S.P. Spain 42. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn47"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn47text">47</a>] <i>Consultas del Consejo de Estado</i>, Simancas. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn48"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn48text">48</a>] The present narrative is compiled from -(1) the details of Ascham's -murder, given to the English Council -by Laurence Chambers on his -return to England (Record Office MSS., S.P. Spain 43); -(2) the letters -of Fischer, the secretary, in the same packet; -and (3) an unpublished -manuscript deposition of the prisoners -in Bib. Nat., Madrid, i. 325, -transcribed by me. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn49"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn49text">49</a>] Fischer's letters and full account -of his negotiations are in Record -Office MSS., S.P. Spain 43. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn50"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn50text">50</a>] Fischer to the Council, 26th -November 1650. MSS. Record Office. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn51"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn51text">51</a>] <i>Cartas de Sor Maria</i>, 30th June 1655. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p><a id="chap10"></a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P441"></a>441}</span></p> - -<h3> -CHAPTER X -</h3> - -<p class="intro"> -MORAL AND SOCIAL DECADENCE IN -MADRID—PHILIP'S HABITS—POVERTY IN THE -PALACE—VELAZQUEZ—THE MENINAS—BIRTH OF AN -HEIR—THE CHRISTENING—THE PEACE OF THE -PYRENEES—PHILIP'S JOURNEY TO THE -FRONTIER—MARRIAGE OF MARIA TERESA—CAMPAIGNS -IN PORTUGAL—DON JUAN—DEATH OF HARO—PHILIP -BEWITCHED—DEATH OF PHILIP PROSPER—BIRTH -OF CHARLES—FANSHAWE's EMBASSY—LADY -FANSHAWE AND SPAIN—ROUT OF CARACENA -IN PORTUGAL—PHILIP'S ILLNESS—THE -INQUISITION AND WITCHCRAFT—DEATH OF PHILIP -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -By great good fortune there have survived -descriptions and accounts of life in Philip's Court at -the time of which we now write (1654-1660), so -minute and so photographic in their fidelity, as -to provide absolutely trustworthy material for a -true comparison of the condition of affairs after -five-and-twenty years of a disastrous reign, with -that which had existed on the King's accession. -A writer of keen observation, insatiable curiosity, -ample opportunity, and much literary skill, the -noble churchman and poet Jeronimo de Barrionuevo, -from 1654 for several years wrote almost -every week a chatty letter from Madrid to his -friend the Dean of Saragossa and others, setting -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P442"></a>442}</span> -forth with perfect frankness everything worth -recording that passed in Madrid. At the same -time, an observant Hollander named Aersens van -Sommerdyk visited Spain, and stayed in the -capital long enough to write an account of the -social and political condition of the Court as it -appeared to an intelligent foreigner; whilst shortly -afterwards the sparkling narrative of life in Madrid, -written by the Frenchman Bonnecasse, came to -confirm the impressions of the Spaniard and the -Dutchman.[<a id="chap10fn1text"></a><a href="#chap10fn1">1</a>] If we add to these Philip's own -weekly letters to the nun, and the reports of the -Venetian ambassadors, which are also in print, we -have a mass of contemporary evidence which -cannot be contradicted, especially in matters upon -which all agree. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Madrid in 1655-1660 -</span> -</p> - -<p> -It is well that this should be so; for the picture -to be presented of life in the capital of the Spains -at the end of Philip's reign is so gloomy, that the -historian who ventured to produce it without full -contemporary warrant would be accused of bias -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P443"></a>443}</span> -and exaggeration. At the beginning of the reign -we saw a fairly numerous class of nobles, churchmen, -and officials, still rich with royal grants and -government plunder; whilst the mass of the people -were sunk in poverty. At the time of which we are -now writing the nobles themselves had been bled -to a state of bankruptcy. They and the Church -were supposed to be exempt from taxation; but -the demands made upon them, and especially upon -the nobles, for funds for the war had ended by -reducing most of them to the same poverty-stricken -condition as their inferiors in rank. The -financial and mercantile classes had lost all -confidence; for the arbitrary seizure of their property -again and again by the Government, and the -crushing taxation on exports, even to Spanish -colonies, had driven them to universal evasion -and contraband, to the further depletion of Philip's -resources.[<a id="chap10fn2text"></a><a href="#chap10fn2">2</a>] Haro, who had a revenue of 130,000 -ducats a year, and a few of his kinsmen, were still -very rich, and continued to plunder all they could, -though there was, indeed, little left to plunder; and -in addition to these, the only people who had much -ready money to spend were the colonial officials who -had returned home with the booty of their offices. -</p> - -<p> -The idleness and pretension of all classes in the -capital had increased now to such an extent, that -practically the whole of the necessary work had to -be done by foreigners; there being as many as -40,000 French subjects in Madrid dressing as -Spaniards, and calling themselves Burgundians or -Walloons, to escape the special tax on foreigners.[<a id="chap10fn3text"></a><a href="#chap10fn3">3</a>] -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P444"></a>444}</span> -By these people most crafts and callings were -conducted, the Spanish working classes being occupied -mainly in casual service, petty traffic, and -mendicancy; whilst highway robbery and murder, even -in Madrid, was so frequent as to cause no remark. -The streets were more filthy and dilapidated than -ever, and still the crowd of idlers on foot and in vast -number of coaches, drawn by mules now, for the -horses had been seized, thronged the promenades,—the -Calle Mayor in the winter, the Prado and river -bank in the summer; the humbler classes elbowing -their social superiors with perfect effrontery, -wearing swords and daggers, claiming equal -respect, and, indeed, swaggering more than the -nobles. -</p> - -<p> -The two playhouses, which had been reopened -on the King's second marriage, were crammed -every day with artizans dressed in imitation or -cast-off finery, and calling themselves <i>caballeros</i>, -who had to pay from 10 to 15 sous in all for a -seat;[<a id="chap10fn4text"></a><a href="#chap10fn4">4</a>] and, whilst the fields were mostly tilled, -if at all, and the urban labour was performed, by -foreigners, the very cloth upon Spanish backs being -made in Holland and England from Spanish wool, -the native working classes still vociferously kept -up the silly tradition of their own gentility, and of -national potency and the overwhelming wealth of -the King. The alternate appreciation and -debasement of the coinage had enormously raised the -price of commodities, and especially of house rent -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P445"></a>445}</span> -in Madrid; the houses being still low, shabby, and -incommodious, for the most part, owing to the -claim of the King to the first floor of every house or -its equivalent in money. -</p> - -<p> -But what struck foreigners, and indeed observant -Spaniards, at this period, was the appalling -profligacy still prevalent in Madrid. Public women -almost monopolised the promenades; their shameless -impudence in broad daylight having the effect of -lowering the standard of behaviour, even of decent -women, who thought it no insult, but rather the -contrary, to be addressed in amorous terms by -strange men in the street.[<a id="chap10fn5text"></a><a href="#chap10fn5">5</a>] The women, for the -most part, still went about, notwithstanding the -prohibition, with shawls covering their faces except -one eye, and this facilitated intrigue in all classes -to a shocking extent. The Government were in -despair about the utter disregard by women of the -dress regulations; for the wide farthingales, stiff, -extravagant wigs, and fine stuffs were worn in -spite of all pragmatics, since the Queen and her -ladies set the fashion; and the only persons -punished were the unfortunate shopkeepers who -supplied the offending things. -</p> - -<p> -The whole moral situation in Spain was indeed -a social problem which can only be explained by the -lack of feminine influence in society at the time and -previously. There had always remained a taint -of Oriental tradition in the treatment of women in -Spain. They had been kept in strict seclusion; -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P446"></a>446}</span> -they were for the most part entirely ignorant, and -had never taken an equal social position with men, -usually dining apart from their husbands, visiting -each other in closed chairs or coaches, and spent -their time squatting on the ground in circles talking -trivialities or devotion, whilst the men were rarely -accompanied by their woman-kind in public. It -was therefore no wonder that in such a state of -society as this, ladies and modest women for the -most part abandoned the streets and public places -to utter profligacy; and that men, free from the -salutary influence exercised by the presence of -good women, sank deeper and deeper into vice. -Philip, under the influence of the nun, had striven -hard to make his capital more decent; but the -whole tide of feeling was contrary and too strong -for him; whilst his own example in this respect -was a very bad one, which seriously weakened his -efforts. Barrionuevo, in one of his letters at this -time, mentions the King as being "a fine hand at -bastards, but with very poor luck as regards -legitimate children"; and shortly afterwards, -during one of Philip's spasmodic attempts to -cleanse his capital, the same writer says: "They -are arresting all the women they find wandering -unoccupied about the streets, and hailing them -off by tens and twenties to prison with their hands -tied. The gaol is crammed full, so that they have -hardly room to stand, and the house will have to be -largely extended if this rigour is to go on, or vast -supplies of wood will have to be laid in to burn -some of them otherwise." -</p> - -<p> -In the matter of men's dress Philip's example -had agreed with his precept; and here he had -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P447"></a>447}</span> -succeeded in imposing the fashion of sombre -modesty. No man was allowed to enter his -presence, or even to tender a petition to him as he -went to Mass through his lines of red and yellow -halberdiers, unless apparelled entirely in black, -and wearing a <i>golilla</i>. The style of dress had -changed somewhat since the King's accession. -The hats were much smaller, and often of silk -instead of felt, and profusely trimmed with black -lace. The doublet, trunks, and cape of the men -were usually of black baize, as was the <i>ropilla</i>, a -close-fitting unbuttoned tunic reaching to the -thighs, with open sleeves hanging from the -shoulder; though gentlemen often wore black silk -doublets and trunks in the summer. The trunks -or breeches were now cut quite narrow, with buttons -at the knee, like modern knickerbockers; and the -fashion was to wear thin black silk stockings over -thick white ones, and the shoes were tied with very -broad black ribbons.[<a id="chap10fn6text"></a><a href="#chap10fn6">6</a>] -</p> - -<p> -The King was now rarely seen in public, -except that on two days in the week he sat almost -motionless for an hour in public audience to receive -petitions, which with a slight inclination of his -head he referred to Don Luis de Haro. The -various Councils, as before, discussed at great -length every point touching their respective -departments, and, unseen, the King might listen -to their deliberations; but practically his -intervention in their business was confined now to his -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P448"></a>448}</span> -sitting upon his throne every Friday morning, -whilst the respective secretaries recited what had -been done during the previous week. The King's -assent to their recommendations was usually given -simply by the words "<i>Está bien</i>," It is well; but if -the matter appeared to demand further attention -he turned to Don Luis de Haro, who stood by his -side, and told him to speak to him later about it. -Don Luis de Haro was in all but name a Vice-King. -Everyone, even the Secretary of State, knelt whilst -he addressed him, and Philip appended his -signature "Yo el Rey," with little or no inquiry, to -everything that the favourite placed before him. -</p> - -<p> -His finances were more hopelessly involved -than ever, especially after Cromwell joined the -French against him: and he told the Cortes of -Castile in the previous year, 1654, that out of the -10 million ducats voted to him by them he only -received 3 millions. From the Indies in all -he received in good years from 1½ to 2 millions -of ducats;[<a id="chap10fn7text"></a><a href="#chap10fn7">7</a>] whilst about 2 millions came from -Aragon, etc. Out of a total nominal revenue, -therefore, of about 18 million ducats he only -received about 8 or 9 millions, the rest being either -anticipated or intercepted by peculation; and in the -year 1654 he confessed to an uncovered debt of 120 -million ducats. But, withal, though Philip himself -made no secret of his poverty, the country at large, -and particularly the people of Madrid, insisted upon -boasting still Of the boundless wealth at his -disposal. There are in Barrionuevo's letters scores -of references to the squalid penury that existed -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P449"></a>449}</span> -everywhere at this period,[<a id="chap10fn8text"></a><a href="#chap10fn8">8</a>] even in the interior of -Philip's palace; but the following short extract -from one of them, belonging to the year 1657, will -suffice. -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Poverty in the palace -</span> -</p> - -<p> -"For the last two months and a half the usual -rations have not been distributed in the palace; -for the King has not a <i>real</i>. On the day of -St. Francis they served a capon to the Infanta (Maria -Teresa), who ordered them to take it away, as it -stank like a dead dog. They then brought her a -chicken, of which she is fond, on sippets of toast, -but it was so covered with flies that she nearly -overturned the lot. This is how things go on in -the palace.... It appears also that the Queen -likes to finish her dinner with sweetmeats; but as -none had been brought to her table for some days, -she asked the lady whose business it is to attend -to these things, why they were not served as -usual. She replied that the confectioner refused -to supply them because he could not get paid, -and a large amount was owing to him. The -lady then drew a ring from her finger, and -said to a servant: 'Run out at once and get -some sweetmeats, anywhere, with this jewel.' But -the buffoon Manuelito de Gante was present, -and cried: 'Put your finger in your ring again, -mistress'; and with that he took a copper real -from his pocket and said: 'Go and get some -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P450"></a>450}</span> -sweetmeats quickly, so that this good lady may finish -her dinner.'" -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -With poverty touching even the Queen's own -table, with Philip and his ministers in despair of -finding fresh means to extort more money from -the empty pockets of subjects, and from the hidden -hoards of the Church, lavish waste still jostled -carking poverty. Barrionuevo gives an account of an -entertainment provided by the Marquis of Heliche, -the eldest son of Haro, a few months only before the -scene just described (January 1657), to celebrate the -visit paid to him by Philip and his wife at the -Zarzuela outside Madrid, where, in addition to -comedies and the like, a great banquet was prepared. -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -A gargantuan feast -</span> -</p> - -<p> -"It cost 16,000 ducats.... There was a -dinner served of 1000 dishes; and there was -one monstrous stew in a huge jar sunk in -the ground with a fire beneath it.... It -contained a three-year-old calf, 4 sheep, 100 pairs -of pigeons, 100 partridges, 100 rabbits, 1000 pigs' -trotters, and 1000 tongues, 200 fowls, 30 hams, -500 sausages, and 100,000 other trifles. They -say it cost 8000 reals, though mostly presents. -Everything I am telling you is true, and I -minimise rather than exaggerate. There were -three or four thousand persons present, and there -was plenty for everybody, and to spare. So -much was left, indeed, that it was brought back -to Madrid in baskets, and I got some relieves and -scraps. And all this was in addition to tarts and -puffs and pasties, sweet cakes, preserves, fruits, and -enormous quantities of wine and sweet drinks. -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P451"></a>451}</span> -The Venice ambassador presented 500 ducats' -worth of glass, and Tutavilla gave a similar amount -of crockery.... All the scenery and apparatus -have been brought to the Retiro, to the new -theatre which they have made in the St. Paul's -Hermitage there, and the whole affair is to be -repeated there this carnival." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -It is hardly necessary to say that, in reward for -this Gargantuan feast, Heliche was made a grandee -a few days afterwards. -</p> - -<p> -Philip took no pleasure personally now in these -coarse frivolities; though Mariana hungered for -them, to distract her from the fits of homesick -depression into which she periodically sank in the -dull monotony of her life and her frequently -disappointed hopes of renewed motherhood. The King -himself was well-nigh despondent: going through -his life like a leaden automaton, signing papers -placed before him by Haro, usually without -discussion or remark.[<a id="chap10fn9text"></a><a href="#chap10fn9">9</a>] His condition, indeed, now -was closely akin to melancholy religious madness, -such was the morbid misery that preyed upon him: -in anticipation of an early death, weeping for his -own sins, for the utter ruin that seemed impending, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P452"></a>452}</span> -and for the continued absence of a male heir to -his broken realms. One of his strange whims at -this time was to pass hours alone in the new jasper -mausoleum at the Escorial, to which he had -transferred the bodies of his ancestors shortly before. -After one of these visits in 1654, he wrote to Sor -Maria: "I saw the corpse of the Emperor, whose -body, although he has been dead ninety-six years, -is still perfect; and by this it may be seen how -richly the Lord has repaid him for his efforts in -favour of the faith whilst he lived. It helped me -much, especially as I contemplated the place where -I am to lie when God shall take me. I prayed Him -not to let me forget what I saw there." Soon -afterwards, Barrionuevo records that the King had -passed two solitary hours upon his knees in prayer -on the bare stones of the mausoleum before the -niche which was to be his own final resting-place; -and that when he came out his eyes were red and -swollen with weeping. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -"The meninas" -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The years went on, and still Mariana's repeated -hopes of progeny were disappointed. Her own -health was not good, for she fretted much, whilst -Philip's troubles had crushed and aged him sadly. -The Indian silver, which had previously been so -precious a contribution to his revenue, was now -regularly captured by Cromwell's cruisers, which -closely beleaguered Cadiz. The French on the -Flemish frontier and in Catalonia were still holding -his territory, though Don Juan was doing his best -and not unsuccessfully in Flanders (1656-57). Peace, -as Philip well knew, was now a vital necessity for -him; but pride still kept him from surrendering to -the foreigner the land of his fathers, and Mazarin's -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P453"></a>453}</span> -terms were as yet too humiliating for acceptance -by a Power which had for so long claimed -predominance in Europe. -</p> - -<p> -Girl children had been born to Mariana, but -each one had died at, or soon after, birth, though -the wildest caprice of the mother was complied -with in order to produce favourable conditions; -but after the simultaneous birth and death of the -girl child which came in August 1656, all hope -seemed gone, and a profound melancholy fell upon -both husband and wife, unrelieved by one ray of -light. Philip's principal pleasure now, with the -exception of his prayers and the immoralities he -deplored so much, were the visits he paid every -few days to the studio of Velazquez in the old -palace. There, beneath the magic brush of the -painter, he saw grow in resemblance the portraits -of those amongst whom his life was passed,—the -dwarfs and buffoons, who tried now so fruitlessly -to make him smile, the quaint characters about -the palace, the generals and admirals, the -councillors and secretaries, whose faces he knew so well; -and, above all, his two little girls and his young -wife, with her rouged cheeks, her stiff square wig -and her hard eyes. The favourite child—for -Mariana was jealous of the elder, Maria Teresa—was -the little Infanta Margaret, born in 1651, a -fragile, fair little flower of a girl, degenerate from -her descent, but in childhood not showing excessively -the unlovely features she inherited. The -etiquette that surrounded the child and her sister -was freezing in its formality. Those who served -them knelt, and everything had to pass through -several hands before reaching them. Their dress, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P454"></a>454}</span> -with the wide-hooped farthingales and stiff long -bodices, were utterly unchildlike and cumbrous, -but, withal, the charm of youth could not be -utterly crushed out of Margaret; and Velazquez -has left us portraits of her as a child which will -always remain the ideal of infancy. -</p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-454"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-454.jpg" alt="THE MAIDS OF HONOUR. Portrait of the Infanta Margaret; from a picture by Velazquez at the Prado Museum" /> -<br /> -THE MAIDS OF HONOUR. <br /> -<i>Portrait of the Infanta Margaret; <br /> -from a picture by Velazquez at the Prado Museum</i> -</p> - -<p> -The finest painting that ever left the master's -easel is that which presents not only a portrait -of the little Princess, but also an interior which -tells more of Court life at the time (1656) than -pages of written description could do. The tiny -Infanta stands in her white satin hooped dress, -her fair hair parted at the side, in the studio of -Velazquez, who, with the coveted cross of Santiago -upon his breast,[<a id="chap10fn10text"></a><a href="#chap10fn10">10</a>] is painting a portrait of the King -and Queen, whose faces are seen reflected in a -mirror at the back of the room, but who do not -appear in the picture itself. The child had probably -been brought to relieve the tedium of her parents -in sitting for their portraits, and she seems herself -to have grown fretful and needed amusing. The -young maid of honour, Doña Maria de Sarmiento, -kneels before her, handing her, on a gold salver, a -cup of water in the fine red scented clay which -it was a vicious fashion of ladies of the day to eat. -In the foreground lies a mastiff dozing, and close -by it are two of the ugly dwarfs who were such -important personages in the Spanish Court, Mari -Barbola and Nicolasico Pertusato; whilst behind -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P455"></a>455}</span> -them, slightly curtseying, is another maid of -honour, Doña Isabel de Velasco; and still farther -back in the gloom a lady and gentleman in attendance, -the former in a conventual dress; whilst in -the extreme rear of the picture stands the Queen's -quarter-master, Don Jose Nieto, at the open door -drawing back a curtain, perhaps that more light -may be thrown upon the King and Queen, whom -the painter is portraying. The interior of the -room, with its special lighting and its unrivalled -perspective, fixes for us, as if in a flashlight -photograph, one unstudied moment of life in Philip's -Court as it was actually passed, and for this reason -the picture is invaluable. The existence it -crystallises is a dull one, unrelieved from tedium -for Philip except by the presence of his little -child, and the trembling consolations of his religion. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Birth of an heir -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Soon, however, hope for a time was to blossom -again. After months of anxiety, in which his -doubts and fears were laid before the nun again -and again by the anxious father, he was assured -that another child was yet to be born to him, and -the astrologers and soothsayers predicted that this -time it would be a son, and would live. Philip -was in dire straits for money at the time (November -1657), and on the first day of the Vigil of the -Presentation of the Virgin he had nothing to eat but -eggs without fish; as his steward had not a <i>real</i> -of ready money to pay for anything else, and the -tradesmen would give no more credit.[<a id="chap10fn11text"></a><a href="#chap10fn11">11</a>] But yet the -most whimsical fancy of his wife now had to be -gratified at any sacrifice, and the Buen Retiro soon -again rang with jovial music and water parties -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P456"></a>456}</span> -on the lake, merry comedies, novel bull-fights, and -diversions of all sorts, which were produced to -make Mariana happy. Don Juan sent from -Flanders a splendid silver bedstead, with brocade -hangings; and all that care and solicitude could -discover to ensure the happy arrival of the -looked-for heir was forthcoming. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Prince Philip Prosper -</span> -</p> - -<p> -At last, to the weary, worn-out King of fifty-two, -a man-child was born at the end of November -1657. The mother was thought to be dying, but -no one had thoughts for her, the birth of an heir -to Philip being greeted by rejoicings so tumultuous -in the capital as of themselves to prove the -lawless condition into which the people had sunk. -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"On the day of the birth," writes Barrionuevo -(5th December 1657), "not a bench nor a table was -left unbroken in the palace, nor a single pastry-cook's -nor tavern that was not sacked. In the Admiral's -house, too, one of his equerries, and riding-master -to some of the greatest gentlemen in Madrid, named -Chicho Cristalino, killed his groom in the stable, -stabbing him for some trivial cause.... He has -escaped. He was a Knight of Calatrava. The -same night three or four other similar misfortunes -happened, and in the rejoicings nobody's cape was -safe.... To-morrow they say that his Majesty -will go on horseback to the Atocha to give thanks -to the Mother of God.... They say the Prince -is a pretty little chap, and that the King wishes -him to be baptized at once, before the extreme cold -comes on.... There are to be masquerades, bullfights, -and cane-tourneys as soon as the Queen gets -up to see them, as well as plays with machinery -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P457"></a>457}</span> -invented by an engineer, a servant of the Nuncio, -to be represented at the theatre at the Retiro, and -in the saloon of the palace.... The municipality, -following the lead of the Councils, have gone to -congratulate the King, ... and no gentleman, -great or small, has failed to do the like. There -have been some funny incidents. Here are two. -The little Count de Haro, the Admiral's child, six -years old, went, and the King was much pleased -with the little man, as he was so serious, and -especially when he said to his Majesty, 'But, -Sir! those buttons of yours are against the pragmatic; -they are gold!' They were really diamond -buttons that the King had put on for the celebration. -The favourite (<i>i.e.</i> Haro) accompanied him, -and one of the courtiers present came up to him -and said: 'God bless your Excellency for the -boon you have bestowed upon Spain in sending -us a Prince,' as if Haro had been the artificer of -the work. There was much laughter at this." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -Astrologers were busy predicting all manner of -glory and good fortune for the new-born Prince, -and Philip was full of gratitude and hope that all -would now be well. "Help me, Sor Maria," he -wrote, "to give thanks to God; for I by myself -am unable to do so adequately. Pray to Him to -make me fully thankful for the signal favour -conferred upon me, and to give me strength henceforward -to do His holy will. The new-born babe is well, -and I implore you to take him under your protection, -and pray to our Lord and His holy Mother -to keep him for their service, for the exaltation of -the faith and the good of these realms. If this is -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P458"></a>458}</span> -not to be, then pray let him be taken from me -before he reaches manhood."[<a id="chap10fn12text"></a><a href="#chap10fn12">12</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Baptism of Philip Prosper -</span> -</p> - -<p> -For weeks the usual festivities in Madrid went -on, though the general penury made them less -brilliant than the occasion warranted. But Philip, -for his part, seemed almost young again with joy. -On the 6th December he rode through the decorated -streets of his capital on a spirited Neapolitan charger. -Dances, masques, and music greeted him on his way, -and the public fountains ran wine instead of water, -whilst the night was made as light as day by -thousands of wax torches.[<a id="chap10fn13text"></a><a href="#chap10fn13">13</a>] A week afterwards the -baptism of the Prince was celebrated in the royal -chapel by the Cardinal Archbishop of Toledo -(Borja), whose magnificent preparations of liveries, -vestments, and equipages were to cost 50,000 -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P459"></a>459}</span> -ducats; though, says Barrionuevo, he had not a -<i>real</i>. -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"On Thursday the 13th, the corridors and -courtyards of the palace were decorated with great -splendour, and three canopies were erected, one -in each corridor and one in the chapel." There was -a very sumptuous bed adjoining the King's curtained -closet, and a step away a staging, with two -steps and a triangle of silver. Upon this was -placed the font of St. Dominic's baptism, and six -great silver braziers very full of fuel, which were -replenished every now and then from the fireplaces, -so that the air might be warmed, which it -was until it was like an oven. There were also -sconces which perfumed the air divinely. Shortly -after two the ceremony commenced; the Inquisitor-General -and the Bishop of Siguenza, apparelled in -pontificals, assisting the Cardinal, who awaited -the arrival of the Infante near the altar, whilst the -whole chapel was hung with the most beautiful -hangings the King possesses. Don Luis Ponce, -without a cape, led the way with the Spanish -Guard, followed by peers, nobles, and grandees; -after whom came the Nuncio and ambassadors. -Then came the minister (Don Luis de Haro), dressed -in a gown of cloth of gold and a red sash.[<a id="chap10fn14text"></a><a href="#chap10fn14">14</a>] Following -him the Prince, richly adorned, was borne in the -arms of the Countess of Salvatierra, seated in a -crystal chair; and the Infanta (Maria Teresa) -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P460"></a>460}</span> -walked behind, her train carried by the Mistress of -the Robes, after whom marched the heralds and -archers of the Guard, who entirely surrounded the -space. The Marquis of Priego carried the sacred -taper, Alba bore the custode and napkins, the -Admiral carried the ewer, which was of a single -emerald, very large, and set with diamonds. The -marchpane[<a id="chap10fn15text"></a><a href="#chap10fn15">15</a>] fell to the Count of Oñate, the towels -to Medina de las Torres, the salt-cellar to the Prince -of Astillano, his son. The ladies of the Court -followed the Infanta, their trains borne by pages. -The presidents of the Councils, with their two -senior officers on each side, were ranged around the -chapel, with the grandees before them; and when -the ladies entered they stood in front of the grandees. -The lady-in-waiting handed the Prince to the -Infanta naked, except for a very short little jacket -of plush much adorned, and with false sleeves. -The Infanta cried out in a very clear voice: 'Why -have you not put his clothes on? Why do you -give him to me so undressed?' The lady replied: -'That is done on purpose, Madam, that it may be -seen that he is a male.' The water they baptized -him with was from the Jordan, ... brought lately -by some friars who came from the Holy House. -The Prince screamed lustily when he was baptized, -and, attracted by the loud resonant voice, the -King, who was looking through his jalousies, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P461"></a>461}</span> -exclaimed, "Ah! that does sound well; the house -smells of a man now."[<a id="chap10fn16text"></a><a href="#chap10fn16">16</a>] -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Pride of the Constable -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Then, after retailing the baby's names, Philip -Prosper, "and the whole litany of saints to follow," -and the magnificent presents given to the child's -nurse, the narrator gives a curious instance of the -overweening pride of the higher Spanish nobles of -the time. A staircase had broken down with the -crush of people, and the Duke of Bejar, whose duty -it was to carry the marchpane, could not get -through the crowd. The acting Lord Chamberlain, -the Count of Puñonrostro, seeing that the ceremony -was being delayed in consequence, asked the King -what he should do. "Tell the Constable (<i>i.e.</i> the -Grand Constable of Castile, the Duke of Frias) to -carry the marchpane," said Philip. The proud -noble replied that his arm was bad, and he could -not do it. This answer only produced a repetition -of the command from the King that the Constable -was to carry the marchpane. "Tell his Majesty -that the Constables of Castile are too big to serve -as stopgaps for anybody," said the Constable. Two -days later the Duke was being hurried off to -Berlanga under arrest. If Dukes and Constables could -be impracticably proud, so could scullions; for -only a fortnight after this there was a regular -pitched battle in the King's kitchen on some point -of honour between the scullions and the guards, -in which six of the combatants were killed outright, -and twenty were wounded, many more being -carried off to the prison of the Court to answer for -their turbulence. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P462"></a>462}</span> -</p> - -<p> -Admiration spent itself in praises of the beauty -of the infant that had been born to Philip's decline. -Never, sure, was such a babe vouchsafed to man -as this. Verse and prose galore declaimed its -present perfection and coming greatness. But -alas! Philip Prosper, as might have been expected -from the offspring of several generations of incest, -was a poor epileptic monstrosity, who quietly -made his exit from the world four years after he -entered it with such a blare of trumpets. The -good nun of Agreda, far away from the turmoil of -rejoicing at the Prince's birth, had misgivings at -the ungodliness and extravagance of the festivities, -and remonstrated with Philip upon them. "It is -good and politic for your Majesty to receive the -congratulations of your subjects, ... but I do -beseech you earnestly not to allow excessive sums -to be spent on such festivities as these, when there -is a lack of money needful even for the defence of -your crown. Let there be no offence to God in -what is done.... It is good to rejoice for the -birth of the Prince; but pray let us do it with a -clear conscience."[<a id="chap10fn17text"></a><a href="#chap10fn17">17</a>] -</p> - -<p> -Through all these years the wars in which Spain -was engaged had gone on. Mazarin's many -enemies in France had been encouraged and bribed -largely by Spain, and the greatest of French -commanders, Turenne and Condé, for a time entered -Philip's service against their own country. This -changed the aspect of affairs, especially on the -Flemish frontier, whilst in the south of France -the leaders of the Fronde with Spanish aid kept -Mazarin's troops busy there. When Turenne -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P463"></a>463}</span> -again returned to the French side the tables were -turned somewhat (1655), and after a series of defeats -the Archduke Leopold, Philip's Governor of -Flanders, had retired, leaving Condé in command -of the troops, whilst Don Juan, King Philip's son, -succeeded the Archduke as Governor (1656). This -brilliant pair of young men did much to restore -Spanish prestige in Flanders; but when the alliance -between Cromwell and Mazarin was signed Spain -was outmatched, and all observers could see that -France in the end must be victorious. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Loss of Dunkirk -</span> -</p> - -<p> -One after the other the Flemish frontier places -surrendered to the allies; but the great blow to -Philip's arms fell in the summer of 1658. Dunkirk, -a Spanish port in Flanders, promised to Cromwell -by Mazarin, was closely blockaded by an English -fleet, and besieged on the land side by Turenne, -who was accompanied by young Louis XIV. himself; -whilst a Spanish army under Don Juan -and Condé, with whom was James Duke of York, -now nominal Admiral of the Spanish fleet, was -endeavouring to break through Turenne's lines and -relieve the place. By a <i>coup de main</i> Turenne -outflanked the Spanish force, whilst Cromwell's -fleet bombarded them from the sea. Panic -overtook the Spaniards, who fled precipitately with -great loss, and Dunkirk soon after capitulated. -This Battle of the Dunes seemed the last drop in -Philip's cup of sorrow, for by it all Flanders lay -at the mercy of the French royalists, and city after -city fell into their hands. -</p> - -<p> -Shortly before this, and soon after the christening -of Philip Prosper described above, an equally fatal -catastrophe had fallen upon Philip on the Portuguese -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P464"></a>464}</span> -frontier. There for years a state of hostility -had continued, with frequent raids on both sides; -but, growing bolder with Philip's increased -exhaustion, the masculine Spanish Queen Mother of -Portugal[<a id="chap10fn18text"></a><a href="#chap10fn18">18</a>] had laid regular siege to the great -Spanish frontier fortress of Badajoz. At any cost -this daring insolence had to be met, and Philip, -with no able commanders now available, Don Juan -being in Flanders, entrusted the leadership of his -forces of 8000 men, raised with infinite sacrifice -and difficulty, to his favourite, Don Luis de Haro. -On the news of his approach the Portuguese raised -the siege of Badajoz and recrossed the frontier; but -Haro, utterly inexperienced in warfare, was drawn -into pursuing them, led into an ambush and put -to ignominious flight, with the loss of guns, baggage, -and most of his men. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Peace with France -</span> -</p> - -<p> -This defeat, followed by the Battle of the Dunes -a few months afterwards, proved to all the world -that Spain had come to the end of her tether and -could struggle no more. Material resources, faith -in herself, belief in her mission, even confidence in -her God, had all fled, and nothing was left to -her but besotted pride and a sanctimonious ritual -devotion which lightly covered a scoffing mockery -of the noble ideals that had made her temporarily -great. Peace had now, indeed, become for Philip -absolutely necessary. There had been many -efforts made through the influence of Anna of -Austria, Queen of France, to come to an -understanding with her brother, ever since the treaty of -Münster; but the demands of Mazarin, that the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P465"></a>465}</span> -French should continue to hold all they had taken -including Catalonia, had in every case frustrated the -attempts. But the aspect of affairs was changing. -Catalonia was heartily tired of the French, who left -the province less liberty than it had enjoyed under -the Castilian Kings, whilst the grave discontent and -division in France against Mazarin's Government -had rendered peace necessary even for him. But -that which, above all, contributed to a peaceful -agreement was the fact that Philip's health was -evidently failing, and that only one life, that of the -scrofulous epileptic infant, Philip Prosper, stood -between the house of France and the Spanish -throne. It is true that when Queen Anna had -married Louis XIII. she had solemnly renounced for -herself and her family the right of succession to -Spain; but some of the dowry which was to have -been paid to her had not been paid, and it might -be contended that as one condition of the contract -had not been fulfilled the others could not be -enforced as against the house of France. Mariana, -Philip's second wife, was at Madrid quite as much -in the capacity of Austrian ambassador as of Philip's -consort, and she had always tried to prevent any -closer union between France and Spain; her object, -aided by the German agents who prompted her, -being to maintain the fatal alliance between the -two branches of the house of Austria, which had -dragged Spain to ruin. -</p> - -<p> -In the summer of 1656 a sincere attempt had -been made by France to come to an understanding -with Philip. A skilled diplomatist, M. de Lionne, -in the confidence of Mazarin, had arrived with great -secrecy at Madrid, and was lodged at the Retiro, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P466"></a>466}</span> -where he and Haro held many conferences, with a -result that an agreement on many points was -arrived at, especially upon the retrocession of -Catalonia (though not of Roussillon) to Spain. In -one of their conferences Lionne noticed that Haro -was wearing in his hat, doubtless for a purpose, -a medal impressed with the portrait of the -Infanta Maria Teresa. "If your King would give -to my master for his wife the original of the -portrait you wear," said Lionne, "peace might soon -be made."[<a id="chap10fn19text"></a><a href="#chap10fn19">19</a>] Haro passed over the matter lightly, -for in the absence of a male heir to Philip it would -have been impossible to marry Maria Teresa to the -King of France; but the idea was not a new one, -and the possibility of bringing about such a match -as a pledge of peace between France and Spain had -often been mooted by the quidnuncs of Madrid.[<a id="chap10fn20text"></a><a href="#chap10fn20">20</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Peace negotiations -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Lionne's negotiations came to nothing at the -time, mainly because the knotty point of the Prince -of Condé's position could not be settled; but when -the birth of Philip Prosper provided Philip with an -heir, the marriage idea again came to the front, and -made both sides in the subsequent peace negotiations -much more conciliatory than they otherwise -would have been, especially when there was a talk -of marrying Louis XIV. elsewhere. He was, indeed, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P467"></a>467}</span> -on a courting expedition to the south of France to -meet the Princess of Savoy, when Haro, in May 1659, -sent Antonio Pimentel in a hurry to Mazarin -reminding him of what Lionne had said three -years before about a Spanish marriage. Anna of -Austria and Mazarin were quite willing; and in a -very few weeks the diplomatists on both sides had -drawn up a protocol suspending hostilities, and -providing for a meeting of plenipotentiaries of -both Powers in the little Isle of Pheasants in the -Bidosoa River that separates France and Spain. -This was to take place in August, and in the -meanwhile ministers were busy drawing up marriage -settlements and agreeing upon the main points in -dispute between the two Powers. Mariana struggled -hard to prevent the agreement by proposing a -marriage between the Infanta and the Archduke -Leopold, the Emperor's heir. She even prevailed -upon her brother to send the Archduke Sigismund -to replace Don Juan in Flanders, and to bring a -strong imperial army with him to defend Spanish -territory there. Before they could meet the -French, however, the truce between Philip and -Louis was signed (June 1659), and the Austrian -interest for the present had to accept defeat. -</p> - -<p> -Peace or war, the stereotyped merrymaking -never ceased for very long in the Court of Madrid. -Like Olivares before them, Philip's ministers were -constantly on the look-out for new musicians, -buffoons, or beauties to distract him, and -discovering fresh pretexts for shows.[<a id="chap10fn21text"></a><a href="#chap10fn21">21</a>] To celebrate -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P468"></a>468}</span> -the birth of the sickly Philip Prosper, the festivities -continued for months; and in answer to the nun's -remonstrances about it, the King invites her to tell -him how he can fulfil his desire to withdraw his -mind from worldly things, "since it is obligatory -for me to live amongst men, and to be present at -festivities and other public occasions, which I -cannot avoid attending. In the midst of all this -turmoil I should like to execute your directions, if -my frailty does not prevent me from doing so. -Help me, Sor Maria, and pray to God and His holy -Mother to aid me in attaining such a boon."[<a id="chap10fn22text"></a><a href="#chap10fn22">22</a>] In -one of Philip Prosper's frequent illnesses a -saintly friar from Jerusalem, one Father Antonio, -went to see Philip, and brusquely told him, in reply -to his request for prayers for the Prince's health, -"that he, the King, ought to pray also, and leave -off all these comedies and other rejoicings."[<a id="chap10fn23text"></a><a href="#chap10fn23">23</a>] The -Madrileños of Philip's time would no more -abandon their idle pleasures than they would their -daily bread. Fresh taxes of 2 per cent. more were -put upon food, and upon every payment made of -any sort; even fireplaces and windows were taxed -more heavily, the idea being to make people redeem -these taxes by paying a sum down, and so, as -Barrionuevo says, to get money quickly. "All -this makes men of business desperate, for it is said -that even upon loans and payments of every sort the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P469"></a>469}</span> -tax is to be charged; so that we shall soon have -nothing to pay with but water and sunshine."[<a id="chap10fn24text"></a><a href="#chap10fn24">24</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Poverty and waste -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Only a few days after this was written, the -municipality of Madrid gave a luncheon to the -eleven Royal Councils, handsome presents being -given to all the guests, the cost of the entertainment -being over 550,000 ducats; and hardly a week -passes without the record of two or three costly -shows, bull-fights, masquerades, and tourneys, in -which smart new clothes are always a notable -feature, and the King and Queen are usually -present, the young Marquis of Heliche being -generally the busiest promoter. Madrid, although -suffering from a winter more severe than had been -known in the memory of man (February 1658), was -full of foreigners and strangers, attracted by these -continual shows, and doubtless much of the money -squandered came ultimately from them; but the -people themselves must have been in dire straits, -for robbery seems to have been openly resorted -to, even by priests; and so highly placed an -ecclesiastic as Barrionuevo says of it: "I do not -wonder, for the pinch of poverty is such that -everybody is forced to do it." -</p> - -<p> -Madrid, at the time, indeed, presented a strange -picture of anarchy. The only rich people were -the comparatively few who were concerned in the -administration, either in Spain or the Colonies; -and they spent their money with the utmost -prodigality, whilst the great bulk of the population -lived from hand to mouth on the proceeds of this -expenditure, gained either by service, work, or -robbery. There was practically no industry, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P470"></a>470}</span> -except that carried on in a small way by foreigners; -and the vast majority of the inhabitants of Madrid -lived, directly or indirectly, by government -expenditure. Philip looked on helplessly, convinced -apparently that his calamities were unavoidable, -because sent for a special purpose by the Almighty -as a scourge for his and his people's transgressions. -Preachers unrebuked thundered out of pulpits -to him that most of the evils might be avoided -by energy. "Your Majesty is poor, and your -ministers are rich," cried one to him. "You give -grants, favours, pensions, and double pay to people -such as these, who beguile you with vain shows. -The noblest eagle may be left bare if plucked -feather by feather; and your Majesty is obliged to -appeal to these very ministers, whom you enable -to settle vast estates, for money necessary for your -very food and garments." -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Peace of the Pyrenees -</span> -</p> - -<p> -In good truth, it was too late to preach to Philip -now; for he did little but register the decisions of -others, and go through his dull round of duties -with despairing, earthy face; his great consolation, -as he says again and again, being the letters -of the nun, which assured him of the divine mercy -and of the efficacy of constant prayer. To his -great delight another son was born to him in -December 1658, though the babe lived only for a -few months; but Philip Prosper lingered on still, -through a sickly infancy. In the meanwhile Don -Luis de Haro and Cardinal Mazarin were in close -confabulation on the Isle of Pheasants, settling -the terms of the much-needed peace; and the -death of Cromwell, and the probable restoration -of the Stuarts to the English throne, gave a further -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P471"></a>471}</span> -hope that, after a long lifetime of constant war, -Philip's days might end at peace with all the world. -</p> - -<p> -In October 1659 the peace negotiations were -sufficiently advanced for a formal demand to be -made to Philip for his daughter's hand on behalf of -her cousin Louis XIV. The ambassador was one -of the greatest seigneurs of the Court of France, -Marshal de Grammont; and though Madrid, with -good reason this time, assumed its most pompous -garb, and Spaniards held their heads high, yet de -Grammont, as he entered with his brilliant suite -into Philip's capital, consciously represented a new -dispensation that was in process of supplanting -that of Spain. For a century and a half Spain -had claimed precedence over all earthly Powers: -her language was that of culture and fashion; her -literature, especially of the theatre and the novel, -had given the tone to the writers of Europe; her -dress had set the fashion; her soldiers had taught -the art of war; and her explorers had borne to the -four quarters of the earth her traditions, her tongue, -and her religion. But the stately entrance of de -Grammont with his new airs and graces into the -palace of Madrid, after a devastating war extending -over thirty years, marked the opening of a new -epoch in the civilisation of the world. Spain was -the waning force, France was the youthful giant -with a long life before him; the Planet King Philip, -spent and weary, was sinking to his yearned-for -rest after a reign of tragic failure; the Roi Soleil -was climbing in the sky. All the courtly -conventions of diplomatists, all the gracious -politeness of de Grammont, all the consideration shown -by French statesmen to Spain in the treaty of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P472"></a>472}</span> -peace, could not hide these facts; nor could it be -concealed that this new friendship meant the end -of the fatal union of Austria and Spain, whose aim -had been to force orthodoxy upon the world. -</p> - -<p> -Mariana frowned and pouted as Grammont and -his company of princes and nobles bowed before her; -and the gloomy grandeur of the old palace of Madrid, -with the richly sombre dresses of Philip and his -courtiers, seemed to the triumphant and gaily dressed -Frenchman, fresh from the sprightly youthful Court -of Louis, to be in harmony with the old obscurantist -régime which was passing. The visitors were -liberal in recording their impressions of a society -which they regarded as romantic and antique.[<a id="chap10fn25text"></a><a href="#chap10fn25">25</a>] The -description of a theatrical representation in the -old palace of Madrid in honour of Grammont, -written by one of his chaplains, will give a good -idea of a characteristic feature of Philip's Court at the -time. -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"The great saloon was lit only by six enormous -wax candles in gigantic silver stands. On each -side of the saloon, facing each other, were two boxes -or tribunes with iron grilles before them. One of -these was occupied by the Infanta, whilst the -other was destined for the Marshal (Grammont). -Two benches covered with Persian rugs ran along -the sides beneath the boxes, also facing each other, -upon which sat about twelve ladies of the Court, -whilst we Frenchmen stood behind them.... The -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P473"></a>473}</span> -Queen and the little Infanta entered, preceded by -a lady holding a candle. When the King appeared -he saluted the ladies and took his seat in the box -on the right hand of the Queen, whilst the little -Infanta sat on her left. The King remained -motionless during the whole of the play, and only -once said a word to the Queen; although he -occasionally cast his eyes round on every side. A -dwarf was standing close by him. When the play -was ended, all the ladies rose and gathered in the -middle, as canons do after a service. Then joining -hands in a row they made their courtesies, one by one, -a ceremony that lasted some seven or eight minutes. -In the meanwhile the King was standing, and he -then bowed to the Queen, who bowed to the Infanta, -after which they all joined hands and retired."[<a id="chap10fn26text"></a><a href="#chap10fn26">26</a>] -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -It was far into the winter (1659) before the -terms of the pregnant peace of the Pyrenees could -be finally settled by the plenipotentiaries on the -Isle of Pheasants. More than once the negotiations -came to a deadlock, for, comparatively easy as -the French conditions were, they were very bitter -for the pride of Spain to swallow.[<a id="chap10fn27text"></a><a href="#chap10fn27">27</a>] She had to -surrender the province of Roussillon and most -of Artois, as well as many of the principal cities -of French Flanders, whilst the English kept her -port of Dunkirk. But in return Catalonia willingly -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P474"></a>474}</span> -became Spanish again under its old constitution, -whilst the new King of England and his friends the -Portuguese were excluded from the treaty. The -rejoicings in Madrid, and the adulation of the -favourite Haro, who was made Prince of the -Peace, knew no bounds. At last, no matter, -thought the lieges, at what cost, Spain was free -from the war that had weighed her down for a -whole generation; and now the rebel Portuguese -might be punished for their contumacy, and Philip -be King of the Peninsula again. Don Juan, the -King's son, was to have the honour of reconquering -Portugal for Castile; but for the present all minds -were occupied by the ceremonious journey of King -Philip and all his Court to the French frontier to -conduct his daughter, the Infanta, to her waiting -bridegroom. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Marriage of Maria Teresa -</span> -</p> - -<p> -For many months, notwithstanding Philip's -expressed desire that things should be done as -economically as possible, the preparations for the -voyage had been carried out on a scale of -magnificence surpassing that of all previous bridal -progresses between Spain and France. The -Spanish nobles and courtiers, taking their tone from -Haro himself, were determined, even at the cost -of their last ducat, that the Frenchmen should see -that the country was neither exhausted materially -nor humiliated morally. So again the old prodigal -pride asserted itself, and Madrid pushed its poverty -in the background, as it spent its money on gew-gaws, -or flocked to see the preliminary turnout of -the royal equipages prepared for the King's journey -to France. -</p> - -<p> -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P475"></a>475}</span> -</p> - -<p> -"There were four litters, and fourteen coaches -with six mules each;—a fine sight! The table -services, newly made with the arms of Spain -and France, which her Highness is to take with -her, are a marvel of richness and beauty. The -jewels for presents and for adornment exceed all -price and praise. Each of the gentlemen who is to -accompany the royal party is making preparations -more in accordance with his spirit than with his -means. They say that the Duke of Medina de las -Torres will distinguish himself specially. He gives -five suits of livery to each of his servants, one set -alone of which made in Naples will cost 65,000 -ducats; whilst, as to his Excellency's own dresses, -wonderful stories are told of them, and also of the -jewels he is taking with him, worthy as they are of -the greatness of his heart. The preparations of -Don Luis de Haro can only be conceived by those -who recollect that he is the luminary of the world -upon which reflects and radiates most fully the -majesty and brilliancy of our Sun-Monarch. The -value of the horses and hackneys, with their -harness and housings, alone are said to be worth -a vast treasure; but when we consider the rank of -the persons with whom the horses of the Sun will -enter Irun, these latter, richly caparisoned as they -may be, will be unworthy of an occasion so -supreme. It is likely enough that when our -Infanta took leave of the altars of Madrid her eyes -were wet with tears; but our muffled women, -who spare nobody, said so in such a way as to hint -that the tears were really hearty smiles. The -Queen looks very sad at the King's going away."[<a id="chap10fn28text"></a><a href="#chap10fn28">28</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P476"></a>476}</span> -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Journey to the frontier -</span> -</p> - -<p> -On the 15th April 1660, Philip set forth on his -famous journey to the French frontier to give his -daughter Maria Teresa to his young nephew -Louis XIV. for his wife, and meet in peace once -more his sister Anna, whom he had not seen since -their early youth, over forty years before. The -train that accompanied him surpassed anything of -the sort ever seen before in Spain. Don Luis -de Haro himself was served by a household of -200 persons, and scores of other nobles vied -with him in magnificence.[<a id="chap10fn29text"></a><a href="#chap10fn29">29</a>] All the sumptuary -pragmatics were suspended, and as a reaction -after the long insistence upon plain, sombre attire -for men, Philip's courtiers were gorgeous in the -costly richness of their garb, determined as they -were to impress the Frenchmen. -</p> - -<p> -The land through which the long procession -slowly made its way, at the rate of about six miles -a day, was stark and ruined; and provisions, as -well as beds and all other necessaries, had to be -carried for the whole multitude, the cavalcade -covering over twenty miles of road. Such of the -wretched peasants as were left in Castile[<a id="chap10fn30text"></a><a href="#chap10fn30">30</a>] saluted -their King with frantic joy as he passed; for he -looked so sad and sorry for them, and with so -much wealth as he now displayed before their -famished eyes, surely he would not grind them -down to utter famine as he had done for these -unhappy years of strife. All would be well now. -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P477"></a>477}</span> -The Infanta was to be Queen of France, and -she would not allow her father's realm to be laid -desolate again by those over whom her young -husband reigned. Everywhere hope blossomed again. -The towns on the way regaled the vast concourse -of courtiers with shows, banquets, and bull-fights; -long-hidden hoards of money were brought out -and spent in rejoicing now, even by the humbler -farmer folk, for the great fear that all would be -taken from them by the tax farmers had passed away. -At length, after six weeks of tedious travel over -miserable roads, where overturns and other mishaps -were frequent, the King and his Court entered -St. Sebastian, where the first marriage ceremony -was to be performed, on the 2nd June 1660. In the -crowds of splendidly apparelled Spanish courtiers, -whose names were as resounding as their pedigrees -were long, there was one olive-skinned man, with -a touzled mop of wavy black hair streaked with -grey, whose fame was to outlive them all. His -office, that of the King's quarter-master, and one -of his chamberlains, kept him close to the person -of Philip, who loved his company. Upon the -breast of his dark, closely fitting tunic was -embroidered in scarlet the long sword-shaped cross -of Santiago, whilst an enamelled and diamond -pendant hung from a rich gold chain around his -neck; and Diego Velazquez, the painter, now -growing old with his master, looked as distinguished -as any in the throng, doing his courtier's service -in the famous journey as if he had been merely a -grandee of long lineage instead of a poor gentleman -who happened to be a genius.[<a id="chap10fn31text"></a><a href="#chap10fn31">31</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P478"></a>478}</span> -</p> - -<p> -All the magnificence that could be crammed -into the humble town of St. Sebastian was there -on the morning of the 2nd June 1660.[<a id="chap10fn32text"></a><a href="#chap10fn32">32</a>] In the -principal house, under canopies of damask stiff -with bullion armorial embroideries, sat upon thrones -side by side Philip and his daughter, the Patriarch -of the Indies and the Bishop of Pamplona standing -in their robes near to them, with Haro upon the -steps of the dais. Every inch of standing room -was filled with the proudest nobles of Spain, -intermingled with many masked and cloaked figures -whom all knew or guessed were French princes, -princesses, and nobles, who had crossed the frontier -disguised to witness the ceremonies which some still -hoped, notwithstanding the failures of past similar -attempts, would "level the Pyrenees." One who -was there writes: "The ladies-in-waiting were -dazzlingly handsome, and all the multitude of -people, grandees, peers, noble gentlemen, and -others, stood with uncovered heads, their Majesties -alone being seated; whilst Don Fernando de -Contreras, the Secretary of State, read aloud the -solemn document in which the Queen of France, by -oath on a Christ crucified, renounced for herself -and hers for ever all claim to the succession of the -Spanish throne." For a long hour and more the -Secretary of State, on his knees, read the pompous -sentences of the act which was in after years to -convulse all Europe in war, and change the -dynasty of Spain; but those who listened to it -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P479"></a>479}</span> -were more concerned with their own fatigue at -standing in a crowd so long than at the vast -import of the renunciation, whose effects were hidden -in the womb of time.[<a id="chap10fn33text"></a><a href="#chap10fn33">33</a>] When, at last, Contreras had -finished reading, the Bishop stepped forth, and -upon the Gospels and the crucifix Maria Teresa -swore to keep inviolate the pledge contained in -the act. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -The wedding -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The next morning the humble parish church -of St. Sebastian was transformed, by the "richest -hangings and adornments necessary for the greatest -wedding that ever was seen in the world, whilst -their Majesties and the Court were a blaze of -magnificence." Advancing with his daughter, -Philip took his seat upon the curtained throne by -the side of the high altar, whilst Maria Teresa stood -beneath the canopy, and Don Luis Haro, who was -honoured by holding the proxy of King Louis to -marry her, stood a step below her. The church -was crowded with French princes, princesses, and -nobles in disguise intermingled with the Spaniards, -and, as the pontifical mass was sung with its -beautiful ceremonial, appealing to all the senses -before that gorgeous assembly, St. Sebastian -reached the apogee of its glory, never to be -surpassed. When the sacrament was ended the -Bishop descended to the canopy, where the Infanta -and Haro were standing before the King. In -answer to the ritual question whether she would -take his Majesty the most Christian King for a -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P480"></a>480}</span> -husband, the Infanta with streaming eyes turned -and sank upon her knees before her father. Philip, -himself overcome with emotion, bowed his head -and gave his blessing to the daughter who was to -be the pledge of future peace between Spain and -France; and the Bishop had to repeat his question -three times before the weeping Princess could -summon composure enough to reply in the affirmative. -Then she and Haro together placed their -hands in a great gold dish that stood upon a side -table, whilst Haro in the name of King Louis -XIV. accepted Maria Teresa of Austria as his legitimate -wife. Taking a gold ring from the centre of the -salver upon which their hands rested, the Spanish -minister placed it upon the rim near the fingers of -the Infanta, but without touching them; and then -with a sweeping flood of melody the <i>Te Deum</i> -burst out, whilst the great guns of the fortress upon -the crag overhanging the church thundered their -message to the two realms that another Spanish -Princess was Queen of France.[<a id="chap10fn34text"></a><a href="#chap10fn34">34</a>] In the midst of -the uproar King Philip led his daughter from the -church, followed by all the glittering crowd. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Marriage of Maria Teresa -</span> -</p> - -<p> -That afternoon the royal party rode to the -neighbouring land-locked Port of Pasages three -miles away, and so to Renteria for dinner, and by -Oyarzun to the ancient fortress village of -Fuentarrabia on its jutting peninsula, from which you -may cast a stone to France on the other side of the -river mouth. The roads were so narrow and bad -that the maids of honour were upset on the way; -and Don Luis de Haro, anxious as he was to do -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P481"></a>481}</span> -honour to the Sovereign who had made him little -less than a King, he was unable to meet him on the -narrow rocky causeway, but perforce had to stand, -surrounded by the King's Guards in their new -yellow uniforms, at the gate of the ancient palace -fortress upon its cliff, that twenty-two years before -had so stoutly withstood the siege of the French by -land and sea. -</p> - -<p> -The following day, whilst preparations for the -public interviews upon the Isle of Pheasants were -being made, Philip embarked with his daughter, -Haro, and a very few attendants, amongst whom -was Diego Velazquez, and landed privately upon -the little island in mid stream. The buildings, -which had been specially erected for the peace -conference of the previous autumn, were constructed -with the jealous punctiliousness which always -characterised the intercourse between France and -Spain. The eyot was divided into a Spanish and a -French half, and the houses, each in its respective -territory, were connected by a corridor, the conference -hall, which stood upon the dividing line, being -half upon Spanish and half on French soil. Even in -Philip's private meeting with the sister from -whom he had been separated and at war so long, -the utmost precision of etiquette was preserved. -Landing on the Spanish part of the island, and -entering the Spanish house, he bade all his -attendants stay behind, except Haro, Velazquez, and one -or two more, who alone accompanied him to the -hall, where, on the French side of the dividing line -across the hall, stood Anna of Austria. -</p> - -<p> -The meeting was a painful one, for when they -had last met Philip and his sister had been in the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P482"></a>482}</span> -flower of youth, full of hope and bright ambition; -and now both were old and broken, with lives -of bitterness behind them. Both brother and -sister had been slaves of their passions, and had -surrendered their regal power to other hands. -They had been but figureheads of State; and -though, as was the case with all their house, their -family affection had been strong, national aspirations -had been too powerful for them, and victor -and vanquished, brother and sister, must have -felt themselves, for all their grandeur, the helpless -victims of forces beyond their control or -understanding. Anna of Austria broke down into -piteous tears when she saw the unhappy face of -her brother; and, after a few low-spoken words of -comfort had passed between them, there came -tiptoeing silently behind the Cardinal and Don -Luis, who stood behind Queen Anna, a handsome -young man with aquiline features and a nascent -black down upon his upper lip. He wore, in the -French fashion of the time, high red heels to his -shoes; and a flowing black curled periwig fell upon -the wide Walloon collar of fine lawn that covered -the shoulders of his satin skirted-coat. Peeping -over the shoulders of those before him,[<a id="chap10fn35text"></a><a href="#chap10fn35">35</a>] himself -supposed to be unseen, thus Louis XIV. first looked -upon his bride, and upon the King the ruin of -whose realm and dynasty was to make way for -the supremacy of France and the Roi Soleil. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -The wedding -</span> -</p> - -<p> -At length, on Sunday, 6th June, all was ready -for the ceremonial meeting and delivery of the -bride to her new country. At a signal both -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P483"></a>483}</span> -monarchs stepped into their boats at the same time, -Philip in Fuenterrabia and Louis in St. Jean de -Luz, followed soon by crowds of other boats filled -with courtiers as fine as silks and satins and bullion -tissues could make them, for sumptuary decrees -were all thrown to the winds now; whilst strong -armed forces, 12,000 troops in all, with loaded arms -and new uniforms, stood upon each side of the tiny -stream, as many as 4000 cavalry being arrayed -on the French bank, with numbers of pikemen and -guards; "all smart looking troops, but both men -and horses small," said a Spanish expert, who -thought Philip's fine array of red and yellow -guards "better troops, smarter and with better -horses."[<a id="chap10fn36text"></a><a href="#chap10fn36">36</a>] As far as the eye reached on either side, -crowds of people stood upon the banks, and far -away upon the hills overlooking the scene, which -for most of them promised peace and renewed -prosperity; whilst the ante-rooms of the conference -hall which was to be the scene of the interview -were packed to suffocation by a privileged crowd -of nobles and courtiers of both nations. -</p> - -<p> -At the same moment the two Kings landed -upon their respective ends of the island, and at the -same moment they and their suites entered the -conference hall by opposite doors, Philip leading -his daughter, followed by Haro and a great household, -and Louis his mother with Mazarin, and forty -ladies-in-waiting behind. Advancing to the line -that divided the room, Louis made as if to kneel to -Philip, who prevented him from doing so by clasping -him in his arms. "My son," said Philip, "I -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P484"></a>484}</span> -welcome you. For me this has been the happiest -day I have ever known or shall know; for I see -your Majesty is as well as I can wish"; and then, -pointing to the Infanta, he continued: "the only -person after your Majesty who could have brought -me on this journey is this piece of my own heart, -that I have brought to give you for your wife; and -I trust that your Majesty will hold her in the -esteem she deserves, not only as Queen of France -and my daughter, but also in consideration of the -goodwill with which I give her to you."[<a id="chap10fn37text"></a><a href="#chap10fn37">37</a>] Anna -of Austria was weeping copiously the while; but -Louis himself, not to be outdone in courtesy, was -fully equal to the occasion. "My father," he said, -"only the favours I am receiving from the generous -and potent hands of your Majesty could force me to -confess myself not only unworthy to be the son of -so powerful a monarch, but also your humble -vassal," and with that he warmly returned his -uncle's embrace. -</p> - -<p> -Much more flattering talk there was about -Philip's potency and strength, and the obligation of -France to him. It pleased the Spaniards vastly; -for words with them ever took the place of deeds -when their pride was touched, and every courteous -word of the Frenchmen was as balm in Gilead to -men who, in their heart of hearts, knew that poverty, -humiliation and defeat had befallen them and -their country. Many tears there were, too, when -Philip formally handed his daughter to her new -husband, and the four sovereigns took their seats -side by side on thrones arranged for them across the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P485"></a>485}</span> -line. Then Mazarin came forward with a missal in -his hand, upon which Philip on his knees swore to -keep the terms of the peace, and the Patriarch of the -Indies administered a similar oath to Louis. The -public act being thus ended, the hall was cleared of -the crowds of nobles that encumbered it, and for four -hours the royal party gave themselves up to familiar -intercourse; after which Louis with his Court, "the -most enchanting sight ever seen in the world," says -the Spanish chronicler, rode off to St. Jean de -Luz, and Philip returned by Irun to Fuenterrabia. -</p> - -<p> -Of the costly presents on both sides, of the -overwhelming magnificence of the subsequent ceremonies -in St. Jean de Luz, where the personal marriage took -place,[<a id="chap10fn38text"></a><a href="#chap10fn38">38</a>] and of the delight of the gallant Spanish -courtiers at the nice French fashion of kissing all the -ladies, it boots not here to tell; but as Philip and -his cumbrous Court slowly wended their way home -again to Madrid, the younger courtiers of both sexes, -at all events, took back with them something like a -contempt for the old Spanish fashions which had -persisted so long.[<a id="chap10fn39text"></a><a href="#chap10fn39">39</a>] The <i>golilla</i> was voted stiff and -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P486"></a>486}</span> -ungraceful when compared with the fine lace cravats of -the French; black-framed goggles looked frumpish; -the ropilla and close doublet were not half so modish -as the full skirted long tunics, open in the front and -showing a smart vest, that Louis and his gentlemen -had worn; and who would care to wear thin lank -hair, even when a topknot on the brow and <i>guedejas</i> -before the ears adorned it, when he could buy a -splendid flowing curly periwig such as made the -French look so stately? It is true that the change -of fashion that began on the banks of the Bidasoa -did not go very deep or far away from Court; for -the common people clung to the old modes still, -and the wars that divided Spain forty years -afterwards caused French fashions, or anything but -Spanish, to be loathed by all ranks as unpatriotic. -But, nevertheless, this great transmigration of -Spanish courtiers to the French frontier in 1660 was -the first opening of the door by which some glimpses -of light from a new Europe entered Spain, the first -inkling to Spaniards that anything outside their own -frontiers could be estimable and worth imitating. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Death of Don Luis de Haro -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Philip was welcomed back to Madrid by his wife -and his people, with great rejoicing for his safety, on -the 26th June, and even poor suffering little Philip -Prosper, tricked out in a military uniform with a -sword by his side, was carried in his nurse's arms to -greet his father as he ascended the stairs of his -palace, though the child fell into a series of exhausting -fevers immediately afterwards. The King's base-born -son, Don Juan, of whom Queen Mariana was bitterly -jealous, was impatiently waiting outside Madrid[<a id="chap10fn40text"></a><a href="#chap10fn40">40</a>] -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P487"></a>487}</span> -for troops and means to be provided for him to -conquer Portugal; Don Luis de Haro, who had -ignominiously failed in the task himself, not being -at all active in forwarding Don Juan's ambition. -It was six months more before an army was at last -got together, and, early in 1661, Don Juan crossed -the frontier with 20,000 men, whilst Osuna's force -of 15,000 co-operated with him in the north. -But the marriage of Charles II. of England with a -Portuguese wife had given to Portugal the aid of -England; and though Don Juan fought well, he had -now Marshal Schomberg with an English force to -cope with, in addition to the Portuguese, and he -made but little way. Bitter complaints came from -him to his father that Haro would not provide him -with the resources necessary for the task he had to -do. But Haro died at the end of the year 1661,[<a id="chap10fn41text"></a><a href="#chap10fn41">41</a>] -and after that Mariana's influence against him -crippled Don Juan more than ever, though at one -period the civil dissensions in Portugal enabled him -to overrun for a time some of the central provinces -of the country. -</p> - -<p> -The loss of Don Luis de Haro affected Philip -greatly. The minister was not a strong man, but -his conciliatory manner and quiet industry had -prevented the existence of such violent antagonism -to him as had ruined his predecessors. The nun of -Agreda had never ceased to urge upon Philip the -need for hard work on his part, and the King had -wearily defended himself, again and again, by saying -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P488"></a>488}</span> -that it was impossible for him to do everything. -Indeed, the whole system was so cumbrous that -under it the monarch's whole time was taken up in -reviewing the interminable reports of the various -Councils, and signing papers placed before him, -leaving him no opportunity for initiating policies. -When Count Castrillo, Haro's uncle, entered the -King's chamber one morning late in 1661, and -announced Haro's sudden death, he told the King -that all the official papers had been locked up, and -requested the King's instructions as to who should -take charge of the key. Philip meditated for a while, -and then replied: "Put it on that table," much to -Castrillo's disappointment, as he expected to be -appointed chief minister. Philip, however, thought -this time really to do without an all-powerful -vice-king, such as he had had all his life; and as soon -as Haro was buried he issued decrees dividing -the administration between Castrillo, the Duke of -Medina de las Torres, the Inquisitor-General, and -himself, and ordering that every question from all -quarters should be submitted to him before decision. -Entering the Queen's apartments a few days afterwards, -he found all the ladies chattering upon the -floor, as usual, about what a bold preacher had said -in the pulpit that morning: that the King was going -to show the Councils now that he was really King. -Hearing this talk, Philip said: "I am quite old -enough now to see things for myself, and I shall be -glad if those who know of anything that needs -remedying will advise me of it, and I will see to it. -Things are not going on as they had been doing." -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Heliche's plot -</span> -</p> - -<p> -There appears, indeed, to have been a dead set -against Haro's family as soon as he died. The -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P489"></a>489}</span> -Marquis of Heliche, his son and heir, claimed, -amongst other lucrative offices held by his father, -the Keepership of the Retiro. This offended Philip, -who refused him the office, and gave it to the Duke of -Medina de las Torres. Heliche was soon afterwards -accused of a plot to blow up the Retiro, which brought -him and his family into the deepest disgrace. One -morning in March 1662, three packets of gunpowder, -connected by a train with a slow match, was found -under the stage of the Retiro Theatre among a lot -of heavy stage machinery, which had been used in -a comedy recently represented, and designed and -paid for by Heliche, but which was now to be used for -a play to be produced before the King and Queen -under other auspices. As soon as the discovery, was -made (in time to avert disaster), five underlings -connected with the theatre, two of them being -Moorish slaves, were arrested; and when Heliche -heard of it he went to the gaoler, saying that as one -of the Moors had been punished by him, and had his -ears cut off, he would probably say that he, Heliche, -had prompted the crime. He therefore offered the -gaoler a bribe to kill the Moor, by giving him a slight -wound and anointing it with a poisonous unguent -which Heliche would send. The gaoler divulged the -plot, and the page of the Marquis was captured -with the unguent in his possession. The Marquis -was then arrested, and though great efforts were -made by his kinsmen to obtain his release, four -Duchesses kneeling before Philip at one time to beg -for mercy, the King refused to interfere, though he -said he was sorry the lad had not escaped. In the -end the Marquis was let off with a term of banishment, -apparently on the ground that he was -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P490"></a>490}</span> -bewitched. His own excuse for the crime was that he -did not wish his scenery and stage effects to be used -by the Duke of Maqueda. The whole case is an -interesting illustration of the morals of the time. -</p> - -<p> -Soon Madrid had something more piquant to -talk about even than this; though for days no -one dared to whisper it above his breath. But by -and by Liars' Walk became bolder, and, with the -accompaniment of many a sign of the cross, the -story ran through the city, growing ever larger -with additions as it ran, that devilish arts were -being practised upon the King. It appears that a -certain alcalde suspected that the house in Madrid -of a lady, the sister of a judge at Granada, was being -used as a factory of base money; and on going -thither to search the premises and arrest the inmates, -he discovered amongst the instruments for counterfeit -coining, two engraved metal plates, each of -which bore the device of a heart pierced with an -arrow, one being inscribed with the name of "Philip -IV., son of Philip III. and Margaret," and the other -with the name and parentage of Don Luis de Haro, -with other words taken from the Scriptures; the -hearts themselves bearing the words, "I am thine, -and thou art mine."[<a id="chap10fn42text"></a><a href="#chap10fn42">42</a>] The alcalde thought that this -looked serious, and carried the incised plates to the -Inquisition, which promptly decided that it was a -case of witchcraft, and at once sent its hosts of -familiars to worm out the rest of the dreadful story, -whilst sweeping into their silent dungeons all who -might be suspected of complicity or knowledge, -and giving occasion thus for all Madrid to invent -its own details. The case dragged on in secret, as -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P491"></a>491}</span> -was the wont of Inquisition investigations, but -thenceforward until his death the awe-stricken -whisper was never long silent that the King lay -under a maleficent charm; and grave heads were -shaken knowingly, and crossed fingers kissed -devoutly, when any fresh misfortune befell him. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Death of Philip Prosper -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Evil fate, indeed, gave Philip little truce from -sorrow. The frail life of his only son Philip Prosper -flickered out on the 1st November 1661, and a week -later the bereaved father wrote to the nun— -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"The long illness of my son and my constant -attendance at his bedside have prevented me from -answering your letter, nor has my grief allowed me -to do so, until to-day. I confess to you, Sor Maria, -that my grief is great, as is natural after losing such -a jewel as this. But in the midst of my sorrow I -have tried to offer it to God, and to submit to His -divine will; believing most earnestly that He will -order all things for the best, which is the most -important thing. I can assure you that what grieves -me even more than my loss is that I see clearly -that I have angered God, and that these punishments -are sent in retribution for my sins. I only -yearn to know how to amend myself, and to fulfil -the divine will by avoiding transgression, with -which end I will try my hardest, surrendering my -life, if necessary, in order to succeed. Help me, as -a true friend, with your prayers to placate the ire of -God, and supplicate Him, since He has taken away -my son, to send a safe delivery to the Queen, whose -confinement we expect every hour; to protect her -and grant that her offspring should be for His service, -for otherwise I desire it not. The Queen has borne -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P492"></a>492}</span> -the blow as a true Christian, though sorrowfully. -I am not surprised at this, for she is an angel. O -Sor Maria! if I had been able to carry out your -doctrines, perhaps I should not find myself in this -state. Pray to God that my eyes may be opened, -so that I may comply with His will in all things." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -And then in a postscript, written a day later, the -King, full of gratitude, conveys the happy news to -his friend that another son had been born to him. -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"Our Lord has deigned to send me back my son, -by bringing me another; for which I am as grateful -as so signal a boon and mercy demands. Help me, -Sor Maria, to prostrate myself at His feet and -beseech Him to preserve this pledge, if it be for His -service, otherwise I desire it not, but to bow my -head to His will. The Queen and the child are well, -and I am content." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Fresh attempts at reform -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The child that was born to Philip's old age was -greeted, as his many predecessors had been, by violent -rejoicings in the capital, though the King took -little or no part in them beyond the religious -ceremonies; for he really was trying hard now to do -without a minister, working early and late at the -drudgery of administration, drafting new stern -pragmatics to reform the corruption of his capital, -which had become more scandalous than ever, and -bringing to book many of those who had grown -rich under Don Luis de Haro. Money was needed -for the Portuguese war, and the coinage was again -debased; clothes were ordered to be plainer than -ever, no silk was to be worn by officials, and no one -was to have more than two mules to his coach; -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P493"></a>493}</span> -the owners of carriages were to pay for the paving -of the streets of Madrid, which had become simply -quagmires, whilst, to the joy of the populace, the -taxes on food entering Madrid were reduced by one -half. The speculators who farmed these dues cried -out that they were being defrauded, and they were -recompensed by a cession to them of half the 10 -per cent. property tax on Madrid. -</p> - -<p> -Thus, with reforms in judicial procedure, the -cancelling of grants and pensions which could not -be justified, and desperate efforts to suppress the -open vice that paraded the capital, Philip, for the -third time in his life (in 1661-1662), tried to carry -into effect the saintly precepts in which he believed. -Much of this new zeal for reform was evidently -owing to the insistence of Sor Maria, who was never -tired of pointing her lesson. Soon after Haro's -sudden death she wrote— -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"Let your Majesty order your ministers strictly -to punish the rich and powerful people who cheat -the poor by usurping their property, make your -inferior ministers do justice with equity and -impartiality, let them punish foul vices and all sorts -of sin, and let the superior government of your -Court assume a better form. And, for God's -sake, moderate some of the taxes the poor people -pay, for I know that villages have been depopulated -in consequence of them; and that the poor people -only keep body and soul together on barley-bread -and the herbs of the fields.... So many -changes in the coinage, too, are most injurious."[<a id="chap10fn43text"></a><a href="#chap10fn43">43</a>] -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -Philip did his best, but he was sick and weary, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P494"></a>494}</span> -and soon slackened in his personal efforts. Nothing -that he did, indeed, seemed to prosper, and in his -constant letters to Sor Maria his despairing references -to his own sins being the cause of all his troubles -became increasingly poignant. With infinite trouble -and scraping together of resources, he managed to -raise another army and full campaign material, -with which his son Don Juan was to reconquer -Portugal for the crown.[<a id="chap10fn44text"></a><a href="#chap10fn44">44</a>] At first in the spring of -1663 all went well with Don Juan, who invaded -Portugal and captured the important city of Evora, -but he was met near that place by the English and -Portuguese and defeated on the 8th June. Attempting -to retreat into Spain, he was overtaken, and -again the Spanish army suffered a disastrous rout, -with a loss of 8000 men, with baggage, standards, -and arms. Don Juan himself fought bravely, pike -in hand, but was borne away in the flight, and with -difficulty escaped to Badajoz. He was then recalled -to Madrid, and in long conferences with his -father's ministers[<a id="chap10fn45text"></a><a href="#chap10fn45">45</a>] arranged a new campaign for the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P495"></a>495}</span> -following year, though it was evident now to -everyone that the reconquest of her lost dominion -was beyond the material and moral strength of -Spain. -</p> - -<p> -Ever since the Restoration in England, Charles -II. had been making tentative efforts to bring about -peace with Spain. Philip it was certain would not -officially recognise the independence of Portugal; -but perhaps a <i>modus vivendi</i> might be arranged, by -means of a long truce or otherwise, so that direct -trade between England and Spain might be -restored, and the mutual injuries inflicted at sea be -stopped. The advantage to Spain would, of course, -be great, because the silver fleets were constantly -preyed upon by English privateers; but the English -shipmasters and merchants also had felt severely -the deprivation of Spanish trade; and after the -crushing defeat of Don Juan at Amegial, just -referred to, in June 1663, it seemed a good -opportunity for Charles II. to suggest directly to -Philip the advisability of an agreement. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Fanshawe's embassy -</span> -</p> - -<p> -The envoy chosen was that Dick Fanshawe -who had been in Spain in the time of Bristol and -Aston, and had lately negotiated the marriage -with Catharine of Braganza. He, stout loyalist as -he had been during all the Commonwealth, was Sir -Richard Fanshawe, Baronet, now, and in high -favour with Charles, who, it was thought, would -have made him Secretary of State. He was -instructed to set forth to Philip the benefit that -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P496"></a>496}</span> -would accrue to both States from a reopening of -maritime trade, and to say how anxious the King -of England was to be friendly with the Catholic -King, whom he esteemed so highly, notwithstanding -the refusal of Spain to deal with him during the -Commonwealth and the expulsion of his agents -from Madrid at that time, as well as the closing -of the Spanish ports to Prince Rupert's fleet. The -matter of Portugal was to be very tenderly handled. -Fanshawe was instructed to say that the King -of Spain "cannot imagine that we will ever -persuade him to deprive himself of his reputed -right to the kingdom of Portugal, but whether -the determination of that difference may not be -advantageously suspended till a more favourable -conjuncture, and until the crown of Spain be -less liable to accidents, will be his part to -judge."[<a id="chap10fn46text"></a><a href="#chap10fn46">46</a>] -</p> - -<p> -Fanshawe arrived in Cadiz on the 24th February -(O.S.) 1664, and nothing could exceed the honour -shown to the English ambassador and his wife by -the magnates of Andalucia. The keys of the city -were tendered to him in a "great silver basin," -and he was asked to give the password for the -night, which, courtier like, he did in the form of -"<i>Viva el Rey Catolico</i>." Very different was the -welcome that had awaited poor Ascham in the -same port fourteen years before; though Fanshawe, -overcome by all this ceremonious posturing, -hoped that it was "not instead of substance, for -then it would be very tedious and irksome to me, -indeed, but an earnest prognostick of it, which -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P497"></a>497}</span> -time will try when I come to treat."[<a id="chap10fn47text"></a><a href="#chap10fn47">47</a>] Everywhere, -as Fanshawe travelled towards the capital, he was -treated with almost royal honours; bull-fights, -cane-tourneys, and, of course, the usual comedies being -offered by nobles on the way: and it was the 7th -May before he reached Vallecas in the outskirts -of Madrid, where he remained for a time, as Philip -was staying at Aranjuez, and no house had been -provided in the capital for Fanshawe's -accommodation; the famous "house with the seven -chimneys" being then occupied by the Venetian -ambassador. -</p> - -<p> -For the next five weeks the exchange of visits -of compliment and ceremonial generalities with -the Duke of Medina de las Torres, now Philip's -principal minister, and many other nobles and -officials, occupied the time of Fanshawe and his -clever wife; who wrote, "Though the men visited -my husband, I could not suffer the ladies to visit -me, though they much desired it, because I was -so straitened in lodgings that in no sort were they -convenient to receive persons of that quality, in -not being capacious enough for my own family." The -gossips of the Calle Mayor were full of the -visit of the English peace-envoy, and saw all -manner of grave political import in the difficulty of -finding him a house; though Fanshawe himself attributes -it to its true cause, namely, the insufficient -house room in the capital; though he offered <i>carte -blanche</i> as to terms, and to pay a year's rent in -advance in silver. After much delay and -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P498"></a>498}</span> -resistance on the part of the Venetian ambassador, who -wished to retain the house after his departure for -the accommodation of his successor, the English -ambassador was once more housed in the "house -with the seven chimneys," after he had stayed for -a time at a house standing in its own grounds -outside the Fuencarral gate at Santa Barbara. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Fanshawe's state entry -</span> -</p> - -<p> -At length, Philip having returned from Aranjuez, -Fanshawe made his state entry into the capital, and -had his first audience of Philip. -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"On Wednesday the 8/18th June," says Lady -Fanshawe, "my husband had his audience of -his Catholic Majesty, who sent the Marquis de -Malpica to conduct him, bringing him a horse -of his Majesty for my husband to ride on, and -thirty more for his gentlemen, and his Majesty's -coach with his guard, that he (<i>i.e.</i> Malpica) -was captain of. No ambassador's coach -accompanied my husband but the French, who did -it contrary to the King's command, who had -before, upon my husband's demanding the custom -of ambassadors accompanying all other ambassadors -that came to this Court at their audience, -replied that, although it had been so it should never -be again; saying that it was a custom brought -into this Court within less than twenty-five -years.[<a id="chap10fn48text"></a><a href="#chap10fn48">48</a>] My husband, about eleven of the clock, set forth -out of his lodgings thus. First went all those -gentlemen of the town and palace that came to -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P499"></a>499}</span> -accompany my husband, then went twenty footmen, -all in new liveries of the same colour we used -to give, which is dark green cloth with a frost -upon green lace. Then went all my husband's -gentlemen, and next before himself his <i>camarados</i>, -two and two (here follow the eight names). Then -my husband, in a very rich suit of clothes, of a dark -fille (feuille) morte brocade laced with silver and -gold lace, nine laces, every one as broad as my -hand, and a little silver and gold lace laid between -them, both of very curious workmanship. His -suit was trimmed with scarlet taffeta ribbon, his -stockings of white silk upon long scarlet silk ones, -his shoes black with scarlet shoe-strings and garters, -his linen very finely laced with very rich Flanders -lace, a black beaver buttoned on the left side with -a jewel of twelve hundred pounds, a curious wrought -old gold chain made at the Indies, at which hung -the King his master's picture richly set with -diamonds, cost three hundred pounds, which his -Majesty in great grace and favour had been pleased -to give him at his coming home from Portugal. -On his fingers he wore two very rich rings, his -gloves trimmed with the same ribbon as his clothes. -All his whole family (<i>i.e.</i> suite) was very richly -clothed according to their several qualities."[<a id="chap10fn49text"></a><a href="#chap10fn49">49</a>] -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -In this great magnificence Sir Richard Fanshawe -rode through Madrid with the Marquis of Malpica -by his side, followed by the Teuton guard, groups of -pages and lackeys, and then the royal coach. After -that came a coach drawn by four black horses, the -finest state coach, says Lady Fanshawe, that ever -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P500"></a>500}</span> -came out of England, and to describe its grandeur -nothing but the lady's own words will do justice. -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"It was of rich crimson velvet, laced with broad -silver and gold lace, fringed round with a massy -gold and silver fringe, and the falls of the boots so -rich that they hung almost down to the ground. -The very fringe cost almost four hundred pounds. -The coach was very richly gilt on the outside, and -very richly adorned with brass work, with rich -tassels of gold and silver hanging round the top of -the curtains round about the coach. The curtains -were of rich damask fringed with silver and gold. -The harness for six horses was richly embossed with -brass work, with reins and tassels for the horses of -crimson silk, silver and gold. That coach is said -to be the finest that ever entered Madrid." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -After it followed a host of other coaches, which, -fine as they were, must have appeared dull by the side -of such a chariot as this. Fanshawe passed through -an admiring crowd both outside and inside the -palace, for the Madrileños ever loved finery; and -at length reached the presence of Philip, who -received him courteously, and many complimentary -speeches, meaning nothing, were exchanged; after -which ceremonious visits had to be paid to Queen -Mariana and her children, the Infanta Margaret, -now called the Empress, by virtue of her betrothal -to her uncle, and the scrofulous rickety infant, -Don Carlos, now Philip's only son. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Lady Fanshawe in Madrid -</span> -</p> - -<p> -A week afterwards, Sir Richard had his first -private interview with the King at the Buen Retiro. -Philip was ill, and unequal now to much exertion, -so that after Fanshawe's long address on the need -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P501"></a>501}</span> -for peace, and the conditions upon which it might -be attained, he could only request that the whole -of the points might be put in writing for his -careful consideration. Soon after this, on the 27th -June, Lady Fanshawe first went to salute Queen -Mariana, and thus gives her impressions of what -she saw— -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"I waited on the Queen and the Empress -(<i>i.e.</i> the little Infanta Margaret) with my three -daughters and all my train. I was received at the -Buen Retiro by the guard, and afterwards when I -came upstairs by the Marquesa de Hinojosa, the -Queen's <i>Camarera Mayor</i>. Through an infinite -number of people I passed to the Queen's presence, -where her Majesty was seated at the upper end -under a cloth of state upon three cushions, and on -her left hand the Empress upon three more. The -ladies were all standing. After making my last -reverence to the Queen, her Majesty and the -Empress, rising up and making me a little curtsey, -sat down again. Then I, by my interpreter, Sir -Benjamin Wright, said those compliments that -were due from me to her Majesty, to which her -Majesty made a gracious and kind reply. Then I -presented my children, whom her Majesty received -with great grace and favour. Then her Majesty, -speaking to me to sit, I sat down upon a cushion -laid for me above all the ladies, but below the -Camarera Mayor (no woman taking place of her -but Princesses). The children sat on the other side, -mingled with the Court ladies that are maids-of-honour. -Thus, after passing half an hour in discourse, -I took my leave of her Majesty and the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P502"></a>502}</span> -Empress, making reverences to all the ladies in -passing." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -Of the various times the Fanshawes saw the -King or Queen no detailed account need be given -here, as the descriptions add nothing to our knowledge; -nor is it necessary to dwell upon the accounts -given of the Court diversions, which have already -been described fully in the earlier pages of this book. -Lady Fanshawe's opinions, however, of Spain and -Spaniards generally are quaint. She thinks that -the usually accepted English idea that Spain is a -land of famine is unjust, especially for those who -could afford to pay. -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"There is not in the Christian world," she says, -"better wines than their midland (<i>i.e.</i> southern) -wines, especially sherry and canary. Their water -tastes like milk, and their wheat makes the sweetest -and best bread in the world. Bacon is beyond -belief good; the Segovia veal much whiter, larger, -and fatter than ours. They have a small bird that -lives and fattens on grapes and corn—so fat that -it exceeds the quantity of flesh. They have the -best partridges I ever ate, and the best sausages, -and salmon, pike, and seabream, which they send -up in pickle called escabeche in Madrid; and dolphins, -which are excellent meat,[<a id="chap10fn50text"></a><a href="#chap10fn50">50</a>] besides carps and many -other sorts of fish. The cream called nata is much -sweeter and thicker than ever I saw in England. -Their eggs much exceed ours; and so all sorts of -salads, roots, and fruits.... Besides that, I have -ate many sorts of biscuits, cakes, cheese, and -excellent sweetmeats.... Their olives, which are -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P503"></a>503}</span> -nowhere so good. Their perfumes of amber excel -all the world in their kind, both for clothes, -household stuff, and fumes; and there is no such waters -made as at Seville." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -The good lady, too, was much enamoured of the -courtesy of Spaniards. -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"They are civil to all, as their qualities -require, with highest respect; so I have seen -a grandee and a duke stop his horse, when an -ordinary woman passeth over a kennel, because -he would not spoil her clothes, and put off his -hat to the meanest woman that makes reverence, -though it be to their footmen's wives.... They -are punctual in visits, men to men and women to -women. They visit not together, except their -greatest ministers of State to wives of public -ministers from Princes.... They are generally -pleasant and facetious company, but in this their -women exceed, who seldom laugh and never aloud, -but are the most witty in repartees and stories and -notions in the world.... They work little, but -that rarely well, especially in monasteries (<i>i.e.</i> -convents). They all paint white and red, from the -Queen to the cobbler's wife, old and young, widows -excepted, which never go out of close mourning, -nor wear gloves nor show their hair after their -husband's death, and seldom marry. They delight -much in the feasts of bulls and in stage plays, and -take great pleasure to see their little children act -before them in their own houses, which they will do -to perfection.... Until their daughters marry -they never stir so much as down stairs, nor marry -for no consideration under their quality, which to -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P504"></a>504}</span> -prevent, if their fortunes will not procure them -husbands, they make them nuns. They are very -magnificent in their houses, furniture, pictures of -the best, jewels, plate, and clothes; most noble in -presents, entertainments, and in their equipage."[<a id="chap10fn51text"></a><a href="#chap10fn51">51</a>] -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -Fanshawe's mission made but slow progress, for -the pride of Spain with regard to Portugal still -stood in the way, and Philip was hoping against -hope that the campaign of the following year, -1665, would restore to him the crown he had lost. -He was still straining every nerve to get money; -and as a last fatal resource in order to relieve as he -hoped the distress of the treasury, he now reduced -the value of the silver money to half, so that, as -Lady Fanshawe says, "the pistole that was this -morning at 82 <i>reals</i> was now proclaimed to go but -for 48, which was above £800 loss to my husband."[<a id="chap10fn52text"></a><a href="#chap10fn52">52</a>] At -length, in the spring, by such devices as this—seizing -all the securities lodged for loans, -etc.—another army was got together. Don Juan, by -the intrigues of the Austrian faction, was recalled -and sent into semi-disgrace to Consuegra; the -Count of Caracena, distinguished in the war with -the Turks on the frontier of Hungary, being -entrusted with the task of reconquering Portugal. -</p> - -<p> -Philip, indeed, at this time, as his health and -strength decayed, was surrounded by intrigue, -intended, as it did, to drag unhappy Spain once -more into the fatal alliance with the Emperor, in -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P505"></a>505}</span> -which Spain was made the catspaw of Austrian -ambition, and the milch-cow of Austrian greed. It -was no longer to suppress freedom of conscience in -the German States. That had been conceded long -ago; and against that alone had it been Spain's -traditional policy to fight. The German Queen -and her confessor Nithard, with Pöetting, the -Austrian ambassador, were all intent now upon -obtaining Spanish aid to the wars with the Turk on -the Hungarian frontiers.[<a id="chap10fn53text"></a><a href="#chap10fn53">53</a>] Philip still treated it as -a question of conscience, and his letters to the nun -breathed continual sorrow at having to deplete his -own poverty-stricken subjects to help the Emperor. -But it never seems to occur to him that he was -really under no obligation whatever to do so, and -that Spain would not have been seriously affected -even if the Turk had been victorious in Hungary. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -The nun's last letter -</span> -</p> - -<p> -His personal health was now very bad, gallstones -and other painful maladies keeping him in -almost constant agony. To a letter from the nun, -imploring him to care for his health, in March 1665, -he answered that he would do so; "but I can -assure you that I only want what may be best for -God's service, and neither health, nor anything -else, but that the divine will should be executed -upon me. This is what I wish you to supplicate -His Divine Majesty to grant me, and my salvation, -which is my main concern." A few weeks after -this was written, in March 1665, the nun sent to her -royal friend another letter full of goodly counsel -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P506"></a>506}</span> -and encouragement; and then the pen fell from -her hands for ever, and Philip was left utterly -alone. His wife, working hard for her future -influence, and in favour of the Austrian policy, had -no sympathy to spare for the sufferings of the -declining old uncle-husband, to whom political -ambitions had given her as his wife. The only -son who lived to succeed him was a scrofulous -degenerate, who presented, even in his infancy, an -exaggeration of his inherited type, which made him -a monstrosity, a poor creature who never emerged -from puerility, and finally died of senile decay at -forty. -</p> - -<p> -There was literally no ray of light on earth for -Philip, now that Sor Maria was dead. Around him, -as he knew and saw, plans and intrigues were -anticipating the time when he should be no more. -There were those in the Court, looking mostly to -Don Juan, who dreaded to see Spain dragged once -more at the tail of the Empire; for Louis XIV. was -already threatening, and most Spaniards hankered -for the closer alliance, meaning peace with France, -that seemed so firm on the Isle of Pheasants only -five years before; whilst Mariana and the Austrians -had gained to their side a large party of nobles, -pledged for their own greedy ends to support the -Queen when she should succeed to the Regency and -hold in her hands the resources of Spain. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -The last blow -</span> -</p> - -<p> -On the 20th June 1665 the terrible news had -to be broken to the King, that his forlorn hope -had been defeated. Count Caracena, from whom so -much had been hoped, had been utterly crushed -by the Portuguese and their English auxiliaries. -Eight hours of carnage had reduced the Spanish -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P507"></a>507}</span> -army from 15,000 men to 7000, and all the -guns had been lost. Philip could, in very truth, do -no more. To raise this army every means, legal -and illegal, had been resorted to; private property -had been violated, pledges had been broken, -injustice had been perpetrated, and suffering had -been inflicted upon poor people already sorely -oppressed. To this had the great dream come at -last: that the King who was held to be the proudest -and wealthiest in Christendom was unable to hold -even his own territory. For the first time Philip -broke down in the sight of men; for Sor Maria was -dead, and to none could he turn now for comfort. -Heart-broken, he cast himself upon the ground in a -paroxysm of grief, and sobbed out the formula that -was his only refuge, "Oh God! Thy will be done," -almost the same words as those which his grandfather -uttered when he received the news of the -catastrophe that had overtaken his great Armada. -But Philip IV.'s case was worse, by far, than that -of Philip II. Behind the latter there was still a -nation full of faith in its divine selection to dominate -the world for the glory of God and His chosen -King: behind Philip IV., himself aged and worn -with sickness of body and disillusion of spirit, there -was a people who had lost all confidence in -themselves and their mission, ready to scoff and spit upon -the idols that had failed them; a people whom -sloth, vanity, and epicureanism had robbed for a -time of their nobleness, and who yet had to pass -through the consummation of their woe before, -cleansed in the fires of suffering, they should arise -again. -</p> - -<p> -Philip knew it; and, looking back over his long -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P508"></a>508}</span> -reign, he must have cursed the fate that condemned -him from his birth to the performance of an almost -impossible task with utterly inadequate means. He -had been dedicated at his baptism to the Dominican -ideal of a Christian church purged of dissent at any -cost; and yet, from the time when the Protestant -ambassadors of England were the honoured guests -at his christening, until now in his despairing age -Fanshawe was reminding him daily of his impotence -both on land and sea, he had been obliged to woo -heretics, and to fight a great Catholic Power which -was bent upon the final humiliation of his house. -Thus, with bitter irony, some mightier power, with -ends incomprehensible to men, mocked at the -great designs of those who thought that they and -theirs were but junior partners with providence, -the chosen agents of the Almighty; and Philip, in -whose days the scales had fallen from the nation's -eyes, ascribed the agonised awakening, and the -ruin it disclosed, to the vengeance of an offended -deity for his own puny sins. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Philip bewitched -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Philip was tired of the struggle, weary of the -sordid intrigues around him, and he fell into gloomy -despondency that banished from him all interest -in life. His bodily sufferings were intense, for the -malady that afflicted him was a cruel one. Again -the rumour ran that the King was bewitched, and -that the late Inquisitor-General had been arranging -means to remove the spell when he died. The -great ecclesiastics in attendance were convinced -that Satan was at the bottom of the King's troubles; -and asked Philip's permission to proceed in their -incantations to defeat the evil one who was thus -persecuting him. There were those at Court who -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P509"></a>509}</span> -sneered at the absurdity of attempting to cure a -physical malady by such means;[<a id="chap10fn54text"></a><a href="#chap10fn54">54</a>] but the Inquisition -insisted, and took over the management -of the case. The acting Inquisitor-General, -Gonzalez, accompanied by Philip's confessor, Juan -Martinez, went to the patient and asked him for a -little bag of relics which he always wore around his -neck, for they feared some evil charm might be -amongst them. Then to the Dominican monastery -of the Atocha they solemnly carried "an old book -of sorcery, some prints of his Majesty transfixed -with pins," and other rubbish, all of which they -solemnly burnt with much sacred mummery. -</p> - -<p> -This did the King no good, and then the doctors -tried their hand with a sweet conserve of mallow -leaves, not, one would think, a sovereign remedy -for gall-stones. On Monday, 14th September, the -physicians confessed themselves hopeless. The -hemorrhage was very great, and the patient utterly -exhausted with frequent paroxysms of fever, in one -of which he was thought to be dead, and the news -spread through the capital that he was so. When -he was restored to consciousness, he summoned -the new Secretary of State, Loyola, and entrusted -him with official papers and his will for Queen -Mariana, and then demanded the last sacrament. -When the friars brought the viaticum and told the -dying man that all hope was gone, he was resigned; -though the Holy Virgin of the Atocha was taken in -procession past his windows, and the body of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P510"></a>510}</span> -St. Diego, with scores of other grisly remains, were -kept in the sick-room itself, in the hope that good -would come of them. Mariana and her two children -came to say good-bye to the dying man on Monday -afternoon, and, with tears in his eyes, Philip sighed -to the five-year-old weakling who was to succeed -him: "God make you happier than He has made -me."[<a id="chap10fn55text"></a><a href="#chap10fn55">55</a>] He took an affecting leave, too, of the -Duke of Medina de las Torres, and the other nobles -who were attached to him; pardoned the Marquis -of Heliche for the attempt to blow up the Retiro, -and granted many titles and knighthoods to his -gentlemen-in-waiting. Count Castrillo, always -self-seeking, had the bad taste to pester the King, both -personally and through the friars, that he should -be made Grandee, but Philip angrily referred him -to the Queen. -</p> - -<p> -For three days the King lingered on in suffering, -confessing again and again and receiving absolution; -never for long abandoning his hold upon the rough -crucifix that had comforted the last moments of -his saintly predecessors on the throne. The jealous -friars and confessors about him quarrelled so -violently in the death chamber on one occasion, -about administering the last sacrament again, that -the Marquis of Aytona turned the King's confessor -out of the room and forbade his return. On -Wednesday, Castrillo came in full of the great news -that Don Juan had presented himself at the palace, -and Philip, disturbed and unhappy at the trouble -that this portended, sternly sent orders for the -Prince to return instantly; for this, he said, was only -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P511"></a>511}</span> -the time for him to die, not to enter into mundane -disputes. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -Death of Philip IV. -</span> -</p> - -<p> -All that night the King was delirious, until -he suddenly recovered consciousness just before -dawn on Thursday, 17th September 1665, and then -quietly passed away. He had been beloved by -those around him, and had been prodigal all his -life of favour to the men who served him; but -Mariana and her son were the source of bounty -now, and human nature showed its baseness at -such a crisis, as it is wont to do in palaces; for, -as my eye-witness authority avers,[<a id="chap10fn56text"></a><a href="#chap10fn56">56</a>] "Of all his -Majesty's household, the Marquis of Aytona and -two other servants alone wept for the death of -their King and master; and in all the rest of the -capital there was not one person who shed a tear." The -Marquis of Malpica, captain of the Guard, came -from the death chamber first to the anteroom -filled with guards on duty, and announced the -King's passing by shouting: "Now, comrades, -your duty is to go upstairs[<a id="chap10fn57text"></a><a href="#chap10fn57">57</a>] and guard his Majesty -King Charles." Courtiers were too busy thence-forward -looking towards the future to care much -for the unhappy Planet King who had laid down -his heavy burden. The reading of the will which -made Mariana Regent, the constant meetings, and -the coming and going of the ministers, kept the -palace astir from morning till night; but a few -faithful souls dressed the poor remains of the -King in a musk-coloured velvet suit, embroidered -with silver, placed a silver sword by his side, a -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P512"></a>512}</span> -diamond cross in his hands folded upon his breast, -which was embroidered with the great red dagger -of Santiago, and covered the head with a beaver -hat. And so, garbed and enclosed in gorgeous -silver and red velvet coffins, he was placed high -upon a dais under a canopy illumined by great wax -torches, surrounded with the insignia of imperial -majesty, and guarded by the faithful halberdiers -of Espinosa; whilst friars chanted and prayed -around the bier hour after hour. The hall in -which the body of Philip lay thus in deathly state -was that which had seen so many gay hours of his -hopeful youth; for it was the room devoted to the -stage-plays that he had loved not wisely but too -well. -</p> - -<p> -Lady Fanshawe, like the rest of the great -people in Madrid, went to see the sight, and thus -records her impressions— -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -"The body of Philip IV. lay exposed from -the 18th September, Friday morning, till the -night of Saturday the 19th, in a great room in -his palace, in which they used to act plays. -The room was hung with fourteen pieces of -the King's best hangings, and over them rich -pictures round about, all of one size placed -close together. At the upper end of the room -was raised a throne of three steps, upon which there -was placed a bedstead raised at the head. The -throne was covered with a rich Persian carpet, and -the bottom of the bedstead with a counterpoint -of cloth of gold. The bedstead was of silver, -the valance and headcloth of gold wrought in -flowers with crimson silk. Over the bedstead was -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P513"></a>513}</span> -placed a cloth of state of the same as the valance -and headcloth of the bedstead, upon which stood -a silver gilt coffin raised a foot or more at the head -than at the feet, and in the coffin lay Philip -IV. with his head on a pillow, upon it a white beaver -hat, his hair combed, his beard trimmed, his face -and hands painted. He was clothed in a -musk-coloured silk suit embroidered with gold, a golilla -about his neck, cuffs on his hands, which were -clasped on his breast, holding a globe and a cross -therein. His cloak was of the same, with his -sword on his side; stockings, shoe-strings, and -garters of the same, and a pair of white shoes -upon his feet." -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -The burial of Philip -</span> -</p> - -<p> -Seven altars and scores of lighted tapers were -erected in the chamber, and offices for the dead -King's soul went ceaselessly on, as the courtiers -came and went before the painted clay that had -been once so potent; but when, late on Saturday, -the time came to carry the body through the night -across the plains to the snow-tipped Guadarramas -glimmering afar off, where in the stately jasper -chamber he had wrought for his royal house Philip -IV. was to lie amongst the greater dead, few of the -high nobles and officers cared to absent themselves -from Madrid in these early days; and one after -the other they refused to do the last sad offices to -him who had so often commanded them with a -glance. At last the Duke of Medina de las Torres -peremptorily ordered a kinsman of his own to take -charge of the body to the Escorial. Even the -bearing of the body to the mule litter that awaited -it gave rise to a hot dispute, in which threats of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P514"></a>514}</span> -violence between two sets of officials were flung -across the coffin.[<a id="chap10fn58text"></a><a href="#chap10fn58">58</a>] -</p> - -<p> -With fourscore friars and the great officers of -the palace who were obliged to accompany the -corpse, the litter, surrounded by torches, travelled -throughout the night, and on Sunday, 20th September -1655, the prior of the Escorial relieved the -courtiers of the burden of which they were so glad -to be free; whereafter they all scurried back, as -fast as horses could carry them, to make the -preparations and ensure their own important -participation in the glorious series of bull-fights, -cane-tourneys, masques, and sumptuous parades which -within a fortnight were to greet the accession of his -Catholic Majesty King Charles II. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="sidenote"> -The end -</span> -</p> - -<p> -There were still thirty-five years more of national -humiliation and grief for Spain before the great -convulsion that awoke her to a new life; but these -years were but a prolongation of the agony -preceding the dissolution that had been made -inevitable during the reign of Philip IV. The -Court over which he was the presiding spirit had -exhibited in the forty-five years he ruled it the -strange phenomenon of corruscating intellectual -activity, accompanied by unexampled moral and -social corruption. Literature and art had blazed -up with sudden refulgence before they too sank into -twilight; and when Philip passed in, the generation -of geniuses that illumined his Court were dead or -hastening to the grave, whilst all else was sinking -deeper and deeper into darkness. -</p> - -<p> -It needed the formation of new ideals, the -evolution of a new patriotism, to make Spain -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P515"></a>515}</span> -worthy of her history again; and the outworn, -incestuous blood of the Philips was powerless to -lead the nation back to health and sanity after its -splendid epoch of heroics. Philip did his best, -but he himself was but a product of his time and -country: a kindly gentleman of noble aspirations -and ignoble practice, weak of will and tender of -conscience, a poet and a dilettante, doomed to an -overwhelming task for which he was unfit. In his -long reign he saw moral decadence that he could -not arrest, national ruin that even his frantic -prayers were powerless to avert; and he lived -through half a lifetime of martyrdom, because he -ascribed his failure to the vengeance of a ruthless -deity whom he had offended by his sins, and -believed that he, gentle-hearted as he was, had -brought upon the people that he loved the -wide-spread woe he saw around him. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn1"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn1text">1</a>] <i>Avisos de Barrionuevo</i> (Coleccion -de Autores Castellanos), Madrid, -1892; <i>Voyage en Espagne</i> (1655), -Aersens Van Sommerdyk, Amsterdam, -1666; <i>Relation de l'État et Gouvernement -d'Espagne</i>, Bonnecasse, Cologne, -1667. Barrionuevo, who was brother -of the Marquis of Cusano, was -a "character." He was a jovial priest, -not ashamed to boast of his -love affairs, of his good looks, -of his bravery: and he belonged to a -turbulent family who were always -getting into affrays of some sort, -He himself records without any word -of reprobation a murder committed -in the open streets of Madrid by his kinsman, -Francisco Barrionuevo, -upon a man who had boasted of making love -to his wife; and the -chronicler quite unconcernedly predicts -that the murderer, who had fled -to sanctuary, will get off. -Barrionuevo confesses that he is insatiably -curious, and gathers news from everyone, -going every morning to the -palace to learn what was passing there. -His brother, who was Spanish -ambassador in London, also kept him well -posted as to what happened -in England. See Barrionuevo's biography -by Señor Paz y Melia in the -first volume of the <i>Avisos</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn2"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn2text">2</a>] Van Sommerdyk. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn3"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn3text">3</a>] <i>Ibid.</i> The population at this time -was between 250,000 and 300,000. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn4"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn4text">4</a>] Aersens and Bonnecasse. -The charge for entrance was 1½ sous, -which went to the actors; -2 sous were charged for admission to the seated -part, which went to the Town Council; -and 7 sous was the cost of a seat -in the cheapest part, 1½ sous of which went -to charity, and the rest for -the lessee. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn5"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn5text">5</a>] Bonnecasse says that at this time -there were 30,000 women of evil -life in Madrid. Even now strangers -in Madrid are surprised to see the -impunity with which well-dressed, -respectable young men dare to make -audible remarks of an amorous -or complimentary nature intended to -reach the ears of ladies unknown to them in the streets. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn6"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn6text">6</a>] A curious craze was universal -amongst men in Madrid at this time, -and for some years previously, namely, -that of wearing large round horn -framed spectacles such as are seen -in the portrait of Quevedo. The -modern name for goggles in Spanish -is "Quevedos." The habit of -snuff-taking was also a fashionable -affectation of the time. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn7"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn7text">7</a>] Worth 2s. 8d. each. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn8"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn8text">8</a>] He also cites, however, -very numerous cases of professedly poor -people having large secret hoards of money. -The universal want of -confidence had undoubtedly led -to the hoarding of coin—especially -silver—to a very great extent by all classes, -and this will to some extent -explain the strange facility with which money -was found on emergency -even in the midst of poverty. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn9"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn9text">9</a>] Barrionuevo mentions a malicious -caricature which was current -in the palace (1655, satirising Philip's -helpless despondency in the -face of universal corruption.) A -group represents Haro, the chief -minister, saying: "I can do everything"; -the Secretary of State, Contreras, -saying: "I want everything"; -the King saying: "I see everything"; -his Confessor saying: "I absolve everything"; and the devil -saying: "I shall fly away with the -lot." Aersens, as an instance of the -ineptitude and corruption everywhere -at the same period, mentions that -he saw on the beach at St. Sebastian -a great warship in course of construction, -but which had not been touched for a long time; "but upon -which more millions had already been -spent than would have built a -dozen such; but those who have spent -it have alone profited by it." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn10"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn10text">10</a>] The tradition is that Philip himself -painted the cross of Santiago -on the representation of Velazquez -as a token of his delight at the masterpiece. -This, however, is hardly likely -to be the case, as the rank was -not granted to the painter until two -years later. It was no doubt -eventually added by Philip's orders, -but Velazquez was not a Knight of -Santiago when the painting was executed. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn11"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn11text">11</a>] Barrionuevo. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn12"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn12text">12</a>] <i>Curias de Sor Maria</i>. Philip evidently -recollected the bitterness of -his losing Baltasar Carlos in the flower of his youth. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn13"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn13text">13</a>] In a long doggerel ballad on the occasion, -quoted by Barrionuevo, -many lines are devoted to the King's delight. -These are specimens— -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> - Salio el Rey á verlo todo,<br /> - y tambien á que le viesen;<br /> - porque todos conociesen<br /> - en el regocijo el modo<br /> - de salir....<br /> -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> - En toda mi vida vi<br /> - hacer locuras mayores<br /> - a plebeyos y señores;<br /> - y sin reparar, entrando<br /> - al rey le iban hablando<br /> - desde el Grande hasta el rapaz.<br /> -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> - Fué el Rey el dia noveno<br /> - a dar las gracias á Atocha<br /> - mas tierno que una melcocha,<br /> - y, por Dios, que iba muy bueno<br /> - de diamantes todo lleno,<br /> - a ese cielo parecia.<br /> -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> - The King came out to see the show,<br /> - And also that he might be seen;<br /> - For by his gay and happy mien<br /> - Thus all the world his joy might know.<br /> -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> - Sure never in my life before<br /> - Did such mad pranking meet my eye,<br /> - By rich and poor and low and high.<br /> - For no one cared, but in did walk,<br /> - And to the King himself did talk,<br /> - From great grandee to urchin poor.<br /> -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> - And when nine days had taken flight,<br /> - Atocha's saint with thanks to greet,<br /> - Our King did ride, as honey sweet,<br /> - By God! he was a gallant sight,<br /> - From top to toe with diamonds fine,<br /> - Like starlit heaven did he shine.<br /> -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn14"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn14text">14</a>] It will be recollected that this -was the same costume as that which -Olivares wore at the baptism -of Baltasar Carlos, and which then puzzled -people. The dress, whatever it was, -seems only to have been worn at -christenings. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn15"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn15text">15</a>] What was called "marchpane" -at royal baptisms was not really -marchpane, which is of course -a sweetmeat compounded of almond -paste and honey, but a piece -of crumb of bread upon which the bishop -wiped his fingers of the holy oil -after anointing the royal infant during -the ceremony. The crumb of bread -was often enclosed in an envelope -of marchpane and was carried -in the procession wrapped in a beautifully -embroidered cloth upon a gold salver. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn16"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn16text">16</a>] Barrionuevo. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn17"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn17text">17</a>] <i>Cartas de Sor Maria</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn18"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn18text">18</a>] Braganza himself, John IV., -had died in 1656, leaving his son, -Alfonso VI., a minor. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn19"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn19text">19</a>] Lionne's own account of his negotiations -in <i>Recueil des Instructions -données aux Ambassadeurs Français</i>. Ed. Morel Fatio, Paris, 1894. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn20"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn20text">20</a>] On Good Friday, 1657, for instance, -the procession, as usual, passed -before the palace of Madrid, -and as the carved group representing the -Flight into Egypt passed the royal balconies -a large flight of white doves -was let loose. One of the doves, -Barrionuevo says, flew direct to the -window where the Infanta was standing, -and settled upon her head, -whilst another alighted upon the King's hat. -Both birds were caught -and liberated by the King's command, -and all Madrid was soon talking -of the good omen the event presented. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn21"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn21text">21</a>] On the day of St. Blas, -writes Barrionuevo, the King and Queen -go to the Retiro, and on the 8th February -(1658) there will be the great -comedy there which will cost 50,000 ducats, -with unheard of machines. -There will be 132 performers, -42 of them musical women brought from -all parts of Spain.... One of them, -the <i>Bezona</i>, is a very fine lady -from Seville, and another one, the <i>Grifona</i>, -has escaped from her prison, -so that the feast will be brilliant, -and will last from Shrove Sunday to -Ash Wednesday. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn22"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn22text">22</a>] <i>Cartas de Sor Maria.</i> -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn23"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn23text">23</a>] Barrionuevo. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn24"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn24text">24</a>] Barrionuevo. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn25"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn25text">25</a>] There are three French MS. narratives -of it in the Bibliotheque -Nationale, written by various hands, -as well as a <i>Journal du Voyage -d'Espagne</i>, by Bertaut, in print, Paris, -1669, and <i>La Veritable Rélation -du Voyage</i>, etc., Toulouse, 1659. -Several Spanish narratives of the -embassy also exist in print and -MS. in the Biblioteca Nacional. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn26"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn26text">26</a>] <i>Journal du Voyage d'Espagne</i>, -par l'Abbe Bertaut, Paris, 1669. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn27"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn27text">27</a>] So jealous were the nations -of one another still, that Mazarin strictly -forbade any of his French followers -from crossing the Spanish line during -the conference: "Dans la crainte qu'il -avail que les Français, accoutumés -à mépriser les étrangers et à se moquer -de tous ceux qui ne sont pas vétus -à leur mode, ne fissent quelques -déplaisirs aux espagnols, dont le procédé -est plus serieux et plus modeste." "L'isle -de la Conference et le Mariage du Roi," 1660. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn28"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn28text">28</a>] <i>Avisos anonimos</i>. Appendix to Barrionuevo. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn29"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn29text">29</a>] A full account of the progress from day -to day, written by an eyewitness, -is <i>Viage del Rey Nuestro Señor -à la Frontera de Francia</i>. Madrid, 1667. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn30"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn30text">30</a>] So few were they at this time, -that it was projected to repopulate -the rural districts by large immigration -of Irish and Dalmatian families -(Barrionuevo). -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn31"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn31text">31</a>] Palamino, <i>Life of Velazquez</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn32"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn32text">32</a>] An eye-witness, from whose -unpublished MS. description of these -ceremonies I have condensed some passages, -says they were "de -los mayores y de mayor lucimiento -que ha visto Europa en muchos -siglos." MS. Biblioteca Nacional, P. v. c. 27. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn33"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn33text">33</a>] In one of the narratives -of the ceremonies from day to day, -written by Roque de la Luna, -one of Philip's household (MS. Biblioteca -Nacional, P. v. c. 31, transcribed by me), -he says "Don Francisco took -an hour and a half to read it, -and as we were all standing it seemed a -very long time to us." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn34"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn34text">34</a>] "The noise was so great that -it seemed as if the world was crumbling," -says the narrator from whose manuscript I am quoting. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn35"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn35text">35</a>] Narrative of Roque de Luna, MS., -Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid. -P. v. c. 31. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn36"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn36text">36</a>] Narrative of Roque de Luna, MS., -Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, -P. v. c. 31. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn37"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn37text">37</a>] MS. narrative of an anonymous eye-witness. -Biblioteca National, Madrid, P. v. c. 27. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn38"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn38text">38</a>] Contemporary descriptions of these ceremonies -in French are numerous. -One, published in Paris in June 1660, -is specially interesting. It is -called "Le mariage du Roy, -célébré à St. Jean de Luz." The occasion remains -one of the great glories of St. Jean de Luz, -where the house in which -Maria Teresa lodged still stands, -and is called "La maison de l'Infante." A -series of interesting tapestry pictures -of the ceremonies may be seen -in the exhibition palace in the Champs Elysées, Paris. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn39"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn39text">39</a>] Some of the Spanish narrators -mention with surprise and chagrin -that neither the Spanish troops -nor courtiers were so fine as the French. -The anonymous Newsletter writer -(sequel to Barrionuevo) says: "Many -of our courtiers write (<i>i.e.</i> to Madrid) -that the French gentlemen and ladies -who came to the ceremonies were so numerous, -and the adornments they -wore were so rich and abundant, -that we were evidently inferior to them, -although much care had been taken -on our side to excel, and no expense -had been spared. So we cannot say -this time, as we have said before, -that the French finery was nothing -but frills, furbelows, and feathers." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn40"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn40text">40</a>] It was against the etiquette -of the Court for a left-handed son of the -sovereign to stay in Madrid, -or even to visit it without special permission. -The rumour, though untrue, -that Don Juan was to be allowed to come -to Madrid and welcome Philip -at this time caused much heart-burning. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn41"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn41text">41</a>] The Newsletter writer (<i>Avisos anonimos</i>) -says that when Don Juan -was told of Haro's death, he replied: -"My father has lost a great minister; -Let us go hunting," which he did immediately, -to show his satisfaction. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn42"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn42text">42</a>] <i>Avisos</i>. Sequel to Barrionuevo. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn43"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn43text">43</a>] <i>Cartas de Sor Maria</i>, 25th November 1661. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn44"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn44text">44</a>] It was necessary for Philip -to seize all the securities lodged in the -hands of the contractors and money-lenders -for the raising and provision -of this army, the excuse being that -the contractors were swindling him. -It appears that they bought barley in -Estremadura at 8 reals the fanega -(1½ bushels), and sold it to the army -for 56 reals. The contractors -(Genoese and Portuguese) offered -3½ million ducats for the securities -back again, but it was refused. -Another seizure of securities left -with loan-mongers and contractors -was made in the following year, -which completed the ruin of several -of them. <i>Avisos</i>. 1660-1664. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn45"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn45text">45</a>] Don Juan was kept in Madrid -for many months, much to his own -disgust, as he saw that it was -in consequence of the intrigues of Queen -Mariana to separate him from the army altogether. -One of her plans -was to induce the King to order Don Juan -to conduct to Germany the -young Infanta Margaret, -who had just been betrothed to her uncle, the -Emperor. Don Juan stood out firmly -against this. He hated the -Austrian connection, and Mariana -and her German advisers were his -enemies. Affairs came to a head -in October 1663, when Don Juan forced -the pace by boldly urging his father -to make him an Infante of Spain -and first minister. This frightened -Mariana and her alter ego, Father -Nithard, her Jesuit confessor; -and it had the effect desired by Don Juan, -of obtaining his despatch from Madrid -to the army at Badajoz. During -his stay in the capital he had offended -nearly all the nobles by his haughty -arrogance. <i>Avisos</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn46"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn46text">46</a>] Instructions to Sir Richard Fanshawe. -<i>Original Letters of Sir -Richard Fanshawe</i>, London, 1702. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn47"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn47text">47</a>] Fanshawe's <i>Original Letters</i>. -A most naive and amusing account -of his embassy in Spain, where he died, -is in Lady Fanshawe's Memoirs. -of which a new and fully annotated -edition has recently been published. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn48"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn48text">48</a>] The controversy on this point -is fully set forth in Fanshawe's own -letter to Lord Holles. -The French ambassador's exceptional courtesy -to the Englishman somewhat disconcerted -the Spaniards, who thought -there was some political significance behind it. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn49"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn49text">49</a>] Lady Fanshawe's <i>Memoirs</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn50"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn50text">50</a>] The fish she calls dolphins were probably tunny. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn51"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn51text">51</a>] Lady Fanshawe's <i>Memoirs</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn52"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn52text">52</a>] Whilst the penury of the country -led Philip to adopt such measures -as this, the influence of Mariana -and her German entourage induced -him at this very time—November 1664—to -send a contribution of -500,000 ducats to the Emperor's needs. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn53"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn53text">53</a>] An interesting volume founded upon -Pöetting's correspondence, -and dealing with the connection -between Spain and the Empire at this -time, has recently been published -by his Excellency Don W. de Villa -Urrutia, Spanish ambassador in England. -It is called <i>Relaciones entre -Espana y Austria</i>, Madrid, 1905. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn54"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn54text">54</a>] There is a very minute account of -Philip's illness and death written -by one of his attendants, from which -I take some of the particulars. -Biblioteca National, Madrid, P. v. c. 24. -Manuscript, 15 pages transcribed by me. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn55"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn55text">55</a>] <i>Muerte del Rey Felipe IV.</i>, -a contemporary account by an eyewitness. -British Museum MSS., Add. 8703. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn56"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn56text">56</a>] MSS. Bib. Nac., Madrid, P. v. c. 24. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn57"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn57text">57</a>] Philip had died in the entresol-room -in the palace, which he always -occupied in summer, as it was shady and cool. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap10fn58"></a> -[<a href="#chap10fn58text">58</a>] MSS. Biblioteca National, Madrid, p. v. c. 24. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p><a id="chap11"></a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P519"></a>519}</span></p> - -<h3> -INDEX -</h3> - -<pre class="index"> - Abbot, Archbishop, <a href="#P109">109</a>. - Academies (literary contests), <a href="#P200">200</a>, <a href="#P301">301</a>. - Admiral of Castile (Duke of Medina de Rio Seco), <a href="#P163">163</a>, <a href="#P167">167</a>. - Aguila, Marquis del, <a href="#P300">300</a>. - Ahumada, Father, <a href="#P373">373</a>. - Alamos, Don Baltasar de, <a href="#P237">237</a>. - Albert, Cardinal, Archduke, <a href="#P21">21</a>, <a href="#P286">286</a>. - Aliaga, confessor of Philip III., <a href="#P45">45</a>. - Alumbrados, the blasphemous sect so called, <a href="#P271">271</a>. - Amegial, battle of, <a href="#P494">494</a>, <a href="#P495">495</a>. - Anna of Austria, Queen of France, <a href="#P155">155</a>, <a href="#P334">334</a>, <a href="#P335">335</a>, <a href="#P377">377</a>, <a href="#P464">464</a>, <a href="#P465">465</a>, <a href="#P482">482</a>. - Aragonese Cortes, <a href="#P141">141</a>, <a href="#P159">159</a>, <a href="#P162">162-170</a>, <a href="#P228">228</a>, <a href="#P254">254-259</a>, <a href="#P287">287</a>, <a href="#P296">296</a>, <a href="#P397">397</a>. - Archy Armstrong in Spain, <a href="#P100">100</a>, <a href="#P120">120</a>. - Arcos, Duke of, <a href="#P342">342</a>. - Arnet, murderer of Ascham, <a href="#P433">433</a>. - Arundel, Philip, Earl of, <a href="#P196">196</a>. - Ascham, Anthony, Cromwell's envoy to Spain, <a href="#P429">429</a>; his mission, <a href="#P431">431</a>; - his murder in Madrid, <a href="#P431">431-437</a>. - Astillano, Prince of, <a href="#P460">460</a>. - Aston, Sir Walter, <a href="#P77">77</a>, <a href="#P81">81</a>, <a href="#P106">106</a>, <a href="#P124">124</a>, <a href="#P292">292</a>, <a href="#P293">293</a>, <a href="#P295">295</a>, <a href="#P311">311</a>, <a href="#P312">312</a>, - <a href="#P313">313</a>, <a href="#P317">317</a>, <a href="#P322">322</a>. - Atillano, "the poet," <a href="#P301">301</a>. - Auto-de-fé, an, <a href="#P150">150</a>, <a href="#P259">259</a>. - Avendaño, an actor, <a href="#P231">231</a>. - Aytona, Marquis of, <a href="#P218">218</a>, <a href="#P229">229</a>, <a href="#P391">391</a>, <a href="#P510">510</a>. - - - - B - - Balbeses, Marquis of (Spinola), <a href="#P341">341</a>. - Ballard, an English priest in Madrid, <a href="#P102">102</a>. - Baltasar, Carlos, Prince, <a href="#P210">210</a>, <a href="#P225">225</a>, <a href="#P241">241</a>, <a href="#P244">244</a>, <a href="#P246">246</a>, <a href="#P250">250</a>, <a href="#P253">253</a>, <a href="#P257">257</a>, - <a href="#P276">276</a>, <a href="#P282">282</a>, <a href="#P284">284</a>, <a href="#P285">285</a>, <a href="#P353">353</a>, <a href="#P367">367</a>, <a href="#P387">387</a>, <a href="#P397">397</a>; his betrothal, <a href="#P399">399</a>. - Barbastro, Cortes at, <a href="#P164">164</a>. - Barcelona, <a href="#P167">167</a> et seq., <a href="#P255">255-259</a>, <a href="#P297">297</a>, <a href="#P337">337-342</a>. - Bejar, Duke of, <a href="#P253">253</a>, <a href="#P342">342</a>, <a href="#P461">461</a>. - Borgia, Cardinal, <a href="#P253">253</a>, <a href="#P343">343</a>, <a href="#P458">458</a>. - Borja, Melchior, <a href="#P371">371</a>. - Braganza, Duke of, <a href="#P286">286</a>, <a href="#P334">334</a>; proclaimed King of Portugal, <a href="#P345">345</a>, <a href="#P423">423</a>. - Breitenfeld, battle of, <a href="#P247">247</a>. - Bristol, Earl of, Sir John Digby, <a href="#P67">67</a>, <a href="#P68">68</a>, <a href="#P72">72</a>, <a href="#P73">73</a>, <a href="#P76">76</a>, <a href="#P77">77</a>, <a href="#P81">81</a>, <a href="#P97">97</a>, - <a href="#P98">98</a>, <a href="#P100">100</a>, <a href="#P106">106</a>, <a href="#P123">123</a>, <a href="#P124">124</a>. - Buckingham, Duke of, in Madrid, <a href="#P67">67</a> et seq.; meets Philip, <a href="#P81">81-85</a>; - the state entry, <a href="#P86">86-92</a>, <a href="#P95">95</a>, <a href="#P96">96</a>, <a href="#P105">105</a>; quarrels with - Olivares, <a href="#P106">106</a>, <a href="#P113">113-120</a>; leaves Spain, <a href="#P121">121-123</a>, <a href="#P125">125</a>; his - assassination, <a href="#P216">216</a>. - Buckingham, Duke of, his letters to King James, <a href="#P79">79</a>, <a href="#P83">83</a>, <a href="#P92">92</a>, <a href="#P93">93</a>, - <a href="#P105">105</a>, <a href="#P107">107</a>, <a href="#P111">111</a>, <a href="#P114">114</a>. - Buen Retiro, palace of, <a href="#P201">201</a>, <a href="#P238">238</a>, <a href="#P273">273</a>, <a href="#P280">280</a>, <a href="#P281">281</a>, <a href="#P284">284</a>, <a href="#P300">300</a>, - <a href="#P301">301</a>, <a href="#P311">311</a>, <a href="#P316">316-319</a>, <a href="#P330">330</a>, <a href="#P342">342</a>, <a href="#P388">388</a>, <a href="#P392">392</a>, <a href="#P455">455</a>, <a href="#P489">489</a>. - Burgos, Archbishop of, <a href="#P39">39</a>. - Burke, Marquis of Mayo, <a href="#P216">216</a>. - - - - C - - Calderon, <a href="#P147">147</a>. - Calderon, Marquis de Siete Iglesias, <a href="#P31">31</a>, <a href="#P44">44</a>. - Caracena, Count, defeated in Portugal, <a href="#P504">504</a>. - Cardenas, Alonso de, <a href="#P423">423</a>, <a href="#P424">424</a>, <a href="#P425">425-429</a>. - Cardona, Duke of, <a href="#P167">167</a>, <a href="#P257">257</a>, <a href="#P287">287</a>, <a href="#P342">342</a>. - Carducho, V., <a href="#P194">194</a>. - Carignano, Princess of, her reception in Madrid, <a href="#P311">311</a>, <a href="#P316">316-319</a>, <a href="#P329">329</a>. - Carlos, Infante, <a href="#P44">44</a>, <a href="#P62">62</a>, <a href="#P65">65</a>, <a href="#P66">66</a>, <a href="#P90">90</a>, <a href="#P99">99</a>, <a href="#P123">123</a>, <a href="#P138">138</a>, <a href="#P163">163</a>, <a href="#P167">167</a>, <a href="#P174">174-186</a>, - <a href="#P241">241</a>, <a href="#P246">246</a>, <a href="#P247">247</a>, <a href="#P255">255</a>, <a href="#P256">256</a>, <a href="#P259">259</a>; his death, <a href="#P260">260</a>. - Carlos, Prince, son of Philip IV., <a href="#P492">492</a>, <a href="#P500">500</a>, <a href="#P511">511</a>. - Carpio, Marquis of, <a href="#P65">65</a>, <a href="#P66">66</a>, <a href="#P99">99</a>, <a href="#P167">167</a>, <a href="#P229">229</a>, <a href="#P352">352</a>, <a href="#P366">366</a>, <a href="#P371">371</a>, <a href="#P394">394</a>. - Carrion, the nun of, <a href="#P122">122</a>; her impostures, <a href="#P308">308</a>. - Castel Rodrigo, Marquis of, <a href="#P163">163</a>, <a href="#P319">319</a>. - Castrillo, Count of, <a href="#P364">364</a>, <a href="#P488">488</a>, <a href="#P510">510</a>. - Catalan Cortes. <i>See</i> Aragonese. - Catalonia, disaffection and war in, <a href="#P336">336-342</a>, <a href="#P357">357</a>, <a href="#P365">365</a>, <a href="#P388">388</a>, <a href="#P391">391</a>, <a href="#P392">392</a>. - Cea, Duke of, <a href="#P91">91</a>. - Chambers, Laurence, <a href="#P432">432</a>. - Charles, Prince of Wales, <a href="#P37">37</a>; the Spanish match, <a href="#P51">51</a>, <a href="#P52">52</a>; - arrives in Madrid, <a href="#P67">67</a> et seq.; he sees the Infanta, <a href="#P77">77</a>; - meets Philip, <a href="#P81">81-83</a>; his state entry to Madrid, <a href="#P87">87</a> et seq.; - in love with the Infanta, <a href="#P93">93</a>; attempts to convert him, <a href="#P94">94</a>, <a href="#P95">95</a>; - his pastimes in Madrid, <a href="#P96">96</a>; his visits to the Infanta, <a href="#P97">97</a>; - his indiscretion, <a href="#P100">100</a>; negotiations, <a href="#P104">104-110</a>; disillusioned, - <a href="#P119">119</a>; departs from Spain, <a href="#P121">121</a>, <a href="#P195">195</a>, <a href="#P196">196</a>. - Charles I., King of England, <a href="#P216">216</a>, <a href="#P217">217-225</a>, <a href="#P243">243</a>, <a href="#P266">266</a>, <a href="#P274">274</a>, - <a href="#P282">282</a>, <a href="#P288">288</a>, <a href="#P290">290-295</a>, <a href="#P313">313</a>, <a href="#P315">315</a>, <a href="#P321">321</a>, <a href="#P322">322</a>, <a href="#P323">323</a>; his execution, <a href="#P424">424</a>. - Charles I., his painter in Madrid, <a href="#P282">282</a> n. - Charles II. of England, birth of, <a href="#P224">224</a>, <a href="#P426">426</a>, <a href="#P487">487</a>, <a href="#P495">495</a>. - Chevreuse, Duchess of, in Madrid, <a href="#P317">317</a>. - Cinq Mars, <a href="#P364">364</a>. - Coloma, Carlos, Spanish ambassador in England, <a href="#P218">218</a>. - Condé, Prince of, <a href="#P378">378</a>, <a href="#P462">462</a>, <a href="#P463">463</a>, <a href="#P466">466</a>. - Cottington, Sir Francis, <a href="#P67">67</a>, <a href="#P74">74</a>, <a href="#P76">76</a>, <a href="#P81">81</a>, <a href="#P106">106</a>, <a href="#P107">107</a>, <a href="#P117">117</a>, <a href="#P217">217</a>, - <a href="#P218">218</a>, <a href="#P219">219</a>, <a href="#P220">220</a>, <a href="#P221">221</a>, <a href="#P222">222-225</a>, <a href="#P268">268</a>, <a href="#P275">275</a>, <a href="#P282">282</a>, <a href="#P295">295</a>, <a href="#P426">426</a>, <a href="#P432">432</a>. - Corral de la Cruz. <i>See</i> Theatres. - Corral de la Pacheca. <i>See</i> Theatres. - Crofts, Courier, <a href="#P112">112</a>. - Cromwell, his relations with Spain, <a href="#P423">423-437</a>. - - - - D - - Don Juan of Austria, son of Charles V., <a href="#P59">59</a>. - Don Juan Jose of Austria, son of Philip IV., <a href="#P207">207</a>, <a href="#P285">285</a>, <a href="#P353">353</a>, - <a href="#P387">387</a>, <a href="#P403">403</a>, <a href="#P405">405</a>, <a href="#P418">418</a>, <a href="#P452">452</a>, <a href="#P463">463</a>, <a href="#P464">464</a>, <a href="#P467">467</a>, <a href="#P474">474</a>, <a href="#P486">486</a>, <a href="#P487">487</a>, <a href="#P494">494</a>, - <a href="#P495">495</a>, <a href="#P504">504</a>, <a href="#P506">506</a>, <a href="#P510">510</a>. - Downs, the capture of the Spanish fleet in, <a href="#P324">324</a>. - Dunkirk captured, <a href="#P463">463</a>. - - - - E - - English courtiers, their behaviour at Philip's christening, <a href="#P6">6</a>. - English embassy at Philip's baptism, <a href="#P1">1-10</a>. - Eraso, Don Francisco, <a href="#P237">237</a>. - Escovedo, <a href="#P59">59</a>. - Execution of the Hijar conspirators, <a href="#P407">407-411</a>. - - - - F - - Fadrique de Toledo, <a href="#P156">156</a>, <a href="#P279">279</a> n. - Fanshawe, Lady, in Madrid, <a href="#P498">498</a> et seq.; her opinion of Spaniards, - <a href="#P501">501</a>; her account of Philip's lying in state, <a href="#P512">512</a>. - Fanshawe, Sir Richard, <a href="#P314">314</a>; his mission to Spain, <a href="#P495">495-497</a>; his - state entry, <a href="#P498">498</a>; his failure, <a href="#P504">504</a>. - Fashions, change of, in Spain after the marriage of Maria - Teresa, <a href="#P486">486</a>. - Felton assassinates Buckingham, <a href="#P216">216</a>. - Feria, Duke of, <a href="#P155">155</a>. - Fernando, Infante, <a href="#P44">44</a>, <a href="#P90">90</a>, <a href="#P174">174-186</a>, <a href="#P241">241</a>, <a href="#P246">246</a>, <a href="#P247">247</a>, <a href="#P255">255</a>, <a href="#P256">256</a>, - <a href="#P259">259</a>; goes to Flanders, <a href="#P260">260</a>, <a href="#P281">281</a>, <a href="#P288">288</a>, <a href="#P293">293</a>, <a href="#P299">299</a>, <a href="#P303">303</a>, <a href="#P310">310</a>, - <a href="#P315">315</a>, <a href="#P331">331</a>; dies, <a href="#P377">377</a>. - Festivities in Madrid, <a href="#P60">60-66</a>, <a href="#P86">86-92</a>, <a href="#P101">101</a>, <a href="#P118">118</a>, <a href="#P145">145</a>, <a href="#P150">150</a>, <a href="#P209">209</a>, - <a href="#P210">210</a>, <a href="#P225">225</a>, <a href="#P231">231-235</a>, <a href="#P273">273</a>, <a href="#P301">301</a>, <a href="#P307">307</a>, <a href="#P310">310</a>, <a href="#P312">312</a>, <a href="#P316">316-319</a>, <a href="#P451">451</a>, - <a href="#P456">456-46l</a>, <a href="#P469">469</a>, <a href="#P472">472</a>. - Fischer, Ascham's secretary, <a href="#P432">432-437</a>. - Field sports in Spain, <a href="#P211">211-213</a>. - Flanders and Spain, <a href="#P21">21</a>, <a href="#P156">156</a>, <a href="#P176">176</a>, <a href="#P246">246</a>, <a href="#P247">247</a>. - Flores d'Avila, Marquis of, <a href="#P64">64</a>. - Fonseca, Dr., patron of Velazquez, <a href="#P197">197-199</a>. - Francisco Fernando of Austria, Philip's natural son, <a href="#P236">236-238</a>. - Frederick the Palatine, <a href="#P70">70</a>, <a href="#P116">116</a>, <a href="#P216">216</a>, <a href="#P217">217-225</a>, <a href="#P266">266</a>. - Frias, Duke of, Grand Constable of Castile, <a href="#P5">5</a>, <a href="#P354">354</a>, <a href="#P461">461</a>. - Fuenterrabia, <a href="#P335">335</a>, <a href="#P480">480</a>. - - - - G - - Garcia Fray, punished by the Inquisition, <a href="#P272">272</a>. - Golilla, the, <a href="#P138">138</a>, <a href="#P144">144</a>, <a href="#P447">447</a>, <a href="#P486">486</a>. - Gomez Davila's way with the Moriscos, <a href="#P23">23</a>. - Gondomar, Count, Spanish ambassador in England, <a href="#P68">68</a>, <a href="#P73">73</a>, - <a href="#P74">74</a>, <a href="#P76">76</a>, <a href="#P81">81</a>, <a href="#P102">102</a>, <a href="#P123">123</a>, <a href="#P125">125</a>. - Gongora, his sonnet on the English embassy, <a href="#P4">4</a>. - Grammont, Marshal, his mission to Madrid, <a href="#P471">471</a>. - Granada, Archbishop of, Philip's tutor, remonstrates with - Olivares, <a href="#P53">53</a>. - Guevara, Anna de, <a href="#P367">367</a>. - Gustavus Adolphus, <a href="#P245">245</a>, <a href="#P247">247</a>, <a href="#P249">249</a>. - Guzman, Enrique Felipe, Olivares' son, <a href="#P268">268</a>, <a href="#P352">352</a>, <a href="#P354">354</a>. - Guzman, the house of. <i>See</i> Olivares. - - - - H - - Halsey, Major, murderer of Ascham, <a href="#P433">433</a> et seq. - Haro, Count of (a child), <a href="#P457">457</a>. - Haro, Don Luis de, <a href="#P352">352</a>, <a href="#P369">369</a>, <a href="#P371">371</a>, <a href="#P379">379</a>, <a href="#P394">394</a>, <a href="#P401">401</a>, <a href="#P406">406</a>, <a href="#P411">411</a>, <a href="#P420">420</a>, - <a href="#P448">448</a>, <a href="#P451">451</a>, <a href="#P457">457</a>, <a href="#P459">459</a>, <a href="#P464">464</a>, <a href="#P466">466-485</a>; death of, <a href="#P487">487-490</a>. - Hay, Earl of Carlisle, <a href="#P103">103</a>, <a href="#P216">216</a>, <a href="#P217">217</a>. - Heliche, Marquis of, <a href="#P163">163</a>, <a href="#P167">167</a>, <a href="#P229">229</a>. - Heliche, Marquis of (2), <a href="#P450">450</a>, <a href="#P451">451</a>, <a href="#P469">469</a>, <a href="#P489">489</a>, <a href="#P510">510</a>. - Henrietta Maria, Queen, <a href="#P295">295</a>. - Henry IV. of France, <a href="#P24">24</a>, <a href="#P29">29</a>. - Herrera, Don Juan, <a href="#P300">300</a>, <a href="#P328">328</a>. - Hijar, Duke of, <a href="#P327">327</a>; his conspiracy, <a href="#P407">407</a> et seq. - Hinojosa, Marquis of, Spanish ambassador in England, <a href="#P115">115</a>, <a href="#P117">117</a>, <a href="#P501">501</a>. - Hopton, Sir Arthur, <a href="#P219">219</a>, <a href="#P242">242</a>, <a href="#P243">243</a>, <a href="#P244">244</a>, <a href="#P249">249</a>, <a href="#P250">250</a>, <a href="#P252">252</a>, <a href="#P260">260</a>, <a href="#P263">263</a>, - <a href="#P268">268</a>, <a href="#P273">273</a>, <a href="#P275">275</a>, <a href="#P276">276</a>, <a href="#P277">277-279</a>, <a href="#P280">280</a>, <a href="#P282">282</a>, <a href="#P287">287</a>, <a href="#P288">288</a>, <a href="#P290">290</a>, <a href="#P291">291</a>, - <a href="#P292">292-295</a>, <a href="#P312">312</a>, <a href="#P314">314</a>, <a href="#P321">321</a>, <a href="#P322">322</a>, <a href="#P423">423</a>. - Howard, Lord Admiral, Earl of Nottingham, in Spain, <a href="#P3">3</a>. - Howel, his account of the visit of Charles Stuart to Madrid. - <i>See</i> Charles, Prince of Wales. - Humanes, Count of, <a href="#P237">237</a>, <a href="#P288">288</a>, <a href="#P292">292</a>. - - - - I - - Idiaquez, Minister of Philip II., <a href="#P25">25</a>. - Infanta Isabel, <a href="#P21">21</a>, <a href="#P156">156</a>, <a href="#P176">176</a>, <a href="#P246">246</a>, <a href="#P260">260</a>. - Infantado, Duke of, <a href="#P38">38</a>, <a href="#P39">39</a>, <a href="#P133">133</a>, <a href="#P139">139</a>. - Irish intrigues in Madrid, <a href="#P216">216</a>, <a href="#P312">312</a>. - Isabel of Bourbon, Philip's first wife, <a href="#P30">30</a>, <a href="#P31">31</a>, <a href="#P55">55-58</a>, <a href="#P60">60</a>, <a href="#P61">61</a>, <a href="#P65">65</a>, - <a href="#P77">77</a>, <a href="#P91">91</a>, <a href="#P97">97</a>, <a href="#P120">120</a>, <a href="#P121">121</a>, <a href="#P144">144</a>, <a href="#P145">145</a>, <a href="#P147">147</a>, <a href="#P173">173</a>, <a href="#P183">183</a>, <a href="#P212">212</a>, <a href="#P220">220</a>, <a href="#P229">229</a>, - <a href="#P230">230</a>, <a href="#P231">231-235</a>, <a href="#P259">259</a>, <a href="#P283">283-326</a>, <a href="#P353">353</a>, <a href="#P360">360</a>, <a href="#P361">361</a>; leads the - enemies of Olivares, <a href="#P367">367</a>; illness and death of, <a href="#P392">392-395</a>. - Isasi Ydiaquez, Don Juan, <a href="#P236">236</a>. - Isle of Pheasants, conferences and meetings on, <a href="#P467">467</a>, <a href="#P470">470</a>, <a href="#P473">473</a>, <a href="#P481">481</a>. - - - - J - - Jamaica seized by England, <a href="#P439">439</a>. - James I. of England, <a href="#P29">29</a>, <a href="#P36">36</a>, <a href="#P68">68</a>, <a href="#P69">69</a>, <a href="#P70">70</a>, <a href="#P71">71</a>, <a href="#P72">72</a>, <a href="#P84">84</a>, <a href="#P85">85</a>, <a href="#P95">95</a>, <a href="#P101">101</a>, - <a href="#P105">105</a>, <a href="#P114">114</a>, <a href="#P115">115</a>, <a href="#P116">116</a>, <a href="#P119">119</a>, <a href="#P120">120</a>, <a href="#P124">124</a>. - James I., his letters to "Baby" and "Steenie," <a href="#P84">84</a>, <a href="#P101">101</a>, <a href="#P104">104</a>, - <a href="#P108">108</a>, <a href="#P112">112</a>, <a href="#P116">116</a>. - James, Duke of York, <a href="#P463">463</a>. - John Frederick of Saxony, <a href="#P289">289</a>. - - - - L - - Lede, Marquis of, goes to England, <a href="#P438">438</a>. - Leganes, Marquis of, <a href="#P194">194</a>, <a href="#P229">229</a>, <a href="#P281">281</a>, <a href="#P364">364</a>, <a href="#P365">365</a>. - Lerida, Cortes at, <a href="#P163">163</a>. - Lerma, Duke of, <a href="#P1">1</a>, <a href="#P9">9</a>, <a href="#P11">11</a>, <a href="#P17">17</a>, <a href="#P19">19</a>, <a href="#P30">30</a>, <a href="#P31">31</a>, <a href="#P32">32</a>, <a href="#P33">33</a>, <a href="#P37">37</a>, <a href="#P38">38</a>, <a href="#P39">39</a>, <a href="#P43">43</a>, - <a href="#P46">46</a>, <a href="#P68">68</a>, <a href="#P69">69</a>. - Liars' Walk, <a href="#P54">54</a>, <a href="#P76">76</a>, <a href="#P146">146</a>, <a href="#P147">147</a>, <a href="#P196">196</a>, <a href="#P299">299</a>, <a href="#P327">327</a>, <a href="#P371">371</a>, <a href="#P439">439</a>. - Lindsay, Lord, <a href="#P216">216</a>. - Linhares, Count, <a href="#P325">325</a>, <a href="#P326">326</a>. - Lionne's mission to France, <a href="#P465">465-467</a>. - Lope de Vega, <a href="#P59">59</a>, <a href="#P147">147</a>, <a href="#P196">196</a>, <a href="#P240">240</a>, <a href="#P241">241</a>. - Los Velez, Marquis of, <a href="#P335">335</a>, <a href="#P343">343</a>. - Louis XIII., <a href="#P30">30</a>, <a href="#P252">252</a>, <a href="#P360">360</a>, <a href="#P377">377</a>. - Louis XIV, <a href="#P377">377</a>; his marriage with Maria Teresa, <a href="#P466">466-485</a>. - - - - M - - Madrid, <a href="#P27">27</a>, <a href="#P54">54</a>, <a href="#P59">59-66</a>; Prince Charles arrives at, <a href="#P67">67</a>; his - state entry, <a href="#P87">87</a>; social condition, <a href="#P131">131-136</a>, <a href="#P146">146</a>, <a href="#P147">147</a>, <a href="#P188">188-194</a>; - as an artistic centre, <a href="#P194">194-196</a>; corruption of, <a href="#P209">209</a>, <a href="#P227">227</a>, - <a href="#P265">265</a>; scandals in, <a href="#P268">268-271</a>; artists in, <a href="#P282">282</a>, <a href="#P296">296</a>; turbulence - in, <a href="#P299">299-310</a>; prices in, <a href="#P321">321</a>; lawlessness, <a href="#P328">328-331</a>, <a href="#P356">356</a>, <a href="#P385">385</a>, - <a href="#P441">441-446</a>, <a href="#P456">456</a>, <a href="#P469">469</a>. - Malpica, Marquis of, <a href="#P38">38</a>, <a href="#P498">498</a>, <a href="#P499">499</a>, <a href="#P511">511</a>. - Mantua, Duchess of (Margaret of Savoy), <a href="#P287">287</a>, <a href="#P333">333</a>, <a href="#P346">346</a>, <a href="#P367">367</a>, <a href="#P386">386</a>, <a href="#P387">387</a>. - Maqueda, Duke of, <a href="#P91">91</a>, <a href="#P233">233</a>, <a href="#P490">490</a>. - Margaret of Austria, Queen of Spain, <a href="#P7">7</a>, <a href="#P14">14</a>, <a href="#P26">26</a>, <a href="#P27">27</a>. - Margaret Maria, Infanta, <a href="#P419">419</a>, <a href="#P453">453</a>, <a href="#P501">501</a>. - Maria, Infanta, <a href="#P36">36</a>, <a href="#P50">50</a>, <a href="#P51">51</a>, <a href="#P52">52</a>, <a href="#P65">65</a>, <a href="#P68">68</a>, <a href="#P77">77</a>, <a href="#P84">84</a>, <a href="#P85">85</a>, <a href="#P91">91</a>, <a href="#P97">97</a>, <a href="#P99">99</a>, <a href="#P100">100</a>, - <a href="#P103">103</a>, <a href="#P118">118</a>, <a href="#P120">120</a>, <a href="#P121">121</a>; betrothed to the Emperor's heir, <a href="#P172">172</a>, <a href="#P209">209</a>, - <a href="#P219">219</a>, <a href="#P240">240</a>, <a href="#P403">403</a>. - Maria Teresa, Infanta, <a href="#P353">353</a>, <a href="#P393">393</a>, <a href="#P403">403</a>, <a href="#P414">414</a>, <a href="#P415">415</a>, <a href="#P419">419</a>, <a href="#P453">453</a>, <a href="#P459">459</a>; - her marriage with Louis XIV., <a href="#P466">466-485</a>. - Mariana of Austria, betrothed to Baltasar Carlos, <a href="#P399">399</a>; - betrothed to Philip, <a href="#P403">403</a>, <a href="#P413">413-416</a>; married, <a href="#P417">417-419</a>, <a href="#P449">449</a>, - <a href="#P465">465</a>, <a href="#P472">472</a>, <a href="#P475">475</a>, <a href="#P487">487</a>, <a href="#P489">489</a>, <a href="#P501">501</a>, <a href="#P511">511</a>. - Marie de Medici, <a href="#P29">29</a>, <a href="#P55">55</a>, <a href="#P254">254</a>, <a href="#P266">266</a>, <a href="#P288">288</a>, <a href="#P317">317</a>. - Marston, English resident in Madrid, <a href="#P432">432</a>, <a href="#P433">433</a>. - Mary Stuart (Princess of Orange), <a href="#P276">276</a>, <a href="#P399">399</a>. - Masaniello's revolt, <a href="#P405">405</a>. - Matthew, David, <a href="#P294">294</a>. - Maurice of Nassau, <a href="#P21">21</a>. - Mawe, English chaplain, <a href="#P84">84</a>. - Mazarin, Cardinal, <a href="#P404">404</a>, <a href="#P418">418</a>, <a href="#P438">438</a>, <a href="#P462">462</a>, <a href="#P465">465</a>, <a href="#P467">467</a>, <a href="#P470">470</a>. - Medina Celi, Duke of, <a href="#P288">288</a>, <a href="#P430">430</a>. - Medina de las Torres, Duke of, <a href="#P229">229</a>, <a href="#P460">460</a>, <a href="#P475">475</a>, <a href="#P488">488</a>, <a href="#P489">489</a>, <a href="#P497">497</a>, - <a href="#P510">510</a>, <a href="#P513">513</a>. - Medina Sidonia, Duke of, <a href="#P253">253</a>, <a href="#P286">286</a>, <a href="#P333">333</a>, <a href="#P334">334</a>, <a href="#P357">357</a>. - Melo, General, <a href="#P378">378</a>. - Mendoza, Antonio de, <a href="#P231">231</a>, <a href="#P233">233</a>. - Meninas, the, <a href="#P455">455</a>. - Millan, Don Francisco, <a href="#P165">165</a>. - Montalvo, Count, Corregidor of Madrid, <a href="#P307">307</a>. - Monterey, Count of, <a href="#P194">194</a>, <a href="#P195">195</a>, <a href="#P229">229</a>, <a href="#P230">230</a>, <a href="#P231">231</a>, <a href="#P281">281</a>. - Monzon, Cortes at, <a href="#P165">165</a>. - Moreto, <a href="#P147">147</a>. - Moriscos, the expulsion of, <a href="#P23">23-27</a>. - Moscoso, Antonio de, <a href="#P254">254</a>, <a href="#P255">255</a>, <a href="#P258">258</a>, <a href="#P259">259</a>. - Motte, Marshall de la, <a href="#P357">357</a>, <a href="#P353">353</a>. - Moura, Don Cristobal, <a href="#P286">286</a>. - Münster, Treaty of, <a href="#P404">404</a>, <a href="#P405">405</a> n. - - - - N - - Navarre, <a href="#P398">398</a>. - Nicolalde, Spanish agent in London, <a href="#P275">275</a>, <a href="#P276">276</a>, <a href="#P288">288</a>, <a href="#P290">290</a>, <a href="#P292">292</a>, <a href="#P293">293</a>, <a href="#P295">295</a>. - Nithard, Father, Mariana's confessor, <a href="#P495">495</a>, <a href="#P505">505</a>. - Nocera, Duke of, <a href="#P334">334</a>. - Nördlingen, battle of, <a href="#P260">260</a>, <a href="#P288">288</a>, <a href="#P289">289</a>. - - - - O - - Olivares, the Count-Duke, <a href="#P31">31</a>, <a href="#P32">32</a>, <a href="#P35">35</a>, <a href="#P36">36</a>, <a href="#P37">37</a>, <a href="#P38">38</a>, <a href="#P40">40</a>, <a href="#P43">43</a>, <a href="#P46">46</a>, <a href="#P49">49</a>, - <a href="#P60">60</a>, <a href="#P65">65</a>, <a href="#P66">66</a>, <a href="#P69">69</a>, <a href="#P70">70</a>, <a href="#P72">72</a>, <a href="#P73">73</a>, <a href="#P85">85</a>, <a href="#P104">104-114</a>, <a href="#P121">121</a>, <a href="#P128">128</a>; his policy, - <a href="#P141">141</a>, <a href="#P154">154</a>, <a href="#P155">155</a>, <a href="#P158">158</a>, <a href="#P159">159</a>, <a href="#P160">160-162</a>; in Aragon, <a href="#P163">163-170</a>; - opposition to him, <a href="#P173">173-177</a>, <a href="#P183">183-186</a>; urges Philip to - work, <a href="#P179">179</a>; patron of Velazquez, <a href="#P197">197</a>; negotiations with - England, <a href="#P216">216-225</a>; his entertainment to the King, <a href="#P230">230-235</a>; - builds the Buen Retiro, <a href="#P238">238-241</a>; his negotiations with - Hopton, <a href="#P242">242</a> et seq.; and the Catalan Cortes, <a href="#P254">254-259</a>; - fresh negotiations with England, <a href="#P262">262</a>; his unpopularity, - <a href="#P265">265</a>; secret negotiation with Charles I., <a href="#P266">266</a>, <a href="#P275">275</a>, <a href="#P276">276</a>, <a href="#P288">288</a>, - <a href="#P289">289-295</a>; opposes Philip's journey, <a href="#P297">297</a>; again - approaches England, <a href="#P312">312</a>, <a href="#P313">313</a>; negotiations dropped, <a href="#P324">324</a>, <a href="#P325">325</a>; - his policy in Portugal, etc., <a href="#P332">332</a>, <a href="#P333">333</a>; his decline, <a href="#P352">352</a>; goes - to Aragon, <a href="#P362">362</a>; his fall, <a href="#P366">366-374</a>; his death, <a href="#P375">375</a>. - Olivares, Countess of, <a href="#P210">210</a>, <a href="#P220">220</a>, <a href="#P230">230</a>, <a href="#P273">273</a>, <a href="#P367">367-375</a>, <a href="#P386">386</a>, <a href="#P387">387</a>. - Oñate, Count, <a href="#P295">295</a>, <a href="#P313">313</a>, <a href="#P460">460</a>. - Oquendo, Admiral, his quarrel with Spinola, <a href="#P304">304</a>. - Orange, Prince of, <a href="#P287">287</a>. - Orleans, Gaston, Duke of, <a href="#P254">254</a>, <a href="#P266">266</a>, <a href="#P288">288</a>, <a href="#P315">315</a>. - O'Sullivan, Beare, Count of Bearhaven, <a href="#P216">216</a>. - Osuña, Duke of, <a href="#P45">45</a>. - - - - P - - Pacheco, Don Juan, <a href="#P329">329</a>. - Padilla, Carlos de, execution of, <a href="#P408">408</a>. - Palatinate, the, <a href="#P37">37</a>, <a href="#P70">70</a>, <a href="#P116">116</a>, <a href="#P120">120</a>, <a href="#P216">216</a>, <a href="#P217">217-225</a>, <a href="#P242">242</a>, <a href="#P251">251</a>, <a href="#P266">266</a>, - <a href="#P274">274</a>, <a href="#P296">296</a>, <a href="#P313">313</a>, <a href="#P314">314</a>, <a href="#P423">423</a>. - Peace of the Pyrenees, <a href="#P465">465-474</a>. - Pennington, Admiral, <a href="#P324">324</a>. - Philip II., <a href="#P11">11</a>, <a href="#P12">12</a>, <a href="#P13">13</a>, <a href="#P14">14</a>, <a href="#P20">20</a>, <a href="#P21">21</a>, <a href="#P23">23</a>, <a href="#P40">40</a>. - Philip III., <a href="#P1">1</a>, <a href="#P6">6</a>, <a href="#P7">7</a>, <a href="#P11">11</a>, <a href="#P19">19</a>, <a href="#P22">22</a>, <a href="#P27">27</a>, <a href="#P28">28</a>, <a href="#P30">30</a>, <a href="#P31">31</a>, <a href="#P32">32</a>; his death, - <a href="#P36">36-40</a>, <a href="#P51">51</a>, <a href="#P68">68</a>, <a href="#P69">69</a>. - Philip IV., christening of, at Valladolid, <a href="#P1">1-10</a>; his childhood, - <a href="#P26">26-30</a>; his marriage, <a href="#P31">31</a>; under the influence of - Olivares, <a href="#P35">35</a>; his accession, <a href="#P42">42</a>; his reforms, <a href="#P46">46</a>; his own - account of affairs, <a href="#P50">50</a>; early profligacy, <a href="#P54">54</a>; his character, - <a href="#P60">60</a>; his attitude towards the English match, <a href="#P51">51</a>, <a href="#P52">52</a>, <a href="#P74">74</a>, <a href="#P81">81</a>; - his reception of Charles, <a href="#P86">86-92</a>, <a href="#P97">97-99</a>; his reforms, <a href="#P135">135</a>; - his mode of life, <a href="#P143">143</a>; his garb, <a href="#P144">144</a>; goes to Aragon, - <a href="#P162">162</a>; quarrels with the Aragonese, <a href="#P163">163-170</a>; his pity for - Castile, <a href="#P170">170</a>, <a href="#P171">171</a>; and his brothers, <a href="#P174">174-186</a>; promises - to work, <a href="#P180">180</a>, <a href="#P181">181</a>; his serious illness, <a href="#P183">183</a>; scruples of - conscience, <a href="#P187">187</a>; his liking for Velazquez, <a href="#P189">189-200</a>; his - literary and dramatic tastes, <a href="#P200">200-202</a>; his amours, <a href="#P206">206</a>; - the Calderona, <a href="#P207">207</a>; his field sports, <a href="#P211">211-213</a>; receives - Cottington, <a href="#P221">221</a>, <a href="#P224">224</a>; at an entertainment, <a href="#P230">230-235</a>; goes - to Barcelona, <a href="#P254">254-259</a>; his domestic life in Madrid, <a href="#P283">283</a>; - negotiations with England, <a href="#P290">290-295</a>, <a href="#P296">296</a>; insists upon - going to Aragon, <a href="#P297">297</a>; at a grand entertainment, <a href="#P318">318</a>; - scandal of the Nun of St. Placido, <a href="#P348">348</a>; goes to Aragon, - <a href="#P359">359</a>; his good resolves after dismissing Olivares, <a href="#P377">377</a>; - returns to Aragon, <a href="#P379">379</a>, <a href="#P381">381</a>, <a href="#P389">389</a>, <a href="#P395">395</a>, <a href="#P398">398</a>, <a href="#P401">401</a>; betrothed - to Mariana, <a href="#P403">403</a>; his marriage, <a href="#P413">413</a>; his mode of life, - <a href="#P420">420</a>; his attitude towards the English Commonwealth, <a href="#P423">423-440</a>; - his garb, <a href="#P447">447</a>; his poverty, <a href="#P449">449</a>, <a href="#P455">455</a>; his despondency, <a href="#P452">452</a>, <a href="#P470">470</a>; - he visits the frontier for his daughter's marriage, <a href="#P475">475</a>; splendid - ceremonies, <a href="#P478">478-485</a>; said to be bewitched, <a href="#P490">490</a>; intrigues - around him, <a href="#P505">505</a>; his last illness, <a href="#P509">509</a>; his death, <a href="#P511">511</a>; - his burial, <a href="#P513">513</a>; his character, <a href="#P515">515</a> - Philip IV., his letters to Sor Maria, <a href="#P381">381</a>, <a href="#P389">389</a>, <a href="#P395">395</a>, <a href="#P399">399</a>, <a href="#P400">400</a>; - <a href="#P402">402</a>, <a href="#P406">406</a>, <a href="#P417">417</a>, <a href="#P457">457</a>, <a href="#P468">468</a>, <a href="#P491">491</a>, <a href="#P492">492</a>, <a href="#P505">505</a>. - Philip Prosper, Infante, <a href="#P456">456-462</a>, <a href="#P463">463</a>, <a href="#P465">465</a>, <a href="#P470">470</a>, <a href="#P486">486</a>; dies, <a href="#P491">491</a>. - Poëtting, Count, Austrian ambassador, <a href="#P505">505</a>. - Polanco, Dr., <a href="#P184">184</a>. - Porter, Endymion, <a href="#P70">70</a>, <a href="#P77">77</a>, <a href="#P81">81</a>, <a href="#P100">100</a>. - Portugal, Dom Duarte de, <a href="#P88">88</a>. - Portugal, Queen of, <a href="#P334">334</a>, <a href="#P464">464</a>. - Portugal, revolt of, <a href="#P268">268</a>, <a href="#P333">333</a>, <a href="#P344">344-346</a>, <a href="#P405">405</a>, <a href="#P423">423</a>, <a href="#P464">464</a>, <a href="#P487">487</a>, <a href="#P494">494</a>, <a href="#P495">495</a>. - Pozo, Count, <a href="#P329">329</a>. - Priego, Duke of, <a href="#P342">342</a>. - Priego, Marquis of, <a href="#P460">460</a>. - Prodgers, Captain, murderer of Ascham, <a href="#P433">433</a> et seq. - Punoñrostro, Count of, <a href="#P461">461</a>. - - - - Q - - Quevedo, <a href="#P147">147</a>, <a href="#P200">200</a>, <a href="#P231">231</a>, <a href="#P233">233</a>, <a href="#P355">355</a>. - Quiñones, Suero, his promise of pictures to Charles I., <a href="#P296">296</a> n. - - - - R - - Rahosa, the Infanta's confessor, <a href="#P95">95</a>. - Rentin, Marquis of, <a href="#P63">63</a>. - Ribera, Archbishop of Valencia, <a href="#P3">3</a>. - Richelieu, his rivalry with Olivares, <a href="#P154">154</a>, <a href="#P155">155</a>, <a href="#P214">214</a> et seq., - <a href="#P226">226</a>, <a href="#P260">260</a>, <a href="#P261">261</a>, <a href="#P288">288</a>, <a href="#P289">289</a>, <a href="#P303">303</a>, <a href="#P315">315</a>, <a href="#P325">325</a>, <a href="#P334">334</a>, <a href="#P335">335</a>, <a href="#P364">364</a>, <a href="#P376">376</a>. - Roche, Valentine, murderer of Ascham, <a href="#P433">433</a>. - Rocroy, battle of, <a href="#P378">378</a>. - Rojas, Francisco de, <a href="#P197">197</a>, <a href="#P262">262</a>, <a href="#P312">312</a>, <a href="#P373">373</a>. - Rubens, Peter Paul, <a href="#P217">217</a>, <a href="#P218">218</a>, <a href="#P224">224</a>. - - - - S - - St. Isidore, the Husbandman, <a href="#P61">61</a>, <a href="#P335">335</a>, <a href="#P392">392</a>. - St. Placido, the scandals of, <a href="#P272">272</a>, <a href="#P347">347-350</a>. - St. Teresa, <a href="#P61">61</a>. - Salazar, Count, <a href="#P329">329</a>. - Salazar, Father, invents stamped paper, <a href="#P320">320</a>. - Salinas, Count of, Howard lodges in his house, <a href="#P5">5</a>. - Salvatierra, Countess of, <a href="#P459">459</a>. - Sandoval, house of. <i>See</i> Lerma. - Sandoval de Rojas, Cardinal, <a href="#P26">26</a>. - San Lucar, Duke of, <a href="#P49">49</a>. <i>See</i> also Olivares. - Santa Coloma, Viceroy of Catalonia, <a href="#P340">340</a>; killed, <a href="#P343">343</a>. - Santa Cruz, Marquis of, <a href="#P361">361</a>. - Saragossa, Philip at, <a href="#P164">164</a>, <a href="#P363">363</a>, <a href="#P381">381</a>, <a href="#P391">391</a>, <a href="#P399">399</a>. - Sastago, Count, <a href="#P301">301</a>. - Savoy, Duke of, <a href="#P24">24</a>, <a href="#P154">154</a>, <a href="#P215">215</a>, <a href="#P315">315</a>. - Scaglia, Abbé, an English agent in Madrid, <a href="#P216">216</a>, <a href="#P217">217</a>. - Schomberg, Marshal, <a href="#P357">357</a>, <a href="#P487">487</a>. - Seven Chimneys, the house with the, <a href="#P67">67</a>, <a href="#P81">81</a>, <a href="#P498">498</a>. - Silva, General, <a href="#P397">397</a>. - Silva, Pedro de, execution of, <a href="#P408">408</a>. - Simancas, English embassy lodged at, <a href="#P4">4</a>. - Soissons, Count of, <a href="#P315">315</a>. - Sor Maria of Agreda, <a href="#P379">379-384</a>, <a href="#P395">395</a>, <a href="#P398">398-401</a>, <a href="#P407">407</a>, <a href="#P417">417</a>, <a href="#P462">462</a> - et seq.; her death, <a href="#P506">506</a>. - Sotomayor, Philip's confessor, <a href="#P42">42</a>, <a href="#P229">229</a>, <a href="#P349">349</a>. - Spain, condition of (in 1600), <a href="#P17">17</a> et seq.; (1621), <a href="#P45">45</a> et seq.; - <a href="#P50">50</a>, <a href="#P51">51</a>, <a href="#P130">130-135</a>, <a href="#P242">242</a>, <a href="#P243">243</a>, <a href="#P263">263</a>, <a href="#P277">277</a>, <a href="#P279">279</a>, <a href="#P299">299</a>, <a href="#P309">309</a>, (1637), - <a href="#P320">320</a>, <a href="#P327">327</a>, <a href="#P338">338</a>, (1654-1660), <a href="#P441">441-447</a>. - Spanish match. <i>See</i> Charles, Prince of Wales. - Sparkes, murderer of Ascham, <a href="#P433">433</a>. - Spinola, Marquis, <a href="#P155">155</a>. - Spinola, Nicholas, quarrels with Oquendo, <a href="#P304">304</a>, <a href="#P328">328</a>, <a href="#P329">329</a>. - Strada, Carlos, <a href="#P318">318</a>. - Suarez Diego, Portuguese minister, <a href="#P333">333</a>. - Sumptuary laws, <a href="#P131">131</a>, <a href="#P137">137</a>, <a href="#P309">309</a>, <a href="#P319">319</a>, <a href="#P320">320</a>, <a href="#P445">445</a>, <a href="#P447">447</a>, <a href="#P476">476</a>. - - - - T - - Tavara, Margaret, <a href="#P79">79</a>. - Taxation in Spain, <a href="#P17">17</a>, <a href="#P18">18</a>, <a href="#P19">19</a>, <a href="#P20">20</a>, <a href="#P162">162</a>, <a href="#P170">170</a>, <a href="#P243">243</a>, <a href="#P252">252</a>, <a href="#P253">253</a>, - <a href="#P263">263</a>, <a href="#P277">277</a>, <a href="#P279">279</a>, <a href="#P296">296</a>, <a href="#P309">309</a>, <a href="#P319">319</a>, <a href="#P325">325</a>, <a href="#P338">338</a>, <a href="#P352">352</a>, <a href="#P366">366</a>, <a href="#P406">406</a> n., <a href="#P444">444</a>, - <a href="#P448">448</a>, <a href="#P468">468</a>, <a href="#P492">492</a>, <a href="#P493">493</a>, <a href="#P504">504</a>. - Taylor, English agent in Spain, <a href="#P288">288</a>. - Tejada, Auditor, <a href="#P281">281</a>. - Theatres (Corrales) of Madrid, <a href="#P147">147</a>, <a href="#P201">201</a>; description of a - performance, <a href="#P202">202-206</a>, <a href="#P444">444</a>. - Theatrical craze, <a href="#P57">57</a>, <a href="#P60">60</a>, <a href="#P61">61</a>, <a href="#P147">147</a>, <a href="#P201">201-206</a>, <a href="#P233">233</a>, <a href="#P444">444</a>. - Thirty Years' War and Spain, <a href="#P245">245-249</a>, <a href="#P260">260</a>, <a href="#P267">267</a>, <a href="#P289">289</a>, <a href="#P300">300-303</a>, <a href="#P315">315</a>. - Tilly, Imperial general, <a href="#P156">156</a>, <a href="#P249">249</a>. - Tirlemont, battle of, <a href="#P293">293</a>. - Toledo, Pedro de, Marquis of Villafranca, <a href="#P64">64</a>, <a href="#P65">65</a>. - Torrecusa, Marquis, <a href="#P365">365</a>. - Turenne, Marshal, <a href="#P462">462</a>. - Tyrone, Earl of, <a href="#P223">223</a>, <a href="#P312">312</a>, <a href="#P344">344</a>. - - - - U - - Uceda, Duke of, <a href="#P30">30</a>, <a href="#P32">32</a>, <a href="#P33">33</a>, <a href="#P37">37</a>, <a href="#P40">40</a>; his fall, <a href="#P43">43</a>, <a href="#P45">45</a>. - - - - V - - Valette, Duke de la, <a href="#P335">335</a>, <a href="#P336">336</a>, <a href="#P344">344</a>. - Valladolid, Philip's christening at, <a href="#P1">1-10</a>, <a href="#P19">19</a>. - Vallejo, an actor, <a href="#P231">231</a>. - Vasconcellos, Miguel, Portuguese minister, <a href="#P333">333</a>, <a href="#P346">346</a>. - Velazquez, Diego, <a href="#P197">197-200</a>, <a href="#P212">212</a>, <a href="#P282">282</a>, <a href="#P284">284</a>, <a href="#P350">350</a>, <a href="#P373">373</a>, <a href="#P385">385</a>, - <a href="#P454">454-456</a>, <a href="#P477">477</a>, <a href="#P481">481</a>. - Verdugo Fernando, <a href="#P63">63</a>, <a href="#P65">65</a>. - Verney, Sir Edmund, <a href="#P102">102</a>. - Villa Mediana, Count of, murder of, <a href="#P56">56-59</a>, <a href="#P196">196</a>. - Villamor, Count, <a href="#P88">88</a>. - Villanueva, Geronimo de, State Secretary, <a href="#P238">238</a>, <a href="#P319">319</a> n., <a href="#P348">348-351</a>. - - - - W - - War with France, <a href="#P154">154-158</a>, <a href="#P214">214</a> et seq., <a href="#P226">226</a>, <a href="#P274">274</a>, <a href="#P303">303</a>, <a href="#P315">315</a>, <a href="#P325">325</a>, - <a href="#P334">334</a>, <a href="#P340">340-343</a>, <a href="#P357">357</a> et seq., <a href="#P378">378</a>, <a href="#P391">391</a>, <a href="#P397">397</a>, <a href="#P422">422</a>, <a href="#P448">448</a>, <a href="#P452">452</a>, - <a href="#P465">465-467</a>. - Washington, page to Charles in Madrid, <a href="#P102">102</a>. - Williams, Captain, murderer of Ascham, <a href="#P433">433</a>. - Wimbledon, Lord (Sir E. Cecil), his attack on Cadiz, <a href="#P126">126</a>, <a href="#P154">154</a>, <a href="#P157">157</a>. - Windebank, Secretary, <a href="#P275">275</a>, <a href="#P276">276</a>, <a href="#P278">278</a>, <a href="#P288">288</a>, <a href="#P291">291</a>, <a href="#P323">323</a>. - Windebank, Kit, his escapade in Madrid, <a href="#P323">323</a>. - Wren, English chaplain, <a href="#P84">84</a>. - Wright, Sir Benjamin, <a href="#P501">501</a>. - - - - Z - - Zapata, Cardinal, Inquisitor, <a href="#P152">152</a>, <a href="#P229">229</a>, <a href="#P268">268</a>. - Zapata, Lieutenant of the Guard, <a href="#P301">301</a>, <a href="#P329">329</a>. - Zuñiga, Baltasar de, <a href="#P38">38</a>, <a href="#P43">43</a>, <a href="#P49">49</a>, <a href="#P52">52</a>. -</pre> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="t4"> - <i>Printed by</i><br /> - MORRISON & GIBB LIMITED<br /> - <i>Edinburgh</i><br /> -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /><br /></p> - - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Court of Philip IV., by Martin Hume - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE COURT OF PHILIP IV. *** - -***** This file should be named 50125-h.htm or 50125-h.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/0/1/2/50125/ - -Produced by Al Haines -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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