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<div>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 45993 ***</div>
<h1 class="pg">The Project Gutenberg eBook, Bohemia under Hapsburg Misrule, by Various,
Edited by Thomas Čapek</h1>
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<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[1]</a></span><br /></p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[2]</a></span><br /></p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[3]</a></span></p>

<h1>
BOHEMIA UNDER
HAPSBURG MISRULE</h1>

<p class="p2 center">A Study of the Ideals and Aspirations of the Bohemian and
Slovak Peoples, as they relate to and are affected
by the great European War</p>

<p class="p2 center">EDITED BY<br />

<span class="large">THOMAS ČAPEK</span><br />

Author of “Slovaks of Hungary,” etc.</p>

<div class="figcenter" style="width: 66px;">
<img src="images/colophon.png" width="66" height="100" alt="colophon" />
</div>

<p class="p2 center"><span class="smcap">New York</span>      <span class="smcap">Chicago</span>      <span class="smcap">Toronto</span><br />
Fleming H. Revell Company<br />
<span class="smcap">London and Edinburgh</span>
</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[4]</a></span></p>




<p class="break p4 center">
Copyright, 1915, by<br />
FLEMING H. REVELL COMPANY
</p>

<p class="p4 center">
New York: 158 Fifth Avenue<br />
Chicago: 125 N. Wabash Ave.<br />
Toronto: 25 Richmond St., W.<br />
London: 21 Paternoster Square<br />
Edinburgh: 100 Princes Street
</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[5]</a></span></p>




<p class="break p4 center">
<span class="blackletter">Dedicated</span><br />
<i>To the Cause of<br />
Bohemian-Slovak Freedom</i><br />
</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[6]</a></span></p>



<div class="center">
<div class="break p4 centred">

<i><span class="i4">“I trust in God that the<br /></span>
Government of Thine affairs will again<br />
revert to Thee, O Bohemian People!</i>”<br />

<div class="sig"><span class="smcap">John Amos Comenius.</span>
<br />
(In exile.)</div>
</div></div>



<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[7]</a></span></p>




<h2>PREFACE</h2>


<p>The object of this volume is to make Bohemia
and her people better known to the English-speaking
world. The average Englishman’s
and American’s knowledge of Bohemia is
very vague. It is only within recent years that
Anglo-American writers have begun to take a
deeper interest in her people. Among the more
prominent students of Bohemian contemporary life
should be mentioned: Will S. Monroe, Emily G.
Balch, and Herbert Adolphus Miller, in the United
States; and A. R. Colquhoun, Richard J. Kelly,
F. P. Marchant, James Baker, Wickham H. Steed,
Charles Edmund Maurice, W. R. Morfill, and R.
W. Seton-Watson in England. Count Lützow has
written in English a number of works on Bohemian
matters.</p>

<p>While it is yet too early to foresee the precise
results of the Great War, one may judge of coming
events by the shadows they cast before them. A
close observer of the Austrian shadows is justified
in thinking that the Bohemian people, so long suppressed,
stand on the threshold of a new destiny.
This destiny points to the restoration of their ancient
freedom. If the Allies win&mdash;and every loyal<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[8]</a></span>
son of the Land of Hus fervently wishes that
their arms might prevail, notwithstanding the fact
that Bohemian soldiers are constrained to fight for
the cause of the two Kaisers&mdash;Bohemia is certain
to re-enter the family of self-governing European
nations. The proclamation which the Russian
Generalissimo addressed to the Poles may be said
to apply with equal force to the Bohemians: “The
hour has sounded when the sacred dream of your
fathers may be realized.... Bohemia will be
born again, free in her religion, her language, and
autonomous.... The dawn of a new life begins
for you.... In this glorious dawn is seen the sign
of the cross, the symbol of suffering and the resurrection
of a people.”</p>

<p>At the close of the Franco-Prussian War,
Frenchmen erected in the Place de la Concorde in
Paris the Statue of Strassburg, which they have
kept draped, as a sign of mourning for the loss of
their beloved Alsace-Lorraine. The Bohemians
have grieved for their motherland much longer
than the French for the “Lost Provinces.”
Bohemia put on her mourning garb in 1620, the
year her rebel army was defeated by the imperialist
troops of Ferdinand II., at the Battle of White
Mountain near Prague, the capital of the kingdom.
May it not be hoped that the joyous moment is near
when her sons can substitute for the black and yel<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[9]</a></span>low
of Austria the red and white of Bohemia&mdash;the
colors that Charles Havlíček loved so well. “My
colors are red and white,” declared this fearless
patriot to his Austrian tormentors. “You can
promise me, you can threaten me, but a traitor
I shall never be.”</p>

<p>Never during the three hundred years of Austrian
misrule were conditions so propitious for
throwing off the shackles of oppression as now.
In the darkest hours of national humiliation, the
children of Hus and of Komenský (Comenius) did
not despair. “We existed before Austria,”
Palacký used to tell them, “and we shall survive
her.” May not the words of the “Father of his
Country,” as Palacký was affectionately called by
his countrymen, come true, in view of what is taking
place in the Hapsburg Monarchy to-day?</p>

<p>With what form of government would Bohemia
make her re-entry into the European family of nations&mdash;as
a free state, as a dependency of Russia,
as a ward of the Allies, or incorporated in a federation
of the states remaining to the Hapsburg Empire?</p>

<p>It was a favorite theory of Palacký that the Austrian
nations would, for their own protection, have
to create an Austria, if she were ever destroyed.
But what Palacký has said may no longer be true,
because the events of 1914 have created issues and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[10]</a></span>
opened up possibilities undreamt of in his times.
Palacký, let it be understood, had in mind a Confederated
Austria that should form a bulwark for
small races against German expansion from the
north and the west.</p>

<p>It has been intimated that the Allies might agree
to create Bohemia and Hungary as independent
buffer states to curb German aggression, just as
Belgium and Holland are buffer states between
Germany and France. If this war has shown anything,
it has demonstrated the usefulness of a small
state like that of the Belgians. Albania, it will be
recalled, had been brought into being by Austria
and Italy, not for humanitarian reasons, we may
be sure, but to menace and weaken Serbia, of
whose growth they were jealous.</p>

<p>Another probability is that Russia might demand,
as one of the prizes of war, the cession of the
northern part of Austria-Hungary, which is wholly
Slavic. She might contend that she could not carry
out her traditional policy of guardianship of the
Slavs, unless her kinsfolk came under her influence,
if not actually under her rule.</p>

<p>Francis Josef waged two wars in the past, both
of which ended disastrously for the empire. Yet
from both of these wars good has come to his subjects.
The campaign in Italy, which resulted in
the defeat of the Austrians at Magenta and Sol<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[11]</a></span>ferino
in 1859, dealt a severe blow to the bureaucracy,
liberating, incidentally, the Italians who were
trampled under foot by Radecky. As a result of
the war with Prussia in 1866, the Magyars came to
their own. Hungarian autonomy dates from 1867.
Now it is the turn of the Bohemians to profit from
Austria’s predicament.</p>

<p>Self-government is not only an ideal but a necessity
to Bohemians. Why should Bohemia, in addition
to paying for her own needs, make good the
deficits of lands which are passive, and in whose
domestic affairs she has no greater interest than the
State of New York has, for instance, in the local
constabulary of Nevada? Year after year Bohemians
justly complain that Vienna wrings millions
in taxes from them that it spends on lands
that are passive. It is partly this feature of the
case, the high revenue flowing from the Bohemian
Kingdom, which has made Vienna hostile to the
home rule agitation. Is it reasonable to suppose,
however, that if Austria could not wholly suppress
the national aspiration of Bohemians in times of
peace, under normal conditions, she is more likely
to accomplish it if she returns home from the war
exhausted, humiliated, perchance vanquished?</p>

<p>It may seem hazardous to forecast Austria’s
future in the event of the Allies winning. But this
much is already apparent, that the Austria of 1914,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[12]</a></span>
the government of which rested on the mediæval
idea that one white race was superior to another
white race, is doomed to perish. Austria needed
a crushing blow from without, such as a lost war,
to send toppling the ramshackle structure that has
menaced for so long a time the security of the
Slavic inhabitants. For, though rent by internal
discord, the monarchy obviously lacked forces
powerful enough to effect its own redemption. If
the Teutonic forces are beaten, the logical sequel
will be the breakdown of the Germanic hegemony
and a corresponding rise of Slavism. With Poland
resuscitated and Serbia strengthened, Vienna, it
is certain, will be powerless to hold the Bohemians
down.</p>

<p>But no matter what may happen, whether Austria-Hungary
will remain Hapsburg, whether the
Allies will impose their will on her destiny, or
whether the Russians will become the masters of
the North Slavs, let us hope that the future map-makers
will not be military conquerors, as was the
case at the Congress of Vienna in 1814, or statesmen
of the Bismarck type, who, at the Berlin Congress
in 1878, were determined to separate the people
of one race, instead of uniting them. Let the
map-makers be ethnologists who will, wherever
practicable, deliminate boundaries according to
racial, not political lines, giving German territory<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[13]</a></span>
to the Germans, Magyar territory to the people of
that race, Slavic lands to the Slavs.</p>

<p>Bohemia would not assume the serious task of
self-government as an inexperienced novice. Bohemia
is one of the oldest states in Central Europe.
As a kingdom she antedates the German kingdoms,
not excepting Prussia, Saxony, Bavaria. Some of
these were yet minor states when she already played
a conspicuous rôle in the affairs of Europe. In
point of population the United States of Bohemia&mdash;including
Bohemia herself, Moravia, Silesia, and
Slovakland&mdash;would have within her borders a
population numbering about 12,000,000. The
combined area of the three first-named states is
almost twice the size of Switzerland. Prague, the
capital, had in 1910 581,163 inhabitants. As a
wealth-providing and revenue-yielding country
Bohemia stands unrivalled among the Hapsburg
States.</p>

<p class="sig">
T. Č.</p>
<p><span class="smcap">New York</span>
</p>



<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[14]</a></span><br /></p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[15]</a></span></p>




<h2>CONTENTS</h2>



<div class="center">
<table class="toc" border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="">
<tr><td align="left">I. <span class="smcap">Have the Bohemians a Place in the Sun?</span></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_17">17</a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="i2">Thomas Čapek.</td></tr>
<tr><td align="left">II. <span class="smcap">The Slovaks of Hungary</span></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_113">113</a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="i2">Thomas Čapek.</td></tr>
<tr><td align="left">III. <span class="smcap">Why Bohemia Deserves Freedom</span></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_123">123</a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="i2">Professor Bohumil Šimek.</td></tr>
<tr><td align="left">IV. <span class="smcap">The Bohemian Character</span></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_130">130</a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="i2">Professor H. A. Miller.</td></tr>
<tr><td align="left">V. <span class="smcap">Place of Bohemia in the Creative Arts</span></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_153">153</a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="i2">Professor Will S. Monroe.</td></tr>
<tr><td align="left">VI. <span class="smcap">The Bohemians and the Slavic Regeneration</span></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_160">160</a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="i2">Professor Leo Wiener.</td></tr>
<tr><td align="left">Addenda. <span class="smcap">The Bohemians as Immigrants</span></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_176">176</a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="i2">Professor Emily G. Balch.</td></tr>
</table></div>



<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[16]</a></span><br /></p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[17]</a></span></p>




<h2>I <br />HAVE THE BOHEMIANS A PLACE IN
THE SUN?</h2>


<p>Bohemia (German <span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Böhmen</span>, Bohemian
<span lang="cs" xml:lang="cs">Čechy</span><a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a>) has an area of 20,223 square
miles, and is bounded on the north by
Saxony and Prussian Silesia; on the east by Prussia
and Moravia; on the south by Lower Austria;
on the west by Bavaria. According to the census
of 1910, 4,241,918 inhabitants declared for Bohemian
and 2,467,724 for the German language.</p>

<p>Historians recognize two epochal events in the
life of the nation. The first begins with the outbreak
of the Hussite wars, following the death of
King Václav IV. in 1419; the second, with the
battle of White Mountain in 1620. The period<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[18]</a></span>
intervening between the first two events is referred
to as the Middle Age. That which preceded
the Hussite wars is called the Old Age, and,
that which followed the defeat at White Mountain,
the New Age.</p>


<h3>THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE</h3>

<p>The Margravate of Moravia, a sister state of
Bohemia, and one of her crown-lands, contains an
area of 8,583 square miles. The population of
Moravia is 1,868,971 Bohemians and 719,435
Germans.</p>

<p>The third crown-land of Bohemia is the Duchy
of Silesia, with an area of 1,987 square miles.
The population is divided as follows: 180,348
Bohemians, 325,523 Germans, 235,224 Poles.<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p>

<p>Although statisticians found in Austria, in
1910, only 6,435,983 Bohemians, it is generally
known that the actual figure is higher by several
hundred thousands. Singularly enough, the test
in Austria of one’s nationality is not the mother<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[19]</a></span>
tongue of the citizen, as elsewhere, but the lingual
medium which one employs in daily association
with others. This medium the statisticians designate
the “<span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Verkehrsprache</span>”&mdash;the “Language of
Association.” The first decennial census, under
this novel system, was taken in 1880, and the results
thereby obtained pleased Vienna so well that
the method has remained in use ever since. When
the matter was debated in parliament in 1880 the
Bohemians and other Slavs indignantly protested
against it as unscientific and as a device dictated
by political motives. A census so taken, they contended,
was calculated to raise by artful means the
numerical strength of the Germans and to deduce
from it the superior importance to the state of the
Germanic element to the disadvantage of the non-Germans.<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
It was argued that the mother tongue
of the citizens should serve as the test of one’s
nationality, not the language in which the Slavic
workman may be compelled to address his German
employer or a Slavic subaltern his German military
superior. But, as usual, Slavic opposition was
over-ridden. Even fair-minded Austrians condemned
the system as unscientific. Innama-Sternegg,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[20]</a></span>
for instance, deplored the fact that the
empire should have recourse to the “<span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Verkehrsprache</span>”
test for political purposes. On this
ground Austrian official figures should be scrutinized
with extreme caution. It has repeatedly been
proven by private census-takers that the official
census is unreliable, and that it grossly underestimates
the numerical strength of the Bohemians.</p>

<p>From an agricultural state, that it was until recently,
Bohemia is rapidly changing into an industrial
state. Two of the most valuable products,
which make for the wealth of industrial countries,
namely, coal and iron, the hills of Bohemia contain
in abundance. Among her specialties, which have
acquired world-wide renown, are decorated and
engraved glassware, beer (Pilsener), high-class
cotton textiles and linen goods, grass seeds, embroidery,
hops, fezzes worn by the Mohammedan
people of the Orient, toys, etc.</p>

<p>From times immemorial, Bohemia has been the
battle-ground between the Slav and the Teuton. A
glance at the map of Central Europe will tell the
story. Most westerly of all the Slavic peoples, the
Bohemians are surrounded on the north, west, and
south by Germans. Only on the south and east
frontiers are there strips of territory that connect
them with kindred races. More than once the Germanic
sea has threatened to engulf them in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[21]</a></span>
same way that it swept away the Slavic tribes
that lived north of them in Lusatia and of whose
existence nothing now remains but the Slavic
names of rivers and cities. The struggle for supremacy
in Bohemia may be said to have begun the
year the fabled leader Čech, in the gray dawn of
history (about 450 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span>), migrated to the country,
having dispossessed the non-Slavic tribes of Boii,
from whom Bohemia acquired her name. The Hussite
wars in the fifteenth century are popularly believed
to have been waged to free men’s intellects
from the spiritual trammels of Rome; yet in the last
analysis it will be found that the Hussites, in making
war on the invaders who poured into the country
from Germany, rejoiced in vanquishing alike
the foes of their race and the oppressors of their
conscience. Such, at least, is the conviction that
one acquires in perusing those chapters of the
history of the country that treat of the Hussite
wars.</p>

<p>Jointly with Moravia, Bohemia formed the
nucleus of the Bohemian State; this state had
never ceased to be Bohemian-Slavic in character,
though at times ruled by alien kings. The whole
of Silesia and both Lusatias (Upper and Lower)
also constituted part and parcel of this state, yet
the latter were never so closely affiliated with
Bohemia as Moravia had been, because the in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[22]</a></span>habitants
of the Lusatias were not by origin or
preponderatingly Bohemian, but of Polish and
Serb (Wend) ancestry, having been largely Germanized
at the time they passed under the rule of
the Bohemian Kings in the fourteenth century.</p>

<p>Generally speaking, the Bohemians inhabited
the flat lands of the interior, while the Germans
overflowed the border line on the south, west, and
north, forming an almost uninterrupted chain of
settlements. As a matter of fact, however, there
is no compact, unmixed German territory in Bohemia,
which is exclusively German and into
which the Bohemian workman, going in search of
employment to the mines, mills, and shops in the
northwest, has not penetrated, and in which he has
not domiciled himself. The invasion of Bohemian
workmen has virtually rendered bilingual every
such Germanized district where industrialism
flourishes.</p>

<p>So intermixed are the two races on the border
line that a person cannot say confidently that his
ancestry is either pure German or pure Bohemian.
Observe, for example, the names of Bohemian leaders:
Rieger, Brauner, Grégr, Zeithammer. They
have an unmistakable Teutonic ring. Again, note
the names of Schmeykal, Tascheck, Chlumecky,
and Giskra, who lead the German cohorts. These
clearly betray Slavic origin. It has been remarked<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[23]</a></span>
sarcastically that the Bohemians were really German-speaking
Slavs. Certain it is that their association
of more than a thousand years’ duration
with Teutonic neighbors resulted in their accepting
many of the latter’s customs and western culture.
Then, too, foreigners have noticed in
Bohemians a degree of aggressiveness that they
claim is singularly lacking in the make-up of the
other Slavs. This trait, aggressiveness, may have
been inherited as a result of an almost ceaseless
struggle for national existence. It is not improbable,
however, that the racial mixture above mentioned
may have been one of the contributing
causes.</p>

<p>Fear of the Teutonic peril has always harried
the soul of the nation. Every historian, every
poet, every patriot has admonished the people
to be on their guard. One of the oldest chorals
extant contains the pathetic invocation to the
patron saint of the country. “St. Václav, Duke of
the Bohemian Land, do not let us perish nor our
descendants.”</p>

<p>In course of time many Germans and denationalized
Bohemians were Bohemianized, so that it is
hazardous to guess whether in Bohemia and
Moravia more Germans adopted the Bohemian
language than Bohemians the German. The final
sum of this process of assimilation seems to be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[24]</a></span>
that the Bohemians constitute more than two-thirds
and the Germans less than one-third of the entire
population of the kingdom.</p>

<p>As regards the ownership of land, Bohemians
hold about three-fifths of the soil, in Moravia three-fourths.
If it is true that the people with a future
is the one that owns the land, then the future of
Bohemians is clearly assured. Looking backward,
it was very fortunate for the nation that in the
days of its deepest abasement the peasant was not
allowed to dispose of his holdings at will, otherwise
the inrush of the Teutons would have still
more reduced the national area.</p>

<p>If we accept literacy as one of the tests of the
culture of a people, it will be found that the Bohemians
rank highest among the Slavic races, surpassing
even Austrian-Germans and Hungarian
Magyars. According to the official reports of the
Commissioner of Immigration in Washington, the
number of illiterates among Bohemians is less
than 3 per cent., Slovaks 25 per cent., Serbo-Croatians,
38 per cent., Poles 40 per cent., Little
Russians (Ruthenes), 63 per cent. Among the
non-Slavic immigrants from Austria-Hungary to
America the percentages of illiteracy are as follows:
Germans 4 per cent., Magyars 12 per cent.,
Italians 23 per cent., Jews 23 per cent., Rumuns
29 per cent.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[25]</a></span></p>

<p>It may not be uninteresting to note, as indicative
of the position held by Bohemians among the Slavs,
the number of newspapers circulated in Slavdom.<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>
The Lusatian Serbs, a remnant of a once populous
Slavic branch in Germany, support 11 publications;
Slovaks, 53 (4 of which are dailies);
Slovenes, 110 (5 dailies); Bulgars, 300 (19
dailies); Serbo-Croatians, 350 (37 dailies); Poles,
600 (78 dailies); Bohemians, 1,400 (34 dailies),
and Russians, 1,800 (315 dailies). From this
statistical fragment it will be seen that a little
country like Bohemia takes very favorable rank
when compared with the great Russian Empire.</p>

<p>At home the Bohemian is looked upon as a progressive
agriculturist, and American tourists who
have traveled in the country have been favorably
impressed with the orderliness of the farms and
the high state of cultivation of the land. In the
great agricultural belt formed by the States of
Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, Nebraska, Kansas,
and the Dakotas there are large settlements of
Bohemians (about one-half of the Bohemian population
in the United States devoting itself to farming),
and their farms are known to bear favorable
comparison with the homesteads owned by land-tillers
of Scandinavian and Teuton ancestry.</p>

<p>The fact that a particular faith was denied him<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[26]</a></span>
and he was required to accept a different creed,
has made the Bohemian one of the most liberal-minded
of men,&mdash;in many instances a sceptic and
a scoffer. Possibly there is no other foreign nationality
in the United States that can boast translations
in the vernacular of Thomas Paine and of
other advanced thinkers as early as the Bohemians.</p>

<p>Economically the Germans are stronger than any
other one race in the empire. Much of their unquestioned
primacy in the realm of commerce and
industry is due to the fact that everywhere they
enjoy special favors from the government. Then,
too, the Slav, who is by preference a land-tiller
(as is also the Magyar), is still a novice in business.
The vast economic interests of the Jews are
found wholly on the side of the Germans. Ernest
Denis believes that German primacy in commerce
may yet continue for some time to come, because
the districts inhabited by them in Bohemia offer
greater inducements to the investor and the capitalist,
owing to the wealth of mineral riches found
along the northwest frontier. It is, however, Denis’
opinion that the existing inequality in the distribution
of industrial wealth will diminish as years
go by; democracy, marching as it does everywhere
at the expense of the upper classes, will level it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[27]</a></span>
down and give the Bohemian majority its share in
commerce and industry.</p>


<h3>THE DOWNFALL</h3>

<p>The Bohemians preserved their independence
till 1620. That year they rebelled against the king
for political and religious reasons and were defeated
at the battle of White Hill (Bílá Hora) near
Prague. From the effects of this disastrous event
the nation has never recovered, for even now, after
the lapse of 295 years, the scars received at Bílá
Hora are not wholly healed.</p>

<p>Ferdinand II. punished the rebels with traditional
Austrian fury. On June 21, 1621, he
caused the execution at Prague of twenty-seven
leaders of the revolution&mdash;all men belonging to the
most noted families in the country. A number of
them were condemned to humiliating physical punishment
and the estates of all were confiscated.
The first to lay his head on the block of the executioner
was Count Joachim Andrew Šlik
(Schlick). During the interregnum Šlik had been
a Director; besides, he had served as Chief Justice
and Governor of Upper Lusatia. The next victim
was Václav Budovec of Budova, “a man of splendid
talents and illustrious learning, distinguished
as a writer, widely known as a traveler, and an
ornament to his country.” Pelcl said of Budova<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[28]</a></span>
that he belonged “to that old cast of serious,
thoughtful, inflexible Bohemians, by which the nation
was characterized in the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries.” The third to suffer was Christopher
Harant of Polžic, “a learned man, distinguished
writer, and noted traveler.” The next
on the death list was Caspar Kaplíř of Sulevic, a
venerable man of eighty-six. The fifth was
Prokop Dvořecký of Olbramovic, a scion of an old
family. The sixth was Baron Frederick Bílý,
“an upright and learned man, one of the Directors
at the time of the interregnum.” The seventh,
Henry Otto of Los, who, under Frederick, was
connected with the exchequer. Then followed successively
Dionys Černín, William Konechlumský,
aged seventy years, Bohuslav of Michalovic, “a
man of splendid talents who deserved well of his
country,” Valentine Kochan of Prachov, a learned
master of arts; Tobias Štefek of Koloděj, a citizen
of Prague and a Director of the Revolution; John
Jesenský of Jesen (Jessenius), a scholar, scientist,
and orator, “whose writings shed lustre on the
university;” Christopher Kober, a noted citizen of
Prague; Burgomasters John Šultys of Kutná Hora
and Maximilian Hošťálek of Žatec (Saaz), (the
two latter having been Directors during the interregnum),
John Kutnaur, a Councilor of Prague,
Kutnaur’s father-in-law Simon Sušický, Nathaniel<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[29]</a></span>
Vodňanský of Uračov, Václav Jizbický. The last
to undergo death were Henry Kozel, Andrew
Kocour of Otín, George Řečický, Michael Wittman,
Simon Vokáč of Chyš and Špicberk, Leander
Rüppel, and George Hauenschild. On the tower
of the ancient Charles Bridge, which connects the
Old Town with the Small Town in Prague, twelve
heads of the rebels were set up in small wire cages,
six on each side of the tower, to awe the populace.
There these gruesome evidences of Hapsburg
hatred remained for years. On the same tower
were exposed to public view the hands of Šlik and
Michalovic and the tongue of Jesenský. Rüppel’s
head and hand were nailed on the wall of the
Town House.</p>

<p>So ended the “Bloody Day at Prague”&mdash;a day
that Bohemians may have forgiven, but which
none have forgotten. What now followed is probably
without parallel in the history of European
nations. Edmund de Schweinitz, in commenting
on the consequences of the Bohemian Revolution,
says that “in the history of Christendom there
were few events more mournful. From the pinnacle
of prosperity Bohemia and Moravia were
plunged into the depths of adversity.”</p>

<p>The month the executions took place, the emperor,
or rather the so-called Liechtenstein’s Commission
on Confiscations which had been appointed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[30]</a></span>
by the emperor, pronounced forfeiture on the
estates of 658 landowners of the nobility out of
a total of 728, whose names were on the list of
accused. Thomas Bílek, a writer of unimpeachable
authority, has published a voluminous book
on these confiscations from which it would appear
that the Liechtenstein Commission had confiscated
fully two-thirds of all the lands in Bohemia. Some
of the choicest estates taken away from the rebels
the emperor retained for the Hapsburg family.
A goodly portion of the forfeited lands was given
to the church, of which the emperor was a devout
member. “Take, fathers, take,” he used to say to
the ecclesiastics when endowing this or that
foundation with gifts of confiscated estates. “It
is not always that you will have a Ferdinand.”
Still other lands reverted to the state. What was
left the emperor magnanimously distributed among
those of his favorites whose military prowess in
the rebellion entitled them to some special recognition
or compensation. Albrecht, Count of Wallenstein
or Waldstein, at one time a Generalissimo
of Ferdinand’s army against Gustavus Adolphus,
was able to “purchase” sixty confiscated estates
of an enormous value.</p>

<p>Struve has remarked that of all the nobles in
the world those in the Hapsburg Monarchy had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[31]</a></span>
probably the least reason to boast of their ancestry.
This is especially true of the nobility whose advent
into Bohemia antedates the first half of the
seventeenth century. From the events here related
began the rise in Bohemia of such families
as Buquoy, Clary de Riva, Aldringen, Trautmansdorff,
Metternich, Marradas, Verduga, Colloredo,
Piccolomini, Wallis, Gallas, Millesimo, Liechtenstein,
Goltz, Villani, Defours, Huerta, Vasques&mdash;names
indicating Spanish, Italian, German, and
Walloon birth. These aliens, enriched by property
taken away from Bohemian nobility, surrounded
themselves with foreign officials, who treated the
natives with the scorn and insolence of victors.
Their châteaux formed in many cases the nucleus
of German settlements which later threatened to
overwhelm the nation. Some of these “islands,”
or settlements, which were situated farther inland,
were in time absorbed by the native population.
But not so with the colonies on the border. These
latter not only preserved the lingual and national
characteristics of the owners, but they even contrived
to Germanize the home element that came
into contact with them. It was during this calamitous
period that the Germans made the greatest inroads
upon Bohemian national territory.</p>

<p>Prior to the Thirty Years’ War Bohemia was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[32]</a></span>
overwhelmingly Protestant,<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> but Ferdinand determined
that in his empire there should be “unity
of faith and tongue.” A unity of faith he and
his successors have achieved, but it has been denied
to the Hapsburgs&mdash;much as they have tried to
achieve it&mdash;the unity of language.</p>

<p>In 1620 Jesuit fathers were invited to come to
Bohemia and to take charge of the once renowned
University of Prague and of the provincial schools.
“The Jesuits buried the spirit of the Bohemian
nation for centuries.” This is the severe judgment
of no less a person than V. V. Tomek, the
noted historian. Accompanied by Liechtenstein’s
dragoons these ecclesiastics went from town to
town, searched libraries, carried off books written
in Bohemian and burned them whether they were
“tainted” or not. Sometimes the books were privately
thrown in the flames in the houses where they
had been seized; at other times they were brought
to the market-place or to the public gallows and
there publicly burned. The Jesuits were indefatigable
in their search for heretical literature, ransacking
houses from cellar to garret, opening every
closet and chest, prying into the very dog kennels
and pig-sties. People hid their most precious<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[33]</a></span>
books from the ferreting eyes of the inquisitioners
in baking ovens, cellars, and caves. There are
cases on record of rare Bohemian volumes having
been saved from destruction by being hidden under
manure piles.</p>

<p>One zealot, Koniáš by name, boasted that he
had burned or otherwise mutilated 60,000 Bohemian
volumes. According to him “all
Bohemian books printed between the years 1414
and 1620, treating of religious subjects, were generally
dangerous and suspicious.” From their seat
in the Clementinum (Prague University) they presided
over the intellectual life of the country;
that is to say, they wholly suppressed it. In order
to more systematically supervise the work, a censor
was appointed by them for each of the three
lands,&mdash;Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia,&mdash;and it
was the duty of this censor to see to it that no
books were published or reprinted that did not
meet the approval of the general of the order.
Easy was the labor of the censor, for in Moravia,
for instance, only one printer was fortunate enough
to secure a license. In Bohemia they set up the so-called
University Printing Office. Besides this
only five or six other establishments were licensed
to print books. In a few decades these zealots
destroyed Bohemian literature altogether. The
almanacs, tracts, hymnals, and prayer books that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[34]</a></span>
issued from their printing presses could not be
dignified by the term literature. Count Lützow,
in his “History of Bohemian Literature,” frankly
admits that, with few exceptions, all the men who,
during the last years of Bohemian independence,
were most prominent in literature and politics
belonged to the Bohemian Church. Living in
exile in foreign countries, there was no one left
at home to resume their tasks.</p>

<p>Ferdinand began his anti-reformation crusade
in earnest in 1621. In December of that year he
issued a patent by virtue of which about one thousand
teachers and ministers of the gospel of the Bohemian
Church were forced to leave the country.
The Lutherans did not come under this ban, inasmuch
as the emperor was anxious to please his
ally, the Elector of Saxony, who pleaded clemency
for his co-religionists. In 1624 seven patents
were promulgated. Some of these were directed
against the laity, which, till then, had escaped the
wrath of the conqueror. It ordered the expulsion
from trade guilds of all those who could not agree
with the emperor in matters of faith. Discriminatory
measures against nonconformist merchants
and traders went into effect, which quickly resulted
in their ruin. Another patent, bearing date July
31, 1627, was more severe than those preceding it.
By it dissenters of both sexes and irrespective of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[35]</a></span>
rank were ordered to renounce their faith within
six months, or failing to do so, leave the country.
The operation of this patent extended to Moravia,
but not to Silesia and Lusatia. The two latter-named
provinces had been spared because of a
promise given by the emperor to the Elector of
Saxony.</p>

<p>So severely did the country suffer by forced expatriation,
as a result of these edicts, that Ferdinand
saw himself compelled to issue other patents
to check it. In the hope of conciliating he remitted
fines in certain cases, discontinued suits for treason,
and made restitution of confiscated property.
In some cases he extended the time within which
heretics could become reconciled with the church,
but the clemency was extended too late, for while
some individuals yielded to the formidable pressure,
the great mass of nonconformists, comprising
the very flower of the nation, were determined
rather to lose their property and leave the
fatherland than to renounce that which they held
most sacred.</p>

<p>Count Slavata, who himself took no inconsiderable
part in this terrible drama of anti-reformation,
and who, owing to his religious convictions, cannot
be accused of partiality, is authority for the statement
that about 36,000 families, including 185
houses of nobility (some of these houses num<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[36]</a></span>bered
as many as 50 persons each), statesmen,
distinguished authors, professors, preachers,&mdash;spurning
to accept the emperor’s terms, went into
exile.</p>

<p>In 1627 Ferdinand promulgated what he designated
the “Amended Statute.” The “amendment”
really consisted in the abolishment of those
ancient rights and liberties of the land which were
incompatible with autocratic powers.</p>

<p>Under the “Amended Statute” the kingdom,
heretofore free to elect its sovereign, was declared
to be an hereditary possession, both in the male and
female line, of the Hapsburg family. The three
estates&mdash;lords, knights, and the cities&mdash;which till
then constituted the legislative branch of the government,
were augmented by a fourth unit, the
clergy. The fourth estate was destined to exercise,
as subsequent events have shown, the greatest influence
on the affairs of the government. The Diet
at Prague was divested practically of all its power
and initiative; from now on its sole function was
to levy and collect taxes. And because the king
had invited to the country so many alien nobles
(or commoners later ennobled) who were ignorant
of the language of the land, the amended statute
provided that henceforth the German language
should enjoy equal rights with the Bohemian. A
disastrous blow to the unity of the Bohemian<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[37]</a></span>
Crown was further dealt by the annulment of the
right of the estates in Bohemia, Moravia, and
Silesia to meet at a General Assembly for the
purpose of deliberating on matters common to
the crown. By this clever stroke the emperor tore
asunder the ancient ties of the kingdom. He
rightly reasoned that by isolating each of the integral
parts of the kingdom he could easier hope
to hold in leash the whole of it.</p>

<p>In time the administration of the Bohemian
Crown was entrusted to an executive who received
the title of Chancellor, and when the kings no
longer resided in Prague, having taken up a
permanent abode in Vienna, the Chancellory was
removed thither, ostensibly on the ground that
the Chancellor was required to be near the person
of the sovereign. In reality, however, the transfer
was a part of a preconceived plan to make
Vienna the centre of the empire, from which the
Hapsburg “provinces” were to be ruled. Under
one pretext or another the Chancellory was being
gradually shorn of its powers, until Maria Theresa
(1740-1780) abolished it altogether. Henceforth
even purely local matters were administered from
Vienna direct, and the officials began to style
the once proud kingdom a “province of Austria.”</p>

<p>During the Thirty Years’ War thousands of vil<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[38]</a></span>lages
were destroyed by fire and many of them
have never been rebuilt. The population, which
before the war was estimated at 3,000,000, was
reduced by fire, sword, and pestilence to about
800,000. Fields lay fallow for years for lack of
workers to cultivate them. Of the 151,000 farms
before the war hardly 50,000 remained. Native
nobility was reduced to beggary by the confiscation
of their estates, and the peasantry that survived
was reduced by alien lords to a degrading
condition of serfdom. Between 1621 and 1630 400
Prague citizens went into exile. The Nové Město
(one of the Prague quarters) alone had at one
time 500 vacant houses. The town of Žatec, which
in 1618 had 460 citizens, counted ten years later
205 of them. In Kutná Hora, of a total of
600 houses, 200 remained without owners or
tenants. The population of the city of Olomouc in
Moravia, by 1640, was reduced from 30,000 to
1,670. Wherever the armies marched nothing
was seen but waste and ruins. According to notes
taken by Swedish soldiers, 138 cities and 2,171
villages were totally ravaged by fire. The textile
industry, which had been the source of the wealth
of the country, was almost wholly destroyed by
the war.</p>

<p>The defeat at White Mountain could not have
been productive of such disastrous consequences<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[39]</a></span>
had it not been for the fact that the nobles were
the standard-bearers of Bohemian nationalism and
the sole representatives of the nation’s culture and
traditions. The peasantry in those days and for
a long time afterward was yet helplessly dependent
on the aristocracy.</p>

<p>Bohemian Huguenots were scattered over every
land in Central Europe, most of them seeking
refuge in nearby Saxony, Silesia, Hungary, and
Poland. Many emigrated to more distant lands,
such as Sweden, serving in the army of Gustavus
Adolphus, Russia, Holland, England. A few of
the more adventurous spirits wandered off with
the English and the Dutch to America. One of
them, Augustine Herman, a noted figure among
the early Dutch in New Amsterdam, made an
attempt to establish a colony of compatriots on a
grant of land that he had received from Lord
Baltimore and which he named in honor of his
native land, Bohemia Manor, a place famous in
early Maryland history. Numerous exiles settled
in the first half of the seventeenth century in Virginia.
In the beginning the exiles hoped to be
permitted to return home, but the terms of the
Peace of Westphalia (1648) made such a return
definitely impossible. They repeatedly called for
help. Oliver Cromwell, it is said, had a project
under consideration whereby Bohemian exiles were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[40]</a></span>
to be settled in Ireland. John Amos Comenius, the
bishop of the Bohemian Church, a distinguished
educator, himself an exile living in Holland, presented
the history of his church to King Charles
II. of England in 1660, with a stirring account of
its suffering.</p>

<p>Suspecting that the dissenters were yet unsuppressed,
the government caused other patents to be
issued, one of which, published in 1650, imposed
severe penalties such as the billeting of troops,
banishment from the country, confiscation of property
and, in extreme cases, death. A patent dated
April 9th of that year required that within six
weeks all parishes should instal conformist clergy
or close. Under Josef I. (1705-1711), and again
under Charles VI. (1711-1740), the work of anti-reformation
was renewed with increased severity.
Loyal subjects were enjoined under pain of death
from harboring or aiding heretic teachers or ministers,
the reading and smuggling into the country
or otherwise circulating Bohemian books on the
prohibited list. Other patents followed in 1721,
1722, 1723, 1724, 1725, 1726, with the result that
non-Catholics who still secretly clung to the forbidden
faith emigrated to Saxony and Prussia,
where they sought the protection of the rulers of
those countries. The suffering of the unfortunates<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[41]</a></span>
was somewhat, though not wholly, relieved when
the German princes, assembled in the Diet at
Regensburg in 1735, sent a strong appeal to the
Austrian Emperor to treat his subjects with more
toleration. When the Edict of Toleration was
issued in 1781, permitting free worship, there still
remained in Bohemia about 100,000 Protestants.<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>
Of the refugees who fled to Germany in the first
quarter of the eighteenth century many found their
way with the Herrnhuters, or Moravians, as they
are called in the United States, to Georgia, and
others to Pennsylvania, where they established, in
1741, the flourishing town of Bethlehem, now the
recognized centre of the Moravian Church in the
United States.<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[42]</a></span></p>
<h3>GERMANIZATION AND THE AWAKENING</h3>

<p>Germanization, as a matter of fact, was pursued
in Bohemia by every Hapsburg, though the
rulers of that house have not planned it as systematically
as Maria Theresa or her son, Josef II.
Centralism, to be successful and powerful, required
the levelling of the differences of speech
and of race. Every Hapsburg ruler had been educated
to the belief that he was rendering a supreme
service to his subjects by forcing them “to unlearn
the barbaric language of their sires, which isolated
them from the rest of the world.” “He who
knows only Bohemian and Latin,” declared Councilor
Gebler, in 1765, “is bound to make a poor
scholar, and it were better for him to stick to
the plow and to the trade; there are too many
Latin scholars as it is.” More and more the
conviction gained ground that a language like
the Bohemian, spoken but by a few millions of
people, was valueless, and that it would be a folly
for the government to aid in its restoration.</p>

<p>Austrian statesmen were determined to impose
German at one time even on the unsuspecting
Galicians, though in Galicia there were no Germans
at all, only Poles and Russians. Discoursing
upon the worth or the lack of value of languages
of small nations, Denis says: “These arguments<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[43]</a></span>
may be true, but unfortunately they could be applied
to every language in the world.”</p>

<p>In 1774 a detailed plan for the Germanization
of schools in the empire was submitted to Maria
Theresa. This plan provided for German schools
and none others. By “mother” language was
meant the German. Bohemian was permitted in
the primary or lowest grades of the school. No
pupil could enter a gymnasium (secondary school)
who had not had a previous training in German.
Fortunately for the non-Germans of that period,
progress was less rapid than had been generally
expected. Schoolmasters were scarce and pupils,
not understanding the language of the teachers,
advanced but slowly. As a result of all this, the
queen, though unwilling, was compelled to make
concessions here and there and to proceed less aggressively.</p>

<p>A noted writer has truthfully said that in the
eighteenth century Bohemians were outcasts in
their own country. A lad who wanted to learn a
trade had to attend a German school for apprentices,
and only pupils knowing German were entitled
to receive stipends. In the secondary schools
in Bohemia the vernacular was treated as a “foreign”
language. A professor was required to
qualify in Latin and Greek, yet no one questioned
whether or not he knew the tongue of the natives.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[44]</a></span>
Pupils were educated in German to be able
to perform the work of janissaries on the people
of their own race. Slowly but steadily Bohemian
was likewise forced out of the courts. Laws were
promulgated in the German language. The Bohemian
began to lose ground in the highest courts
of justice; gradually it was forced out from the
inferior courts. After 1749 law documents in Bohemian
became rarer. When, in 1788, Count
Cavriani moved that only certain notices be published
in that language, the motion was passed
without opposition. From that time on German
took its place as the official language in the kingdom.</p>

<p>Can we wonder then that, pressed as it was on
four sides&mdash;by the church, the state, the school,
and the dominant classes of the population&mdash;the
tongue of Hus and Comenius lost ground almost
altogether? And who saved it from utter extinction?
It was the lowly peasant who continued giving
it shelter under his thatched roof, long after it
had been expelled from the proud châteaux of the
nobility and disowned by the middle classes. The
peasant preserved the language for the literary
men who rescued from oblivion this precious gift
for future generations. “It is admitted by all,”
said Palacký, “that the resuscitation of the nation
was accomplished wholly by our writers.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[45]</a></span>
These men saved the language; they carried the
banner which they wished the nation to follow.
Literature was the fountain spring of our national
life, and the literati placed themselves at the forefront
of the revivalist movement.”</p>

<p>The diet of the kingdom recommended, in 1790,
that Bohemian should be introduced at least in certain
secondary schools, preferably in Prague, but
the Austrian world of officialdom was opposed
even to this concession. “No one threatens the
life of the Bohemian tongue,” protested these officials.
“The government cannot antagonize the
feeling of the most influential and wealthiest
classes who use German, if not exclusively, at
least overwhelmingly. Moreover, to encourage
Bohemian would be to lose sight of the idea of
the unification of the empire. The state must not
deprive the Bohemians of the blessing and of the
opportunity that emanate from the knowledge of
German. Useful though Bohemian may be, its
study must not be at the expense of German.”</p>

<p>Two important events, both of which occurred
toward the end of the eighteenth century, helped
to awaken the soul of the prostrate nation. One
was the determination of Emperor Josef II. to
make the empire a German state, as has already
been pointed out. But a greater incentive than
Josef’s coercive measures were the inspiring ideals<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[46]</a></span>
of the first French Revolution which found their
way even to far-off Bohemia. The motto of the
French revolutionists, “Liberty, equality, fraternity,”
could not fail to give hope to the handful of
Bohemian intellectuals.<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a></p>

<p>However, as late as 1848, the year of revolutionary
changes in Austria, the Bohemian language
was still a Cinderella in its own land. In
the streets of Prague it was rarely spoken by the
people of any social distinction. To engage in
Bohemian conversation with strangers was a risky
undertaking, unless one was prepared to be rebuked
in the sternest manner. German predominated,
except in stores that were patronized by apprentices
and peddlers. Posters solely in Bohemian
were not allowed by the police. The text had
to be translated, and the German part of it printed
above the Bohemian. Nowhere but in the households
of the commonest classes was the despised<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[47]</a></span>
tongue sheltered. Families belonging to the world
of officialdom and to the wealthier bourgeoisie,
though often imperfectly familiar with it, clung to
German. Strict etiquette barred Bohemian from
the salons. The only entrance that was open to it
led through the halls of the servants. So completely
were the people denationalized that foreigners
visiting the resorts at Carlsbad and Marienbad
expressed their astonishment on hearing the
peasants talk in an unknown tongue. They had
learned to look upon Bohemia as a part of Germany
and on the inhabitants as Germans. Particularly
the Russians and the Poles were surprised
to meet kinsmen in Bohemia whose language
sounded familiar to their ears.</p>

<p>“A few of us,” writes Jacob Malý, one of the
staunch patriots of that time, “met each Thursday
at the Black Horse (a first-class hotel in
Prague) and gave orders to the waiters in Bohemian,
who, of course, understood us well. This we
did with the intention of giving encouragement to
others; but seeing the futility of our efforts in this
direction, we gave up the propaganda in disgust.”</p>

<p>In 1852, the then chief of police of Prague confidently
predicted that in fifty years there would be
no Bohemians in Prague. That even Austrian
Chiefs of Police could make a mistake, appears
from the fact that Greater Prague to-day numbers<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[48]</a></span>
nearly 600,000 inhabitants, of whom only about
17,000 are Germans. When, in 1844, Archduke
Stephen came to Prague and the citizens arranged
a torch procession in his honor, the police were
scandalized to hear, mingling with the customary
“Vivat,” shouts in Bohemian, “<span lang="cs" xml:lang="cs">Sláva</span>!”</p>

<p>Authors and newspaper writers were objects
of unbounded curiosity. Malý, already quoted,
relates the following: “Walking in the streets of
Prague, I often noticed people pointing at me and
saying: ‘<span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Das ist auch einer von den Vlastenzen</span>’
(Here goes another of those patriots), or ‘<span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Das ist
ein gewaltiger Czeche</span>’ (There is a thorough Čech
for you). During my stay in southern Bohemia
in 1838, the innkeeper of a tavern which I frequented
evenings had surely no reason to regret
my patronage, for people would come primarily
to have a peep at me.”</p>

<p>In the biography of Palacký<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> we read an account<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[49]</a></span>
of a memorable meeting of patriots held in 1825
in the Sternberg Palace in Prague. Palacký being
invited to dinner on that particular day, as he often
had been, remained in the company of the Counts
Sternberg until midnight. A violent dispute that
arose between the guests and the hosts would not
allow of their separation. Among other questions
discussed was the prospective publication of
a scientific magazine in both languages, Bohemian
and German. Abbé Dobrovský, the “father of
Slavic philology,” and Count Kaspar were of the
opinion that it was too late to think seriously
of the resuscitation of the Bohemian nation, and
that all attempts in that direction must end in
failure. Palacký, then a youthful enthusiast, disagreed
in this with his elder companions and bitterly
reproached Dobrovský, that he, a literary
light among his people, had not written a single
book in the mother tongue. “Were we all to do
the same, then indeed our nation would perish for
lack of intellectual nourishment. As for me,” fervently
argued Palacký, “were I but a gypsy by
birth, and the last of that race, I would still deem
it my duty to try to perpetuate an honorable mention
of it in the annals of mankind.” Count
Sternberg, though he knew the language well, never
used it in conversation with people of education.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[50]</a></span>
He availed himself of it only when talking with
his servants.</p>

<p>In 1811 Dobrovský wrote to the noted Slovene
scholar, Kopitar, that “the cause of the nation is
desperate, unless God helps.” In his discourse,
“<span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Geschichte der Deutschen und ihrer Sprache in
Böhmen</span>,” dated 1790, Pelcl expressed himself as
follows: “The time is approaching when the Bohemian
language will be in the same situation at
home as the Slavonic language is to-day in Miess,
Brandenburg, and Silesia, where German is everywhere
prevalent and where nothing remains of the
Slavic but the names of cities, villages, and rivers.”</p>

<p>It stands to reason that the language, returning
to its own after a disuse of almost two hundred
years and dug from the grave of oblivion, needed
much burnishing, purifying, and modernizing.
Terminology of arts and sciences, that flourished
while the language lay dormant, had to be created.
Dictionaries, grammars, and histories had to be
compiled. Above all, the dross of alien forms had
to be removed and, while the old Bohemian of
Hus, Comenius, and Blahoslav constituted an inexhaustible
store of material, it was necessary to
borrow from kindred Slavic tongues and to coin
many modern terms.</p>

<p>That the older writers composed some of their
works in German seems paradoxical (German in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[51]</a></span>
these instances was used to defeat German), yet it
was natural, considering the low state of Bohemian
culture and the corresponding literary excellence
in neighboring Germany. Thus, John Kollár, the
apostle of literary Pan-Slavism, wrote his main
work in German. Josef Dobrovský, already mentioned,
composed all his works in German. Josef
Šafařík’s monumental volume on “Slavic Antiquities”
was also written in German; even the
“Father of his country,” Francis Palacký, wrote
his “History of the Bohemian Nation”<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> in the
tongue of Schiller and Goethe. When, in 1831, a
number of writers gathered in a well-known coffee-house
in Prague, Čelakovský, one of them, remarked,
half jokingly and half seriously, that
Bohemian letters would perish should the ceiling
of the room where they were chatting fall and kill
those present.</p>

<p>The literary men and the “vlastenci” (patriots)
were looked upon by many people with good-natured
tolerance. Enemies of the cause regarded
them with ill-concealed suspicion, not infrequently
with contempt, while the government, distrusting
everything that was new, suspected them of dangerous
intrigues against the safety of the state.
It must be borne in mind that there was no political
freedom in Austria then; matters of public con<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[52]</a></span>cern
were not allowed to be discussed, much less
criticised, except among intimates.</p>

<p>The work of resuscitating a dying race was a
gigantic task, and but for the perseverance of the
first apostles, the most promising branch of the
Slavic linden tree would have withered. It was
necessary to build theatres, to found learned societies,
to establish museums and libraries, to collect
and edit rare books and manuscripts scattered
in foreign countries, whither they had been carried
by soldiers during the Thirty Years’ War. The
Austrian Government, instead of assisting in this
work which had for its object the uplifting of a
down-trodden people from ignorance, superstition,
and bigotry, hindered it at every step. As an example
of self-sacrificing patriotism, the case of a
law student by the name of Řehoř should be mentioned.
This man took a vow that he would distribute
as many Bohemian books as were said to
have been burnt by the Jesuit Koniáš during the
anti-reformation, that is, 60,000 volumes. Řehoř
died some time in the late fifties of the nineteenth
century, and he is said to have accomplished the
greater part of his self-imposed task. When
Jungmann, one of the greatest of the revivalists,
died in 1847, the patriots had an opportunity to
review their growing ranks and they were astonished
how the national movement had spread.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[53]</a></span>
“When we were returning home from the funeral,”
noted J. V. Frič in his memoirs, “I walked
arm in arm with my father; we both felt proud
like victors who were marching to further decisive
battles. When father in the evening sat down for
a chat with the family, he exclaimed, breathing
freely as if a stone had rolled off his chest, ‘Children,
I think we shall win; there are too many of
us; they can no longer trample us down.’”</p>


<h3>POLITICAL AWAKENING</h3>

<p>Up to 1848 Austrian subjects enjoyed certain
liberties: they could smoke, drink, and play
cards without interference from the police. One
enjoyment, however, was denied to them&mdash;they
were not permitted to think. Prince Metternich,
the personification of absolutist Austria of those
days, observed with alarm how the structure that
he had been propping for years was beginning to
settle in its foundations, and how ominous cracks
appeared in it here and there.</p>

<p>Revolution was in the air. Switzerland, Germany,
and Italy were being engulfed by it. “The
world is ill,” Metternich complained in a letter to
Count Apponyi. “Each day we can observe how
the moral infection is spreading, and if you find me
unyielding, it is because I am of a nature that will
not give in before opposition.”</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[54]</a></span></p>

<p>The news of the fall of Louis Philippe in France
reached Prague February 29, 1848. Next day,
notwithstanding the strictest censorship, the city
was aflame with revolutionary talk. The liberals
in neighboring Germany had summoned delegates
to meet at Frankfort, March 5th. Italy seethed
with political excitement. Kossuth, in Hungary,
demanded that a constitution be granted to the
people in Austria. Overnight Metternich’s elaborate
system of government, maintained by the
police and the military, was tumbling down like
a house of cards. In Prague, as in other large
centres, everybody clamored for a constitution,
though the masses, educated as they were to regard
the government as something above and apart
from them, hardly comprehended what the word
“constitution” meant.</p>

<p>In the midst of the turmoil the sickly Emperor
Ferdinand V. (1835-1848) abdicated in favor of
his nephew, Francis Josef, then a youth of eighteen.
The latter had been on the throne but a few weeks,
when his advisers, Schwarzenberg, Windischgrätz,
Stadion, and others, decided to do away with the
constitution of the revolutionists and to substitute
it with an octroy constitution, the reason assigned
being “the incapacity of parliament.” The choice
fell on this particular young man because Prince
Schwarzenberg recommended as ruler “one whom<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[55]</a></span>
he would not have to be ashamed to show to the
troops.” Though not relevant, it is interesting to
recall how the present emperor acquired his cognomen.
“What shall it be, gentlemen,” asked
Schwarzenberg in the ministerial council&mdash;“Francis
Josef, or simply Francis?” A sub-secretary of
state thought that plain Francis would sound
very well indeed, but the fear having been expressed
that the name Francis might remind the
Austrian nations too much of the ghost of Metternich,
Francis Josef, instead of plain Francis, was
chosen for the youthful monarch.</p>

<p>To Windischgrätz constitutions, ministries accountable
to the people, and parliaments were
abominations. He made no secret of the fact that
he was opposed to the rule of lawyers; those alone
who carried bayonets and muskets were entitled to
be called patriots and saviors of the fatherland.</p>

<p>Under the Premiership of Alexander Bach
(1853-1859) the monarchy relapsed to the methods
of police rule that obtained prior to 1848. The
reactionaries who surrounded the throne encouraged
the youthful monarch to rule like an autocrat.</p>

<p>Minister Bach, by the way a highly gifted man,
who had in his early days trifled with radicalism,
believed that an alliance between the church and
the state would strengthen both and that against
the unity of the altar and the throne the radicals<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[56]</a></span>
would be powerless. “The Austrian Monarchy,”
he confided to a noted clerical, “considering its
peculiar structure, has only two firm bases on
which it can rest in safety and unity,&mdash;the dynasty
and the church.” Accordingly he brought about,
in 1855, the adoption of the famous concordat, a
convention between the pope and the monarchy,
a pact that increased immensely the legal power of
the papacy in Austria. The concordat was abolished
in 1868 because of the bitter opposition of
the liberals. Bohemia, the land of Hus and
Havlíček, fought the concordat openly and fearlessly,
suspecting in it a hidden menace to its
freedom of conscience and to national aspirations.</p>

<p>The uncompromising opposition of the Bohemians
to Bach and to his policies visited upon them
the wrath of Vienna. Under Bach they were probably
subjected to oppression more ruthless and
cruel than any they had experienced since the time
of Ferdinand II.</p>

<p>Patriots, some of them mere youths, were
thrown in prison on the flimsiest accusation of
police spies. It was not safe to converse in Bohemian
in the streets of Prague. Spies were at
the heels of every Bohemian prominent in public
life. Police agents tried to connect Francis L.
Rieger with a treasonable plot to disrupt the monarchy
and he had to flee the state to save himself<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[57]</a></span>
from prison. Spies followed Palacký even to the
sick-bed of his wife. The military authorities
at Prague suspended the publication of Havlíček’s
famous newspaper, “<span lang="cs" xml:lang="cs">Národní Noviny</span>,” on the
ground that its editor indulged in “immoderate
language.” Finding Prague closed to his paper,
Havlíček made an attempt to publish it in Vienna.
“I am determined not to issue licenses to any
newspaper in Vienna; we have enough newspapers
as it is,” replied General Welden to Havlíček’s
application for the license. “But there is no such
newspaper in Vienna as I should like to publish,”
pleaded Havlíček. “My paper is intended to be
an organ for Slavic matters and it is to be printed
in Bohemian.” Welden retorted angrily: “<span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Wir
sind hier Deutsche</span>” (Here in Vienna we are Germans),
and the General’s decision was irrevocable.</p>

<p>Undaunted, Havlíček made other attempts to
procure a newspaper license, and at last he obtained
a promise that he might be allowed to
publish a paper in Kutná Hora, a provincial town
not far from Prague. In time even this paper was
suppressed by the police and its editor arrested and
interned in the province of Tyrol by Bach’s order.
It should, perhaps, be said that Havlíček was the
one journalist whom neither threats nor offers of
bribery could influence. There, separated from his
wife and child, Havlíček gave way to brooding<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[58]</a></span>
which brought on a fatal brain disease. From
Tyrol he was permitted to return home, broken
in health and spirit. To the last Havlíček remained
steadfast to the cause he had championed&mdash;the
liberation from bondage of his nation. Havlíček’s
colors were red and white (Bohemian national
colors), and neither threats nor favors could
swerve him from his chosen path:<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> “They banished
you from the fatherland,” wrote Pinkas to
Havlíček, “but they transformed the fatherland
itself into a fortress and a jail. We live here the
most unhappy lives conceivable. Not a ray of light
enters our intellectual prison to brighten it.”</p>

<p>The mere acquaintanceship with Palacký was
enough to expose one to the chicanery of the police.
Strobach, at one time Mayor of Prague and a
former speaker of the short-lived parliament, was
deposed as judge because, when presiding at a
trial, he failed to hold a drunkard on a charge of
lèse majesté. Count Thun would not allow Rieger
to lecture at the university for the reason, as he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[59]</a></span>
stated, “that students would see in him a political
agitator, not a professor.”</p>

<p>A demand was made on Palacký by the censor
to strike out of his “History of the Bohemian
Nation” the chapters relating to Hus and the Hussite
Wars. Even Prince Metternich, whose bureaucratic
leanings were above suspicion, considered
the demand, which was equivalent to an order,
unreasonable. After a great deal of haggling as to
what was permissible and what should be deleted,
a compromise was effected between the historian
and the censor. However, Palacký’s biographers all
agreed that the terms of the compromise were not
satisfactory to him. He is said to have expressed
a hope that future historians, living in freer times
than he, should tell the whole truth about the importance
and meaning of the Hussite movement,
which he was not allowed to do. The chapters relating
to the Hussite times he wrote both in Bohemian
and German. But because German critics
had impugned his impartiality, he determined, as
a protest, to continue with Bohemian as the original
and German as a translation. When he announced
his decision to the Land Committee, a protest was
raised and he was warned not to publish the
Bohemian text before the German; nor to do anything
from which it might appear that the German
text was not the original.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[60]</a></span></p>

<p>The famous physician, Hamerník, a pupil of the
noted Škoda and Rokytanský, was removed from
the university because the government suspected
his political and religious views.</p>

<p>The publication of every Bohemian newspaper
in the land was suspended, except for two or three
scientific and literary magazines, and the police
would have liked to destroy even those, if decent
pretext could have been found for their doing so.</p>

<p>At one time the authorities were planning to
dissolve the society of the Bohemian Museum and
the Royal Society of Sciences. The discussions
of these learned bodies did not seem patriotic
enough from the Austrian point of view. The
<span lang="cs" xml:lang="cs">Matice Česká</span>&mdash;a society for the publication of
standard literature&mdash;was threatened in its existence,
and only the influence of some of its prominent
members saved it from the fury of the almighty
police.</p>

<p>Pogodin, the Russian scholar, had recommended
the Matice to publish the works of Hus. “God
prevent,” answered Šafařík to Pogodin’s letter
(1857). “Who would think of publishing books
on Hus in Austria?&mdash;yes, if they were against Hus&mdash;that
would be simple.”</p>

<p>Before Krejčí’s work on geology could be published,
every page, nay every line, was carefully
scanned, and when that was done the manuscript<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[61]</a></span>
was ordered to be submitted for approval to a
learned priest, to make sure that it contained nothing
contrary to the teaching of the church.
Palacký, who was always dreaming of his pet
scheme of the publication of a Bohemian encyclopedia,
was told that “under the existing press laws
it would be unwise to urge the matter.”</p>

<p>In honor of the emperor’s marriage (1854) the
government showed clemency to certain political
persons; yet, in general, conditions remained unchanged.
Patriots who had been expelled from
Prague could return, but city or country, their
movements were watched by the police. Sladkovský,
a famous journalist whose publications
had been ruined by censorship, applied for a license
to start a coal yard with which to support
his family. The application was promptly disallowed.
Young Frič, a literary rebel, planned to
issue a volume of poetry with the collaboration of
the younger set of writers. This warning was received
from Vienna: “Let Frič beware; if he does
not desist in his dangerous course, he may again
find himself interned in a fortress.” The police
directors and press censors suspected the loyalty
of everyone who ventured to write in Bohemian.
“I fail to comprehend,” remonstrated Police Director
Weber with Frič, “why you persist in this
ridiculous nonsense; in about six years there will<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[62]</a></span>
be nothing left of your Bohemian literature, anyway.”</p>

<p>On another occasion Weber gave Frič to understand
that Bohemia was a German territory, and
that if he wished to live in it he must obey German
laws. Yet Frič was incorrigible. For his intractability
and because he would not share Weber’s
view that his nation was doomed to extinction, he
was banished to the hills of Transylvania.</p>

<p>On the battlefields at Magenta and Solferino in
Italy in 1859, the absolutist rule of Bach, which
derived its chief support from the bureaucracy,
the military, and the clerical party, came to an
abrupt end. The progressive element clamored for
reforms. Bach was dismissed from office and his
successor (Goluchowski) announced that in the
future the state budget would be subject to the
scrutiny of the people and that provincial diets
would be invited to legislate on their needs. The
last part of the program the federalists interpreted
to mean that the principle of local self-government
had at last been recognized.</p>

<p>In the Bohemian Diet a prominent member, encouraged
by the program of the new premier,
moved, amid genuine enthusiasm of the federalists,
that a deputation of the diet be appointed to go
to Vienna and urge the emperor to have himself
crowned king in Prague. When, subsequently, a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[63]</a></span>
deputation of the diet secured an audience from
the ruler, he declared (1861): “I will be crowned
in Prague as King of Bohemia, and I am convinced
that this ceremony will cement anew the indissoluble
tie of confidence and loyalty between
My throne and My Bohemian Kingdom.”</p>

<p>Bohemians were elated. At last their ideal of
autonomous Bohemia seemed at the point of realization.</p>

<p>Here a few words should be said concerning
the constitution under which Austrians were
to begin a new parliamentary life. The much-heralded
and impatiently awaited document was
drafted by Minister Schmerling, a staunch centralist,
and because it was promulgated in February
(1861) it was called the “Constitution of
February.” As soon as its text had been made
public, the Slavs instantly recognized that the
statesmen in Vienna had not profited in the slightest
from the lessons of 1848. Minister Schmerling,
was, like all Germans, obsessed with the notion
that German hegemony was indispensable to
the safety and greatness of the state. Accordingly
he subordinated every other idea and interest to
that one obsession. A most ingenious electoral system
was evolved whereby Germans, though in
minority, were able to control, not only the central
parliament, but the provincial diets as well. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[64]</a></span>
scheme was to favor the cities, wealthy individual
taxpayers, and chambers of commerce (which
groups then were German in sentiment) to the disadvantage
of the agricultural districts inhabited
by the Slavs. How the electoral law worked in
Bohemia one can perceive from the fact that in
1873 2,500,000 Bohemians were able to elect only
34 deputies, while 1,500,000 Germans contrived
to return 56 deputies. The powers of the provincial
diets were reduced to a minimum, the controlling
idea, of course, being to keep centred in
Vienna the entire power of the state. By reason
of this juggling the Bohemian element found itself
in minority in its own Land Diet.</p>

<p>Although distrustful because of the partisanship
evinced in the constitution, the Bohemians nevertheless
entered parliament, but they did so upon
the express understanding that their participation
therein should not be in any manner prejudicial to
the historical rights of their kingdom.</p>

<p>Generally speaking, the Austrian nations, from
the very first day their representatives were permitted
to enter the legislative halls, divided themselves
into two political parties, federalists and centralists.
The federalists favored granting self-government
to the various races; the centralists, who
were backed by the German masses, opposed this.
Austria, according to the latter, was lost to the Ger<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[65]</a></span>man
cause the moment the agitation “Away from
Vienna” had gained the upper hand. For reasons
of self-protection the Slavs, led by the Bohemians,
inclined toward federalism, as more likely to satisfy
their national aspirations. Instead of a Teutonic
Austria, the Slavs desired a United States
of Austria that should be just and impartial to all.</p>

<p>For months the Bohemians waited, but to their
surprise and dismay the government took no steps
to make effective the emperor’s promise. On the
contrary, the increasing persecution of their press,
the brutal partiality of the speaker of parliament,
the hostile attitude of the executive organs of the
government were signs, the significance of which
could not be doubted. The discouraging truth
dawned on them at last that the emperor had no
intention of keeping his word and of giving home
rule to his Bohemian subjects.</p>

<p>Deceived by their sovereign and realizing
that neither reason nor justice would influence
Vienna, they decided, in 1863, as a means of protest
and to show their deep resentment, to leave the
parliament in a body. On June 17th of that year
they issued a statement in which the grievances
of the nation were set forth at length. For sixteen
years after that no Bohemian legislator appeared
in the Austrian Parliament. And while this may
not have been a sagacious course&mdash;indeed, sub<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[66]</a></span>sequent
events have shown that the “policy of
abstinence,” as the parliamentary boycott came to
be known, almost irreparably prejudiced their position&mdash;yet,
as a protest of an outraged nation, it
was magnificent.</p>


<h3>DUALISM&mdash;A BLUNDER AND A CRIME</h3>

<p>Up to 1867 the Hapsburg Monarchy was, outwardly
at least, a Teutonic state. But in 1866,
having been decisively beaten by Prussia at Sadova,
it found itself facing a new destiny. Expelled
from the Germanic Bund of which it had been a
leading member, the championship wrested from
it by victorious Hohenzollerns, rent by internal
discord, its statesmen concurred in the opinion
that reconstruction of some kind was inevitable.
But what course of action should be pursued?
Should the government again have recourse to the
shop-worn policy of rigid centralization and Germanization
which had been tried by Austrian
Premiers time and time again and invariably found
wanting?</p>

<p>That Hungary should be given back her autonomy
was conceded beforehand. Weakened by war,
its military prestige shattered, its finances at a low
ebb, the government was in no condition to resist
the Magyars, who had assumed a threatening attitude.
But what about the Bohemians, who also<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[67]</a></span>
clamored for recognition? Bohemia, Hungary,
and Austria, it will be remembered, had formed a
union in 1526-1527 on terms of equality. And
then how should the larger Slavic questions be
settled? Numerically the Slavs were the strongest
element in the monarchy. If allowed to elect representatives
to one central parliament, these discontented
Bohemians, Poles, Slovaks, and Croatians
might one day, uniting politically, control the country.
Tacitly Vienna and Budapest agreed that,
whatever the terms of the settlement with Hungary,
the disaster of Slavic majority must be
averted.</p>

<p>“The Slavs must be pressed to the wall”
(<span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Man wird die Slaven an die Wand drücken</span>),
declared a statesman who participated actively in
the plan of reconstruction. “You,” addressing
the Magyars, “will take care of your hosts [meaning
the Slavs] and we shall take care of ours.”</p>

<p>In the parliament the cause of the Slavic federalists
was lost beforehand; a German-made
constitution and German-made electoral law rendered
futile every opposition. Besides, the government
would brook no interference with its plan of
reconstruction as outlined by Count Beust.<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> This<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[68]</a></span>
plan contemplated a dual government, one in
Vienna, the other in Budapest, and three parliaments,
one to sit in Vienna for the Austrian half,
one to meet in Budapest for the Hungarian half,
and a third one to be called the “Delegations”
and to convene alternately at both capitals to deliberate
on matters common to the empire as
a whole, such as foreign relations, the army,
navy, finances, and so forth. In other words,
Beust’s plan provided for two seats of centralization
instead of one. From a German state that it
had been before 1867 Austria became a German-Magyar
state&mdash;an organization without precedent
or analogy.</p>

<p>The several kingdoms, crown-lands, etc., were
divided under Beust’s plan; and, upon the consummation
of the deal, were allotted to the contracting
parties to the dualism as follows: Austria
received Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia, Bukovina, Dalmatia,
Galicia, Carinthia, Carniola, Trieste and vicinity,
Goritz and Gradiska, Istria, Lower Austria,
Upper Austria, Salzburg, Styria, Tyrol, Voralberg.
Hungary secured as her part of the bargain Hungary
Proper, Transylvania, Fiume, Croatia, Slavonia,
and the Military Frontier.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[69]</a></span></p>

<p>Figures, better than anything else, will explain
why the Slavs were opposed to dualism and presently
became its irreconcilable enemies. Under
the Austrian roof Beust put these Slavic groups
(quoting from the census of 1910):</p>


<div class="center">
<table class="left" border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="">
<tr><td>Bohemians</td><td class="right">6,435,983</td></tr>
<tr><td>Poles</td><td class="right">4,967,984</td></tr>
<tr><td>Slovenes</td><td class="right">1,252,940</td></tr>
<tr><td>Serbo-Croatians</td><td class="right">783,334</td></tr>
<tr><td>Little Russians</td><td class="right">3,608,844</td></tr>
<tr><td>Total</td><td class="total right">17,049,085</td></tr>
</table></div>

<p>Under the Magyar domination fell the following
Slavs:</p>


<div class="center">
<table class="left" border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="">
<tr><td>Slovaks</td><td class="right">1,967,970</td></tr>
<tr><td>Croatians</td><td class="right">1,833,167</td></tr>
<tr><td>Serbs</td><td class="right">1,106,471</td></tr>
<tr><td>Little Russians</td><td class="right">472,587</td></tr>
<tr><td></td><td class="total right">5,380,195</td></tr>
</table></div>

<p>Beust’s scheme was audaciously clever. By
dividing the monarchy in two he divided the Slavs;
and, separated and isolated, they were made easier
victims of Magyarization in Hungary and of Germanization
in Austria. A crying injustice of this
shameful bargain was that the “high contracting<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[70]</a></span>
parties” tore apart peoples of the same race, setting
up a political barrier where nature intended
that none should exist. Austria, for instance, had
been awarded Dalmatia, the population of which
is almost wholly Croatian; yet Slavonia and
Croatia, which is also Croatian to the core (or
Serbo-Croatian), went to Hungary. Bohemians of
Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia were lodged under
the Austrian roof; the Slovaks, on the other side,
who are almost one with the Bohemian race, were
put under the guardianship of Hungary. Nations
and races were moved on the Austrian chess-board
like so many pawns&mdash;exactly the same way as at
the Vienna Congress in 1814 and at the Berlin
Conference in 1878.</p>

<p>“No people in the monarchy were more unjustly
prejudiced by dualism than the Bohemians,” is the
opinion of Denis. “Every article of the Settlement
affected their interests most adversely. Their
kinsmen, the Croatians and Serbs, and particularly
the Slovaks&mdash;the latter always confidently looked
upon as a reserve force of the nation&mdash;were handed
out to merciless and unfeeling masters. The crown
of St. Václav (St. Václav is honored as patron saint
of Bohemia) was reduced by Vienna to a position
of semi-vassalage and given equal rank with a
medley of outlying and insignificant provinces.
Dualism condemned the Slavs to be the unwilling<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[71]</a></span>
tools of a policy to which they had been opposed.
Bohemia, the richest and most productive land in
the empire, was made to bear the heaviest quota of
the burden with which statesmen had saddled the
Austrian half of the monarchy.” Condemning
dualism, Dr. Edward Grégr, in a famous speech
delivered in parliament, declared “that it would
be wisest to tear down to its foundations the ramshackle
building that made every tenant dissatisfied,
that lacked light and air, that neither expense
nor labor could make habitable, and to build upon
the ruins an edifice answering the manifold needs
of its inhabitants. In the judgment of Dr.
Menger” (a German deputy), thundered Grégr,
“this would be a treason and I confess that it
would be a treason. Yet, is not dualism a treason
on the rights and liberties of the peoples of this
state and particularly on the rights and liberties of
our Bohemian nation?”</p>

<p>And because the settlement between Austria
and Hungary had been effected without the co-operation,
much less the consent of the Bohemians,
whose claims were utterly disregarded&mdash;it will be
remembered that at that time, 1867, they were
boycotting the parliament&mdash;a series of political
duels were fought between Vienna and Prague,
which in the end resulted in the defeat of the
weaker antagonist, that is, Prague.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[72]</a></span></p>

<p>In the spring of 1867 the Prague Diet was summoned
to elect deputies to the parliament which
was to vote on the settlement with Hungary. The
Bohemians refused to elect such deputies and entered
instead a vigorous protest against being incorporated
in Austria-Hungary, then in process of
formation. The only state they recognized was
the Bohemian Kingdom and this had as much right
to autonomy as Hungary. Promptly the government
dissolved the diet and ordered new elections.
At these elections, thanks to the ingenious electoral
law, the Bohemians were defeated and the German
minority, now master in the diet, proceeded to elect
delegates to the Vienna Parliament. The Bohemians
declared this election unconstitutional and
fraudulent. Deputies so elected, they maintained,
were not true representatives of the people and
could not, therefore, legally or morally bind
the nation in parliament. Having issued this protest,
the Bohemians left the diet, and the next
year, instead of returning, issued their memorable
Declaration of Rights, bearing date August 22,
1868. They continued to boycott the Land Diet
until 1870.</p>

<p>The government was by no means tardy in making
the rebels feel that they needed to be disciplined
for their refusal to participate in the labors
of the parliament. The Director of Police in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[73]</a></span>
Prague received orders to see to it “that Bohemian
newspapers moderate their tone.” That, of
course, meant the inevitable lawsuits, police
chicanery, confiscation, fines, jail.</p>

<p>To break the rebellious spirit of the Bohemians
the government sent Baron Koller to Prague, as
Military Governor,&mdash;a soldier of the Radecký type
of Austrian generals&mdash;brutal, violent. One of his
first acts was to place the capital under martial
law (1868). Koller suspended the publication of
nearly every Bohemian newspaper. Arrests for
political crimes became so numerous that the jail
of the New Town (one of the Boroughs of
Prague) held at one time 400 prisoners, though
there was room only for 250 persons. During
1868 in Prague alone Koller sent to jail 144 persons
who were convicted of political misdemeanors
and crimes. The total penalties aggregated 81
years. How many prisoners there were in the
provincial towns in Bohemia and Moravia is only
conjectured, but it was asserted afterwards that
there had been five times as many as in Prague, so
that the total number of political prisoners in
Bohemia in 1868 was about 700.</p>

<p>When the Premier tried to placate the Bohemian
opposition by suspending martial law
(April, 1869) in Prague, the centralists became
furious. Bohemian autonomy, declared their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[74]</a></span>
organ, the Vienna “<span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Neue Freie Presse</span>,” is an
issue that only force can solve; the unification of
the Bohemian Crown may be of vital moment to
the Bohemians, but the Germans will never give
their consent.</p>


<h3>FRANCIS JOSEF, A WORD-BREAKER</h3>

<p>At last wiser counsel prevailed in Vienna, and
while certain members favored repression, even
force, to bring the Bohemians to submission, there
were others, Count Taaffe among them, who urged
moderation. The Potocki ministry (1870) tried
to breach the differences between Prague and
Vienna. More successful than Potocki was Count
Hohenwart, whom the emperor encouraged to
make terms with the Bohemians. Hohenwart’s
first step was to name two distinguished Bohemians,
Jireček and Habětínek, members of his
cabinet. The “Neue Freie Presse” commented on
Hohenwart’s appointment as “the Sedan of German
ideals in Austria.” Hohenwart’s next step
was to select an Austrian commission, in co-operation
with a similar commission of Bohemians,
headed by Count Clam-Martinic and Dr. Rieger,
to draft terms of settlement, which came to be
known as the “Fundamental Articles.” These
“Fundamentals” defined precisely the future relations
of Bohemia and Austria. In the “Fundamentals”<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[75]</a></span>
one could clearly discern Palacký’s ideas
of federalistic Austria.</p>

<p>Thereupon an imperial rescript was issued,
bearing date September 12, 1871, in which the
emperor made this memorable promise: “Recognizing
the state rights of the Bohemian Crown,
calling to mind the renown and power which the
crown has conferred upon Us and Our predecessors,
and mindful further of the unwavering
loyalty with which the people of Bohemia have
at all times supported Our throne, We are glad
to recognize the rights of this kingdom and are
ready to renew this recognition by Our coronation
oath.”<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a></p>

<p>Obviously it was not the mere mediæval ceremony
of coronation that Bohemians were anxious
to have take place. By having himself crowned as
king, the sovereign would affirm by implication
that the Kingdom of Bohemia, the Margravate<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[76]</a></span>
of Moravia, and the Duchy of Silesia were one
and indivisible; that Bohemia was a part of the
monarchy only as long as the Hapsburgs survived
in the male or female line; that in the event of
the Hapsburg-Lothringen line becoming extinct,
Bohemia was free to elect its own ruler; that the
power of legislation was vested jointly in the
king and in the diets and that the king, upon
taking the coronation oath, bound himself to defend
the indissolubility of the Bohemian Crown.</p>

<p>In answer to the emperor’s declaration the diet
passed in its sessions of October 8 and 10, 1871,
the “Fundamental Articles.” Meantime the centralists
worked indefatigably to defeat the settlement
with Bohemia. Their journals employed
every means to prejudice public opinion against it.
“Austria is about to capitulate to the Slavs,” wrote
these journals, “and Prague will eventually supersede
Vienna as the capital of the empire.”</p>

<p>It is known that Bismarck, fearing that Bohemian
home rule might have a stimulating effect
on his Poles, and Andrassy, solicitous about the
“welfare” of his Slovaks, jointly intrigued to
defeat the autonomy which Premier Hohenwart
was ready to concede. “Hungary will have nothing
in common with Slavic Austria,” declared the
“Pester Lloyd,” speaking for the Hungarian
Government. “We Hungarians shall do everything<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[77]</a></span>
in our power to frustrate the reconstruction.
Call it selfishness, if you will, but that shall be our
policy.”</p>

<p>The victory of the Prussians over the French
in 1871 naturally made the Austro-German centralists
more stubborn than ever, and Hohenwart,
despairing of the passage in the parliament of the
“Fundamental Articles,” resigned October 30th.
For the second time since 1848 the rehabilitation
of the Bohemian State had been frustrated. That
the emperor, always vacillating and ever fearful of
the Pan-Germans, was not himself without blame,
is obvious. In fact, it is charged that the coterie
of archdukes around the throne welcomed opposition
to Bohemian home rule, if it did not secretly
foment it.</p>

<p>A new rescript commanded the diet to elect
delegates to the parliament. Refusing to do this,
the diet was dissolved. The Auersperg-Lasser
Ministry which followed Hohenwart was outspokenly
German-centralistic and Bohemian autonomists
made ready for another onslaught from
Vienna.</p>


<h3>NEW PERSECUTIONS</h3>

<p>For the second time the “opposition tamer,”
Baron Koller, was appointed Governor of Bohemia.
To Moravia was sent the notorious<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[78]</a></span>
Bohemiophobe, Baron Weber. As usual, the press
was the first to feel the heel of these little despots.
Public prosecutors throughout Bohemia and Moravia
received instructions to proceed “fearlessly”
against opposition journals. Those prosecutors
who replied that they would do their duty strictly
“in accordance with the law” were either removed
or transferred to other posts and replaced by functionaries
who were more mindful of the needs of
the government. “It is not necessary in every
instance to set forth the reason for the confiscation
of a newspaper article,” the prosecutors were
instructed. “The prosecutors have a full power
to act and they are answerable to no one.” During
the first year of the Auersperg-Lasser Ministry
the daily newspaper “Politik” in Prague was
confiscated 83 times by the conscientious prosecutor.
A number of societies were dissolved,
though non-political in character. An agricultural
organization that had been founded during the
reign of Maria Theresa and had survived the bitter
days of Bach’s administration, was deprived of
its charter because its president, Prince Charles
Schwarzenberg, a Bohemian noble, declined to
participate in the Vienna Exposition unless a separate
space was allotted there to Bohemia, as to
Hungary. Every presiding officer of the so-called
District Committees in the provinces, who was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[79]</a></span>
suspected of being a Bohemian sympathizer, was
summarily removed. Two of the most noted
journalists, Julius Grégr and J. St. Skrejšovský,
who had the courage to fight the Auersperg-Lasser
Ministry openly, were put in jail for an alleged
attempt to defraud the government of a trifling
tax with which newspaper advertisements were
assessable. Both languished in jail for months.
As an instance of official meanness, the case of the
publisher of the “Correspondence Slave” should
be mentioned. This man received a long term in
prison for failure to pay a newspaper tax amounting
to less than half a florin (20 cents).</p>

<p>And because Bohemian juries almost uniformly
acquitted journalists brought before them for political
offenses, prosecuting attorneys resorted to
the expedient of a change of venue to cities inhabited
by Germans. To eminent jurists protesting
that a procedure of this kind was unconstitutional,
the Minister of Justice replied that state necessities
justified this course. On one occasion a deputation
of representative citizens of Prague called on
Baron Koller to complain of the arbitrariness of
the police. “Gentlemen, I hope you do not wish
me to be uncivil to you. I am exceedingly busy,
and inasmuch as I have nothing to say to you, I
must ask you to leave the room in five minutes.”
And when the deputation, incensed over Koller’s<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[80]</a></span>
brusqueness, wished to explain, the redoubtable
baron exclaimed: “Gentlemen, the five minutes
are up. Leave.” A door was opened, and in the
ante-room stood a sentry with fixed bayonet.</p>

<p>The year 1879 witnessed the end of the “policy
of abstinence.” Due, largely, to Premier Taaffe’s
persuasion and promises, Bohemians re-entered the
parliament. From Taaffe and his successors in
office they obtained some political concessions
(crumbs fallen from the opulent table of the master,
to repeat a current expression of the opposition),
yet the supreme ideal of the nation, autonomy,
is to-day no nearer fulfillment than it ever
was. If they thought that they might be able to
convince Vienna of the injustice of dualism and
might by parliamentary pressure force it to grant
to them home rule of which they had been twice
cheated, they had reckoned wrongly. Not only
did they fail to bring Vienna to terms, but they
were made to feel that another foe, powerful and
implacable, blocked their way to national freedom.
That foe was Berlin. For it must not be forgotten
that, since the formation of the Triple Alliance,
Berlin influence at Vienna, always great, had become
predominant. If the two Teutonic partners
were agreed on any one thing, it was on the proposition
that Slavic trees in Austria should not grow
too tall.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[81]</a></span></p>

<p>To conduct the reader through the maze of
purely local happenings that occurred since Taaffe’s
administration would be a long, though not wholly
uninteresting story. Suffice it to say that during
most of the time Bohemians were forced to fight
on two fronts&mdash;Vienna on one front and their
fellow-countrymen with Pan-German leanings on
the other. The main quarrel between Vienna
and Prague during all these years has been over
Home Rule. Shall Bohemians living in the countries
comprising the Bohemian Crown (Bohemia,
Moravia, Silesia) be the arbiters of their own
destiny, and shall they govern themselves from
Prague by laws made and enacted by their home
parliament? Home Rule is and has been the main
issue; all else is subordinate to it.</p>


<h3>WAR WITHOUT SANCTION OF PARLIAMENT</h3>

<p>In 1908 the German minority in the Bohemian
Diet proposed a plan aiming at a division of Bohemia
into two administrative parts, German and
Bohemian. This plan the Bohemians vehemently
combated, as they had consistently opposed like
schemes in the past. They claimed that to rend
the kingdom into two halves, Bohemian and German,
was both impracticable and dangerous. Impracticable,
because it would condemn to inevitable<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[82]</a></span>
Germanization the very strong Bohemian minorities
living in German districts on the border.
Dangerous, because there were good reasons for
believing that German Bohemia would gravitate
toward Berlin, rather than toward Prague or
Vienna. Their scheme having been blocked, the
Germans availed themselves of obstructive tactics
in the diet, with the result that a deadlock ensued.
As usual, the Vienna Government hurried to the
assistance of the Germans. Bohemian leaders
were made to understand that they must yield in
the Prague Diet, or suffer punishment in the parliament.
However, neither threats nor promises
moved the Bohemians; they made it plain that
they would not submit to further political extortions.
Unable to break the deadlock in Bohemia
and unwilling to abandon the Germans in their
hopeless struggle for the maintenance of Teutonic
hegemony in Austria, the Vienna Government, as
a last desperate means of saving its compatriots
from political defeat, suspended what there was
still left of Bohemian autonomy on July 26, 1913,
one year before the outbreak of the war, having
previously advised the Berlin Government of its
intention. The diet was dissolved, although new
elections had not been ordered, as the law provided,
and in place of the autonomous Land
Executive, the government appointed an Imperial<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[83]</a></span>
Commission to govern Bohemia. This was the
beginning of an absolutist era in the kingdom.</p>

<p>The echo of the deadlock in Bohemia was at
once heard in parliament. Promptly the Bohemians
carried the fight to the imperial assembly,
thus crippling its functions. And so it happened
that, on the eve of the Great War, the highest
legislative tribunal of the empire did not meet
and the nations were not consulted as to whether
or not they wished war. The ruler alone decided
this momentous question by taking recourse to the
famous paragraph fourteen of the constitution
which, in certain cases, allows him to act alone
without the co-operation or advice of the parliament.<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a>
This situation really suited the wishes of
the government clique, which knew beforehand
that the Slavs would have resolutely opposed the
war if given an opportunity. Certain it is that the
Bohemians would have raised their voice against
the mad adventure against Serbia and would have
declared in no unequivocal language that a ruler<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[84]</a></span>
who had twice broken his solemn promise to
them had little claim on their loyalty.</p>

<p>In a hundred different ways the nation is being
wronged and held back, and no lasting relief is
possible so long as the deadening centralistic, anti-Slavic
policy obtains, so long as the state recognizes
master races and servant races and accords
different treatment to each.</p>

<p>To every one of its political and cultural demands
Vienna is ready to plead reasons of state,
policies of state, principles of state, necessities of
state. If the grumbling is too loud the malcontents
are given to understand: “If you are not satisfied
in Austria, you may have a chance to become Prussians.”</p>

<p>“Our nation is in a grave danger,” said Palacký,
“and surrounded on all sides by enemies. Yet I
believe that it will conquer in the end, if it is
only determined.” And the Bohemian nation is
determined, determined to the last man, to fight
for its life, its liberty, and its happiness.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[85]</a></span></p>


<h3>HAPSBURGS DISTRUSTED</h3>

<p>If there is one thing deeply rooted in the minds
of the Bohemian people it is the belief, or rather
the conviction, that the Hapsburgs, beginning with
Ferdinand II. and ending with Francis Josef, the
present sovereign, one and all planned the Germanization
of the nation. Vienna newspapers
make much of the fact that Bohemia has advanced
under the rule of Francis Josef as under no other
Hapsburg&mdash;and they seek to convey the impression
that this remarkable renascence should be
credited to his reign. If Francis Josef had had his
way, Bohemians argue, they would to-day be like
the Slavs along the Elbe who have succumbed to
Germanization, and Prague would be as German
as Leipzig or Vienna. Their own determination
to live saved them from extinction. All that the
nation is and all that it has attained it has accomplished
through its own effort, without help from
Vienna, often in the face of the bitterest opposition
from that quarter. Deny it as much as you
will, the truth remains that Bohemians, remembering
their experience with Ferdinand II., have
always distrusted the Hapsburgs; and Francis
Josef has done nothing, despite the splendid opportunities
of his remarkably long reign, to dispel
that feeling of distrust. For, who was it but a
Hapsburg who, in the first half of the seventeenth<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[86]</a></span>
century, turned their fatherland into a waste, driving
into exile the flower of the nation? Who but
a Hapsburg put a tombstone on the sepulchre of
the nation, and who but a Hapsburg tried to
smother its spirit under that tombstone? Who
but a Hapsburg caused the persecution and jailing
of the revivalists who undertook the task of
awakening the nation? And who but a Hapsburg
twice violated, twice broke his solemn promise
to the nation, first in 1861, and again in 1871?
Who but a Hapsburg, by approving of the dualistic
system of government in 1867, intrigued to
barter them away, with the rest of the Slavs, into
political bondage?</p>


<h3>LOYALTY AND UNITY</h3>

<p>Reading the utterances of Austrian officials in
the United States one is almost persuaded to believe
that the reports of mutinies in the early
stages of the war and of disaffection of Slavic
troops were pure inventions of a hostile press, that
the nations in the Hapsburg Monarchy were enthusiastic
and united<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> on the question of war and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[87]</a></span>
that stories of oppression of non-Germanic peoples
were baseless, lacking the foundation of truth. A
member of one of the consular staffs made a pretty
speech before the New York Twilight Club in
which he tried to convince his hearers that it was
an old-time policy of the Austrian Government to
treat justly and impartially all its subjects, irrespective
of race, for does not the Hofburg in
Vienna, the residence of the emperor, bear the
proud legend, “Justice to all nations is the fundament
of Austria”?</p>

<p>Is it really true that the Austrian troops are
and were loyal, that none shot their officers and
none surrendered to the Russians or to the Serbians
when an opportunity presented? Do not these
very denials of mutiny and disaffection sound suspicious?
Mutiny of troops is admittedly unknown
in the German Army, and none have been, so far
as we know, reported from the French or English
Armies. Neither the Germans, nor the English,
nor the French officials in this country have felt
the need to make public affirmation or denial where
silence should have been most eloquent. If the
Austro-Hungarian officials are so sure of their
case, why do they make an exception and
try to refute what in the case of the other
warring countries is understood as a matter of
course?</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[88]</a></span></p>

<p>Before we could give unreserved credence to
these official assurances, we should like to hear
the other side of the story. But, it so happens that
the other side cannot now be presented. Every
newspaper in Austria, without an exception (particularly
opposition journals printed in any of the
Slavic languages), is edited by the government.
The government censor is editor of all journals
published in the empire, and the newspapers are
given the choice either to print what the Imperial
Royal Press Bureau sends them or have the
articles promptly confiscated. As a result of this
complete muzzling of the press, there is now but
one kind of public opinion in Austria&mdash;the censor’s
opinion. According to the Prague journals, which
reach the United States, Austrians are winning
everywhere&mdash;on land, at sea, and in the air.
Police agents plan fraternal and loyal meetings of
Germans and Slavs, and the police agents’ faithful
ally, the censor, writes them up in the newspapers
and the Imperial Royal Press Bureau in Vienna
sends broadcast glowing accounts of them. Again,
many of the leading men of the Bohemian nation
are in jail or under strict police surveillance and
cannot speak. Are we to believe that all the Austrian
races fight enthusiastically? Precisely the
opposite of this is true. With the exception of a
fraction of the Galician Poles, the Slavs were en<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[89]</a></span>tirely
opposed to the war with Serbia.<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> Unfortunately
they have no voice in the foreign policy of
the monarchy; if their warnings and pleadings, as
reflexed in their press, had been heeded, war
against Serbia would never have been undertaken.
Slavs are battling under the Austro-Hungarian
standards because they cannot help themselves.
Yet their hearts are not in the fight. Even the
dullest and least informed mind will guess, notwithstanding<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[90]</a></span>
the honeyed assurances of consular
officials, the way their sympathies incline. It
should be borne in mind that this is a war of Slavs
against Slavs, of Slavic Russia and Slavic Serbia
against two-fifths Slavic Austria. Let us place
ourselves in the position of the Bohemians. For
decades they have worked for solidarity among the
Slavs, so much so that their endeavors in this
direction have earned for them the title of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[91]</a></span>
Apostles of Pan-Slavism. Is it reasonable to suppose
that they would suddenly turn traitors to
one of the most cherished traditions of their race
and shout enthusiastically for a war which, if
successful for the two Kaisers, would mean
their certain obliteration? If Germany should
win, the eventual absorption by her of Austria
would be probable, if not inevitable. The Pan-German
sentiment in the two neighboring empires
would become so overwhelmingly strong
that nothing would stay its furor and the millions
of Austrian Slavs would find themselves face to
face with their doom. Plainly, Slavs have nothing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[92]</a></span>
to gain from the defeat of the Allies, but everything
to lose from the victory of the Hapsburgs
and the Hohenzollerns. They feel that nothing
short of a decisive defeat of Austria will liberate
them from the thraldom of German-Magyar domination.
If Austria collapses in this war the Bohemians
will be among the first to profit thereby.<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a></p>

<p>Is it really true that the Slavs are loyal? Is it
not rather a loyalty wrung from them at the point
of the bayonet? Besides, how can they protest
against a war which was neither of their choosing
nor of their making, when the military rule has
made protests impossible? One must respect and
even admire the French and the Germans when
they declare that they are fighting for the existence
of the fatherland. What are the Austrian<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[93]</a></span>
Slavs fighting for? To them, or rather to the
majority of them, Austrian fatherland conveys
but an abstraction, for correctly speaking, Austria
is a government and not a fatherland in the sense
that a German or a Frenchman regards the country
of his birth. Austria may possibly be a fatherland
to the inhabitants of the Archduchies of
Lower and Upper Austria, but not to a Bohemian, a
Magyar, or a Pole&mdash;certainly no more than England
is the fatherland of an Irishman. By allegiance
a Bohemian is an Austrian subject, ethnically
he belongs to the country of his birth&mdash;Bohemia.
While the national anthem “<span lang="cs" xml:lang="cs">Kde domov můj</span>”
(Where is my Home?) stirs deeply the emotions
of a Bohemian, the singing of the Austrian hymn
“Gott erhalte” leaves him cold and indifferent.</p>


<h3>VIENNA, THE CAPITAL</h3>

<p>Vienna loves to pose as the beacon-light of the
empire somewhat as Paris, the recognized centre of
everything French, or Berlin, the pivotal city of
Germany. Yet Vienna forgets that it lacks all of
the historical, geographical, economic essentials
of Paris and, for that matter, of Berlin. What
is Vienna? The residence of the sovereign and the
seat of the government and the capital&mdash;not of the
empire, mind you, but of the Archduchy of Lower
Austria. The capital of Hungary is Budapest; the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[94]</a></span>
centre of attraction of the Poles is Cracow; the
heart of the Bohemians is Prague. What has been
the attitude of Vienna toward the non-German peoples
and their national needs? The good-natured
Viennese has for decades seen the Slavs caricatured
on the stage, or in the humorous journals, as hopeless
simpletons, while the Bohemian Wenzel was
chosen by common consent as the quintessence of
stupidity.</p>

<p>Several years ago a Bohemian Bank purchased
palatial quarters on a leading thoroughfare, but
it had to cover with cloth a Bohemian sign on the
building until the municipality gave its consent
thereto. A few years ago a company of actors,
attached to the National Theatre at Prague, arranged
to give in Vienna representative plays.
Anti-Bohemian demonstrations, ending in riots,
were the result.</p>

<p>Vienna, the capital of an empire that is inhabited
by a dozen different races, and which counts among
its inhabitants upward of 300,000 Bohemians, objected
to a business sign in Bohemian, because it
might mar the beauty of its looks as a German city!
A few years ago the municipality ordered the closing
of the Komenský Bohemian elementary school,
ostensibly because it failed to comply with building
and health ordinances. The real reason, however,
was known to be political and racial antipathy.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[95]</a></span>
Is it any wonder, then, that the sentiment
“Away from Vienna” is strong and that it
grows stronger every year among non-Germans?
“Vienna has always been to us,” remarked a noted
Bohemian writer, “a cruel, unforgiving step-mother.”</p>


<h3>THE PROBLEM</h3>

<p>On the surface the Austrian problem appears
to be quite complicated, yet with the assistance of
a few facts and figures much that is puzzling to
casual observers becomes intelligible, if not perfectly
clear.</p>

<p>Like most industrial countries, Austria is
plagued with issues which follow in the wake of
modernism&mdash;whatever that term may imply.
Modernism there pounds with ever-increasing violence
at the doors of the palaces of the opulent
captains of industry. The small farmer is land-hungry.
Industrialism has everywhere created
new sources of wealth, yet with every factory
erected or a mine opened the socialists have added
so much to their disaffected ranks. A bitter war
is being waged in certain sections of the monarchy
between the clericals and the modernists, for it
must not be forgotten that Austria is still a faithful
daughter of Rome. If there are those who
favor the “<span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Los von Rom</span>”&mdash;“Away from Rome”&mdash;movement,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[96]</a></span>
there are others who firmly believe
that a steadfast loyalty to a faith different from
that professed by the Prussian neighbor, really constitutes
one of the most effective barriers against
the ever-threatening absorption of Austria by
Prussia.</p>

<p>Most important of all the problems, however,
which confront Austria is that of nationalism.
Nationalism was unknown to Austria in the days
of Napoleon. Prior to 1848 Hapsburgs knew and
recognized Austrian-Germans only. After that
revolutionary year they were compelled to take
notice, unwillingly enough, we may be sure, of
other races. Bohemians, Magyars, Croatians, and
others forced themselves to the front; and, resenting
the broad and ethnically meaningless term
“Austrian,” demanded to be called by their proper
racial names.</p>

<p>The voice that extolled racial patriotism had
first been heard across the Austrian frontier from
Frankfort, Germany, in 1848, when a parliament
that had been summoned to that city called on
Germans to unite. Promptly the Slavs took up the
idea of unity and as a retaliatory measure summoned
a Pan-Slavic Congress to meet in Prague.
It was on the occasion of the Prague Congress
that Francis Palacký addressed his famous letter
to the Frankfortists, explaining why the Bohe<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[97]</a></span>mians
and other Slavs were opposed to the incorporation
of Austria in the future Germany.
“The aim which you propose to yourselves,” wrote
Palacký, among other things, to Frankfort, “is
the substitution of a federation of peoples for the
old federation of princes, to unite the German
nation in a real union, to strengthen the sentiment
of German nationality, to secure the greatness of
Germans without and within. I honor your resolve
and the motives by which you are impelled, but at
the same time I cannot share in your work. I am
not a German, or at least I do not feel as if I were
one. Assuredly you cannot wish that I should
join you merely as a supernumerary with neither
opinion nor will of my own. I am a Bohemian of
Slavic origin, and all I possess and command I
place wholly and forever at the service of my
own country. It is true that my nation is
small, but from the very beginning it has possessed
its own historical individuality. Its princes on
occasions have acted in common with German
princes, but the people have never regarded themselves
as Germans, nor have others, during all
these centuries, included them amongst them.”</p>

<p>It, therefore, sounds very much like irony to
hear Germans from the Fatherland censuring the
Austrian Government for allowing the national
movement among its Slavs to spread as it did.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[98]</a></span>
What the Austrian nations really did was to follow
the advice of their Germanic tutors and awaken
racially.</p>

<p>The population of Austria in 1910 was 28,571,934.
Of this number the Slavs constituted 60.65
percentage, the Germans 35.58. It is in these
figures that we must seek&mdash;and will find&mdash;the real
problem of the country. “Austria,” once declared
a noted statesman in the Austrian Parliament,
“should be a German state in language and education.
German should be spoken by all persons
and serve as a political bond to all races and nationalities.
All the citizens, whatever may be their
mother tongue, Bohemians, Slovaks, Poles, Ruthenes,
Slovenes, Rumuns, and Italians, should
submit to the baptism of the German school, if
they desire to participate in the public affairs of
the state.” Someone answering von Kaiserfeld,
for that was the name of the distinguished statesman,
“You desire to Germanize the empire; you
are not Austrians, you are Germans,” von Kaiserfeld
replied angrily, “There are no Austrians in
Austria, only Germans.” Von Kaiserfeld was not
the only statesman who believed that Austria
should be a German state. That is the obsession
practically of every German in the country, from
the emperor down to the meanest postman. Yet
Austria is to-day further from the realization of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[99]</a></span>
this dream than it ever was. The feeling of
nationalism has grown too strong among the non-Germans
to be suppressed. And this nationalism
demands that people shall be allowed to live their
individual lives, to cultivate their language and
racial ideals, and to pursue both without the interference
of any other people.</p>

<p>Much of the difficulty in the past has been directly
due to the fact that the 35 per cent. not only
thought and acted for themselves, but they also
insisted on doing the thinking for the 60 per cent.,
regardless of the latter’s feelings. The result was
jealousy, discord, opposition. Even the Great War
which has caused Austria to rock like a rudderless
ship, was engineered and premeditated by the 35
per cent., in face of the bitter, though of course
futile, opposition of the 60 per cent. As a result,
there is only 30 per cent. of enthusiasm and efficiency;
and in juxtaposition, 60 per cent. in disaster,
defeats, and discouragements.</p>

<p>The Hapsburgs have never learned, it seems,
how to rule their many nationalities successfully.
There are two races in Canada, the English and
the French. If the Canadian Government had
treated its citizens of French origin in the same
rough-shod manner as Vienna has treated the Bohemians,
or Budapest the Slovaks, Serbs, or
Rumuns, she would have made rebels of every one<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[100]</a></span>
of them, instead of loyal citizens. The Swiss
Republic is the home of three races, French, German,
and Italian, and yet we hear of no racial
friction among them. And when and where did
the national, state, or city government in the United
States interfere when this or that people of foreign
origin desired to build a school or establish a
clubhouse?</p>

<p>Years ago T. G. Masaryk, a prominent Bohemian
deputy, delivered a scathing denunciation
in parliament, in which he took the government
to task for its anti-Slavic policy. “Extirpate,
Germanize, that is and has been the favorite policy
of the government for decades,” said Masaryk.
“Extirpate whom? The Slavs, of course, and first
among them the Bohemians. A nation as vigorous
and virile as our Bohemian nation is bound, if
persecuted, to seek and find new outlets for its
surplus energy. And if, while this process is
going on, we succeed in reclaiming some of the
ground that had been wrested from our forefathers,
it is but a law of compensation and the
Germans should not claim that we are encroaching
on their domain, which they claim belongs to them.
We shall never rest content if we are only tolerated
in Austria; we demand the right to be treated as
equals with the rest of the citizens of the state
and we insist on being permitted to work out our<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[101]</a></span>
destiny as Bohemians without restrictions or limitations.
We entertain no hatred toward the
Germans. We are distrustful, not so much of Germany,
as of Prussia. Recently a speaker in this
parliament has declared that the Germans were
not antagonistic to the Slavs, and that, therefore,
they could not be hostile to the Bohemians. This,
I regret to say, is untrue. It is a matter of common
knowledge that not only they, but the government
as well, are in opposition to us. I shall not
repeat what Mr. Dumreicher has lately said about
the Germanization of the Slovenes and of the Bohemians;
permit me to allude to a pamphlet which
came out some time ago and which is causing a
great deal of comment, ‘On the right and the duty
of the Germanization of the Bohemians and the
Slovenes,’ by Mathias Ratkovsky. Yes, gentlemen,
it will be a sin if the Bohemians and Slovenes are
not Germanized, is the opinion of Mr. Ratkovsky of
the Vienna Theresianum. The government should
use force to attain this object, if necessary. Equality
of languages, what nonsense, argues Mr. Ratkovsky!
The government owes it to the people to
make Bohemia German. Extirpate! Remember,
gentlemen, Ratkovsky is not an isolated case; this
agitation is being conducted systematically both in
Austria and in Germany. F. Löher, a Bavarian
historian, who studied conditions in Austria-Hungary<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[102]</a></span>
in the seventies, declared that there was
only one conclusion possible: to make Germans of
Bohemians and Magyars. This same idea was
advanced by Professor Walcker of the University
of Leipzig. Yet, gentlemen, I should not attribute
so great a weight to the opinions here cited were
it not for the circumstance that bigger men in Germany
were behind this scheme. One can often
hear mentioned the name of Lagarde in this connection
and you, gentlemen of the German national
party, know Lagarde’s name full well.
What has this great thinker taught the German
youth for decades? ‘Austria must be regarded in
the light of a colony of Germany. Apart from this
Austria has no claim to a separate existence. Austria
is confronted with one task only and that
task is to Germanize all its Slavs.’ To the South
Slavs Lagarde gave pardon. All the other people
of the Danube Monarchy, including the Magyars,
were obstacles in Germany’s way and the sooner
they were extirpated the better for Germany, the
better for themselves. Slavs, according to Lagarde,
resembled a commercial enterprise which
was working with an insufficient capital. And just
as there could be no Reuss-Schleiz-Greiz-Lobenstein
policy, so there could not exist a state called
Wenzelland (an opprobrious term given to Bohemia
by Germans and meaning much the same as Pat<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[103]</a></span>rickland
as applied to Ireland). Istria, contended
Lagarde, should be German to form an outlet for
German commerce to the Adriatic Sea and to the
African coast, Jablunkov (a town in Austrian
Silesia situated on a direct route to Hungary)
should hear nothing but German, and from there
let the wave roll southwardly, submerging the
wretched little states and people that now bar the
way thither. ‘No empire, save Germany, is capable
of upholding peace in Central Europe, a Germany,
which should reach out from the Ems to the delta
of the Danube, from Memel to Trieste, from
Metz to the river Bug. Only such a Germany
could be self-sustaining, only such a Germany,
with its huge standing army, would be powerful
enough to defeat both France and Russia. Bohemians
and all the other small races must not be
coddled by us. On the contrary, they are our
enemies, and we should deal with them as such.
Austria cannot be preserved except as a Germanic
Empire.’ Gentlemen, note what is going on in
Germany at the present time and you cannot but
see that this plan to unite Austria with Germany,
to Germanize Austria, has become a recognized
policy in both of these monarchies. I am not quoting
from newspaper clippings. I could refer you
to the books of several prominent writers in support
of this contention. Can you blame us then<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[104]</a></span>
that we are on guard and that we watch with
jealous look what is going on both in Germany
and among our Austrian Germans? Do not tell
us that we should not take seriously theories of
professors lecturing at Göttingen, Münich, and so
forth. No, these theories so-called are assuming
practical forms. Behold, for instance, the teaching
of a philosopher like Edward Hartmann. A
few years ago this noted scholar defined the program
of Germany very clearly: <span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ausrotten!</span> (extirpate).
<span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ausrotten</span> whom? The Poles, of
course, and with them all those who are not of
German blood. You cannot convince us that this
is a theory advanced by professorial dreamers
only; no, it is a theory which the chancellor of
iron and blood (Bismarck) put to practice with
the backing and money of the Prussian Government
in the case of the Poles in Posen. I allude
to this not as an isolated case, but as part of a
well-recognized system that is at work throughout
our monarchy and that not alone threatens to
undermine its very existence as a state, but which
aims a death-blow at our nation, just as it menaces
the life of the Poles, of the Slovenes, and of all
the Slavs.”</p>

<p>The constitution of 1867 proclaimed the equality
of languages in schools, courts, and in administration
of public affairs. However, the operation of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[105]</a></span>
this constitutional guarantee is unique and its interpretation
a legal puzzle. For example, in
Carinthia there are 30,000 Germans and 500,000
Slovenes; the latter are autochthons, yet the Germans
there demand equality but they vehemently
deny equality to the Slovene minority in Styria.
In the same breath, they insist that German schools
be maintained in Italian Tyrol, while they urge
the authorities to close Italian schools in northern
Tyrol. In Prague the courts try cases in either
Bohemian or German, but should a Bohemian come
into contact with the courts in Vienna, the capital
of the empire, the law forgets equality and treats
him there as a foreigner who must plead his case in
German only. In Prague there are numerous and
palatial German schools maintained by the state
or the municipality, as the case may be; but in
Vienna Bohemians, though numbering not less
than 300,000 (in Prague Germans are 17,000
strong), have not one public school and the school
authorities at the capital have fought for years in
the courts every attempt of the Bohemians in that
direction. A very striking illustration of the chaos
in this respect is found in Bohemia. There, in the
so-called German-Bohemia, Germans insist that
their language shall be paramount and exclusive in
the judiciary, schools, and administration. Having
long enjoyed ascendency they will not content<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[106]</a></span>
themselves with equality; yet in the rest of the
country, in the mixed and in the pure Bohemian
districts, they demand that both tongues shall have
equal rights. By stamping their tongues as
“<span lang="de" xml:lang="de">minderwertig</span>,” inferior, the government provokes
to opposition the non-German element.</p>

<p>Observe how the idea of equality works out in
practice the matter of the distribution of schools.
For 9,950,266 Germans Austria maintains 5 universities
(at Vienna, Prague, Graz, Innsbruck,
Czernovitz), and for 6,435,983 Bohemians one
university at Prague. And this one university the
Bohemians were able to get in 1882 only after a
great deal of political haggling and bargaining.
Opponents of the Bohemian seat of learning predicted
that it would soon fail for lack of professors
and of students. Yet, contrary to their expectation,
when the Prague school was divided in
1882 into two parts, Bohemian and German, 1,055
students matriculated the first year in the Bohemian
section as against 1,695 Germans. Eventually
the Bohemian university&mdash;by the way, one of
the oldest universities in Central Europe, having
been founded by Emperor Charles IV. in 1348&mdash;far
outstripped its old partner in point of attendance.
At present the number of students in the
Bohemian faculties is 4,713; in the German 2,282.
Of late years a demand has been made for a sec<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[107]</a></span>ond
university to be located at Brno (<span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Brünn</span>), the
capital of Moravia. The University of Prague is
scandalously overcrowded and students from the
sister state of Moravia are compelled, in consequence,
to go to Vienna in search of education,
where, under Teutonic influences, many are
estranged from their nation. Numerous petitions
have been addressed to the government on the
subject of a second university, but to no purpose.
In the matter of secondary schools (gymnasia and
real schools) the discrimination against non-Germans
is very striking. For 4,241,918 Bohemians
in Bohemia the government maintains 39 schools
of this type for secondary education, and they are
unable to get more, while 2,467,724 Germans
boast 34 of these schools. In Moravia the disproportion
is still greater and in Silesia it is
relatively worse than in Moravia. The condition
of the Bohemian elementary schools in the mixed
districts near the border is most deplorable. It
was the blind and unreasoning hostility of the authorities
in the German-Bohemian districts against
Bohemian schools which led the patriots, in 1880,
to found a school society called the <span lang="cs" xml:lang="cs">Ústřední
Matice Školská</span>. This vernacular school society
had spent, up to 1912, a total of more than
$3,000,000 in the establishment and support of
such schools in districts inhabited by both races.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[108]</a></span>
Every cent of this money has been donated by the
Bohemian people in order to give their children an
education in the mother tongue.</p>


<h3>THE ORIGIN OF AUSTRIA</h3>

<p>“Austria as a great power,” said Rieger,<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> in
a speech delivered in parliament in 1861, “dates
back only to the days when the Bohemian Crown
and the Hungarian Crown united with Austria.
We Bohemians raised it to the dignity of a
state of the first magnitude when, by a free election,
our diet summoned, on October 23, 1526,<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a>
Ferdinand I. to the sovereign throne of our kingdom.
Our action was followed on November
26th of that year by the Hungarians, who placed
the crown of their country on the head of this
Hapsburg. From that time on Austria, composed
of three states in one, started on its career of a
world power. The three units were the basis, the
origin, the rise of the Austrian Empire. All else is
really the result of accident. Eastern Galicia has<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[109]</a></span>
belonged to Austria only since 1772, Bukovina
since 1777, Western Galicia since 1795, Venice and
Dalmatia since 1797, Southern Tyrol (Trient and
Brixen) since 1801, Salzburg and other smaller
lands since 1814, while Cracow is part of Austria
only since 1846. All these possessions have not
made Austria a great power, for even without
them it would still be one; however, an Austrian
Empire is unthinkable and Austria as a great
power is inconceivable without one of the three
crowns&mdash;that of Austria, Bohemia, or Hungary.”</p>


<h3>AUSTRIA’S FUTURE DARK</h3>

<p>What is Austria? A land that has a German
head and a Slavonic body, in which minorities
rule and majorities are made to obey, the homeland
of a dozen races, every one of which is dissatisfied
or jealous of some other race.</p>

<p>There was a time when Austria had a mission to
perform. That mission was to serve as the advance
guard of Germandom and as a Catholic
power. The first came to an end at Sedan when
the Prussians assumed leadership among Germans;
the second terminated when Prussia gave up its
Kulturkampf against Rome. Now Austria is a
country without a mission, unless it be a mission
to thwart the legitimate aspirations of the Slavic
races to national freedom.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[110]</a></span></p>

<p>For Austria to pursue further its policy of Teutonism
is madness. If the monarchy wishes to
live it must be neither German, for there is no
room in Europe for two Germanic Empires side
by side, nor wholly Slavonic, like Russia. Her
manifest destiny is, or rather has been, to form a
bridge between Germany and Russia, between the
Slavs and Teutons, between the west and the east.
For Germany to go to war to fight the Slavic peril
is conceivable, even justifiable; but for Austria,
more than 60 per cent. Slavonic, to draw her
sword to combat Slavism sounds very much like
the familiar story attributed by Plutarch to
Menenius Agrippa, according to which various
members of one’s body determined to down the
stomach as the source of all their troubles. To
fight the Slavs Austria must fight herself.</p>

<p>Plainly the destinies of Austria and Germany
are as unlike as are divergent their ambitions. Germany
aspired to be a world power, a <span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Weltmacht</span>,
and in pursuance of this dream she began to build
up a colonial empire. Austria possesses no colonies.
The plan of her statesmen (Aehrenthal)
has been to establish a predominating Austrian
influence in the Balkans, where Germany’s interests,
to quote the well-known words of Bismarck,
were not worth the bones of one Pomeranian
grenadier. Germany is a homogeneous country<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[111]</a></span>
or nearly so; Austria, on the contrary, is the most
heterogeneous empire in Central Europe.</p>

<p>Quite naturally the question suggests itself:
what would arise on the splendid ruins on the
Danube should the proverbial ill-luck overtake the
Hapsburgs in the present war? With Galicia and
Bukovina lost to Russia, with Transylvania annexed
to Rumania, with Trentino and Trieste
restored to Italy, and Bosnia and Herzegovina incorporated
in Greater Serbia&mdash;provided the partition
went no further&mdash;what would be left of the
Hapsburg inheritance? Instead of a Greater Austria,
that should have included conquered Serbia,
it is not improbable that the Hapsburgs will return
home from the Great War with a Small
Austria&mdash;an Austria as it began in 1527, when the
Austrians, Bohemians, and Hungarians formed a
confederacy and elected a Hapsburg as their ruler.</p>

<p>Rieger, a Bohemian statesman, once declared
in the Vienna Parliament, that Austria will only
live as long as the Slavs wish her to live and no
longer. Rieger’s famous utterance has acquired a
new meaning in view of the passing events in the
Hapsburg Empire.</p>

<p class="sig">
<span class="smcap">Thomas Čapek.</span><br />
</p>

<div class="blockquot">

<p>References: The writer of this article is largely
indebted for much of the material to Professor
Ernest Denis’ most excellent work, <i>La Bohême
depuis La Montagne-Blanche</i> (lately translated<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[112]</a></span>
from the French into Bohemian). Among others
he has consulted the following Bohemian works:
<i>Our Re-birth, Review of Bohemian National Life
Within the Last Half Century</i>, by Jakub Malý;
<i>Slavdom, Pictures of Its Past and Present</i>. (This
is a standard work containing isolated articles by
a number of representative authors.) <i>History of
Our Times</i>, by Dr. Jan Krištůfek; <i>Political History
of the Bohemian Nation from the Year 1861 to
the Ascension of the Badeni Ministry in 1891</i>, by
Adolf Srb; <i>Political Ideas of Francis Palacký</i>; <i>Political
Utterances and Principles of Francis L.
Rieger</i>; <i>A Great Bohemian: The Life, Work and
Meaning of Francis Palacký, the Father of the Nation</i>,
by Vácslav Řezníček; <i>Karel Havlíček: Aims
and Hopes of Political Awakening</i>, by T. G.
Masaryk.</p></div>



<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[113]</a></span></p>




<h2>II <br />THE SLOVAKS OF HUNGARY</h2>


<p>The Slovaks, a branch of the Slavic family,
numbering between 2,000,000 and 3,000,000
people, and kinsmen of the Bohemians,
inhabit the northwestern provinces of Hungary.
There is not uniform agreement among Slovak
scholars with reference to the ethnic affinity of this
people with the Bohemians. Are the Slovaks a
direct offshoot of the Bohemians or a separate
branch of the Slavic family? Ethnologists find
convincing arguments for and against both
theories. Bohemians, as may be surmised, take
the ground that they and the Slovaks are one&mdash;one
in language and one in racial traditions&mdash;and
that nothing divides them except political boundaries,&mdash;the
Slovaks being subject to the rule of
Hungary, Bohemians owing allegiance to Austria.
Samo Czambel, a learned Slovak, published a
book recently on the grammatical peculiarities of
his mother tongue in which, contrary to the almost
universal opinion of philologists that Slovak is but
an older form of Bohemian, he contends that the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[114]</a></span>
old grouping of Slovak jointly with Bohemian is
wrong; and that the language should be treated as
an independent Slavic idiom, precisely in the same
way as Polish, Russian, etc. But, though grammarians
may disagree about this or that Slovak
or Bohemian root or termination of a verb; though
they may fancy they see a difference where probably
none exists, the people themselves have no
quarrels to pick, no disputes to adjust. On the
contrary, they have always been good neighbors<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a>
and loyal friends. As for real differences of
speech, these are so slight that a Slovak will understand
a Bohemian as readily as an Englishman
from Yorkshire will his cousin, the Yankee. One
is reminded of the closeness of the two languages
when one recalls that Slovaks of the Protestant
faith read at their church services from the Bohemian
Bible. Recently a meeting of representative
Bohemians and Slovaks<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> in New York
passed a resolution, in which occurs this significant
passage: “Nothing now separates us, except that
we owe political allegiance to two different states,
one to Austria, the other to Hungary. Remove
that barrier, and it will be seen that the Bohemians<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[115]</a></span>
and Slovaks are one in language, one in
blood, one in national faith, indissoluble and indivisible.”</p>

<p>According to the census of 1910, a census, by
the way, notoriously unreliable, Slovaks number
1,967,970. If an enumeration were taken free
of intrigue and coercion, the actual number of
Slovaks, it is asserted, would be nearer 2,500,000;
and, were we to include as Slovaks the opportunists
who everywhere go with the ruling element, and
further, were we to add those who are compelled,
for various reasons, to conceal their nationality,
the actual number would not be far from 3,000,000.
Outside of Slovakland Slovaks are scattered
throughout Hungary except in Transylvania.
There are few districts in Hungary in which they
do not live. The various settlements in the interior
of the country are in part ramifications of
Slovakland proper, which formerly extended further
south into Hungary than at present and in
part colonies, the origin of which dates back to
the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.</p>

<p>When did the Slovaks come to Hungary? Probably
the question could best be answered by saying
that they had always lived there. Certain pseudo-historians
wish to make it appear that the Slovaks
are descendants of immigrants from Bohemia who
fled to Hungary to escape religious and political<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[116]</a></span>
persecution. The truth is, however, that their
ancestors occupied the Carpathian highlands from
the dawn of history. The Slovaks of Hungary
are not immigrants, and no authoritative historian
has successfully disputed their claim to priority as
one of the earliest inhabitants of the Kingdom of
St. Stephen.</p>

<p>Down to the middle of the last century no one
of the languages spoken by the different racial
elements in Hungary acquired predominance. For
the purposes of every-day life each race was free
to use its mother tongue. During the mediæval
period Latin was the medium of communication
among the cultured classes. Latin was gradually
superseded by the German language and the Slovaks,
though grieved at the wanton suppression of
their vernacular, did not feel that their national
existence had been threatened by the innovation.
But when, in 1867, Austria concluded with Hungary
the Act of Settlement, whereby the dual
system of government was introduced, and the
Magyars secured for themselves ascendency over
all the other races in the kingdom, the danger became
acute, and has been growing steadily since,
until now the Slovaks are menaced by denationalization.
True, the Law of Nationalities was promulgated
soon after the Act of Settlement, ostensibly
for the protection of non-Magyars; but this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[117]</a></span>
law, in the words of Plutarch, “is like a spider
web and would catch the weak and the poor; but
may easily be broken by the mighty rich.” Bitter
experience has shown that under the Law of
Nationalities, the very acts which the law was
designed to prevent or regulate, have been perpetrated
with impunity, either by omission or commission.</p>

<p>Students of Slovak nationality have been expelled
by school authorities from seminaries and
secondary schools for Pan-Slavic propaganda.
Pan-Slavism in the case of these unfortunate
youths consists in the reading, recitation, or circulation
of literature in one of the Slavic tongues.</p>

<p>Journalists are prosecuted or jailed for alleged
seditious articles against the Hungarian State;
newspapers are mulcted in ruinous fines, in many
cases tantamount to their suppression. In countries
enjoying the blessing of freedom of speech
and press, <i>de facto</i> and not only <i>de jure</i>, the articles
which Hungarian prosecuting attorneys construe
as seditious, would be regarded as an honest
and fearless criticism of the acts of government.
There are few Slovak journalists who have not
served terms in jail or whose newspapers have not
been fined.</p>

<p>To plead one’s case in the courts in the Slovak
language, notwithstanding the express provisions<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[118]</a></span>
of the Law of Nationalities permitting this procedure,
would be prejudicial to the litigant’s case
in the lower courts and impossible in the higher
courts.</p>

<p>A patriotic Slovak may not hold a government
position of any trust or importance. One aspiring
to an office in any way connected with the
government, directly or indirectly, must of necessity
renounce his nationality&mdash;or, in the alternative,
conceal his true inward feelings, both before
his superiors and before his friends.</p>

<p>Apparently with the object of making the world
believe that Slovakland has always been Magyar,
the Hungarian Government is abolishing the ancient
Slavic nomenclature of villages and towns,
replacing it with Magyar names, and this crusade
is undertaken in districts where from times immemorial
no other speech had been heard but
Slovak.<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a></p>

<p>A visiting Hungarian statesman boasted before
an American audience in New York City that the
laws of Hungary were as broad and liberal as
those in the United States. If such were the case,
why are not Slovaks permitted to establish schools
and organize themselves into societies as freely as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[119]</a></span>
in the United States? In the early seventies of
the last century the government closed all the
Slovak secondary schools (gymnasia) on the pretext
that they fostered among the pupils and
professors Pan-Slavic propaganda. Since that
time, and despite the plain language of the Law of
Nationalities, assuring to every race education in
its native tongue, Slovaks have been unable to
obtain from the authorities consent to the reopening
of even one higher school. Think of a nation
of two millions and a half, living in the heart of
Europe, not having one higher school for the education
of its youth! In 1875 the government confiscated
the funds of an educational institution,
and with the money undertook to publish at Budapest
“a patriotic Hungarian journal.” At the
University of Budapest, the Slovak idiom is studiously
ignored by the instructors, though the
Slovaks are heavy taxpayers, and even a biased
census concedes 10 per cent. Slovak population in
the country. Slovak elementary schools are fast
disappearing; those that still remain in Slovakland
are either mixed, that is Slovak-Magyar, or pure
Magyar. Under the provision of the Apponyi
Law, Magyar is the only recognized language of
instruction in elementary schools in Hungary
which are attended by twenty or more Magyar
children. Since the normal schools are all Magyar,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[120]</a></span>
it is obvious that the future teachers of Slovak
children will have no means, except by private
study, to learn the language of their little charges.</p>

<p>Neither Vienna nor Budapest will listen to their
appeal for justice. The Lord is too high and the
Emperor-King too far away to hear and see the
Slovaks. The Rumuns in Transylvania may hope
for succor from their motherland, Rumania; Italians
in the unredeemed provinces may look forward
to the time when Italy will liberate them
from Austrian misrule; even the Serbs in Southern
Hungary find new courage in resisting oppression
by reason of their nearness to their brothers
in the Serbian Kingdom. Whence shall Slovaks
look for sympathy and help? Their nearest kinsmen,
the Bohemians, who, of all the nations, best
understand them, are themselves held down by an
alien oppressor and unable to give them other than
moral aid.</p>

<p>“In comparison with the Government of Magyarland
the Government of Austria is a model of
tolerance.”<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a></p>

<p>This is the opinion of an Englishman who
knows conditions in Hungary well. Exterminate
the race, suppress its language, obliterate every
evidence of its existence: that is now and has been<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[121]</a></span>
for decades the policy of the Hungarian Government
toward the Slovaks.</p>

<p>Some time ago the American Slovaks formulated
a demand for autonomy in a memorandum
which they sent to influential friends and to those
whom they hope to win as friends. The memorandum
“voices the sentiment and national aspirations,
not only of Slovaks living in the United
States, but also interprets the mind and the will
of their brothers, inhabiting, since times immemorial,
the ancestral homelands of the race.”
That the American Slovaks took the initiative in
issuing the memorandum is not hard to understand.
“The Slovaks at home are not permitted to
approach their king with grievances, the last deputation
to him having been denied admittance.
Slovaks, therefore, are made to feel that they have
no king, only a government&mdash;a government, however,
that knows no mercy, that feels no remorse,
that offers no hope, that fears no punishment. If
Slovaks are resolved to speak at all, if they wish
the world at large to know the measure of their
wrongs, under existing conditions, they can only
appeal through the medium of their compatriots
in the United States.”</p>

<p>Of the Magyars as a nation the Slovaks do not
complain. It is the Hungarian Government which
they accuse of oppression.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[122]</a></span></p>

<p>When the time approaches to re-draw the map
of Austria-Hungary, the Slovaks will ask to be
freed from the Hungarian yoke. And if they
cannot have a government of their own, their second
choice is to co-operate with the Bohemians
toward the establishment of a confederacy that
shall include the autonomous states of Bohemia,
Moravia, Silesia, and Slovakland. Thus to the
present ethnical unity of Slovaks and Bohemians
another bond would be added, that of political
unity.</p>

<p class="sig">
<span class="smcap">Thomas Čapek.</span><br />
</p>

<div class="blockquot">

<p>References: <i>The Slovaks of Hungary</i>, The Knickerbocker
Press, New York, 1906, by Thomas
Čapek; <i>Racial Problems in Hungary</i>, Archibald
Constable &amp; Co., Ltd., London, 1908, by Scotus
Viator. <i>Die Unterdrückung der Slovaken durch die
Magyaren</i>, Prague, 1903.</p></div>



<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[123]</a></span></p>




<h2>III <br />WHY BOHEMIA DESERVES FREEDOM</h2>


<div class="blockquot">

<p><span class="smcap">By Professor B. Šimek of the State University
of Iowa</span><a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a></p></div>

<p>In the present European crisis several nations
are hoping for a betterment of their political
fortunes. Among these not the least hopeful
are the Bohemians in the historic Kingdom of
Bohemia, now annexed to the Austrian Empire.</p>

<p>Many who are unfamiliar with the situation will
probably ask: Why should the Bohemians seek independence?
Are they not more secure as a part
of a large empire? It is in anticipation of, and
in response to such questions that the following
facts are presented.</p>

<p>Bohemia has not received just treatment at the
hands of the Austrian Government. Her national
spirit has been offended or ignored, her people
have been oppressed, her schools are not adequately
maintained, and the scant support which
they now receive has been wrung from the gov<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[124]</a></span>ernment
only by tremendous effort, and in times
of great political stress. Even now the people are
compelled to maintain schools in some parts of the
kingdom by voluntary contributions. The government
has done nothing for Bohemia either politically,
intellectually, or industrially, excepting under
compulsion. Therefore there is no reason for a
grateful desire to perpetuate the present relation.
Bohemia has heretofore been loyal to Austria only
because she faced a greater danger from German
absorption.</p>

<p>The grounds on which the Bohemians ask the
right to shape their own destinies as a nation are
chiefly the following:</p>

<p>1. The historic right.&mdash;The House of Hapsburg
was called to the throne of Bohemia by voluntary
election. The first Hapsburg to attempt to rule
Bohemia was Rudolph (1306-1307), who was
forced upon the country for a short time by the
German Emperor, and who attempted to secure
the color of a right to rule by marrying the widow
of the last Bohemian King of the Přemysl line.
His right to rule was contested, and upon his death
the Bohemians selected several kings from other
ruling houses, and it was not until 1437 that another
Hapsburg, Albrecht, was again voluntarily
elected King of Bohemia. But after a brief rule
of two years, during which he violated his oath<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[125]</a></span>
and his pledges to the Bohemian people, he was
again succeeded by a line of kings elected from
various ruling houses, and the greatest of them,
George of Poděbrad, the Protestant king who
ruled from 1458 to 1471, from among their own
nobility.</p>

<p>It was not until 1526 that another Hapsburg,
Ferdinand I., was elected king by the Bohemian
Diet, but he soon destroyed the old charter in
accordance with which he was recognized as a
king by election, and usurped the power which the
House of Hapsburg continued to exercise for
some time. But in 1619 the Bohemians reasserted
their right to elect their kings and chose Frederick
of the Palatinate, thus precipitating the Thirty
Years’ War. But notwithstanding the reverses
which the Bohemians suffered, Ferdinand II. of
Hapsburg, who ascended the throne, was obliged to
take oath “to maintain the privileges and liberties
of the kingdom” and to “govern the kingdom according
to the laws and usages of the kings, his
predecessors, and especially Charles IV.”</p>

<p>During the long dark night which followed the
deep tragedy of the Thirty Years’ War, the Hapsburgs
ruled over Bohemia, but the nation never
conceded them the right to incorporate their country
in any other, and in 1868 formally declared
that “the Kingdom of Bohemia is attached to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[126]</a></span>
empire by a purely personal tie,”&mdash;that is, through
the person of the king who was also Emperor
of Austria. Francis Josef himself soon after
recognized this right and promised to be crowned
King of Bohemia, but this promise was broken.</p>

<p>For the reasons here given the Bohemians claim
that their kingdom is still a distinct political
entity.</p>

<p>2. Their political capacity.&mdash;Time and again the
Bohemians have demonstrated their loyalty to high
political ideals and their capacity for self-government.
They never recognized the “divine right”
of kings to rule,&mdash;unlike their German neighbors,
most of whom recognize the “right” to-day.
They elected their own kings, who were bound by
what was practically equivalent to our modern constitution,
and they sometimes chose these kings
from their own midst; before the outbreak of the
Thirty Years’ War they were seriously contemplating
a form of government not unlike that of
our own country; and to-day they are hoping for
a republic, or at least for a monarchy as liberal
and innocuous as that of England. Indeed, for
several centuries their political ideals have approached
nearer to those of England than of any
other of the greater European nations.</p>

<p>3. Their intellectual power.&mdash;A nation claiming
the right of self-government is usually expected<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[127]</a></span>
to show competent intellectual capacity. This the
Bohemians have demonstrated beyond a doubt.
When we consider the great odds against which
they contended when they struggled to re-establish
their schools and their intellectual life,
the progress which they have made in the past
century is astonishing. The city of Prague is
to-day one of the greatest publishing centres in
Europe. The growth of Bohemian literature in
all its branches has been stupendous, and to-day
Bohemia leads the Empire of Austria with the
smallest percentage of illiterates and is one of the
leaders of Europe in this respect!</p>

<p>Nor are these educational and intellectual ideals
a gift of the Germans, as has been asserted in certain
prejudiced quarters. Bohemia had a great
university, that of Prague, before a single institution
of the kind had been established within the
limits either of the present German Empire or
any other part of the present Empire of Austria.
This has been claimed repeatedly as a German university,
but it was established in 1348 by Charles
IV., whose mother was a Bohemian, and whose
sentiments were wholly Bohemian. He was educated
in the University of Paris, and that institution
furnished the model for his new university.
Following the Paris plan he gave two votes to the
German nations in the management of the univer<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[128]</a></span>sity
(a courtesy which they have never been inclined
to imitate), but like all other institutions
of that period the university was Latin, and not
in any sense German. Fifty years later it passed
wholly under the control of the Bohemians and
developed into one of the greatest universities of
Europe, sharing this honor with Paris and Oxford,
and for more than two centuries it continued to be
one of the world’s great centres of intellectual
activity and inspiration. The Thirty Years’ War
overwhelmed it, and transformed it into a German
institution for a long time, but a third of a century
ago it was re-established as a Bohemian institution,
and has now far outstripped its German
rival in the same city which was forced upon the
nation in the effort to Germanize it.</p>

<p>It is also a matter of historic interest that as
early as 1294 a King of Bohemia, Václav II., attempted
to establish a university at Prague, but the
plan failed because of dissensions between the ecclesiastics
and the nobility.</p>

<p>The Bohemian people have abundant intellectual
traditions of their own, and their devotion to their
educational interests has been tested repeatedly
and found not wanting.</p>

<p>4. The moral and ethical right.&mdash;Why should
any other nation rule Bohemia? The Bohemian
people are intellectual, with high political ideals<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[129]</a></span>
and splendid traditions, and they are industrially
progressive. They are competent to direct their
own affairs, and it is only the insolent usurper
who can assume to lay claim to the right to rule
over them. Bohemia is a fertile country blessed
with boundless riches which should be employed to
sustain a happy, busy, progressive nation, and not
a usurping military power, and that nation has a
right to be free!</p>

<p>This briefly is the Bill of Rights of the Bohemian
nation. Whatsoever may be the form of the government
which will come to liberated Bohemia,
all lovers of freedom will join in the hope of the
realization of the spirit of the prophecy of Doctor
John Jesenský of Jesen, one of the martyr leaders
of the Bohemians who were executed at Prague in
1621, who proclaimed from the scaffold: “It is
vain that Ferdinand gluts his rage for blood; a
king elected by us shall again ascend the throne
of Bohemia!”</p>



<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[130]</a></span></p>




<h2>IV <br />THE BOHEMIAN CHARACTER</h2>


<div class="blockquot">

<p><span class="smcap">By Herbert Adolphus Miller, Ph.D., Professor
of Sociology, Oberlin College,
Ohio</span><a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a></p></div>

<p>The mental and moral characteristics of any
social group are the product of a wide
variety of complex influences of a pre-eminently
psychological nature. The suggestions
that come through tradition and history result in
mental reactions that become so typical of the
group that it is popular to call them inborn and
racial. The easy assumption of this explanation
hinders the more fundamental discovery of why
certain characteristics prevail. The Bohemians
illustrate this principle of the creative influence of
definite ideas.</p>

<p>A Bohemian is a Slav. The influence of this
relationship is the broadest and most general. It
has become self-conscious only in comparatively
recent times, i.e., two or three generations. Previ<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[131]</a></span>ously
there was much changing from Slav to Teuton
and vice versa. Unquestionably a very large
proportion of Prussians have a considerable infusion
of Slavic blood, and many Bohemians have
German ancestors. In centres like Pilsen or
Prague, where the two races have lived together for
a long time, it is absolutely impossible to tell them
apart until they begin to speak, and then the identity
may be concealed by using the other language.
Within the last seventy-five years there has been
a clear recognition of the Slavic relationship which
has taken the form of conscious efforts to preserve
certain Slavic characteristics, and to join with the
others in withstanding the influence and authority
of the Germans. There have been certain other
Slavic characteristics that have persisted in all the
Slavic groups which will be mentioned later when
we consider their contribution to democracy.</p>

<p>For something over five hundred years the Bohemians
have been clearly conscious of their
Bohemian nationality and much that is distinctive
of them has been developed and is still being developed
in them by this national history, and
nothing of it can be understood except in the light
of this historical influence. The two most influential
forces have been John Hus, who made Bohemia
Protestant a century before Luther, and who was
burned at the stake in 1415; and Comenius the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[132]</a></span>
world educator, who was exiled for his connection
with the Protestant Church of Bohemian
Brethren. These two national heroes planted the
seeds which differentiated the Bohemians from the
rest of the Slavs in religious freedom and respect
for education. Hus also was the symbol for the
development of nationalism and the consequent
revival of the language which have occupied such a
large place in the attention of the Bohemian people.
The two most characteristic expressions of these
influences are now found in Nationalism and Free-thought,
and no appreciation of the condition and
purposes of the people can be complete without
reckoning with these facts.</p>

<p>From about 1400 for more than two hundred
years Bohemia was a leader in European culture,
but the Thirty Years’ War crushed her so that
some claim that she has had no history since 1620.
Count Lützow says that “Bohemia presents the
nearly unique case of a country which was formerly
almost entirely Protestant and has become almost
entirely Catholic. The popular optimistic fallacy
which maintains that in no country has the religious
belief been entirely suppressed by persecution
and brute force is disproved by the fate of
Bohemia.” As a matter of fact, instead of being
suppressed, it was smouldering during the centuries
and now constitutes an amazing unanim<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[133]</a></span>ity
of mind and feeling among the nation in regard
to religion. Immediately after the Act of Tolerance
in 1781 there sprang up here and there
churches which took up the old faith exactly where
it had been left more than a hundred and fifty
years before. Free-thinking is in part a philosophy,
but it is more particularly a sign of national
character.</p>

<p>In the past it has been the custom of nations
to try to absorb all within their political boundaries
into the character of the governing group,
however much they may have differed in traditions
and customs. Austria not only tried to make Bohemians
Catholics but Germans, and the history
of the effort ought to make clear for ever that
political science must adjust itself to the laws of
human nature, and that the way to develop the
individualism of a people is to try to blot it out.
Whatever may be said about the superiority of
one culture over another it cannot be imposed by
force, and the Germans have been stupidly slow
in discovering this fundamental fact. Bohemia is
but a single example of this new consciousness
which is called Nationalism. The Poles, Lithuanians,
Finns, Magyars, Irish, and all the Slavic
groups are showing that there is a psychological
force to be reckoned with which military force
cannot overcome. The contribution of the variety<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[134]</a></span>
of cultures is what will enrich the life of civilization
and not the pre-eminence of one, whatever
that one may be. Some evidence of the way in
which the revival of nation spirit is taking place
among the Bohemians will show what a tremendous
force this spirit is.</p>

<p>Count Lützow, in an address given in Prague
in 1911, brings out the present situation: “One of
the most interesting facts that in Bohemia and
especially in Prague mark the period of peace at
the beginning of the nineteenth century is the revival
of the national feeling and language....
The greatest part of Bohemia, formerly almost
Germanized, has now again become thoroughly
Slavic. The national language, for a time used
only by the peasantry in outlying districts, is now
freely and generally used by the educated classes
in most parts of the country. Prague itself, that
had for a time acquired almost the appearance of a
German town, has now a thoroughly Slavic character.
The national literature also, which had almost
ceased to exist, is in a very flourishing state,
particularly since the foundation of a national
university. At no period have so many and so
valuable books been written in the Bohemian language.”</p>

<p>About sixty years ago several Bohemian writers
were bold enough to write in their own lan<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[135]</a></span>guage
instead of German and from that time the
Bohemian spirit has grown until opposition to the
overbearing Germanism became almost a passion.
Wherever the Germans were in a majority only
German public schools were provided, but wherever
the municipality had fewer Germans than Slavs
German as well as Bohemian schools were provided.
To meet this discrimination Bohemians,
both at home and in America, have contributed to a
remarkable degree for the “Mother of Schools”
(association) which supports Bohemian schools of
first caliber in the minority communities. There
are no other Slavs who compare with the Bohemians
in the high regard for schools. As one
goes through the country he is struck by the palatial
school building even in poor peasant villages. It
seems to bear a relation similar to the prison and
church in a Russian town. The inevitable result
of this universal spirit is the gradual elimination
of the German language. German had nearly
vanished from the streets of Prague. One fared
ill in a restaurant if his German were good enough
to sound genuine though the waiter understood
perfectly. Business men were beginning to take
pride in the fact that they could succeed without
knowing any German, and fathers who were reared
with German as a mother tongue taught their children
Bohemian instead. The unifying force of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[136]</a></span>
this national feeling has been going on with great
rapidity in the face of the disrupting force of
eleven political parties, besides the sharp spiritual
division into Catholics and anti-Catholics.</p>

<p>It could not fail to be a distinct disadvantage
for a people of seven or eight million to cut itself
off from the opportunities of the environing German
culture, science, and commerce, but those who
saw this most clearly deliberately assumed the cost
in their struggle for the freedom of the spirit.
When we remember that prestige was on the side
of the German one sees a sacrifice approaching
nobility. At the time the Olympic games were being
held in Europe and attracting the attention of
the world a far more important athletic meet was
being held in Prague. This was Slavic in its membership,
though Bohemian in its origin. More
than twenty thousand persons took part, and at
one time eleven thousand men, speaking several
different languages, were doing calisthenic exercises
together. With the exception of the Poles,
who would not come because the Russians were invited,
there were representatives of all the Slavic
nationalities, and the keynote of every speech was
“Slavie! Slavie!” and when it was uttered the
crowds would go wild. There were a quarter of
a million visitors in the city, and illustrated reports
of the exhibition went to the ends of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[137]</a></span>
Slavic world. A few weeks afterwards I saw some
of them pasted on the wall of a primitive factory
in the back districts of Moscow. But the German
papers completely ignored the whole thing and no
self-respecting German could attend, though it was
undoubtedly the greatest thing of the sort ever
held.</p>

<p>Two years ago when war was threatening between
Austria and Serbia, Bohemians who were
being entrained from their garrison for mobilization
on the Serbian border, in more than one case
sang the Pan-Slavic hymn, “Hej Slované!” familiar
to all Slavic nations, but forbidden to Austrian
soldiers in service. They used a popular
parody in this enthusiastic and powerful hymn,
full of encouragement to the Slavs, telling them that
their language shall never perish nor shall they
“even though the number of Germans equal the
number of souls in hell.” It is said that at this
time at least seventy thousand Slavs in Austria
eligible to military service quit the country.</p>

<p>The Germans have succeeded in making the Bohemian
culture almost identical with theirs, and it
is difficult to find in the German any traits that
can be called specifically Bohemian. Only a long
future can tell whether there are actually inherent
psychological differences which can account for
aggressiveness in the one and passivity in the other.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[138]</a></span>
We may assume, however, that we have not had
time to test the subtle forces which work on social
groups and give them a cast of thought that
seems biologically inherent. No Slavic people has
exhibited the individualistic character of the Teuton,
but we have no assurance that this Teuton
habit of mind is the result of anything except the
history and the philosophy which have been appropriated
in comparatively modern times. There
are two ways of explaining the relative passivity
of the Slavic mind. One is the fact that having
been for so long a subject people they have no traditions
of success. Even the Russians are ruled by
a bureaucracy with which they have no sympathy.
The other is that the Bohemians and the others
have retained the democratic characteristics which
are common to the Slavs. There has been some
influence from both.</p>

<p>One peculiarity of Bohemians both in America
and Bohemia is the habit of criticising any of their
own people who acquire any eminence or leadership
in any field. One never feels free to speak
with enthusiasm about a successful Bohemian lest
he invite a dash of cold water. There seems to
be universal suspicion of the motives or methods
underlying the success. If a leader were to appear
he would not get followers. Such a habit of mind
can never bring anything that corresponds to im<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[139]</a></span>perialistic
success. Count Lützow says “that the
evil seed of hatred and distrust sown by the oppressors
in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries
bears evil fruit up to the present day. Bohemian
peasants even now instinctively distrust
the nobles of their own race who are in full sympathy
with the national cause. This antagonism
has frequently contributed to the failure of the
attempts of the Bohemians to recover their
autonomy.”</p>

<p>There is a great difference in an individual or
a people that has been accustomed to accomplishment.
The attitude in Bohemia has been that of
pessimistic resignation. Their devotion to certain
ideals and causes is magnificent, but the inability
to organize unanimously is indicated by the eleven
political parties, most of which are nationalistic
and none of which has the active co-operation of
the masses. They follow an ideal rather than a
person, and the symbol of the ideal is always a
person who is dead. The look is thus backward
rather than hopefully forward. Hus is the great
hero, but also Comenius, Palacký, Havlíček, and
many others of more or less remoteness are the
real leaders, and the reinstatement of national self-direction
and the Bohemian language are the ideal
objects.</p>

<p>In Bohemia these result in an impracticalness<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[140]</a></span>
which magnifies the æsthetic even to sentimentality.
They will talk as though art were the end
of life. For many the æsthetic life consists of
sitting in restaurants night after night listening
to the band and talking over their beer. In spite
of this industry has made great progress in Bohemia,
and when they come to this country they
forget their objection to the practical. There are
probably no other immigrants in America who
make such direct efforts to own their own homes
as the Bohemians. At a gathering of instructors
of the University of Prague to organize a sociological
institute, I was asked to tell some of the
things we do here. I tried to show how we combine
theory with practice and emphasized my own
interest which is theoretical, but they unanimously
said that our methods were too practical to be
used by them.</p>

<p>A comparison of Poles and Bohemians who belong
to the same race shows the influence of culture
on the Bohemian. In 1900 the percentage
of illiterates among the Bohemians entering the
United States was 3. and of Poles 31.6. The
Poles are as strongly the Catholic as the Bohemians
are Free-thinkers.</p>

<p>In Austria there are fourteen times as many
cases of litigation in the courts among the Poles
as among the Bohemians. A Bohemian in Chi<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[141]</a></span>cago
who does a large mail order business among
all Slavs says: “We will not do business with the
Poles at all because they will not pay. To the
Serbians we send everything C.O.D., but the
Croatians, Ruthenians, and the rest we trust.”</p>

<p>The family life is an important sign of the
morality of a people, and we find among the Bohemians
many interesting qualities. The following
statement in “Hull House Papers” derived
from a study of Bohemians says: “The family
life is affectionate, and it is the prevailing custom
among the working class to give all the wages to
the mother.” I have often noticed that in families
the income is naturally estimated as the total
earnings of husband and children and that the
mother gives even to the larger children who are
earning good wages what money they need, and always
with cheerfulness and perfect understanding.
The attachment for the home is very strong, and
they take pride in large families which stick together.
It is probable that ownership of the home
works both ways in this matter, having the home
integrates the family and having the family unity
makes it desirable to own a home.</p>

<p>In sex morality we must remember that the
Bohemians are European and not American, but
on the streets of Prague there is less public display
of immorality than in Chicago. Modesty is ob<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[142]</a></span>served
as an important virtue. The Bohemians,
like all other people, have prejudices that make it
difficult for them to see clearly values not measured
by their own standard, but there can be no
question but that their standard measures up well
with any people in Europe. The important thing
to civilization is whether they have any peculiar
traits of mind or character that will be a contribution
to progress. I think that the Bohemians have
this in common with the other Slavs to a very
marked degree and in a direction which has
hitherto been entirely unrecognized, and this is the
contribution to democracy.</p>

<p>However else the Germans may justify the present
war, they sincerely believe that on their success
hangs the salvation of civilization from the
barbarism of the half-civilized Slav. Professors
Eucken and Haeckel have voiced a widespread indignation
that England could so far forget her
ideals as to join with Russia against the forces of
enlightenment. Americans, even those whose
sympathies are hostile to Germans, dread success
of the Russians. The socialists who are opposed to
all war feel convinced that Russia is a menace to
all their plans. In fact they have tacitly admitted
more than once that it might be necessary to resist
encroachments of Russia by force. It is my contention
that the Slavic people, of whom the Rus<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[143]</a></span>sians
are the largest group, have more to contribute
to what the world needs next than any
other people, and that all that is best in socialism
will find its fruition among them as nowhere
else.</p>

<p>A learned Bohemian friend, in reply to my letter
to Bohemia, in which I spoke of the political progress
America was making, said that it could but
fill the heart of a Bohemian “with a feeling of sad
resignation”; but he adds, “I am not pessimistic
enough to give up all hope that Providence may
have yet some good things in store for the Slav.
What keeps me up is a certain hazy impression
that human development may sometime be in want
of a new formula, and then our time may come. I
conceive ourselves under the sway of the German
watchword which spells Force; and as watchwords,
like everything else human, come and go,
perhaps the Slavs may sometime be called on to
introduce another, which I should like to see
spelled Charity.”</p>

<p>There is no literature in the world which has
contributed so much toward such a sentiment as
that of the Slavs. Tolstoy is the great example,
and his very greatness enabled him to propose a
program even beyond present imagination, but
many other writers, some of whom have been
translated and some not, have expressed the same<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[144]</a></span>
ideal of needed radical reform. We must not
make the mistake of thinking these writers the
originators of their doctrines. A popular prophet
expresses the heart of the people, and is a product
of their ideals. The great vogue of these writers
is among their own people. The government of
Russia is hostile to Tolstoy, but it could not resist
the demands of the students that an heroic
statue of this radical be placed in the great government
technical school.</p>

<p>The ultimate goal of society is democracy and,
strange as it may sound, the Slav has more to
contribute to this end than anyone else. Russia,
whose name is the synonym of despotism, is already
in reality the most democratic country in the world.
Democracy means the opportunity for the individual
to express himself to the utmost, to have
his expression count according to its value, and if
he does not predominate to yield gracefully to
the expression that does prevail. This habit of
mind cannot be obtained without practice, and up
to the present time in the world’s history would
not have been as efficient as the leadership of individuals
who, right or wrong, obtained results.
Now by means of rapid communication and a
clearer understanding of social purposes the
method of democracy can be applied with increasing
efficiency. Nurture in democratic practice is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[145]</a></span>
the contribution the Slavs will make, and we cannot
realize how rich this will be.</p>

<p>The despotism of Russia is no more an expression
of the real Russian people than Tammany
Hall is an expression of American democracy, and
the influence of both institutions on national character
has been practically nothing. Despotisms
come and go, but the traditions and customs of
the people persist. It was formerly thought that
ideals were imposed from above, but now we are
becoming pretty thoroughly convinced that this is
not the case. Imitation is horizontal between
people of the same class and not vertical between
classes. Polish nobles had glass windows for
years, but it did not occur to the peasants to have
them until the idea was brought back from America
by people of their own sort. And so influences
and habits may go on for centuries upon centuries
without being affected by a different culture. This
fortunate fact has enabled us to preserve what
would have been eliminated by the contemporary
values and customs that were not valuable for
the time.</p>

<p>Any observant traveler entering Russia, after he
gets over the first fear which everyone seems to
feel, will gradually be impressed with the contrast
to the Germans and Austrians whom he has just
left. There he was never addressed without his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[146]</a></span>
full title of Herr Professor, Herr Journalist, or
whatever he might claim for his distinction. Here
his self-esteem suffers a shock, for, in the language
of the country, he becomes simply “Mister.”
This universal custom, unimportant in itself, is
significant of a national habit of mind. Men in
high places, as heads of universities, are addressed
by their colleagues by their first names. In the
familiar Russian and Polish novel we find nobles
and military leaders regularly with the simple
title Pan (Mr.), which is a term of respect but not
of distinction. In fact the attitude of the noble
and the peasant toward each other is not that of
superiority and servility, but as elder and younger
brother. The name Little Father which is applied
to the Czar expresses the attitude of familiarity
rather than of awe. Compare this with the worship
of uniform in Germany, where a policeman
will not answer your question unless you salute
him and an omitted title is an insult. In Petrograd
during student riots it is not an uncommon thing
for the students to kick the shins of the police
and no one thinks of it as lèse majesté. The Russian
officer and soldier are more nearly comrades
than in any other army in the world.</p>

<p>These habits have not been assumed deliberately,
but are the product of underlying institutions out
of which they have grown naturally. At least<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[147]</a></span>
fifty million people in Greater Russia and Siberia
live in Mirs or Communes. In these from time
immemorial they have practiced a degree of co-operation
and local self-government which has
never been equalled by deliberate action in the
most enlightened nations, and which the most
despotic government, not being able to overthrow,
has recently incorporated into its governmental
method. In the Mir the land which is owned in
common is regularly reallotted among the householders
according to their working capacities and
needs. The Mir elects its own executive and may
undertake all kinds of work of public utility.
Occasionally a woman is elected as executive, and
when the man representing the household is away
or dead the woman votes and takes part in the
assembly. The Mirs are united into larger bodies
with similar jurisdiction. The interesting thing
about it is that it prevails so widely and among
people between whom there has not been the slightest
possibility of intercommunication. The promise
of the Mir is not communism, but a habit of
mind that can be applied in more general and
complex affairs.</p>

<p>Complaint has more or less justly been made
that the Slav is deficient in political leadership except
in the smallest units. This can have been
true in the past while holding for a future under<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[148]</a></span>
quite different conditions. Ease of communication
has enlarged social units so that common ideas
may result in common action over wide areas as
easily as in a common room. At any rate the
Slavs have succeeded in carrying over their custom
in a very remarkable manner. The <i>artel</i>, which is
a co-operative productive organization, embraces
most diverse enterprises throughout Russia, and
is efficient in a manner only dreamed of elsewhere.
Tiffany’s finest silver enamel is mostly
made by peasant <i>artels</i> in Moscow. In one small
factory where most of the men were away getting
in their harvests, the rest were making beautiful
inlaid Easter eggs, and a special order of ice
cream dishes worth a hundred dollars apiece, yet
these work-owners were so untouched by modern
customs and the civilization for which they were
producing that they ate their dinner from a common
dish with wooden spoons. The porters at
the railroad stations are <i>artels</i> governed by their
own rules and sharing the proceeds. Many banks
and large enterprises are carried on in the same
way. One of the largest restaurants in Petrograd
is owned by the men who do the work. Fishing is
also co-operative in its methods. Undertakings
of this sort could not possibly be carried through
so generally and so successfully if it were not for
the great background of experience in which co-operation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[149]</a></span>
and acquiescence to the will of the people
is accepted as a matter of course.</p>

<p>We recognize that one of the greatest problems
of our time is that of class consciousness between
labor and capital, and economists have suggested
co-operation as the only cure for the deadlock that
threatens, but it has not succeeded where tried.
The Russians have succeeded without being conscious
that they were doing any but the most
natural thing. For people who have been forbidden
so much that is thought to be essential to
freedom, it is nothing short of remarkable, that
in the recent years of industrial progress and increasing
complexity, they should have been able
to adapt their democracy to fit the needs. Nowhere
are labor unions formed more easily, and
while meager in their activities, as compared to
American or English, they have coherence.</p>

<p>The church has developed in line with the
characteristics of the people. Although the Orthodox
Church is magnificent in its equipment, and
its priests most richly caparisoned, yet it offers
a marked contrast to the aristocratic system of
the Roman Catholic Church. The Russian most
devoutly takes off his hat in passing a church or
holy image, but he keeps it on when passing the
priest, and he kisses the priest on the cheek rather
than the hand.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[150]</a></span></p>

<p>Among other Slavs there is the same widespread
prevalence of democratic customs. In Serbia the
Mir is found in much the same form as in Russia,
and in Poland in numerous instances the Zadruga
is a community of from ten to sixty or more living
in one house and settling important matters by
vote. The head of the Zadruga is generally the
oldest man, but this is not necessary, and not infrequently
a woman is head. In the days of its
independence the Polish king was always elected.
The suffrage was restricted to the nobles, and
much turbulence prevailed at the time of election,
but the people were very jealous of the privilege.</p>

<p>Of all the Slavs the Bohemians have come most
under German influence and it has often been said
that the assimilation is all in the direction of
the German. In many characteristics this is true,
but some of the traditional habits of mind have
clearly been preserved. They have not lost these
by being transferred to America and are able to
carry on certain forms of association with phenomenal
success. In Chicago they have 104 Building
and Loan Associations incorporated under the
laws of Illinois. All are prosperous, only one has
ever failed. Each has only one paid officer, a secretary
who receives from five to ten dollars a
week. One association has assets of $600,000,
and all of them aggregate about $14,000,000 and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[151]</a></span>
20,000 members. They also have numerous
benevolent lodges with an aggregate membership
of over 100,000 in the United States, which manage
insurance systems on a most democratic and
safe basis. This management in almost all cases
includes women in exact equality. The same thing
is true of the Sokol or gymnastic society which is
organized in all Slavic countries. In the numerous
deliberative meetings of Bohemians that I
have attended the women have shown themselves
quite the equal of the men in debate.</p>

<p>The ultimate democracy must include universal
suffrage, which we see has its roots in the Slavic
institutions. The Bohemians have the arguments
of the Germans about the place of women, but
their practice is more subtly democratic than they
are aware of. Until it was confused with the
prohibition question Bohemians have consistently
advocated equal suffrage, before it became generally
popular. The Germans have as consistently
opposed it.</p>

<p>Whatever the outcome of the war the Slavs will
inevitably become an increasing influence in the
world’s progress because of their higher birth
rate and because they possess the richest natural
resources in the world. It is perhaps an occasion
for gratitude that in the midst of the apparently
insoluble problems about the exploitation of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[152]</a></span>
natural resources and labor conflicts, a people
that has been nurturing in what we have called
barbarism the traits most desirable for dealing with
such problems, is now about to come upon the
stage.</p>

<p>To be sure, most of the Slavic world is permeated
by ignorance and dominated by bureaucracy,
but education is only a generation deep, and
political reorganization is the most rapid and remarkable
fact of our era. The Bohemians have
shown us that under modern conditions these
traits are not lost. Civilization may have a temporary
setback, but it cannot be as great as that now
arising from militarism, but in the end the Slav
will contribute to the social fabric that for which
it is now peculiarly ready. In the words of an
ancient writer we may say that the stone which
the builder rejected is become the head of the
corner.</p>



<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[153]</a></span></p>




<h2>V <br />PLACE OF BOHEMIA IN THE CREATIVE
ARTS</h2>


<div class="blockquot">

<p><span class="smcap">By Will S. Monroe, Professor State Normal
School, Montclair, N. J., Author of “Bohemia
and the Čechs,” “Comenius and the
Beginnings of Educational Reform,” etc.</span><a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a></p></div>

<p>It remains to call attention to the place of
Bohemia in letters, art, music, education,
social and religious reform. In this connection
it may be pointed out that the civilization of
the Bohemians is distinctly older than that of the
German-Austrians, and that it developed wholly
independent of the Teutonic art movements in
Germany and Austria.</p>

<p>In the matter of literature, Bohemia occupies a
place of distinction and priority. The development
of the vulgar tongue took place at a comparatively
early period. Some of the most ancient of the
poetic documents date back to very early times.
Indeed, the prose literature of Bohemia, after the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[154]</a></span>
Greek and Latin, is one of the oldest in Europe.
The three centuries from the time of Charles IV.
to the outbreak of the Thirty Years’ War covers
the early brilliant period in literature. Two centuries
of intellectual barrenness followed the fatal
battle of the White Mountain and the usurpation
of the Bohemian Crown by the House of Hapsburg.
The ancient constitution of the kingdom was suppressed
and it was replaced by a slightly veiled
system of Teutonic absolutism. The lands of the
Bohemian nobles, who had been patrons of letters,
were confiscated and given to generals in the Austrian
army and to Austrian noblemen. The inhabitants
of the flourishing cities, that had been
strongholds of the national language and literature,
were driven into exile and their places were
taken by immigrants of non-Bohemian birth.
The country people were reduced to a state of serfdom
and attached to the soil. The pillory, the
gallows, and the whipping-post were the sinister
arguments that were employed to obliterate all
traces of national culture.</p>

<p>Not only was there a complete arrest in the remarkable
literary movement that intervened between
the Middle Ages and the beginning of the
Thirty Years’ War, but most of the literary treasures
of the previous centuries were destroyed by
the royal edicts of the reactionary Hapsburg<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[155]</a></span>
rulers. This was done with the notion that the
brilliant period of Bohemian existence might be
blotted out and forgotten. The book-destroyers
that were turned loose in the land burned not only
all historical and theological works, but every
form of literary composition that might suggest
to the Bohemian people their glorious past. One
book-destroyer, an Austrian priest, boasted with
pride that he had burned 60,000 Bohemian books.
Many works were carried by the Bohemian exiles
to Saxony, Slovakland, and other countries, and
preserved; and these, together with others that
escaped the fury of pillaging soldiers during the
Thirty Years’ War, constitute the fragments out
of which the literary history before the seventeenth
century must be constructed. But these fragments
are little more than the planks of a ship that was
wrecked on the ocean of national vicissitude.</p>

<p>The modern Bohemian literary movement dates
back only one hundred years. Joseph Dobrovský
(1753-1829), the patriarch of Slavic philology,
initiated the literary movement at the beginning
of the nineteenth century. The few other Bohemian
scholars of the day&mdash;Jungmann, Palacký,
Kollár, Šafařík, and the incomparable publicist
Charles Havlíček&mdash;lent their services to the rehabilitation
of a national language that was long
supposed to be dead. The letters of Jungmann<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[156]</a></span>
give us our most intimate accounts of the struggles
of himself and his co-patriots during the early
day of the modern Bohemian literary renascence.<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a></p>

<p>During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries
the Austrian Government had penalized the publication
of books in the Bohemian language and
the teaching of the vernacular in the schools of
the kingdom. But in spite of prohibitions of the
Hapsburg rulers, the vernacular continued to be
spoken in the country districts. This fact facilitated
the extraordinary progress made in the fields
of poetry, drama, fiction, criticism, and historical
works during the last fourscore years. The
satirical writings of Jan Neruda, the historical
dramas of Alois Jirásek, the rich lyrical poetry of
Jaroslav Vrchlický (Frida), the bold imaginative
compositions of Julius Zeyer, the modernist poetry
of J. S. Machar, the great national epics of
Svatopluk Čech, the historical works of Francis
Palacký, and the political and sociological writings
of Thomas G. Masaryk have made notable contributions
to the literary history of modern Bohemia.
When one recalls the dearth of literature
from Teutonic writers in Austria during the same
period, the contrast is marked indeed.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[157]</a></span></p>
<p>In matters of art also Bohemia was early in the
field. The Prague school of painting that came
into prominence during the reign of Charles IV.
(1316-1378) took favorable rank with similar
early art movements in Italy. Painters, sculptors,
and architects trained in Bohemia are represented
to-day at most of the great cities in Europe where
art treasures are preserved. The zealous and
promising artistic movement inaugurated in the
country by the followers of the Prague school,
like most of the other culture movements in the
kingdom, was well-nigh extinguished by the attempted
Teutonization of the country by the Hapsburg
rulers after the fatal Bílá Hora.</p>

<p>The political and literary activity in Bohemia
during the opening years of the last century reacted
favorably on the art life of the nation. A
society of the fine arts, that was distinctly Bohemian
and national in character, was organized at
Prague in 1848; and this was followed by annual
expositions of the chief productions of Bohemian
and foreign artists. As an immediate result of
these activities, Bohemia produced an astonishingly
large number of painters who took high rank
in their art, artists of the rare talent of Hellich,
Manes, Čermák, Schwaiger, Aleš, Brožík, Mucha,
Úprka. In sculpture, too, modern Bohemia has<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[158]</a></span>
taken a place of distinction in the works of
Myslbek, Šimek, Seidan, Sucharda, and Šaloun.</p>

<p>Bohemia’s music is probably better known
throughout the civilized world than any other
branch of her creative art. This is largely due to
the universal character of the language of music
and to the eminence of her great tone poets,
Smetana and Dvořák. Not that the history of
music in the country begins with these two modern
composers, but because they spoke in such
musical forms and with such musical force that
they arrested the attention of the world.</p>

<p>We read in the chronicles of the mediæval historians
of the rôle played by music in the life of
the Bohemian people; and we know that during
the Hussite period the Bohemian hymnology attained
a degree of excellence that has not been
surpassed by later ages. The Bohemian school of
music of to-day takes foremost rank among the
music schools of modern Europe.</p>

<p>Bohemia’s position in the matter of education
is likewise distinctive. Education of an elementary
and secondary character was general in Bohemia
several centuries in advance of Austria and
Germany. The University of Prague antedated
similar institutions in Germany by more than
half a century. John Amos Komenský (known in
America and England by the Latinized form of his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[159]</a></span>
name, Comenius) was a Bohemian, and in the
judgment of competent historians of education he
was the real evangelist of modern pedagogy. Most
of the school systems of progressive and cultivated
European peoples are based directly upon
ideas that he formulated.</p>

<p>In the domain of religion and ethics, Bohemia
has given the greatest moral reformer of the past
five hundred years in Jan Hus, the forerunner of
Martin Luther, John Calvin, and William E.
Channing. And in Jerome of Prague, the contemporary
of Hus, she produced another spiritual
leader of great power.</p>



<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[160]</a></span></p>




<h2>VI <br />THE BOHEMIANS AND THE SLAVIC
REGENERATION</h2>


<div class="blockquot">

<p><span class="smcap">By Leo Wiener, Professor of Slavic Languages
and Literatures at Harvard University</span><a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a></p></div>

<p>Bohemia is the westernmost Slavic country
and its fortunate geographical position
between the West and the East of Europe
and half-way between the Slavs of the Balkans
and those of the North has in past ages determined
its cultural mission, which has been that of mediating
between the Latin civilization and the Poles
on the one hand and the Byzantine culture and the
Russians on the other. Bohemia is the keystone
in the Slavic arch. Without it the proto-history
of the Eastern nations in Europe has no meaning
and no coherency. Unfortunately even the most
profound scholars have as yet overlooked the important
rôle which Bohemia has played in forwarding
that Carolingian civilization which the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[161]</a></span>
Visigoths, expelled by the Arabs from Spain and
settled by Charlemagne in southern and central
France, caused to radiate to the whole Germanic
world and, through Bavaria, grafted on the neighboring
Čechs.</p>

<p>It is well known that the first Christian activity
in Bohemia proceeded from German missionaries,
but it is only a recent discovery on the origin of
the so-called Gothic Bible which has revealed to
me the extraordinary extent of the Visigothic literary
and cultural influences upon the Bavarians and
the Čechs. In the light of this discovery, which
I am now subjecting to a close scrutiny, it appears
that a tremendous proportion of the Slavic vocabularies,
from Russia to Dalmatia, from Poland to
Bulgaria, has been borrowed from the religious
works of the Bohemians, of the early period, now
entirely lost to science. Bohemia was the intellectual
mistress of what may be called the proto-Slavic
world. Without Bohemia, the greater part
of the Slavic vocabularies remains irreducible as
regards origins and distribution, while with the
proper appreciation of this country’s geographical
factor it appears at once that far from standing
aloof from the Roman civilization of the early
Middle Ages, the Slavs have been equal participants
with the Teutons in the benefits of the
Visigothic culture, which shows hardly any traces<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[162]</a></span>
of Teutonism, but a curious mixture of Western
Roman, Southern French, and Arabic elements.
The linguistically strongest of these is the Arabic,
for my discovery goes to show that the so-called
Gothic Bible was written only about the year 800
and in Southern France.</p>

<p>It was only in 813 that Charlemagne introduced
the Germanic languages to the knowledge of the
educated, by ordering that homilies should be written
in the native dialects. There does not exist
the slightest evidence that, with the possible exception
of some Gothic tracts, which Bishop Ulphilas
is said to have written in the fourth century, the
Germans used their native dialects for any literary
purposes. There is nothing which we possess in
the way of literary documents that dates back of
the ninth century, and there is precious little that
can with certainty be ascribed to a period previous
to the tenth century. Hence it appears that the
literary Teutonic activity is very little, if at all,
ahead of the distinctively Slavic literary activity,
which, so far as we know, begins, at the end of the
ninth century, with the translation of the Bible
by the proto-apostles of the Slavs, Cyril and
Methodius, for the Čechs of Bohemia.</p>

<p>In the present stage of philological science it
is impossible to ascertain the precise dialect in
which these Bulgarian monks wrote, though the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[163]</a></span>
reasonable assumption is that it was that of their
native Thessalonica. But the existence of a distinct
Slavic alphabet, the Glagolica, of which
Cyril’s alphabet is but a simplification, and the
existence of the Freisingen fragments which, although
not older than from the eleventh century,
are written in a variant dialect and obviously are
based on documents preceding the activity of the
proto-apostles, make it certain that Cyril and
Methodius drew on an older literary stock or composed
in a language which was already permeated
by the Christian conceptions which were the common
possession of the Čechs in Carolingian times.
This is proved by the precious Kiev fragments, of
the eleventh century, which contain the most primitive
form of the Old-Slavic language and, at the
same time, use distinctively Čech words of the
Roman Catholic liturgy. It is, therefore, plausible
that whatever dialect was later chosen by Cyril and
Methodius in their religious activity in Moravia
and Bohemia, it was based on the vocabulary which
was already familiar to the Čechs from their previous
relations with the German missionaries.</p>

<p>The Slavic liturgy did not survive long in Bohemia.
After the death of Methodius in 885 the
Slavic priests were banished and Moravia and
Bohemia became Roman Catholic once more. Only
the Abbey of Sázava continued to use the Slavic<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[164]</a></span>
liturgy until the year 1096, after which nothing
more is heard of the Slavic Church. Cyril and
Methodius, who had come to Moravia at the request
of Prince Rostislav, had in 867 been accused
by the German missionaries of heresy, which accusation,
however, Pope Hadrian found to be
groundless. But the Slavic activity could not be
maintained against German arrogance, and, as it
was Bishop Wiching who soon after the death of
Methodius banished the Slavic liturgy from Bohemia,
so it was in the eleventh century again German
priests who destroyed the last vestige of the
incipient Slavic culture. The Slavic liturgy left
the country to become permanently associated with
the Greek Catholic Church in Russia, Serbia, and
Bulgaria. What might have formed a bond between
the various Slavic nations had been senselessly
destroyed in Bohemia by the machinations
of the German clergy.</p>

<p>Again it was Bohemia which was the first country,
not only among the Slavs, but in the whole
of Europe, to carry high the banner of religious
freedom. The Germans boast of the contribution
to freedom of thought by their Luther, and
they constantly forget that a century before him
Hus had prepared the ground for that religious
dissent which was voiced by Luther and his
contemporaries. In the fourteenth century Bohe<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[165]</a></span>mians
were fond of attending foreign universities,
especially those of Paris and Oxford. In the
latter place they became acquainted with Wiclif
and, returning home, they translated his works and
laid the foundation for that remarkable activity
which is known as Husitism. Matěj of Janov,
who had studied at Paris, had even before Hus
put himself in opposition to Popery, but it was
Hus’s particular desert to have roused the Čech
national feeling. Hus was opposed not only to
the corruptions that had crept into the Church,
but also to the anti-nationalistic activities of the
Germans, and so headed the movement which
had for its purpose a Čech regeneration.
Čech became the language of intercourse, and a
large number of translations of the Bible into
Čech was made between 1400 and 1430, the most
remarkable being that written by a Taborite miller’s
wife.</p>

<p>Hus became the first rector of the Čech Prague
University, after the German students had withdrawn
to the newly formed University of Leipsic.
Bohemia was rent by disorder, not only from without,
but also within the Husitic movement itself.
Husitism stood not only for religious freedom,
but also for democracy, and for a time the Husites
got along without a king. The most advanced of
these democratic protagonists of that time was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[166]</a></span>
Chelčický, who dreamed of a millennium, not unlike
the one represented in literature at the present
time by Tolstoy. His chief desert lies in having,
by his writings, promoted the formation of
the Church of Bohemian Brethren. The idea of
Slavic nationality was not confined to Bohemia
alone. The growth of a similar national feeling in
Poland may be discerned as the result of this Čech
renascence, and the Southern Slavs, too, were directly
and indirectly influenced by the nationalism
in the North. Indeed, the golden age of Polish
and Serbian literature is but a century older than
the rebirth of the Slavic idea in Bohemia.</p>

<p>Again it was a Bohemian who, at the end of
the eighteenth and in the beginning of the nineteenth
century, became the founder of Slavic
philology and the new Slavic literary movements
throughout Europe. Jagić begins his stupendous
“Encyclopedia of Slavic Philology” with a definition
of Slavic philology, after which he says:
“Only at the end of the eighteenth century did the
whole volume of Slavic philology, as an independent
science, assume shape. The chief desert in this
matter belongs to Joseph Dobrovský. He laid
the foundation for a scientific grammar of the
Slavic languages, centering it on its most ancient
type, the Church-Slavic. He was the first to attempt
a determination of the degree of relation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[167]</a></span>ship
between the separate Slavic dialects by means
of a scientific classification. It was he who introduced
into the circle of scientific interests the questions
from the literary and cultural history of the
Slavs, for example, the question of the educational
activity of Cyril and Methodius, and finally also
from social history, such as archeological and
ethnographical questions.... The critical spirit
of Dobrovský with his broad views has created
Slavic philology. He is the father of this science.”</p>

<p>In the second half of the eighteenth century it
looked as though the Slavic languages were doomed
to perdition. Poland lost its independence and
was parceled out among three nations; Bohemia
had become a mere dependency of the Hapsburg
Empire; Serbia and Bulgaria were under the Turkish
yoke and did not even dream of a separate
political existence. Nor did matters stand better in
the national literatures. The Polish and Bohemian
literatures led a vegetative existence; the Serbians
and Croatians had forgotten of their literary
past; the Bulgarians had not yet discovered the
fact that they spoke an intelligible language worthy
of literary refinement. Russia was still struggling
with the establishment of a linguistic norm out of
the ecclesiastic Slavic and the spoken idiom, while
its literature was but a feeble reflex of French
pseudo-classicism. Nowhere was there the slight<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[168]</a></span>est
conviction that the homely native dialects had
a right to exist by the side of the more fortunate
German, while of the past of the Slavic languages
but the faintest surmises had been uttered by men
untutored in historical and philological lore. But
if it was the preponderant influence of German
culture that put the Slavic into the shade, it was
also the result of German philosophy which gave
the Slavic national idea a new lease of life.</p>

<p>German literature had itself been decadent for
some time, and was obliged to yield to the more
universal French culture which ruled even at the
Prussian court. The revolt against French pseudo-classicism
and encyclopedism was, however, voiced
by a few German writers who began to look in the
native elements of the intellectual life for a basis
for a native poetry and belles lettres in general.
Thus arose the German Romanticism, which believed
that in the creations of the popular mind
could be found truer, more natural sentiments for
literary expression than in the artificial productions
of a select upper class. Possibly the chief activity
in the direction of a simpler literature was developed
by the brothers Grimm, who, by their collections
of fairy tales and mythological lore, laid
the foundation for a nationalistic movement which
was soon to sweep over Europe. Not only did German
literature successfully establish itself against<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[169]</a></span>
the French fashion, but all the smaller nations,
who had almost forgotten of their historical existence,
began to discover themselves. If the popular
creation was truer and more important than the
traditional literatures of the Græco-Roman type,
then Serbia and Bohemia and Russia, which had
preserved an enormous mass of oral literature in
out-of-the-way places, harked back to important
pasts and should develop from within. The nationalistic
idea began to grow out of proportion
to the folklore which could conveniently be mustered
in proof of native superiority, and where
there was such a disproportion it became necessary,
so unscrupulous nationalists thought, to manufacture
such material. Everybody knows the huge
literary forgery of Macpherson, whose Ossianic
poetry none the less had a great influence upon susceptible
minds, even in the East. Another such
forgery was that of the Bohemian Hanka, whose
Queen’s Court Manuscript still finds overzealous
defenders among a certain class of unwise nationalists.
It is not the forgery of Hanka which
has had most widespread influences upon the dissemination
of the nationalistic idea among the
Slavs, but the legitimate and scholarly activity of
the father of Slavic philology, Joseph Dobrovský.</p>

<p>Having studied Eastern languages at the University
of Prague, he had hoped to become a mis<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[170]</a></span>sionary
in India, but he soon abandoned this intention
and devoted himself to the study of Slavic
antiquity. In 1779 he made his appearance in
criticism with a periodical which set itself the task
of telling “the truth, the naked, unvarnished
truth” without regard for persons. He at once
attracted attention by his sharp, critical acumen.
His main interest lay in the purification of the
Čech language and the formation of a literary
norm. In 1792 his desire to reconstruct the Slavic
past took him on a long journey to the libraries of
Sweden and Russia, and even to the Caucasus,
where he had expected to find some indications of a
Čech origin. In the same year appeared his “History
of the Bohemian Language and Literature,”
in which he described the struggles of the Čech
language against the German and Latin from the
time of Hus until his day, and showed what relation
it bore to the other Slavic languages. The
effect of this work upon the nationalistic feeling
was very great. Especially his grammar of the
Čech language which he published in 1808 formed
the basis for all Slavic grammars written in the
first half of the nineteenth century. Dobrovský
was a voluminous writer, and his scientific correspondence,
lately edited by Jagić, contains an
immense amount of material which throws a light
upon the history of the Slavic renascence.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[171]</a></span></p>

<p>Dobrovský soon gained many disciples in the
Slavic world. The Russians Vostokov, Kalaydovich,
Stroev, and many others, the Slovenes
Kopitar and Vodník were his followers, and the
great Slavists Šafařík and Miklosich carried on
the work of philology after him. He enjoyed
the friendship of German scholars and poets,
Goethe, Jacob Grimm, Pertz, and others. Goethe
wrote of him: “Abbé Joseph Dobrovský, the past
master of critical historical science in Bohemia,
this rare man who long before had followed the
general study of the Slavic languages and histories
with genial industry and Herodotic travels,
rejoiced in reducing his gains to the study of the
Bohemian people and country, and thus united
with the greatest glory in science the rare reputation
of a popular name. The master is visible in
whatever he attempts. He everywhere grasps his
subject and deftly unites the fragments into one
whole.”</p>

<p>It cannot be said that the strong nationalistic
movement which developed in Bohemia was entirely
beneficial, for it not only led to unhealthy,
ecstatic moods in the Bohemian literature of the
first part of the nineteenth century, but even to
a series of literary falsifications which still form
the subject of discussion among laymen. But it
must not be forgotten that the Bohemian national<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[172]</a></span>ism
was a reflex of the nascent German nationalism
and was fanned to exaggerated manifestations by
the obscurant absolutism of Emperor Francis I.
Indeed, the Čech nationalism was to a great extent
encouraged by the Austrian Government, as a protective
measure against Napoleonic sympathies.
The work begun by Dobrovský was carried into
the field of literature by Jungmann, who was not
satisfied with creating a native literary language
for the lower classes only, which seemed sufficient
to Dobrovský, but set about to create a literary
norm for the whole of the Bohemian people.
Jungmann was especially successful in translating
from foreign languages, and the Slovaks Šafařík
and Kollár, and the Moravian Palacký, not only
imitated the activity of their teacher Jungmann, but
became even more important in the dissemination
of the Slavic idea, both at home and abroad.</p>

<p>In the twenties of the nineteenth century the
fame of these ardent Slavists had spread to all
the Slavic countries, and in Russia the question
of founding a chair of Slavic philology, to be occupied
by some Bohemian scholar, was seriously
considered. In 1830 the Russian Government
offered a chair of Slavic philology to Šafařík, but
nothing came of it, chiefly through the machinations
of the forger Hanka, who sided with the
Russian autocracy, while Šafařík publicly ex<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[173]</a></span>pressed
himself in favor of the Poles in the revolution
which had just broken out in Russia. But
Šafařík continued to exert a great influence on
Slavic science in Russia through his friend
Pogodin, who never gave up the hope that Šafařík
might be called to a chair in Petrograd. When
this hope could not be materialized, the young
Slavists then studying in Russia, Bodyanski,
Sreznevski and others, made it their business to
study for a time in Austria, more especially, to
meet Šafařík and learn something from personal
contact with him. Indeed, the main activity of
Bodyanski consisted in translating into Russian
the works of Šafařík and other Bohemian Slavists.
Similarly Sreznevski, in his inaugural lecture at
the university, pointed out the fact that there had
existed no interest in Slavic studies in Russia until
such had been created by the Bohemian and Serbian
scholars. As Bodyanski stood in relation to
the Russian Slavophiles, it is certain that the
Slavophile movement in Russia received some of
its ideas directly or indirectly from the Bohemian
nationalists.</p>

<p>From the humble beginnings in the first part of
the nineteenth century Bohemian literature has
developed in a remarkable manner, borrowing
what is best in all literatures, and to a considerable
extent falling under the influence of the great<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[174]</a></span>
Russian writers. It is eminently cosmopolitan in
compass and subject-matter, but at the same time
has preserved many national characteristics, which
would well repay the interest of an English reading
public, if it could be induced to read translations
of this almost unknown literature. Its
poetry is especially attractive and varied, and the
poets have reveled in the discussion of those social
problems which elsewhere have been relegated to
the field of prose.</p>

<p>Whatever the interest of the outsider may be in
Bohemian literature, it deserves the highest attention
on the part of the Slavs, who owe their very
regeneration to the labors of the Bohemian
scholars a century ago. If, in addition, we consider
what Bohemia did for freedom of religious
thought a hundred years before the days
of Luther, and still more, the great obligation
under which the Greek Catholic Church is to Bohemia
for its very ecclesiastic language and national
alphabets, the sympathies of the world
should particularly be enlisted for this country in
the possible future reconstruction of the Austrian
Empire. Slavs and non-Slavs should unite on this
point without discussion, and even the Germans
should look favorably on the restoration of Bohemia
to its former freedom and glory, if they are
not blinded by selfishness and useless conceit.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[175]</a></span>
Bohemia has in the Middle Ages been the mediator
between the West and the East, the South and the
North, and it will for a long time remain the
mediator between the best German thought and the
growing Slavic civilization, if the Germans do not,
as in the past, rouse the Slavic antipathies. Of all
the Slavs, the Bohemians understood the German
ideas best, and Dobrovský and other Bohemian
Slavists promoted the Slavic idea by means of
the German language. That, of course, can never
happen again, for the nationalist life is there
permanently established. But there is no reason
for racial antagonism in a country where Germans
and Slavs have lived together for centuries.</p>



<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[176]</a></span></p>




<h2>ADDENDA <br />THE BOHEMIANS AS IMMIGRANTS</h2>


<div class="blockquot">

<p><span class="smcap">By Emily Greene Balch, Professor of Economics
at Wellesley College</span><a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a></p></div>

<p>In some cities, as for instance Cedar Rapids,
and in some states, as for instance Nebraska,
Bohemians are a large enough element in the
population to be fairly well known; but they are
not so numerous in the United States as a whole,
as to be clearly present to the minds of most people.
New Yorkers may have seen with interest the
National Hall of the Bohemians, Clevelanders
may be familiar with the Schauffler Missionary
Training School, persons familiar with industrial
conditions in Chicago may be aware of the great
Bohemian colony there, the largest in the country;
but in general if people know anything about Bohemians
they probably “know a great many things
that aren’t so,” misled by the fact that the French
word for Gipsies is Bohemians, much as our word
for the American aborigines is Indian.</p>

<p>Yet from the colonial period individual Bohe<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[177]</a></span>mians
have come to this country, and in 1906, the
latest year for which I have estimates, the Bohemian
group was put at a round half-million.</p>

<p>Some of these early settlers are picturesque and
not unimportant figures like Heřman and Phillipse,
but it was not till the disturbed period of 1848 that
Bohemians came to this country in appreciable
numbers. At this time there was a triple ferment
in Bohemia: first, a desire for political independence;
second, a resurrection of national self-consciousness
symbolized by the revival of the
Bohemian language, the use of which among cultivated
people had been abandoned for German;
and third, a spirit of religious questioning and
vehement challenge of current Christianity, largely
due to reaction against the influence of a corrupt
Austrian clericalism.</p>

<p>Another possible influence was the discovery of
gold in California in 1849, which is said to have
brought Bohemian gold-seekers and to have stimulated
the activity of ship agents. The census of
1850 mentions 87 natives of Austria (out of 946
in the United States) as then in California; these
were probably Bohemians. Throughout the fifties
and early sixties there was a pretty steady outflow
from Bohemia, most of it directed to the United
States. This early emigration was a movement of
settlers, whole families going together.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[178]</a></span></p>

<p>With 1867 came a fresh impulse to emigration.
Besides the newly granted right to emigrate freely,
the disastrous war with Prussia in 1866 gave added
reasons for going, while in the United States the
Civil War was over and everything invited the
settler.</p>

<p>The earliest colony of Bohemians was in St.
Louis, where in 1854 they had already established
a Catholic church, and this city has always remained
an influential Bohemian centre.</p>

<p>More important, however, was the movement to
the states further West&mdash;the largest numbers settling
in Wisconsin, later Iowa, later Nebraska
and the two Dakotas, though a considerable settlement
also grew up in Cleveland. In general, however,
in Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois land was
already too dear for the newcomers, and they continually
settled further west as the years went on.
In the early days they either went overland from
the Eastern ports or up the Mississippi River.
One of the reasons for so many Bohemians as well
as Germans, Scandinavians, Poles, and Belgians
being attracted to Wisconsin was undoubtedly the
attitude of that state toward immigration. A fact
that is easily forgotten in the present state of feeling
in regard to immigration is the eager and official
solicitation of immigrants that was carried on for
years by various states. Wisconsin, like many<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[179]</a></span>
other states, appointed a Commissioner of Immigration
to stimulate the inflow. In 1852 the first
man to fill this office reported to the Governor
that he had been in New York distributing pamphlets
in English, German, Norwegian, and Dutch,
describing the resources of the state.</p>

<p>After four years this state canvass for immigrants
was suspended for a time, but in 1864 the
Wisconsin Legislature memorialized Congress for
the passage of national laws to encourage foreign
immigration on the ground that labor was scarce,
owing to the war, and that wages had more than
doubled. Whether or not as a consequence of
this request, Congress did in the same year pass
an act to encourage immigration, which, however,
was repealed in March, 1868.</p>

<p>Again, in 1879, Wisconsin established a State
Board of Immigration to increase and stimulate
immigration, with authority to disseminate information.
The official circulars mentioned as inducements
the following points: climate, rich
lands at a nominal price, free schools and a free
university, equality before the law, religious liberty,
no imprisonment for debt, and liberal exemption
from seizure by a creditor, suffrage and
the right to be elected to any office but that of
governor or lieutenant-governor on one year’s
residence, whether a citizen or not (intention to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[180]</a></span>
become one having been declared); and full eligibility
to office for all actual citizens. “There is
never an election in the state,” one circular continues,
“that does not put some, and often very
many, foreign-born citizens into office. Indeed,
there is no such thing as a foreigner in Wisconsin,
save in the mere accident of birthplace; for men
coming here and entering into the active duties of
life identify themselves with the state and her
interests, and are to all intents and purposes
American.” We are told “The language above
used is, except in rhetoric, identical” with that in
an edition of 1884.</p>

<p>Besides this direct encouragement by the state
“a similar canvass was maintained by counties and
land companies, and at a later stage by railway
companies, some of them sending agents to travel
in Europe.” Of such solicitation at the very beginning
of Bohemian immigration I found tradition
still mindful in the old country. Thus
immigrants have felt themselves directly and officially
invited and urged to come, and it is not
surprising that one often finds them aggrieved
and hurt at the tone of too many current references
making foreigners synonymous with everything
that is unwelcome.</p>

<p>Many of the Bohemians were pioneers in the
unbroken wilderness, and a very large part were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[181]</a></span>
farmers. A large proportion, however, had trades,
and this is characteristic of Bohemian immigration
in general. The common estimate is that one-half
of the Bohemians in the country are living
in country places, occupied either with farming
or with some one of the various employments incident
to rural life, from shoemaking to keeping
store or acting as notary public. If the comparison
be extended to all groups of foreign parentage,
Bohemia shows a larger proportion engaged in
agriculture than any foreign countries except
Switzerland, Denmark, and Norway, surpassing
even Germany and Sweden. It is interesting to
note that Italy has a very low rank in this regard;
even Poland and Russia surpass her, lowered as
their place is by the large non-agricultural Jewish
element, and only Hungary is below her.</p>

<p>As to the quality of Slavic farming, one naturally
hears different reports. I suspect that the
American often thinks the Pole or Bohemian a
poor farmer because he works on a different plan,
while the foreigner, used to small, intensive farming,
thinks Yankees slovenly and wasteful. Especially
when he takes up old, worn-out farm lands,
he has small respect for the methods of his predecessor,
who, he says, “robbed the soil.”</p>

<p>The American business agent of a Bohemian<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[182]</a></span>
farming paper, already quoted, could not say
enough in praise of the Bohemian farmers. They
farmed better than the Americans. They invested
freely in farm machinery. Nothing was too good
or too big for them. In the eastern half of Butler
County, Nebraska, there were seventeen big
steam threshing outfits among Bohemians&mdash;something
to which you could find nothing parallel in
the same area anywhere in the United States. The
Bohemian paper of which he was agent had seven
times more advertising of farm implements
than any other paper in the United States, he
said.</p>

<p>While the above statements are those of an interested
party, all the available evidence points the
same way. It would seem, moreover, as though
in certain lines, new to us and familiar in Europe,
the immigrant should be able to supply very valuable
skill. This seems to be especially the case
in the sugar-beet industry, in which the labor of
Bohemians, who understand beet culture well, is
much sought.</p>

<p>Of Bohemian women at work, nearly a quarter
were in 1900 servants and waitresses, and more
than another quarter workers at tailoring or in tobacco.
This corresponds to the fact that many
Bohemians in the cities are engaged in the two
latter branches; many too are mechanics or trades-people,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[183]</a></span>
often carrying on a small business of their
own.</p>

<p>The Bohemians, like other Slavic groups in this
country, are much given to organizing into societies.
Many of their associations are small local
affairs of the most various sorts. In a New York
Bohemian paper I found a list of 95 local societies
among this group of perhaps 45,000 people.
Many were mere “pleasure clubs,” to use the current
East Side phrase, while many were lodges of
various of their great “national” societies. Of
these large national societies the most remarkable
is the society founded by the Bohemians at St.
Louis in 1854, under the name of the Bohemian-Slavonic
Benevolent Society, or as it is commonly
called, by the initials of this name in the vernacular,
the Č. S. P. S. In the religious controversies
which soon divided American Bohemians into two
camps, this came to represent the free-thinking,
anti-Catholic side. It numbers about 25,000
members.</p>

<p>The Sokols, which correspond to the German
“Turnerbunds” or gymnastic societies, are as
popular and widespread as they are desirable.
They give opportunity for exercise dignified by
a sense of the relation between good physical condition
and readiness for service to one’s country.
Women and children, as well as the men, have<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[184]</a></span>
their own divisions, classes, and uniforms, and the
Sokol exhibitions are important and very pretty
social events. In Prague, in the summer of 1906,
the Bohemian Sokols had an anniversary international
meet, at which the American societies were
also represented, and performed evolutions, literally
in their thousands, in the open air.</p>

<p>Theatricals, whether given in some local hall or
in a regular theatre hired for the occasion, are, as
in Europe, a favorite employment for Sunday
afternoons or evenings. Classic pieces, both literary
and operatic, are much enjoyed; for instance,
among the Bohemians, Smetana’s opera, “The
Bartered Bride,” is often given. On the other
hand, one will see a very simple spontaneous little
exhibition given with the greatest abandon and
delight by a club of hard-worked, elderly women,
whose triumphs are hugely enjoyed by their families
and neighbors. It is an especial pleasure to
them to reproduce the pretty costumes of their
old-world youth. Worthy of especial mention are
the club called <span lang="cs" xml:lang="cs">Snaha</span> (Endeavor), of Bohemian
professional women in Chicago, and the clubs organized
for reading and study among Socialists
of different nationalities.</p>

<p>There are numerous Bohemian papers and
periodicals, including the Bohemian “<span lang="cs" xml:lang="cs">Hospodář</span>”
(“Farmer”) of Omaha and the “<span lang="cs" xml:lang="cs">Ženské Listy</span>”<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[185]</a></span>
of Chicago, the latter being an organ of a woman’s
society, printed as well as edited by women. It
is not devoted to “beauty lessons” and “household
hints,” but to efforts toward woman’s suffrage
and the “uplifting of the mental attitude of working-women.”
Its 6,000 subscribers include distinguished
Bohemians all over the country, men
as well as women.</p>

<p>In religion the Roman Catholics claim a large
number of Bohemians, but there is a substantial
Protestant minority; outside the church fold is the
numerous and very interesting group of Free-Thinkers.</p>

<p>The Bohemians are among the most literate of
our immigrants. Taking the data for 1900, which
I happen to have worked out, we find that of immigrants
of all nationalities of fourteen years
and over, those not able to both read and write
were 24.2 per cent.; among the Germans 5.8 per
cent.; among the Bohemians and Moravians only
3.0 per cent.; among Scandinavians, under 0.8
per cent. Certainly to supply only about one-half
as many illiterates per hundred as the Germans is
a notable record.</p>

<p>All of this is quite borne out by the impression
one gets of Bohemians both in the United States
and in Bohemia. In development and conditions
they rank with the immigrant from northwestern<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[186]</a></span>
Europe. The struggle with the Germans is in a
sense the master-thread in their whole history, and
this contact, even though inimical, has meant interpenetration
and rapprochement. No other Slavic
nationality is more self-conscious and patriotic, not
to say chauvinistic, in its national feeling, and at
the same time none begins to be so permeated with
general European culture and so advanced economically.</p>

<p>As to character, if it is impossible to indict a
whole people, so is it impossible to draw a portrait
of such a collective group. Nevertheless, no one
can doubt that one characteristic of the countrymen
of Smetana and Dvořák is their noble gift
for music. Their sense of color, too, is very
marked, and they, beyond all people I know, love
the dance. Yet with all their “<span lang="de" xml:lang="de">gemüthlich</span>” and
temperamental qualities I find them reserved,
delicate, shy, intensely family-loving, cherishing
privacy.</p>

<p>The Bohemians are a people of high conscientiousness,
and by nature loyal. In the Civil War
their anti-slavery feeling and their devotion to
their new country both were shown, and the first
company that went from Chicago to fight for the
Union is said to have been a Lincoln Rifle Company
that some young men of that nationality had
organized in 1860. The dominating feature in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[187]</a></span>
great Bohemian National Cemetery in Chicago is
the soldiers’ monument, just such a monument as
stands on every village common in New England;
and perhaps nothing so much as this visible sign of
blood shed in the same cause bridges the difference
of national feeling.</p>

<p>They are interested in ideas for their own sake,
as are the Latin peoples, and especially in questions
of religion. The older people love their past,
their language, their old home, yet they cannot
hand on these interests in their pristine intensity
to the younger people, absorbed in the life about
them, dropping their Bohemian speech and ways
and gradually, only gradually, completing the
transition to the New World and its ways.</p>

<div class="blockquot">

<p><span class="smcap">Note.</span>&mdash;I have to thank the publishers of my book, <i>Our
Slavic Fellow-Citizens</i>, for permission to borrow here and
there from its pages.</p></div>


<p class="p2 center">PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA</p>



<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[188]</a></span><br /></p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[189]</a></span></p>


<div class="ad">

<h2 class="nobreak">EDWARD A. STEINER’S <br />Studies of Immigration</h2>


<p>
<i>From Alien to Citizen</i><br />
<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The Story of My Life in America</span><br />
<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Illustrated&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; net $1.50</span><br />
</p>

<p>In this interesting autobiography we see Professor Steiner
pressing ever forward and upward to a position of international
opportunity and influence.</p>

<p class="center"><i>The wonderful varied Life-story of the author of
“On the Trail of the Immigrant.”</i></p>

<p>
<i>The Broken Wall</i><br />
<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Stories of the Mingling Folk.</span><br />
<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Illustrated&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; net $1.00</span><br />
</p>

<p>“A big heart and a sense of humor go a long way toward making
a good book. Dr. Edward A. Steiner has both these qualifications
and a knowledge of immigrants’ traits and character.”&mdash;<i>Outlook.</i></p>

<p>
<i>Against the Current</i><br />
<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Simple Chapters from a Complex Life.</span><br />
<span style="margin-left: 1em;">12mo, cloth&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; net $1.25</span><br />
</p>

<p>“As frank a bit of autobiography as has been published for
many a year. The author has for a long time made a close
study of the problems of immigration, and makes a strong
appeal to the reader.”&mdash;<i>The Living Age.</i></p>

<p>
<i>The Immigrant Tide&mdash;Its Ebb and Flow</i><br />
<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Illustrated, 8vo, cloth&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; net $1.50</span><br />
</p>

<p>“May justly be called an epic of present day immigration,
and is a revelation that should set our country thinking.”&mdash;<i>Los Angeles Times.</i></p>

<p>
<i>On the Trail of The Immigrant</i><br />
<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Illustrated, 12mo, cloth&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; net $1.50</span><br />
</p>

<p>“Deals with the character, temperaments, racial traits, aspirations
and capabilities of the immigrant himself. Cannot
fail to afford excellent material for the use of students of immigrant
problems.”&mdash;<i>Outlook.</i></p>

<p>
<i>The Mediator</i><br />
<span style="margin-left: 1em;">A Tale of the Old World and the New.</span><br />
<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Illustrated, 12mo, cloth&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; net $1.25</span><br />
</p>

<p>“A graphic story, splendidly told.”&mdash;<span class="smcap">Robert Watchorn</span>,
<i>Former Commissioner of Immigration</i>.</p>

<p>
<i>Tolstoy, the Man and His Message</i><br />
<span style="margin-left: 1em;">A Biographical Interpretation.</span><br />
<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>Revised and enlarged.</i> Illustrated, 12mo, cloth&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; net $1.50</span><br />
</p>

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[190]</a></span></p>



<div class="ad">
<h2 class="nobreak">POLAND<br />

The Knight Among Nations</h2>

<p class="center">By LOUIS E. VAN NORMAN</p>

<p class="center"><i>Illustrated, Cloth, $1.50 net</i></p>


<p><i>New York Examiner</i>: “Poland is a very interesting
country, and Mr. Van Norman has given us an extremely
entertaining and informing account of the
people, their towns and institutions and characteristics.
The volume is beautifully illustrated, and is most entertainingly
written.”</p>

<p><i>Newark Evening News</i>: “These impressions are valuable,
because they are honest, the outcome of deep
insight, careful observation and broad outlook. As a
commentary on Poland’s history as well as its strategic
position, the volume is exactly what will be welcomed
by the man seeking to be well informed. Mr. Van
Norman possesses the comprehensive grasp that reduces
matters to their essentials; his book is really
the story of the inter-relations of four men, the Pole,
the German, the Russian and the Austrian.”</p>

<p><i>Denver Republican</i>: “Mr. Van Norman is known
as a fine and conscientious writer. His expressed
views will be accepted as the careful statements of a
thorough investigator.”</p>

<p><i>Kansas City Star</i>: “Vaguely in every reader’s mind,
there arises a suggestion of a romance and adventure
when Poland has mention ... a satisfying book
about the land and its people, its fascinating history
and its modern aspect.”</p>

<p><i>San Francisco Chronicle</i>: “This does not pretend to
be a complete history of Poland, although it presents
the salient events in her history, but is an interpretation
of a people’s great virtues, ideals, talents, genius.
An appreciative foreword by Mme. Modjeska and
interesting illustrations add to the attraction of the
book, which is sold at a remarkably low price, considering
its size, its handsome appearance and its literary
quality.”</p>

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[191]</a></span></p>



<div class="ad">
<p class="p2 center u"><i>The Martyr Who Blazed the Way to
Religious Freedom</i></p>

<h2 class="nobreak">THE LIFE<br />

<span class="small">OF</span><br />

JOHN HUS<br />

<span class="small">The Martyr of Bohemia</span></h2>

<p class="center"><i>By W. N. SCHWARZE, Ph.D.</i></p>

<p class="center">Illustrated, 16mo, Cloth, Net 75 cts.</p>


<p>¶ Every Protestant this year should own and read
the wonderful story of John Hus.</p>

<p class="u center"><i><b>500 YEARS of LIBERTY</b></i></p>

<p>¶ Religious freedom owes much to the sacrifice of
this great reformer, whose life is told in stirring
fashion, suffused throughout with the spirit and genius
of this fearless Protestant champion.</p>

<p><b>W. H. ROBERTS, D.D., Stated Clerk of the
General Assembly, says:</b> “I commend it heartily to
ministers and laymen. The life and teachings of John Hus
are dealt with in an admirable manner.”</p>

<p>“A book attractive as well as accurate, and popular
although concise: and, with careful examination of the
most reliable Hus literature, he has sketched the antecedents
of the great Bohemian, his university career, and
his work as preacher, teacher, writer and reformer, with
sympathy and discrimination, in a clear, vigorous and
pleasing style. The book will be very useful in missionary
study classes; its informing value is greatly increased by
many half-tone illustrations; and its one hundred and fifty-two
pages give the reader a far more intimate and satisfying
acquaintance with this ‘true nobleman of God,’ than
volumes twice or thrice its size and expense.”&mdash;<i>Christian Intelligencer.</i></p>
</div>





<div class="footnotes"><h2 class="nobreak">FOOTNOTES</h2>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The word Czech, which is being freely used in the Anglo-American
press, is a corrupt form of Čech. The German form is Czech,
Tscheche, the French Tchèque. But, inasmuch as Čech is sounded
more nearly like Checkh and not Czech, the form Czech fails utterly
of its purpose and its use should be discontinued. The people themselves
prefer to be called Bohemians, not Czechs, which latter appellation
is not generally known or understood. Some years ago a noted
scholar was severely censured because he named his magazine, edited
in the German language, but Bohemiophile in tendency, “<span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Čechische
Revue</span>,” instead of “<span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Böhmische Revue</span>.” The truth of the matter is
that the appellation Czech is an invention of Vienna journalists, who,
by persistent use of the term, wish to give a warning to the world
that Bohemia is not all Čech, but part German and part Čech.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Silesia was much larger, but Frederick II. of Prussia despoiled
Maria Theresa in 1742 of a major portion of it. Thus was created
Prussian Silesia and Austrian Silesia. In Macaulay’s “Life of Frederick
the Great,” we read why the Prussian King made war on his
neighbor. In manifestoes he might, for form’s sake, insert some
idle stories about his antiquated claim on Silesia; but in his conversations
and Memoirs he took a very different tone. His own words
were: “Ambition, interest, the desire of making people talk about
me, carried the day; and I decided for war.” If there is a rectification
of Prussian boundary after the war, a portion of Prussian
Silesia, that is still Bohemian, should be returned to Austrian
Silesia.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Representation in parliament being determinable by the result of
the enumeration, one can at once see of what vital concern it is to
non-Germans to obtain a census free from political bias. As matters
are, the Germans constitute 35 per cent. of the population, yet have
52 per cent. representation in the Reichsrath (parliament), while 24
per cent. Bohemians are represented in parliament only by 17 per
cent.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> “The Slavdom: Picture of Its Past and Present,” Prague, 1912.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Now of every 1,000 inhabitants in Bohemia 956.61 profess the
Catholic faith. Due to various reasons&mdash;spiritual, political, and historical&mdash;more
than one-half of the American Bohemians have seceded
from the Catholic Church. Some have joined various Protestant
sects, but the majority of the secessionists are Free-thinkers.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> However, the Patent of Tolerance extended only to Protestants of
the Helvetian and Augsburg Confessions, not to the Bohemian Church,
which latter had been denied recognition.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> On February 9, 1748, a bill was introduced in the English Parliament
“to relieve the United Brethren (so-called in Comenius’ time),
or Moravians, from military duties and taking oaths.” Among the
speakers was General Oglethorpe, who spoke in support of the bill.
“In the year 1683 a most pathetic account of these brethren was
published by order of Archbishop Sancroft and Bishop Compton,” said
Oglethorpe. “They also addressed the Church of England in the
year 1715, being reduced to a very low ebb in Poland, and his late
Majesty, George I., by the recommendation of the late Archbishop
Wake, gave orders in council for the relief of these Reformed Episcopal
Churches, and letters patent for their support were issued soon
after. But since 1724 circumstances have altered for the better, and
they have wonderfully revived, increased and spread in several countries.
They have even made some settlements in America. In the
province of Pennsylvania they have about 800 people to whom the
proprietor and Governor gave very good character.”</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> When Napoleon sought to weaken Austria’s position at home, he
addressed a patriotic appeal to the Bohemians. “Your union with
Austria,” read Napoleon’s appeal, “has been your misfortune. Your
blood has been shed for her in distant lands, and your dearest interests
have been sacrificed continually to those of the hereditary
provinces. You form the finest portion of her empire, and you are
treated as a mere province to be used as an instrument of passions
to which you are strangers. You have national customs and a national
language; you pride yourself on your ancient and illustrious
origin. Assume once more your position as a nation. Choose a king
for yourselves, who shall reign for you alone, who shall dwell in your
midst and be surrounded by your citizens and your soldiers.”&mdash;Napoleon’s
proclamation found no echo among the people for whom it
was intended. The sentiment of nationality was yet too weak to
respond.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Francis Palacký (1798-1876), historian, revivalist, and statesman,
is, by common consent, regarded as the greatest Bohemian of our
time. His monumental work, “History of the Bohemian Nation,”
on which he labored some thirty years, will endure as long as the
Bohemian language continues to be spoken. There was a time when
not only the outside world, but Bohemians themselves, believed that
the old-time Bohemians of the stormy days of John Hus or those
who revolted against Ferdinand II. were a band of heretics and
rebels. Such has been the official Austrian version of these events
in Bohemia. However, the truth could not be suppressed for all time.
Palacký and others were being born, and in time the alluvium of
Austrian bigotry and of falsehood was removed from the nation’s
past, and to the astonished gaze of Resurrected Bohemia was revealed
a glorious history of which descendants could be justly proud.
Great men, national heroes, hitherto unknown or misunderstood,
emerged from almost every chapter of Palacký’s work.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> See page <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Karel Havlíček (1821-1856) is in many respects the most noteworthy
Bohemian of the nineteenth century. As a journalist, he had
no equal among his contemporaries. His political articles were models
of sound and mature reasoning and of lucid thinking. When arguments
failed with the black reactionaries, lay and ecclesiastic, Havlíček
employed another weapon with telling effect&mdash;ridicule. Bohemians
venerate him as a martyr of their cause. The cultured immigrants
to the United States from Bohemia in the early days were imbued
with Havlíček’s spirit and ideas, and the present-day spread of free-thought
among them is directly traceable to this Thomas Paine of
Bohemia.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Friedrich Ferdinand Beust, a Saxon statesman, entered the services
of Austria soon after the disaster at Sadova. It was he who
brought to a successful termination the Settlement between Vienna
and Hungary. The centralists were at first opposed to the division
of Austria in two, but were eventually placated by Beust, he having
convinced them that dualism meant the permanent subjugation of the
Slavs. The above remark, “<span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die Slaven werden an die Wand
gedrückt</span>,” is attributed to him.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p lang="de" xml:lang="de"><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> “Eingedenkt der Staatsrechtlichen Stellung der Krone Böhmens
und des Glanzes und der Macht bewusst, welche dieselbe Uns und
Unseren Vorfahren verliehen hat, eingedenkt ferner der unerschüttlichen
Treue, mit welchen die Bevölkerung Böhmens jederzeit Unseren
Thron stützte, erkennen wir gerne die Rechte dieses Königreiches an
und sind bereit diese Anerkennung mit Unserem Krönungseide zu
erneuern.”
</p>
<p>
Among the many titles of Francis Josef are those of “Emperor of
Austria,” “King of Hungary,” “King of Bohemia,” etc. Strictly
speaking, Francis Josef has no legal claim to the title “King of
Bohemia.” He has never taken the coronation oath; and, without
such an oath, he is no more King than Woodrow Wilson would be
President of the United States without first taking the oath of office.
Logically, therefore, Francis Josef is an unlawful ruler of the Bohemian
Kingdom.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> The elusive paragraph fourteen of the constitution (bearing date
December 21, 1867) has been the cause of some of the bitterest fights
in parliament. It virtually nullifies constitutionalism in Austria, permitting
as it does the emperor and his ministers to rule the land “in
case of urgent necessities” without parliament. Past experience has
shown that these “necessities” arise quite often. Paragraph fourteen
is a bulwark of strength to the German party against which the Bohemians
have battled in vain. Under paragraph fourteen the ruler cannot
change the fundamental laws of the realm, contract permanent loans,
and alienate public property. Aside from this there is nothing to
curb his absolutism. Parliament may impeach the ministers for exceeding
their powers, but this safeguard is really no safeguard at all.
The German text of paragraph fourteen is as follows:
</p>
<p lang="de" xml:lang="de">
“Wenn sich die dringende Nothwendigkeit solchen Anordnungen, zu
welchem verfassungsmässig die Zustimmung des Reichsrathes erforderlich
ist, zu einer Zeit herausstellt, wo dieser nicht versammelt ist,
so können dieselben unter Verantwortung des Gesammtministeriums
durch Kaiserliche Verordnung erlassen werden, in soferne solche
keine Abänderung des Staatsgrundgesetzes bezwecken, keine dauernde
Belastung des Staatschatzes, und keine Veräuserung von Staatsgut
betreffen. Solche Verordnungen haben provisorische Gesetzkraft, wenn
sie von sämmtlichen Ministern unterzeichnet sind, und mit ausdrücklicher
Beziehung auf diese Bestimmung des Staatsgrundgesetzes
kundgemacht werden.”</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> The register of prisoners at Kiev shows 114,000 were taken in
the Carpathian fighting during the two months before the fall of
Przemysl, and some difficulty has been found in preventing racial
troubles among the enormous colony from captives. German Uhlan
soldiers, hearing of the fall of Przemysl, declared that it must have
been due to the treachery of “that Czech Kusmanek,” whereupon a
Czech officer struck him. The fight spread and the participants had
to be separated.&mdash;<i>Cable item from Russia.</i></p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> The Slavs in Austria-Hungary are divided into the following racial
groups:
</p>
<p>
1. <i>The Bohemians.</i> Inhabit Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia. Strong
settlements are found in Austria (the city of Vienna alone being the
home of not less than 300,000, according to some estimates 500,000)
and in Prussian Silesia.
</p>
<p>
2. <i>The Slovaks.</i> Settled in the northwestern part of Hungary and
in Moravia.
</p>
<p>
Professor Lubor Niederle, who is recognized as an authority on
Slavic matters, computed in 1900 the strength of the Bohemians, together
with the Slovaks, at 9,800,000.
</p>
<p>
3. <i>The Poles.</i> Scattered over the whole of Galicia, intermixing
there with the Ruthenes, but predominating mainly in the westerly
part of it. They also live in Silesia, with settlements in Bukovina
and Moravia. Austrian Poles number almost 5,000,000. All told,
the Polish race in Austria, Germany, and Russia is computed by
Niederle (1900) at 17,500,000; Polish statisticians make the total
20,000,000. When the constitutional era first dawned in Austria, the
Poles were put in full charge of Galicia, in appreciation of which
concession they have always loyally supported the Austrian Government.
In Galicia, the Poles are the aristocracy and the Ruthenes the
peasant element. The affection of Vienna for the Poles, however, is
not above suspicion; it is claimed that hatred of Russia, common to
both the Poles and the Austrians, was more directly responsible for
the alliance than any other single cause, though of course it is undeniable
that under Austrian rule the Poles fared better than either
under the Russian or Prussian régimes.
</p>
<p>
4. <i>The Slovenes.</i> Occupy the whole of Carniola, the southern
part of Styria, the major section of Goritz and Gradiska, except a
section in the southwestern part thereof, the outlying villages of Trieste,
the northern end of Istria, which projects on the west into Italian territory
and eastward into Hungary. Niederle’s estimate of the Slovenes
in 1900 was 1,500,000.
</p>
<p>
5. No Slavic race is more torn up territorially than the <i>Serbo-Croatians</i>.
Although really one people by language and origin, they
have divided themselves, or rather were subdivided by their political
masters, into two national units. Their homelands include a large
section of Istria and Dalmatia, together with the adjacent islands in
the Adriatic, the whole of Croatia and Slavonia, a piece of southern
Hungary, and all of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Besides this, there is, of
course, the Serbian Kingdom and Montenegro.
</p>
<p>
Niederle estimated the Serbo-Croatians in 1900 at 8,550,000.
</p>
<p>
6. <i>The Ruthenes</i> (Little Russians). Overflow the Russian boundaries
to Galicia, being predominant in east Galicia, strong in western
and northern Bukovina, numerous in several counties in Hungary.
</p>
<p>
Niederle computed the strength of the Ruthenes in Galicia, Hungary,
and Bukovina in 1900 at 3,500,000.
</p>
<p>
By religious affiliations the Slavs are divided as follows: To the Catholic
group belong almost wholly the Bohemians, Poles, Slovenes, Croatians,
and Slovaks (of the last named about seven-tenths). Protestantism finds
favor among the Slovaks (24 per cent.), Bohemians (2.44 per cent.),
and Poles living in Silesia (1.81 per cent.). The Orthodox faith
is professed by the Ruthenes in Galicia, Hungary, and Bukovina, and
the Serbians. A fraction of the Russians in Galicia and Hungary
adheres to the Uniate Church, and there are believers in Mohammedanism
in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
</p>
<p>
The old-fashioned Austrian diplomacy knew well the value of the
principle “divide and rule” and tried it on its Slavs with success.
There was a time when Bohemians in Moravia were taught by Austrian
officials to believe that they were Moravians, not Bohemians.
The difference between Bohemian and Moravian is as great as the
difference between Bronx English and Brooklyn English, yet this fact
did not discourage the grammarians in Vienna from setting up
boundaries where none existed. Croatia, as pointed out elsewhere,
is peopled by a nation calling itself alternately Croatians and Serbs.
Possessing a common past, the same racial traditions, and speaking
one language, the Serbo-Croatians are clearly one nation, divided only
by different faiths. The Croatians use the Latin letters and adhere,
almost to a man, to the Catholic faith, while the Serbs employ the
Cyrillic alphabet and belong to the Orthodox Church. The busy grammarians
in Vienna and in Budapest did their utmost to keep the Serbo-Croatians
apart, and even incited one against the other, by instilling
the belief in them that two different religions really meant two different
races. Galicia is inhabited by two distinct peoples, the Russians
and the Poles. The name “Russian” sounded badly in Austria. It
constantly reminded the Galician Russians that on the other side of
the yellow-black boundary posts lived a great nation that spoke the
same language and professed the same faith as they. Again the
learned grammarians in Vienna went to work and by dint of hard
study discovered that Austrian Russians were really not what they
seemed to be and promptly they baptized them “Ruthenes.” The
ruse, of course, was to veil the nearness of the relationship of the
“Ruthenes” to the Russians in Russia proper. In the same manner
and with the same object in view the Slovaks of Hungary are encouraged
to believe that they are a separate race and not near relatives
of the Bohemians.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> For a student of Austrian conditions it is instructive to note
how the war of the Balkan Allies against the Turk divided the sympathies
of the people along racial lines. Save a fraction of the Poles
in Galicia, the Slavs sided heartily and enthusiastically with the
Allies. The Germans and the Magyars wished for the success of the
Turks. When the Bulgars routed the Ottoman army at Kirk Killisé,
the Vienna press ill-concealed its chagrin, while Slavic journals rejoiced
as if it had been their own victory. Imagine the dismay of
such a staunch champion of Austrian public opinion as the Vienna
“Neue Freie Presse,” when the Serbs crushed the Turk at Kumanovo!
For many reasons Serbia was for years looked upon as a kind of
barometer of the hopes of the Austrian Slavs. A clever Bohemian
journalist made the interesting prediction some time before the Balkan
War that relief from Austrian thraldom may be looked for, not from
Russia, as many dreamers believed, but from the small Slavic states
in the Balkans. If these were victorious, prophesied this newspaper
writer, the Slavs in the Hapsburg Monarchy were sure to gain morally
from the victory. Official public opinion frowned on the war
relief work among Austrian Slavs in aid of the Balkan Allies.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> Francis L. Rieger (1818-1903), a lawyer, writer, economist, and
statesman, was, despite his German name, an uncompromising patriot
who had spent his whole life in the service of his nation. Modern
Bohemia without Rieger is unthinkable. His name is written large
on every page of his country’s history. As a leader of the Old Bohemian
party he naturally played a prominent rôle in the fight for
the historical rehabilitation of the Bohemian Kingdom. Having married
the daughter of Francis Palacký, the “Father of the Nation,”
he was nicknamed by his political adversaries, “Son-in-law of the
Nation.”</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> Ferdinand, however, took his oath of office January 30, 1527.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> “The Slovaks and Their Language” (<span lang="sk" xml:lang="sk">Slováci a ich Reč</span>), by Dr.
Samo Czambel, Budapest, 1903.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> Among the Slovak spokesmen at this meeting was Editor Milan
Getting, of New York. At a subsequent conference was present
Albert Mamatey, President of the National Slovak Society.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> The very words “Slovak,” “Slovakland,” “Slovak nation” are
tabooed in Hungary, and school books containing them prohibited.
Hungarian officialdom refers to Slovakland as the Hungarian Highlands.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> London <i>Times</i>, January 20, 1915.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> The writer is a representative type of the sturdy settler of Bohemian
ancestry who helped to build up the Northwest. He sojourned
in the birthland of his parents when the war broke out.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> Professor Miller has traveled in Bohemia and is gathering material
on the history of that country.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> Professor Monroe has made numerous pilgrimages to Bohemia
and his knowledge of Bohemians is intimate and thorough. He is a
“Bohemian by adoption.”</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> The story is too long to be told in this connection; and the interested
reader is referred to “History of Bohemian Literature,” by
Count Lützow (London and New York, 1899), and “Bohemia and
the Čechs,” by Will S. Monroe (Boston and London, 1910).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> Professor Wiener is a distinguished Slavic scholar whose latest
work, “An Interpretation of the Russian People,” has just been published.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> Author of “Our Slavic Fellow-Citizens.” Miss Balch studied the
Slav in the United States and “at the source,” in Europe.</p></div></div>


<hr class="full" />

<div class="transnote">




<h2 class="nobreak">Transcriber's Note:</h2>


<p>The following apparent printing errors have been corrected:</p>

<ul><li>p. 70 "Serbo-Croation" changed to "Serbo-Croatian"</li>

<li>p. 106 "Bohemain" changed to "Bohemian"</li></ul>



<p>The following are inconsistently used in the text:</p>

<ul><li>Radecký and Radecky</li></ul>
</div>

<p>&nbsp;</p>
<div>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 45993 ***</div>
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