diff options
Diffstat (limited to '45422.txt')
| -rw-r--r-- | 45422.txt | 20566 |
1 files changed, 20566 insertions, 0 deletions
diff --git a/45422.txt b/45422.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b1c4718 --- /dev/null +++ b/45422.txt @@ -0,0 +1,20566 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Quest of the Historical Jesus by Albert +Schweitzer + + + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no +restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under +the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or +online at http://www.gutenberg.org/license + + + +Title: The Quest of the Historical Jesus + +Author: Albert Schweitzer + +Release Date: April 26, 2014 [Ebook #45422] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: US-ASCII + + +***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE QUEST OF THE HISTORICAL JESUS*** + + + + + + The Quest of the Historical Jesus + + A Critical Study of its Progress From Reimarus to Wrede + + By + + Albert Schweitzer + + Privatdocent in New Testament Studies in the University of Strassburg + + Translated By + + W. Montgomery, B.A., B.D. + + With a Preface by + + F. C. Burkitt, M.A., D.D. + + Norrisian Professor of Divinity in the University of Cambridge + + Second English Edition + + London + + Adam and Charles Black + + 1911 + + + + + +CONTENTS + + +Preface +I. The Problem +II. Hermann Samuel Reimarus +III. The Lives Of Jesus Of The Earlier Rationalism +IV. The Earliest Fictitious Lives Of Jesus +V. Fully Developed Rationalism--Paulus +VI. The Last Phase Of Rationalism--Hase And Schleiermacher +VII. David Friedrich Strauss--The Man And His Fate +VIII. Strauss's First "Life Of Jesus" +IX. Strauss's Opponents And Supporters +X. The Marcan Hypothesis +XI. Bruno Bauer. The First Sceptical Life Of Jesus +XII. Further Imaginative Lives Of Jesus +XIII. Renan +XIV. The "Liberal" Lives Of Jesus +XV. The Eschatological Question +XVI. The Struggle Against Eschatology +XVII. Questions Regarding The Aramaic Language, Rabbinic Parallels, And +Buddhistic Influence +XVIII. The Position Of The Subject At The Close Of The Nineteenth Century +XIX. Thoroughgoing Scepticism And Thoroughgoing Eschatology +XX. Results +Index Of Authors And Works +Footnotes + + + + + + + [Cover Art] + + + + + +_First Edition published March 1910_ + + + + + +PREFACE + + +_The book here translated is offered to the English-speaking public in the +belief that it sets before them, as no other book has ever done, the +history of the struggle which the best-equipped intellects of the modern +world have gone through in endeavouring to realise for themselves the +historical personality of our Lord._ + +_Every one nowadays is aware that traditional Christian doctrine about +Jesus Christ is encompassed with difficulties, and that many of the +statements in the Gospels appear incredible in the light of modern views +of history and nature. But when the alternative of __"__Jesus or +Christ__"__ is put forward, as it has been in a recent publication, or +when we are bidden to choose between the Jesus of history and the Christ +of dogma, few except professed students know what a protean and +kaleidoscopic figure the __"__Jesus of history__"__ is. Like the Christ in +the Apocryphal Acts of John, He has appeared in different forms to +different minds. __"__We know Him right well,__"__ says Professor +Weinel._(_1_)_ What a claim!_ + +_Among the many bold paradoxes enunciated in this history of the Quest, +there is one that meets us at the outset, about which a few words may be +said here, if only to encourage those to persevere to the end who might +otherwise be repelled halfway--the paradox that the greatest attempts to +write a Life of Jesus have been written with hate._(_2_)_ It is in full +accordance with this faith that Dr. Schweitzer gives, in paragraph after +paragraph, the undiluted expression of the views of men who agree only in +their unflinching desire to attain historical truth. We are not accustomed +to be so ruthless in England. We sometimes tend to forget that the Gospel +has moved the world, and we think our faith and devotion to it so tender +and delicate a thing that it will break, if it be not handled with the +utmost circumspection. So we become dominated __ by phrases and afraid of +them. Dr. Schweitzer is not afraid of phrases, if only they have been +beaten out by real contact with facts. And those who read to the end will +see that the crude sarcasm of Reimarus and the unflinching scepticism of +Bruno Bauer are not introduced merely to shock and by way of contrast. +Each in his own way made a real contribution to our understanding of the +greatest historical problem in the history of our race. We see now that +the object of attack was not the historical Jesus after all, but a +temporary idea of Him, inadequate because it did not truly represent Him +or the world in which He lived. And by hearing the writers' characteristic +phrases, uncompromising as they may be, by looking at things for a moment +from their own point of view, different as it may be from ours, we are +able to be more just, not only to these men of a past age, but also to the +great Problem that occupied them, as it also occupies us._ + +_For, as Father Tyrrell has been pointing out in his last most impressive +message to us all, Christianity is at the Cross Roads. If the Figure of +our Lord is to mean anything for us we must realise it for ourselves. Most +English readers of the New Testament have been too long content with the +rough and ready Harmony of the Four Gospels that they unconsciously +construct. This kind of __"__Harmony__"__ is not a very convincing picture +when looked into, if only because it almost always conflicts with +inconvenient statements of the Gospels themselves, statements that have +been omitted from the __"__Harmony__"__, not on any reasoned theory, but +simply from inadvertence or the difficulty of fitting them in. We treat +the Life of our Lord too much as it is treated in the Liturgical +__"__Gospels__"__, as a simple series of disconnected anecdotes._ + +_Dr. Schweitzer's book does not pretend to be an impartial survey. He has +his own solution of the problems, and it is not to be expected that +English students will endorse the whole of his view of the Gospel History, +any more than his German fellow-workers have done. But valuable and +suggestive as I believe his constructive work to be in its main outlines, +I venture to think his grasp of the nature and complexity of the great +Quest is even more remarkable, and his exposition of it cannot fail to +stimulate us in England. Whatever we may think of Dr. Schweitzer's +solution or that of his opponents, we too have to reckon with the Son of +Man who was expected to come before the apostles had gone over the cities +of Israel, the Son of Man who would come in His Kingdom before some that +heard our Lord speak should taste death, the Son of Man who came to give +His life a ransom for many, whom __ they would see hereafter coming with +the clouds of heaven. __"__Who is this Son of Man?__"__ Dr. Schweitzer's +book is an attempt to give the full historical value and the true +historical setting to these fundamental words of the Gospel of Jesus._ + +_Our first duty, with the Gospel as with every other ancient document, is +to interpret it with reference to its own time. The true view of the +Gospel will be that which explains the course of events in the first +century and the second century, rather than that which seems to have +spiritual and imaginative value for the twentieth century. Yet I cannot +refrain from pointing out here one feature of the theory of thoroughgoing +eschatology, which may appeal to those who are accustomed to the venerable +forms of ancient Christian aspiration and worship. It may well be that +absolute truth cannot be embodied in human thought and that its expression +must always be clothed in symbols. It may be that we have to translate the +hopes and fears of our spiritual ancestors into the language of our new +world. We have to learn, as the Church in the second century had to learn, +that the End is not yet, that New Jerusalem, like all other objects of +sense, is an image of the truth rather than the truth itself. But at least +we are beginning to see that the apocalyptic vision, the New Age which God +is to bring in, is no mere embroidery of Christianity, but the heart of +its enthusiasm. And therefore the expectations of vindication and judgment +to come, the imagery of the Messianic Feast, the __"__other- +worldliness__"__ against which so many eloquent words were said in the +nineteenth century, are not to be regarded as regrettable accretions +foisted on by superstition to the pure morality of the original Gospel. +These ideas are the Christian Hope, to be allegorised and +__"__spiritualised__"__ by us for our own use whenever necessary, but not +to be given up so long as we remain Christians at all. Books which teach +us boldly to trust the evidence of our documents, and to accept the +eschatology of the Christian Gospel as being historically the eschatology +of Jesus, help us at the same time to retain a real meaning and use for +the ancient phrases of the Te Deum, and for the mediaeval strain of +__"__Jerusalem the Golden.__"_ + +_F. C. Burkitt._ + +_Cambridge, 1910._ + + + + + +I. THE PROBLEM + + +When, at some future day, our period of civilisation shall lie, closed and +completed, before the eyes of later generations, German theology will +stand out as a great, a unique phenomenon in the mental and spiritual life +of our time. For nowhere save in the German temperament can there be found +in the same perfection the living complex of conditions and factors--of +philosophic thought, critical acumen, historical insight, and religious +feeling--without which no deep theology is possible. + +And the greatest achievement of German theology is the critical +investigation of the life of Jesus. What it has accomplished here has laid +down the conditions and determined the course of the religious thinking of +the future. + +In the history of doctrine its work has been negative; it has, so to +speak, cleared the site for a new edifice of religious thought. In +describing how the ideas of Jesus were taken possession of by the Greek +spirit, it was tracing the growth of that which must necessarily become +strange to us, and, as a matter of fact, has become strange to us. + +Of its efforts to create a new dogmatic we scarcely need to have the +history written; it is alive within us. It is no doubt interesting to +trace how modern thoughts have found their way into the ancient dogmatic +system, there to combine with eternal ideas to form new constructions; it +is interesting to penetrate into the mind of the thinker in which this +process is at work; but the real truth of that which here meets us as +history we experience within ourselves. As in the monad of Leibnitz the +whole universe is reflected, so we intuitively experience within us, even +apart from any clear historical knowledge, the successive stages of the +progress of modern dogma, from rationalism to Ritschl. This experience is +true knowledge, all the truer because we are conscious of the whole as +something indefinite, a slow and difficult movement towards a goal which +is still shrouded in obscurity. We have not yet arrived at any +reconciliation between history and modern thought--only between half-way +history and half-way thought. What the ultimate goal towards which we are +moving will be, what this something is which shall bring new life and new +regulative principles to coming centuries, we do not know. We can only +dimly divine that it will be the mighty deed of some mighty original +genius, whose truth and rightness will be proved by the fact that we, +working at our poor half thing, will oppose him might and main--we who +imagine we long for nothing more eagerly than a genius powerful enough to +open up with authority a new path for the world, seeing that we cannot +succeed in moving it forward along the track which we have so laboriously +prepared. + +For this reason the history of the critical study of the life of Jesus is +of higher intrinsic value than the history of the study of ancient dogma +or of the attempts to create a new one. It has to describe the most +tremendous thing which the religious consciousness has ever dared and +done. In the study of the history of dogma German theology settled its +account with the past; in its attempt to create a new dogmatic, it was +endeavouring to keep a place for the religious life in the thought of the +present; in the study of the life of Jesus it was working for the +future--in pure faith in the truth, not seeing whereunto it wrought. + +Moreover, we are here dealing with the most vital thing in the world's +history. There came a Man to rule over the world; He ruled it for good and +for ill, as history testifies; He destroyed the world into which He was +born; the spiritual life of our own time seems like to perish at His +hands, for He leads to battle against our thought a host of dead ideas, a +ghostly army upon which death has no power, and Himself destroys again the +truth and goodness which His Spirit creates in us, so that it cannot rule +the world. That He continues, notwithstanding, to reign as the alone Great +and alone True in a world of which He denied the continuance, is the prime +example of that antithesis between spiritual and natural truth which +underlies all life and all events, and in Him emerges into the field of +history. + +It is only at first sight that the absolute indifference of early +Christianity towards the life of the historical Jesus is disconcerting. +When Paul, representing those who recognise the signs of the times, did +not desire to know Christ after the flesh, that was the first expression +of the impulse of self-preservation by which Christianity continued to be +guided for centuries. It felt that with the introduction of the historic +Jesus into its faith, there would arise something new, something which had +not been foreseen in the thoughts of the Master Himself, and that thereby +a contradiction would be brought to light, the solution of which would +constitute one of the great problems of the world. + +Primitive Christianity was therefore right to live wholly in the future +with the Christ who was to come, and to preserve of the historic Jesus +only detached sayings, a few miracles, His death and resurrection. By +abolishing both the world and the historical Jesus it escaped the inner +division described above, and remained consistent in its point of view. +We, on our part, have reason to be grateful to the early Christians that, +in consequence of this attitude they have handed down to us, not +biographies of Jesus but only Gospels, and that therefore we possess the +Idea and the Person with the minimum of historical and contemporary +limitations. + +But the world continued to exist, and its continuance brought this one- +sided view to an end. The supra-mundane Christ and the historical Jesus of +Nazareth had to be brought together into a single personality at once +historical and raised above time. That was accomplished by Gnosticism and +the Logos Christology. Both, from opposite standpoints, because they were +seeking the same goal, agreed in sublimating the historical Jesus into the +supra-mundane Idea. The result of this development, which followed on the +discrediting of eschatology, was that the historical Jesus was again +introduced into the field of view of Christianity, but in such a way that +all justification for, and interest in, the investigation of His life and +historical personality were done away with. + +Greek theology was as indifferent in regard to the historical Jesus who +lives concealed in the Gospels as was the early eschatological theology. +More than that, it was dangerous to Him; for it created a new +supernatural-historical Gospel, and we may consider it fortunate that the +Synoptics were already so firmly established that the Fourth Gospel could +not oust them; instead, the Church, as though from the inner necessity of +the antitheses which now began to be a constructive element in her +thought, was obliged to set up two antithetic Gospels alongside of one +another. + +When at Chalcedon the West overcame the East, its doctrine of the two +natures dissolved the unity of the Person, and thereby cut off the last +possibility of a return to the historical Jesus. The self-contradiction +was elevated into a law. But the Manhood was so far admitted as to +preserve, in appearance, the rights of history. Thus by a deception the +formula kept the Life prisoner and prevented the leading spirits of the +Reformation from grasping the idea of a return to the historical Jesus. + +This dogma had first to be shattered before men could once more go out in +quest of the historical Jesus, before they could even grasp the thought of +His existence. That the historic Jesus is something different from the +Jesus Christ of the doctrine of the Two Natures seems to us now self- +evident. We can, at the present day, scarcely imagine the long agony in +which the historical view of the life of Jesus came to birth. And even +when He was once more recalled to life, He was still, like Lazarus of old, +bound hand and foot with grave-clothes--the grave-clothes of the dogma of +the Dual Nature. Hase relates, in the preface to his first Life of Jesus +(1829), that a worthy old gentleman, hearing of his project, advised him +to treat in the first part of the human, in the second of the divine +Nature. There was a fine simplicity about that. But does not the +simplicity cover a presentiment of the revolution of thought for which the +historical method of study was preparing the way--a presentiment which +those who were engaged in the work did not share in the same measure? It +was fortunate that they did not; for otherwise how could they have had the +courage to go on? + +The historical investigation of the life of Jesus did not take its rise +from a purely historical interest; it turned to the Jesus of history as an +ally in the struggle against the tyranny of dogma. Afterwards when it was +freed from this {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} it sought to present the historic Jesus in a form +intelligible to its own time. For Bahrdt and Venturini He was the tool of +a secret order. They wrote under the impression of the immense influence +exercised by the Order of the Illuminati(3) at the end of the eighteenth +century. For Reinhard, Hess, Paulus, and the rest of the rationalistic +writers He is the admirable revealer of true virtue, which is coincident +with right reason. Thus each successive epoch of theology found its own +thoughts in Jesus; that was, indeed, the only way in which it could make +Him live. + +But it was not only each epoch that found its reflection in Jesus; each +individual created Him in accordance with his own character. There is no +historical task which so reveals a man's true self as the writing of a +Life of Jesus. No vital force comes into the figure unless a man breathes +into it all the hate or all the love of which he is capable. The stronger +the love, or the stronger the hate, the more life-like is the figure which +is produced. For hate as well as love can write a Life of Jesus, and the +greatest of them are written with hate: that of Reimarus, the Wolfenbuettel +Fragmentist, and that of David Friedrich Strauss. It was not so much hate +of the Person of Jesus as of the supernatural nimbus with which it was so +easy to surround Him, and with which He had in fact been surrounded. They +were eager to picture Him as truly and purely human, to strip from Him the +robes of splendour with which He had been apparelled, and clothe Him once +more with the coarse garments in which He had walked in Galilee. + +And their hate sharpened their historical insight. They advanced the study +of the subject more than all the others put together. But for the offence +which they gave, the science of historical theology would not have stood +where it does to-day. "It must needs be that offences come; but woe to +that man by whom the offence cometh." Reimarus evaded that woe by keeping +the offence to himself and preserving silence during his lifetime--his +work, "The Aims of Jesus and His Disciples," was only published after his +death, by Lessing. But in the case of Strauss, who, as a young man of +twenty-seven, cast the offence openly in the face of the world, the woe +fulfilled itself. His "Life of Jesus" was his ruin. But he did not cease +to be proud of it in spite of all the misfortune that it brought him. "I +might well bear a grudge against my book," he writes twenty-five years +later in the preface to the "Conversations of Ulrich von Hutten,"(4) "for +it has done me much evil ('And rightly so!' the pious will exclaim). It +has excluded me from public teaching in which I took pleasure and for +which I had perhaps some talent; it has torn me from natural relationships +and driven me into unnatural ones; it has made my life a lonely one. And +yet when I consider what it would have meant if I had refused to utter the +word which lay upon my soul, if I had suppressed the doubts which were at +work in my mind--then I bless the book which has doubtless done me grievous +harm outwardly, but which preserved the inward health of my mind and +heart, and, I doubt not, has done the same for many others also." + +Before him, Bahrdt had his career broken in consequence of revealing his +beliefs concerning the Life of Jesus; and after him, Bruno Bauer. + +It was easy for them, resolved as they were to open the way even with +seeming blasphemy. But the others, those who tried to bring Jesus to life +at the call of love, found it a cruel task to be honest. The critical +study of the life of Jesus has been for theology a school of honesty. The +world had never seen before, and will never see again, a struggle for +truth so full of pain and renunciation as that of which the Lives of Jesus +of the last hundred years contain the cryptic record. One must read the +successive Lives of Jesus with which Hase followed the course of the study +from the 'twenties to the 'seventies of the nineteenth century to get an +inkling of what it must have cost the men who lived through that decisive +period really to maintain that "courageous freedom of investigation" which +the great Jena professor, in the preface to his first Life of Jesus, +claims for his researches. One sees in him the marks of the struggle with +which he gives up, bit by bit, things which, when he wrote that preface, +he never dreamed he would have to surrender. It was fortunate for these +men that their sympathies sometimes obscured their critical vision, so +that, without becoming insincere, they were able to take white clouds for +distant mountains. That was the kindly fate of Hase and Beyschlag. + +The personal character of the study is not only due, however, to the fact +that a personality can only be awakened to life by the touch of a +personality; it lies in the essential nature of the problem itself. For +the problem of the life of Jesus has no analogue in the field of history. +No historical school has ever laid down canons for the investigation of +this problem, no professional historian has ever lent his aid to theology +in dealing with it. Every ordinary method of historical investigation +proves inadequate to the complexity of the conditions. The standards of +ordinary historical science are here inadequate, its methods not +immediately applicable. The historical study of the life of Jesus has had +to create its own methods for itself. In the constant succession of +unsuccessful attempts, five or six problems have emerged side by side +which together constitute the fundamental problem. There is, however, no +direct method of solving the problem in its complexity; all that can be +done is to experiment continuously, starting from definite assumptions; +and in this experimentation the guiding principle must ultimately rest +upon historical intuition. + +The cause of this lies in the nature of the sources of the life of Jesus, +and in the character of our knowledge of the contemporary religious world +of thought. It is not that the sources are in themselves bad. When we have +once made up our minds that we have not the materials for a complete Life +of Jesus, but only for a picture of His public ministry, it must be +admitted that there are few characters of antiquity about whom we possess +so much indubitably historical information, of whom we have so many +authentic discourses. The position is much more favourable, for instance, +than in the case of Socrates; for he is pictured to us by literary men who +exercised their creative ability upon the portrait. Jesus stands much more +immediately before us, because He was depicted by simple Christians +without literary gift. + +But at this point there arises a twofold difficulty. There is first the +fact that what has just been said applies only to the first three Gospels, +while the fourth, as regards its character, historical data, and discourse +material, forms a world of its own. It is written from the Greek +standpoint, while the first three are written from the Jewish. And even if +one could get over this, and regard, as has often been done, the Synoptics +and the Fourth Gospel as standing in something of the same relation to one +another as Xenophon does to Plato as sources for the life of Socrates, yet +the complete irreconcilability of the historical data would compel the +critical investigator to decide from the first in favour of one source or +the other. Once more it is found true that "No man can serve two masters." +This stringent dilemma was not recognised from the beginning; its +emergence is one of the results of the whole course of experiment. + +The second difficulty regarding the sources is the want of any thread of +connexion in the material which they offer us. While the Synoptics are +only collections of anecdotes (in the best, historical sense of the word), +the Gospel of John--as stands on record in its closing words--only professes +to give a selection of the events and discourses. + +From these materials we can only get a Life of Jesus with yawning gaps. +How are these gaps to be filled? At the worst with phrases, at the best +with historical imagination. There is really no other means of arriving at +the order and inner connexion of the facts of the life of Jesus than the +making and testing of hypotheses. If the tradition preserved by the +Synoptists really includes all that happened during the time that Jesus +was with His disciples, the attempt to discover the connexion must succeed +sooner or later. It becomes more and more clear that this presupposition +is indispensable to the investigation. If it is merely a fortuitous series +of episodes that the Evangelists have handed down to us, we may give up +the attempt to arrive at a critical reconstruction of the life of Jesus as +hopeless. + +But it is not only the events which lack historical connexion; we are +without any indication of a thread of connexion in the actions and +discourses of Jesus, because the sources give no hint of the character of +His self-consciousness. They confine themselves to outward facts. We only +begin to understand these historically when we can mentally place them in +an intelligible connexion and conceive them as the acts of a clearly +defined personality. All that we know of the development of Jesus and of +His Messianic self-consciousness has been arrived at by a series of +working hypotheses. Our conclusions can only be considered valid so long +as they are not found incompatible with the recorded facts as a whole. + +It may be maintained by the aid of arguments drawn from the sources that +the self-consciousness of Jesus underwent a development during the course +of His public ministry; it may, with equally good grounds, be denied. For +in both cases the arguments are based upon little details in the narrative +in regard to which we do not know whether they are purely accidental, or +whether they belong to the essence of the facts. In each case, moreover, +the experimental working out of the hypothesis leads to a conclusion which +compels the rejection of some of the actual data of the sources. Each view +equally involves a violent treatment of the text. + +Furthermore, the sources exhibit, each within itself, a striking +contradiction. They assert that Jesus felt Himself to be the Messiah; and +yet from their presentation of His life it does not appear that He ever +publicly claimed to be so. They attribute to Him, that is, an attitude +which has absolutely no connexion with the consciousness which they assume +that He possessed. But once admit that the outward acts are not the +natural expression of the self-consciousness and all exact historical +knowledge is at an end; we have to do with an isolated fact which is not +referable to any law. + +This being so, the only way of arriving at a conclusion of any value is to +experiment, to test, by working them out, the two hypotheses--that Jesus +felt Himself to be the Messiah, as the sources assert, or that He did not +feel Himself to be so, as His conduct implies; or else to try to +conjecture what kind of Messianic consciousness His must have been, if it +left His conduct and His discourses unaffected. For one thing is certain: +the whole account of the last days at Jerusalem would be unintelligible, +if we had to suppose that the mass of the people had a shadow of a +suspicion that Jesus held Himself to be the Messiah. + +Again, whereas in general a personality is to some extent defined by the +world of thought which it shares with its contemporaries, in the case of +Jesus this source of information is as unsatisfactory as the documents. + +What was the nature of the contemporary Jewish world of thought? To that +question no clear answer can be given. We do not know whether the +expectation of the Messiah was generally current or whether it was the +faith of a mere sect. With the Mosaic religion as such it had nothing to +do. There was no organic connexion between the religion of legal +observance and the future hope. Further, if the eschatological hope was +generally current, was it the prophetic or the apocalyptic form of that +hope? We know the Messianic expectations of the prophets; we know the +apocalyptic picture as drawn by Daniel, and, following him, by Enoch and +the Psalms of Solomon before the coming of Jesus, and by the Apocalypses +of Ezra and Baruch about the time of the destruction of Jerusalem. But we +do not know which was the popular form; nor, supposing that both were +combined into one picture, what this picture really looked like. We know +only the form of eschatology which meets us in the Gospels and in the +Pauline epistles; that is to say, the form which it took in the Christian +community in consequence of the coming of Jesus. And to combine these +three--the prophetic, the Late-Jewish apocalyptic, and the Christian--has +not proved possible. + +Even supposing we could obtain more exact information regarding the +popular Messianic expectations at the time of Jesus, we should still not +know what form they assumed in the self-consciousness of One who knew +Himself to be the Messiah but held that the time was not yet come for Him +to reveal Himself as such. We only know their aspect from without, as a +waiting for the Messiah and the Messianic Age; we have no clue to their +aspect from within as factors in the Messianic self-consciousness. We +possess no psychology of the Messiah. The Evangelists have nothing to tell +us about it, because Jesus told them nothing about it; the sources for the +contemporary spiritual life inform us only concerning the eschatological +expectation. For the form of the Messianic self-consciousness of Jesus we +have to fall back upon conjecture. + +Such is the character of the problem, and, as a consequence, historical +experiment must here take the place of historical research. That being so, +it is easy to understand that to take a survey of the study of the life of +Jesus is to be confronted, at first sight, with a scene of the most +boundless confusion. A series of experiments are repeated with constantly +varying modifications suggested by the results furnished by the subsidiary +sciences. Most of the writers, however, have no suspicion that they are +merely repeating an experiment which has often been made before. Some of +them discover this in the course of their work to their own great +astonishment--it is so, for instance, with Wrede, who recognises that he is +working out, though doubtless with a clearer consciousness of his aim, an +idea of Bruno Bauer's.(5) If old Reimarus were to come back again, he +might confidently give himself out to be the latest of the moderns, for +his work rests upon a recognition of the exclusive importance of +eschatology, such as only recurs again in Johannes Weiss. + +Progress, too, is curiously fitful, with long intervals of marking time +between the advances. From Strauss down to the 'nineties there was no real +progress, if one takes into consideration only the complete Lives of Jesus +which appeared. But a number of separate problems took a more clearly +defined form, so that in the end the general problem suddenly moved +forward, as it seemed, with a jerk. + +There is really no common standard by which to judge the works with which +we have to do. It is not the most orderly narratives, those which weave in +conscientiously every detail of the text, which have advanced the study of +the subject, but precisely the eccentric ones, those that take the +greatest liberties with the text. It is not by the mass of facts that a +writer sets down alongside of one another as possible--because he writes +easily and there is no one there to contradict him, and because facts on +paper do not come into collision so sharply as they do in reality--it is +not in that way that he shows his power of reconstructing history, but by +that which he recognises as impossible. The constructions of Reimarus and +Bruno Bauer have no solidity; they are mere products of the imagination. +But there is much more historical power in their clear grasp of a single +definite problem, which has blinded them to all else, than there is in the +circumstantial works of Beyschlag and Bernard Weiss. + +But once one has accustomed oneself to look for certain definite landmarks +amid this apparent welter of confusion one begins at last to discover in +vague outline the course followed, and the progress made, by the critical +study of the life of Jesus. + +It falls, immediately, into two periods, that before Strauss and that +after Strauss. The dominant interest in the first is the question of +miracle. What terms are possible between a historical treatment and the +acceptance of supernatural events? With the advent of Strauss this problem +found a solution, viz., that these events have no rightful place in the +history, but are simply mythical elements in the sources. The way was thus +thrown open. Meanwhile, alongside of the problem of the supernatural, +other problems had been dimly apprehended. Reimarus had drawn attention to +the contemporary eschatological views; Hase, in his first Life of Jesus +(1829), had sought to trace a development in the self-consciousness of +Jesus. + +But on this point a clear view was impossible, because all the students of +the subject were still basing their operations upon the harmony of the +Synoptics and the Fourth Gospel; which means that they had not so far felt +the need of a historically intelligible outline of the life of Jesus. +Here, too, Strauss was the light-bringer. But the transient illumination +was destined to be obscured by the Marcan hypothesis,(6) which now came to +the front. The necessity of choosing between John and the Synoptists was +first fully established by the Tuebingen school; and the right relation of +this question to the Marcan hypothesis was subsequently shown by +Holtzmann. + +While these discussions of the preliminary literary questions were in +progress the main historical problem of the life of Jesus was slowly +rising into view. The question began to be mooted: what was the +significance of eschatology for the mind of Jesus? With this problem was +associated, in virtue of an inner connexion which was not at first +suspected, the problem of the self-consciousness of Jesus. At the +beginning of the 'nineties it was generally felt that, in the solution +given to this dual problem, an in some measure assured knowledge of the +outward and inward course of the life of Jesus had been reached. At this +point Johannes Weiss revived the comprehensive claim of Reimarus on behalf +of eschatology; and scarcely had criticism adjusted its attitude to this +question when Wrede renewed the attempt of Bauer and Volkmar to eliminate +altogether the Messianic element from the life of Jesus. + +We are now once more in the midst of a period of great activity in the +study of the subject. On the one side we are offered a historical +solution, on the other a literary. The question at issue is: Is it +possible to explain the contradiction between the Messianic consciousness +of Jesus and His non-Messianic discourses and actions by means of a +conception of His Messianic consciousness which will make it appear that +He could not have acted otherwise than as the Evangelists describe; or +must we endeavour to explain the contradiction by taking the non-Messianic +discourses and actions as our fixed point, denying the reality of His +Messianic self-consciousness and regarding it as a later interpolation of +the beliefs of the Christian community into the life of Jesus? In the +latter case the Evangelists are supposed to have attributed these +Messianic claims to Jesus because the early Church held Him to be the +Messiah, but to have contradicted themselves by describing His life as it +actually was, viz., as the life of a prophet, not of one who held Himself +to be the Messiah. To put it briefly: Does the difficulty of explaining +the historical personality of Jesus lie in the history itself, or only in +the way in which it is represented in the sources? + +This alternative will be discussed in all the critical studies of the next +few years. Once clearly posed it compels a decision. But no one can really +understand the problem who has not a clear notion of the way in which it +has shaped itself in the course of the investigation; no one can justly +criticise, or appraise the value of, new contributions to the study of +this subject unless he knows in what forms they have been presented +before. + +The history of the study of the life of Jesus has hitherto received +surprisingly little attention. Hase, in his Life of Jesus of 1829, briefly +records the previous attempts to deal with the subject. Friedrich von +Ammon, himself one of the most distinguished students in this department, +in his "Progress of Christianity,"(7) gives some information "regarding +the most notable biographies of Jesus of the last fifty years." In the +year 1865 Uhlhorn treated together the Lives of Jesus of Renan, Schenkel, +and Strauss; in 1876 Hase, in his "History of Jesus," gave the only +complete literary history of the subject;(8) in 1892 Uhlhorn extended his +former lecture to include the works of Keim, Delff, Beyschlag, and +Weiss;(9) in 1898 Frantzen described, in a short essay, the progress of +the study since Strauss;(10) in 1899 and 1900 Baldensperger gave, in the +_Theologische Rundschau_, a survey of the most recent publications;(11) +Weinel's book, "Jesus in the Nineteenth Century," naturally only gives an +analysis of a few classical works; Otto Schmiedel's lecture on the "Main +Problems of the Critical Study of the Life of Jesus" (1902) merely +sketches the history of the subject in broad outline.(12) + +Apart from scattered notices in histories of theology this is practically +all the literature of the subject. There is room for an attempt to bring +order into the chaos of the Lives of Jesus. Hase made ingenious +comparisons between them, but he was unable to group them according to +inner principles, or to judge them justly. Weisse is for him a feebler +descendant of Strauss, Bruno Bauer is the victim of a fantastic +imagination. It would indeed have been difficult for Hase to discover in +the works of his time any principle of division. But now, when the +literary and eschatological methods of solution have led to complementary +results, when the post-Straussian period of investigation seems to have +reached a provisional close, and the goal to which it has been tending has +become clear, the time seems ripe for the attempt to trace genetically in +the successive works the shaping of the problem as it now confronts us, +and to give a systematic historical account of the critical study of the +life of Jesus. Our endeavour will be to furnish a graphic description of +all the attempts to deal with the subject; and not to dismiss them with +stock phrases or traditional labels, but to show clearly what they really +did to advance the formulation of the problem, whether their +contemporaries recognised it or not. In accordance with this principle +many famous Lives of Jesus which have prolonged an honoured existence +through many successive editions, will make but a poor figure, while +others, which have received scant notice, will appear great. Behind +Success comes Truth, and her reward is with her. + + + + + +II. HERMANN SAMUEL REIMARUS + + + "Von dem Zwecke Jesu und seiner Juenger." Noch ein Fragment des + Wolfenbuettelschen Ungenannten. Herausgegeben von Gotthold Ephraim + Lessing. Braunschweig, 1778, 276 pp. (The Aims of Jesus and His + Disciples. A further Instalment of the anonymous Wolfenbuettel + Fragments. Published by Gotthold Ephraim Lessing. Brunswick, + 1778.) + + _Johann Salomo Semler._ Beantwortung der Fragmente eines + Ungenannten insbesondere vom Zwecke Jesu und seiner Juenger. (Reply + to the anonymous Fragments, especially to that entitled "The Aims + of Jesus and His Disciples.") Halle, 1779, 432 pp. + + +Before Reimarus, no one had attempted to form a historical conception of +the life of Jesus. Luther had not so much as felt that he cared to gain a +clear idea of the order of the recorded events. Speaking of the chronology +of the cleansing of the Temple, which in John falls at the beginning, in +the Synoptists near the close, of Jesus' public life, he remarks: "The +Gospels follow no order in recording the acts and miracles of Jesus, and +the matter is not, after all, of much importance. If a difficulty arises +in regard to the Holy Scripture and we cannot solve it, we must just let +it alone." When the Lutheran theologians began to consider the question of +harmonising the events, things were still worse. Osiander (1498-1552), in +his "Harmony of the Gospels," maintained the principle that if an event is +recorded more than once in the Gospels, in different connexions, it +happened more than once and in different connexions. The daughter of +Jairus was therefore raised from the dead several times; on one occasion +Jesus allowed the devils whom He cast out of a single demoniac to enter +into a herd of swine, on another occasion, those whom He cast out of two +demoniacs; there were two cleansings of the Temple, and so forth.(13) The +correct view of the Synoptic Gospels as being interdependent was first +formulated by Griesbach. + +The only Life of Jesus written prior to the time of Reimarus which has any +interest for us, was composed by a Jesuit in the Persian language. The +author was the Indian missionary Hieronymus Xavier, nephew of Francis +Xavier, and it was designed for the use of Akbar, the Moghul Emperor, who, +in the latter part of the sixteenth century, had become the most powerful +potentate in Hindustan. In the seventeenth century the Persian text was +brought to Europe by a merchant, and was translated into Latin by Louis de +Dieu, a theologian of the Reformed Church, whose intention in publishing +it was to discredit Catholicism.(14) It is a skilful falsification of the +life of Jesus in which the omissions, and the additions taken from the +Apocrypha, are inspired by the sole purpose of presenting to the open- +minded ruler a glorious Jesus, in whom there should be nothing to offend +him. + +Thus there had been nothing to prepare the world for a work of such power +as that of Reimarus. It is true, there had appeared earlier, in 1768, a +Life of Jesus by Johann Jakob Hess(15) (1741-1828), written from the +standpoint of the older rationalism, but it retains so much +supernaturalism and follows so much the lines of a paraphrase of the +Gospels, that there was nothing to indicate to the world what a master- +stroke the spirit of the time was preparing. + +Not much is known about Reimarus. For his contemporaries he had no +existence, and it was Strauss who first made his name known in +literature.(16) He was born in Hamburg on the 22nd of December, 1694, and +spent his life there as a professor of Oriental Languages. He died in +1768. Several of his writings appeared during his lifetime, all of them +asserting the claims of rational religion as against the faith of the +Church; one of them, for example, being an essay on "The Leading Truths of +Natural Religion." His _magnum opus_, however, which laid the historic +basis of his attacks, was only circulated, during his lifetime, among his +acquaintances, as an anonymous manuscript. In 1774 Lessing began to +publish the most important portions of it, and up to 1778 had published +seven fragments, thereby involving himself in a quarrel with Goetze, the +Chief Pastor of Hamburg. The manuscript of the whole, which runs to 4000 +pages, is preserved in the Hamburg municipal library. + +The following are the titles of Fragments which he published: + +The Toleration of the Deists. + +The Decrying of Reason in the Pulpit. + +The impossibility of a Revelation which all men should have good grounds +for believing. + +The Passing of the Israelites through the Red Sea. + +Showing that the books of the Old Testament were not written to reveal a +Religion. + +Concerning the story of the Resurrection. + +The Aims of Jesus and His disciples. + +The monograph on the passing of the Israelites through the Red Sea is one +of the ablest, wittiest, and most acute which has ever been written. It +exposes all the impossibilities of the narrative in the Priestly Codex, +and all the inconsistencies which arise from the combination of various +sources; although Reimarus has not the slightest inkling that the +separation of these sources would afford the real solution of the problem. + +To say that the fragment on "The Aims of Jesus and His Disciples" is a +magnificent piece of work is barely to do it justice. This essay is not +only one of the greatest events in the history of criticism, it is also a +masterpiece of general literature. The language is as a rule crisp and +terse, pointed and epigrammatic--the language of a man who is not "engaged +in literary composition" but is wholly concerned with the facts. At times, +however, it rises to heights of passionate feeling, and then it is as +though the fires of a volcano were painting lurid pictures upon dark +clouds. Seldom has there been a hate so eloquent, so lofty a scorn; but +then it is seldom that a work has been written in the just consciousness +of so absolute a superiority to contemporary opinion. And withal, there is +dignity and serious purpose; Reimarus's work is no pamphlet. + +Lessing could not, of course, accept its standpoint. His idea of +revelation, and his conception of the Person of Jesus, were much deeper +than those of the Fragmentist. He was a thinker; Reimarus only a +historian. But this was the first time that a really historical mind, +thoroughly conversant with the sources, had undertaken the criticism of +the tradition. It was Lessing's greatness that he grasped the significance +of this criticism, and felt that it must lead either to the destruction or +to the re-casting of the idea of revelation. He recognised that the +introduction of the historical element would transform and deepen +rationalism. Convinced that the fateful moment had arrived, he disregarded +the scruples of Reimarus's family and the objections of Nicolai and +Mendelssohn, and, though inwardly trembling for that which he himself held +sacred, he flung the torch with his own hand. + +Semler, at the close of his refutation of the fragment, ridicules its +editor in the following apologue. "A prisoner was once brought before the +Lord Mayor of London on a charge of arson. He had been seen coming down +from the upper story of the burning house. 'Yesterday,' so ran his +defence, 'about four o'clock I went into my neighbour's store-room and saw +there a burning candle which the servants had carelessly forgotten. In the +course of the night it would have burned down, and set fire to the stairs. +To make sure that the fire should break out in the day-time, I threw some +straw upon it. The flames burst out at the sky-light, the fire-engines +came hurrying up, and the fire, which in the night might have been +dangerous, was promptly extinguished.' 'Why did you not yourself pick up +the candle and put it out?' asked the Lord Mayor. 'If I had put out the +candle the servants would not have learned to be more careful; now that +there has been such a fuss about it, they will not be so careless in +future.' 'Odd, very odd,' said the Lord Mayor, 'he is not a criminal, only +a little weak in the head.' So he had him shut up in the mad-house, and +there he lies to this day." + +The story is extraordinarily apposite--only that Lessing was not mad; he +knew quite well what he was doing. His object was to show how an unseen +enemy had pushed his parallels up to the very walls, and to summon to the +defence "some one who should be as nearly the ideal defender of religion +as the Fragmentist was the ideal assailant." Once, with prophetic insight +into the future, he says: "The Christian traditions must be explained by +the inner truth of Christianity, and no written traditions can give it +that inner truth, if it does not itself possess it." + +Reimarus takes as his starting-point the question regarding the content of +the preaching of Jesus. "We are justified," he says, "in drawing an +absolute distinction between the teaching of the Apostles in their +writings and what Jesus Himself in His own lifetime proclaimed and +taught." What belongs to the preaching of Jesus is clearly to be +recognised. It is contained in two phrases of identical meaning, "Repent, +and believe the Gospel," or, as it is put elsewhere, "Repent, for the +Kingdom of Heaven is at hand." + +The Kingdom of Heaven must however be understood "according to Jewish ways +of thought." Neither Jesus nor the Baptist ever explain this expression; +therefore they must have been content to have it understood in its known +and customary sense. That means that Jesus took His stand within the +Jewish religion, and accepted its Messianic expectations without in any +way correcting them. If He gives a new development to this religion it is +only in so far that He proclaims as near at hand the realisation of ideals +and hopes which were alive in thousands of hearts. + +There was thus no need for detailed instruction regarding the nature of +the Kingdom of Heaven; the catechism and confession of the Church at its +commencement consisted of a single phrase. Belief was not difficult: "they +need only believe the Gospel, namely that Jesus was about to bring in the +Kingdom of God."(17) + +As there were many among the Jews who were already waiting for the Kingdom +of God, it was no wonder that in a few days, nay in a few hours, some +thousands believed, although they had been told only that Jesus was the +promised prophet. + +This was the sum total of what the disciples knew about the Kingdom of God +when they were sent out by their Master to proclaim its coming. Their +hearers would naturally think of the customary meaning of the term and the +hopes which attached themselves to it. "The purpose of sending out such +propagandists could only be that the Jews who groaned under the Roman yoke +and had long cherished the hope of deliverance should be stirred up all +over Judaea and assemble themselves in their thousands." + +Jesus must have known, too, that if the people believed His messengers +they would look about for an earthly deliverer and turn to Him for this +purpose. The Gospel, therefore, meant nothing more or less to all who +heard it than that, under the leadership of Jesus, the Kingdom of Messiah +was about to be brought in. For them there was no difficulty in accepting +the belief that He was the Messiah, the Son of God, for this belief did +not involve anything metaphysical. The nation was the Son of God; the +kings of the covenant-people were Sons of God; the Messiah was in a pre- +eminent sense the Son of God. Thus even in His Messianic claims Jesus +remained "within the limits of humanity." + +The fact that He did not need to explain to His contemporaries what He +meant by the Kingdom of God constitutes a difficulty for us. The parables +do not enlighten us, for they presuppose a knowledge of the conception. +"If we could not gather from the writings of the Jews some further +information as to what was understood at that time by the Messiah and the +Kingdom of God, these points of primary importance would be very obscure +and incomprehensible." + +"If, therefore, we desire to gain a historical understanding of Jesus' +teaching, we must leave behind what we learned in our catechism regarding +the metaphysical Divine Sonship, the Trinity, and similar dogmatic +conceptions, and go out into a wholly Jewish world of thought. Only those +who carry the teachings of the catechism back into the preaching of the +Jewish Messiah will arrive at the idea that He was the founder of a new +religion. To all unprejudiced persons it is manifest that Jesus had not +the slightest intention of doing away with the Jewish religion and putting +another in its place." + +From Matt. v. 18 it is evident that Jesus did not break with the Law, but +took His stand upon it unreservedly. If there was anything at all new in +His preaching, it was the righteousness which was requisite for the +Kingdom of God. The righteousness of the Law will no longer suffice in the +time of the coming Kingdom; a new and deeper morality must come into +being. This demand is the only point in which the preaching of Jesus went +beyond the ideas of His contemporaries. But this new morality does not do +away with the Law, for He explains it as a fulfilment of the old +commandments. His followers, no doubt, broke with the Law later on. They +did so, however, not in pursuance of a command of Jesus, but under the +pressure of circumstances, at the time when they were forced out of +Judaism and obliged to found a new religion. + +Jesus shared the Jewish racial exclusiveness wholly and unreservedly. +According to Matt. x. 5 He forbade His disciples to declare to the +Gentiles the coming of the Kingdom of God. Evidently, therefore, His +purpose did not embrace them. Had it been otherwise, the hesitation of +Peter in Acts x. and xi., and the necessity of justifying the conversion +of Cornelius, would be incomprehensible. + +Baptism and the Lord's Supper are no evidence that Jesus intended to found +a new religion. In the first place the genuineness of the command to +baptize in Matt. xxviii. 19 is questionable, not only as a saying ascribed +to the risen Jesus, but also because it is universalistic in outlook, and +because it implies the doctrine of the Trinity and, consequently, the +metaphysical Divine Sonship of Jesus. In this it is inconsistent with the +earliest traditions regarding the practice of baptism in the Christian +community, for in the earliest times, as we learn from the Acts and from +Paul, it was the custom to baptize, not in the name of the Trinity, but in +the name of Jesus, the Messiah. + +But, furthermore, it is questionable whether Baptism really goes back to +Jesus at all. He Himself baptized no one in His own lifetime, and never +commanded any of His converts to be baptized. So we cannot be sure about +the origin of Baptism, though we can be sure of its meaning. Baptism in +the name of Jesus signified only that Jesus was the Messiah. "For the only +change which the teaching of Jesus made in their religion was that whereas +they had formerly believed in a Deliverer of Israel who was to come in the +future, they now believed in a Deliverer who was already present." + +The "Lord's Supper," again, was no new institution, but merely an episode +at the last Paschal Meal of the Kingdom which was passing away, and was +intended "as an anticipatory celebration of the Passover of the New +Kingdom." A Lord's Supper in our sense, "cut loose from the Passover," +would have been inconceivable to Jesus, and not less so to His disciples. + +It is useless to appeal to the miracles, any more than to the +"Sacraments," as evidence for the founding of a new religion. In the first +place, we have to remember what happens in the case of miracles handed +down by tradition. That Jesus effected cures, which in the eyes of His +contemporaries were miraculous, is not to be denied. Their purpose was to +prove Him to be the Messiah. He forbade these miracles to be made known, +even in cases where they could not possibly be kept hidden, "with the sole +purpose of making people more eager to talk of them." Other miracles, +however, have no basis in fact, but owe their place in the narrative to +the feeling that the miracle-stories of the Old Testament must be repeated +in the case of Jesus, but on a grander scale. He did no really miraculous +works; otherwise, the demands for a sign would be incomprehensible. In +Jerusalem when all the people were looking eagerly for an overwhelming +manifestation of His Messiahship, what a tremendous effect a miracle would +have produced! If only a single miracle had been publicly, convincingly, +undeniably, performed by Jesus before all the people on one of the great +days of the Feast, such is human nature that all the people would at once +have flocked to His standard. + +For this popular uprising, however, He waited in vain. Twice He believed +that it was near at hand. The first time was when He was sending out the +disciples and said to them: "Ye shall not have gone over the cities of +Israel before the Son of Man comes" (Matt. x. 23). He thought that, at the +preaching of the disciples, the people would flock to Him from every +quarter and immediately proclaim Him Messiah; but His expectation was +disappointed. + +The second time, He thought to bring about the decisive issue in +Jerusalem. He made His entry riding on an ass's colt, that the Messianic +prophecy of Zechariah might be fulfilled. And the people actually did cry +"Hosanna to the Son of David!" Relying on the support of His followers He +might now, He thought, bid defiance to the authorities. In the temple He +arrogates to Himself supreme power, and in glowing words calls for an open +revolt against the Sanhedrin and the Pharisees, on the ground that they +have shut the doors of the Kingdom of Heaven and forbidden others to go +in. There is no doubt, now, that He will carry the people with Him! +Confident in the success of His cause, He closes the great incendiary +harangue in Matt. xxiii. with the words "Truly from henceforth ye shall +not see me again until ye shall say Blessed is he that cometh in the name +of the Lord"; that is, until they should hail Him as Messiah. + +But the people in Jerusalem refused to rise, as the Galilaeans had refused +at the time when the disciples were sent out to rouse them. The Council +prepared for vigorous action. The voluntary concealment by which Jesus had +thought to whet the eagerness of the people became involuntary. Before His +arrest He was overwhelmed with dread, and on the cross He closed His life +with the words "My God! my God! why hast Thou forsaken me?" "This avowal +cannot, without violence, be interpreted otherwise than as meaning that +God had not aided Him in His aim and purpose as He had hoped. That shows +that it had not been His purpose to suffer and die, but to establish an +earthly kingdom and deliver the Jews from political oppression--and in that +God's help had failed Him." + +For the disciples this turn of affairs meant the destruction of all the +dreams for the sake of which they had followed Jesus. For if they had +given up anything on His account, it was only in order to receive it again +an hundredfold when they should openly take their places in the eyes of +all the world as the friends and ministers of the Messiah, as the rulers +of the twelve tribes of Israel. Jesus never disabused them of this +sensuous hope, but, on the contrary, confirmed them in it. When He put an +end to the quarrel about pre-eminence, and when He answered the request of +the sons of Zebedee, He did not attack the assumption that there were to +be thrones and power, but only addressed Himself to the question how men +were in the present to establish their claims to that position of +authority. + +All this implies that the time of the fulfilment of these hopes was not +thought of by Jesus and His disciples as at all remote. In Matt. xvi. 28, +for example, He says: "Truly I say unto you there are some standing here +who shall not taste of death, till they see the Son of man coming in his +kingdom." There is no justification for twisting this about or explaining +it away. It simply means that Jesus promises the fulfilment of all +Messianic hopes before the end of the existing generation. + +Thus the disciples were prepared for anything rather than that which +actually happened. Jesus had never said a word to them about His dying and +rising again, otherwise they would not have so played the coward at His +death, nor have been so astonished at His "resurrection." The three or +four sayings referring to these events must therefore have been put into +His mouth later, in order to make it appear that He had foreseen these +events in His original plan. + +How, then, did they get over this apparently annihilating blow? By falling +back upon the second form of the Jewish Messianic hope. Hitherto their +thoughts, like those of their Master, had been dominated by the political +ideal of the prophets--the scion of David's line who should appear as the +political deliverer of the nation. But alongside of that there existed +another Messianic expectation which transferred everything to the +supernatural sphere. Appearing first in Daniel, this expectation can still +be traced in the Apocalypses, in Justin's "Dialogue with Trypho," and in +certain Rabbinic sayings. According to these--Reimarus makes use especially +of the statements of Trypho--the Messiah is to appear twice; once in human +lowliness, the second time upon the clouds of heaven. When the first +_systema_, as Reimarus calls it, was annihilated by the death of Jesus, +the disciples brought forward the second, and gathered followers who +shared their expectation of a second coming of Jesus the Messiah. In order +to get rid of the difficulty of the death of Jesus, they gave it the +significance of a spiritual redemption--which had not previously entered +their field of vision or that of Jesus Himself. + +But this spiritual interpretation of His death would not have helped them +if they had not also invented the resurrection. Immediately after the +death of Jesus, indeed, such an idea was far from their thoughts. They +were in deadly fear and kept close within doors. "Soon, however, one and +another ventures to slip out. They learn that no judicial search is being +made for them." Then they consider what is to be done. They did not take +kindly to the idea of returning to their old haunts; on their journeyings +the companions of the Messiah had forgotten how to work. They had seen +that the preaching of the Kingdom of God will keep a man. Even when they +had been sent out without wallet or money they had not lacked. The women +who are mentioned in Luke viii. 2, 3, had made it their business to make +good provision for the Messiah and His future ministers. + +Why not, then, continue this mode of life? They would surely find a +sufficient number of faithful souls who would join them in directing their +hopes towards a second coming of the Messiah, and while awaiting the +future glory, would share their possessions with them. So they stole the +body of Jesus and hid it, and proclaimed to all the world that He would +soon return. They prudently waited, however, for fifty days before making +this announcement, in order that the body, if it should be found, might be +unrecognisable. + +What was much in their favour was the complete disorganisation of the +Jewish state. Had there been an efficient police administration the +disciples would not have been able to plan this fraud and organise their +communistic fellowship. But, as it was, the new society was not even +subjected to any annoyance in consequence of the remarkable death of a +married couple who were buried from the apostles' house, and the +brotherhood was even allowed to confiscate their property to its own uses. + +It appears, then, that the hope of the Parousia was the fundamental thing +in primitive Christianity, which was a product of that hope much more than +of the teaching of Jesus. Accordingly, the main problem of primitive +dogmatics was the delay of the Parousia. Already in Paul's time the +problem was pressing, and he had to set to work in 2 Thessalonians to +discover all possible and impossible reasons why the Second Coming should +be delayed. Reimarus mercilessly exposes the position of the apostle, who +was obliged to fob people off somehow or other. The author of 2 Peter has +a much clearer notion of what he would be at, and undertakes to restore +the confidence of Christendom once for all with the sophism of the +thousand years which are in the sight of God as one day, ignoring the fact +that in the promise the reckoning was by man's years, not by God's. +"Nevertheless it served the turn of the Apostles so well with those simple +early Christians, that after the first believers had been bemused with it, +and the period originally fixed had elapsed, the Christians of later +generations, including Fathers of the Church, could continue ever after to +feed themselves with empty hopes." The saying of Christ about the +generation which should not die out before His return clearly fixes this +event at no very distant date. But since Jesus has not yet appeared upon +the clouds of heaven "these words must be strained into meaning, not that +generation, but the Jewish people. Thus by exegetical art they are saved +for ever, for the Jewish race will never die out." + +In general, however, "the theologians of the present day skim lightly over +the eschatological material in the Gospels because it does not chime in +with their views, and assign to the coming of Christ upon the clouds quite +a different purpose from that which it bears in the teaching of Christ and +His apostles." Inasmuch as the non-fulfilment of its eschatology is not +admitted, our Christianity rests upon a fraud. In view of this fact, what +is the evidential value of any miracle, even if it could be held to be +authentic? "No miracle would prove that two and two make five, or that a +circle has four angles; and no miracles, however numerous, could remove a +contradiction which lies on the surface of the teachings and records of +Christianity." Nor is there any weight in the appeal to the fulfilment of +prophecy, for the cases in which Matthew countersigns it with the words +"that the Scripture might be fulfilled" are all artificial and unreal; and +for many incidents the stage was set by Jesus, or His disciples, or the +Evangelists, with the deliberate purpose of presenting to the people a +scene from the fulfilment of prophecy. + +The sole argument which could save the credit of Christianity would be a +proof that the Parousia had really taken place at the time for which it +was announced; and obviously no such proof can be produced. + +Such is Reimarus' reconstruction of the history. We can well understand +that his work must have given offence when it appeared, for it is a +polemic, not an objective historical study. But we have no right simply to +dismiss it in a word, as a Deistic production, as Otto Schmiedel, for +example, does;(18) it is time that Reimarus came to his own, and that we +should recognise a historical performance of no mean order in this piece +of Deistic polemics. His work is perhaps the most splendid achievement in +the whole course of the historical investigation of the life of Jesus, for +he was the first to grasp the fact that the world of thought in which +Jesus moved was essentially eschatological. There is some justification +for the animosity which flames up in his writing. This historical truth +had taken possession of his mind with such overwhelming force that he +could no longer understand his contemporaries, and could not away with +their profession that their beliefs were, as they professed to be, +directly derived from the preaching of Jesus. + +What added to the offence was that he saw the eschatology in a wrong +perspective. He held that the Messianic ideal which dominated the +preaching of Jesus was that of the political ruler, the son of David. All +his other mistakes are the consequence of this fundamental error. It was, +of course, a mere makeshift hypothesis to derive the beginnings of +Christianity from an imposture. Historical science was not at that time +sufficiently advanced to lead even the man who had divined the +fundamentally eschatological character of the preaching of Jesus onward to +the historical solution of the problem; it needed more than a hundred and +twenty years to fill in the chasm which Reimarus had been forced to bridge +with that makeshift hypothesis of his. + +In the light of the clear perception of the elements of the problem which +Reimarus had attained, the whole movement of theology, down to Johannes +Weiss, appears retrograde. In all its work the thesis is ignored or +obscured that Jesus, as a historical personality, is to be regarded, not +as the founder of a new religion, but as the final product of the +eschatological and apocalyptic thought of Late Judaism. Every sentence of +Johannes Weiss's _Die Predigt Jesu vom Reiche Gottes_ (1892) is a +vindication, a rehabilitation, of Reimarus as a historical thinker. + +Even so the traveller on the plain sees from afar the distant range of +mountains. Then he loses sight of them again. His way winds slowly upwards +through the valleys, drawing ever nearer to the peaks, until at last, at a +turn of the path, they stand before him, not in the shapes which they had +seemed to take from the distant plain, but in their actual forms. Reimarus +was the first, after eighteen centuries of misconception, to have an +inkling of what eschatology really was. Then theology lost sight of it +again, and it was not until after the lapse of more than a hundred years +that it came in view of eschatology once more, now in its true form, so +far as that can be historically determined, and only after it had been led +astray, almost to the last, in all its historical researches by the sole +mistake of Reimarus--the assumption that the eschatology was earthly and +political in character. Thus theology shared at least the error of the man +whom it knew only as a Deist, not as an historian, and whose true +greatness was not recognised even by Strauss, though he raised a literary +monument to him. + +The solution offered by Reimarus may be wrong; the data of observation +from which he starts out are, beyond question, right, because the primary +datum of all is genuinely historical. He recognised that two systems of +Messianic expectation were present side by side in Late Judaism. He +endeavoured to bring them into mutual relations in order to represent the +actual movement of the history. In so doing he made the mistake of placing +them in consecutive order, ascribing to Jesus the political Son-of-David +conception, and to the Apostles, after His death, the apocalyptic system +based on Daniel, instead of superimposing one upon the other in such a way +that the Messianic King might coincide with the Son of Man, and the +ancient prophetic conception might be inscribed within the circumference +of the Daniel-descended apocalyptic, and raised along with it to the +supersensuous plane. But what matters the mistake in comparison with the +fact that the problem was really grasped? + +Reimarus felt that the absence in the preaching of Jesus of any definition +of the principal term (the Kingdom of God), in conjunction with the great +and rapid success of His preaching constituted a problem, and he +formulated the conception that Jesus was not a religious founder and +teacher, but purely a preacher. + +He brought the Synoptic and Johannine narratives into harmony by +practically leaving the latter out of account. The attitude of Jesus +towards the law, and the process by which the disciples came to take up a +freer attitude, was grasped and explained by him so accurately that modern +historical science does not need to add a word, but would be well pleased +if at least half the theologians of the present day had got as far. + +Further, he recognised that primitive Christianity was not something which +grew, so to speak, out of the teaching of Jesus, but that it came into +being as a new creation, in consequence of events and circumstances which +added something to that preaching which it did not previously contain; and +that Baptism and the Lord's Supper, in the historical sense of these +terms, were not instituted by Jesus, but created by the early Church on +the basis of certain historical assumptions. + +Again, Reimarus felt that the fact that the "event of Easter" was first +proclaimed at Pentecost constituted a problem, and he sought a solution +for it. He recognised, further, that the solution of the problem of the +life of Jesus calls for a combination of the methods of historical and +literary criticism. He felt that merely to emphasise the part played by +eschatology would not suffice, but that it was necessary to assume a +creative element in the tradition, to which he ascribed the miracles, the +stories which turn on the fulfilment of Messianic prophecy, the +universalistic traits and the predictions of the passion and the +resurrection. Like Wrede, too, he feels that the prescription of silence +in the case of miracles of healing and of certain communications to the +disciples constitutes a problem which demands solution. + +Still more remarkable is his eye for exegetical detail. He has an +unfailing instinct for pregnant passages like Matt. x. 23, xvi. 28, which +are crucial for the interpretation of large masses of the history. The +fact is there are some who are historians by the grace of God, who from +their mother's womb have an instinctive feeling for the real. They follow +through all the intricacy and confusion of reported fact the pathway of +reality, like a stream which, despite the rocks that encumber its course +and the windings of its valley, finds its way inevitably to the sea. No +erudition can supply the place of this historical instinct, but erudition +sometimes serves a useful purpose, inasmuch as it produces in its +possessors the pleasing belief that they are historians, and thus secures +their services for the cause of history. In truth they are at best merely +doing the preliminary spade-work of history, collecting for a future +historian the dry bones of fact, from which, with the aid of his natural +gift, he can recall the past to life. More often, however, the way in +which erudition seeks to serve history is by suppressing historical +discoveries as long as possible, and leading out into the field to oppose +the one true view an army of possibilities. By arraying these in support +of one another it finally imagines that it has created out of +possibilities a living reality. + +This obstructive erudition is the special prerogative of theology, in +which, even at the present day, a truly marvellous scholarship often +serves only to blind the eyes to elementary truths, and to cause the +artificial to be preferred to the natural. And this happens not only with +those who deliberately shut their minds against new impressions, but also +with those whose purpose is to go forward, and to whom their +contemporaries look up as leaders. It was a typical illustration of this +fact when Semler rose up and slew Reimarus in the name of scientific +theology.(19) + +Reimarus had discredited progressive theology. Students--so Semler tells us +in his preface--became unsettled and sought other callings. The great Halle +theologian--born in 1725--the pioneer of the historical view of the Canon, +the precursor of Baur in the reconstruction of primitive Christianity, was +urged to do away with the offence. As Origen of yore with Celsus, so +Semler takes Reimarus sentence by sentence, in such a way that if his work +were lost it could be recovered from the refutation. The fact was that +Semler had nothing in the nature of a complete or well-articulated +argument to oppose to him; therefore he inaugurated in his reply the "Yes, +but" theology, which thereafter, for more than three generations, while it +took, itself, the most various modifications, imagined that it had finally +got rid of Reimarus and his discovery. + +Reimarus--so ran the watchword of the guerrilla warfare which Semler waged +against him--cannot be right, for he is one-sided. Jesus and His disciples +employed two methods of teaching: one sensuous, pictorial, drawn from the +sphere of Jewish ideas, by which they adapted their meaning to the +understanding of the multitude, and endeavoured to raise them to a higher +way of thinking; and alongside of that a purely spiritual teaching which +was independent of that kind of imagery. Both methods of teaching +continued to be used side by side, because there were always contemporary +representatives of the two degrees of capability and the two kinds of +temperament. "This is historically so certain that the Fragmentist's +attack must inevitably be defeated at this point, because he takes account +only of the sensuous representation." But his attack was not defeated. +What happened was that, owing to the respect in which Semler was held, and +the absolute incapacity of contemporary theology to overtake the long +stride forward made by Reimarus, his work was neglected, and the stimulus +which it was capable of imparting failed to take effect. He had no +predecessors; neither had he any disciples. His work is one of those +supremely great works which pass and leave no trace, because they are +before their time; to which later generations pay a just tribute of +admiration, but owe no gratitude. Indeed it would be truer to say that +Reimarus hung a mill-stone about the neck of the rising theological +science of his time. He avenged himself on Semler by shaking his faith in +historical theology and even in the freedom of science in general. By the +end of the eighth decade of the century the Halle professor was beginning +to retrace his steps, was becoming more and more disloyal to the cause +which he had formerly served; and he finally went so far as to give his +approval to Woellner's edict for the regulation of religion (1788). His +friends attributed this change of front to senility--he died 1791. + +Thus the magnificent overture in which are announced all the _motifs_ of +the future historical treatment of the life of Jesus breaks off with a +sudden discord, remains isolated and incomplete, and leads to nothing +further. + + + + + +III. THE LIVES OF JESUS OF THE EARLIER RATIONALISM + + + _Johann Jakob Hess._ Geschichte der drei letzten Lebensjahre Jesu. + (History of the Last Three Years of the Life of Jesus.) 3 vols., + 1400 pp. Leipzig-Zurich, 1768-1772; 3rd ed., 1774 ff.; 7th ed., + 1823 ff. + + _Franz Volkmar Reinhard._ Versuch ueber den Plan, welchen der + Stifter der christlichen Religion zum Besten der Menschheit + entwarf. (Essay upon the Plan which the Founder of the Christian + Religion adopted for the Benefit of Mankind.) 500 pp. 1781; 4th + ed., 1798; 5th ed., 1830. Our account is based on the 4th ed. The + 5th contains supplementary matter by Heubner. + + _Ernst August Opitz._ Preacher at Zscheppelin. Geschichte und + Characterzuege Jesu. (History of Jesus, with a Delineation of His + Character.) Jena and Leipzig, 1812. 488 pp. + + _Johann Adolph Jakobi._ Superintendent at Waltershausen. Die + Geschichte Jesu fuer denkende und gemuetvolle Leser, 1816. (The + History of Jesus for thoughtful and sympathetic readers.) A second + volume, containing the history of the apostolic age, followed in + 1818. + + _Johann Gottfried Herder._ Vom Erloeser der Menschen. Nach unsern + drei ersten Evangelien. (The Redeemer of men, as portrayed in our + first three Gospels.) 1796. Von Gottes Sohn, der Welt Heiland. + Nach Johannes Evangelium. (The Son of God, the Saviour of the + World, as portrayed by John's Gospel.) Accompanied by a rule for + the harmonisation of our Gospels on the basis of their origin and + order. Riga, published by Hartknoch, 1797. See Herder's complete + works, ed. Suphan, vol. xix. + + +That thorough-going theological rationalism which accepts only so much of +religion as can justify itself at the bar of reason, and which conceives +and represents the origin of religion in accordance with this principle, +was preceded by a rationalism less complete, as yet not wholly dissociated +from a simple-minded supernaturalism. Its point of view is one at which it +is almost impossible for the modern man to place himself. Here, in a +single consciousness, orthodoxy and rationalism lie stratified in +successive layers. Here, to change the metaphor, rationalism surrounds +religion without touching it, and, like a lake surrounding some ancient +castle, mirrors its image with curious refractions. + +This half-developed rationalism was conscious of an impulse--it is the +first time in the history of theology that this impulse manifests +itself--to write the Life of Jesus; at first without any suspicion whither +this undertaking would lead it. No rude hands were to be laid upon the +doctrinal conception of Jesus; at least these writers had no intention of +laying hands upon it. Their purpose was simply to gain a clearer view of +the course of our Lord's earthly and human life. The theologians who +undertook this task thought of themselves as merely writing an historical +supplement to the life of the God-Man Jesus. These "Lives" are, therefore, +composed according to the prescription of the "good old gentleman" who in +1829 advised the young Hase to treat first of the divine, and then of the +human side of the life of Jesus. + +The battle about miracle had not yet begun. But miracle no longer plays a +part of any importance; it is a firmly established principle that the +teaching of Jesus, and religion in general, hold their place solely in +virtue of their inner reasonableness, not by the support of outward +evidence. + +The only thing that is really rationalistic in these older works is the +treatment of the teaching of Jesus. Even those that retain the largest +share of supernaturalism are as completely undogmatic as the more advanced +in their reproduction of the discourses of the Great Teacher. All of them +make it a principle to lose no opportunity of reducing the number of +miracles; where they can explain a miracle by natural causes, they do not +hesitate for a moment. But the deliberate rejection of all miracles, the +elimination of everything supernatural which intrudes itself into the life +of Jesus, is still to seek. That principle was first consistently carried +through by Paulus. With these earlier writers it depends on the degree of +enlightenment of the individual whether the irreducible minimum of the +supernatural is larger or smaller. + +Moreover, the period of this older rationalism, like every period when +human thought has been strong and vigorous, is wholly unhistorical. What +it is looking for is not the past, but itself in the past. For it, the +problem of the life of Jesus is solved the moment it succeeds in bringing +Jesus near to its own time, in portraying Him as the great teacher of +virtue, and showing that His teaching is identical with the intellectual +truth which rationalism deifies. + +The temporal limits of this half-and-half rationalism are difficult to +define. For the historical study of the life of Jesus the first landmark +which it offers is the work of Hess, which appeared in 1768. But it held +its ground for a long time side by side with rationalism proper, which +failed to drive it from the field. A seventh edition of Hess's Life of +Jesus appeared as late as 1823; while a fifth edition of Reinhard's work +saw the light in 1830. And when Strauss struck the death-blow of out-and- +out rationalism, the half-and-half rationalism did not perish with it, but +allied itself with the neo-supernaturalism which Strauss's treatment of +the life of Jesus had called into being; and it still prolongs an obscure +existence in a certain section of conservative literature, though it has +lost its best characteristics, its simple-mindedness and honesty. + +These older rationalistic Lives of Jesus are, from the aesthetic point of +view, among the least pleasing of all theological productions. The +sentimentality of the portraiture is boundless. Boundless, also, and still +more objectionable, is the want of respect for the language of Jesus. He +must speak in a rational and modern fashion, and accordingly all His +utterances are reproduced in a style of the most polite modernity. None of +the speeches are allowed to stand as they were spoken; they are taken to +pieces, paraphrased, and expanded, and sometimes, with the view of making +them really lively, they are recast in the mould of a freely invented +dialogue. In all these Lives of Jesus, not a single one of His sayings +retains its authentic form. + +And yet we must not be unjust to these writers. What they aimed at was to +bring Jesus near to their own time, and in so doing they became the +pioneers of the historical study of His life. The defects of their work in +regard to aesthetic feeling and historical grasp are outweighed by the +attractiveness of the purposeful, unprejudiced thinking which here +awakens, stretches itself, and begins to move with freedom. + +Johann Jakob Hess was born in 1741 and died in 1828. After working as a +curate for seventeen years he became one of the assistant clergy at the +Frauminster at Zurich, and later "Antistes," president, of the cantonal +synod. In this capacity he guided the destinies of the Church in Zurich +safely through the troublous times of the Revolution. He was not a deep +thinker, but was well read and not without ability. As a man, he did +splendid work. + +His Life of Jesus still keeps largely to the lines of a paraphrase of the +Gospels; indeed, he calls it a paraphrasing history. It is based upon a +harmonizing combination of the four Gospels. The matter of the Synoptic +narratives is, as in all the Lives of Jesus prior to Strauss--with the sole +exception of Herder's--fitted more or less arbitrarily into the intervals +between the Passovers in the fourth Gospel. + +In regard to miracles, he admits that these are a stumbling-block. But +they are essential to the Gospel narrative and to revelation; had Jesus +been only a moral teacher and not the Son of God they would not have been +necessary. We must be careful, however, not to prize miracles for their +own sake, but to look primarily to their ethical teaching. It was, he +remarks, the mistake of the Jews to regard all the acts of Jesus solely +from the point of view of their strange and miraculous character, and to +forget their moral teaching; whereas we, from distaste for miracle as +such, run the risk of excluding from the Gospel history events which are +bound up with the Gospel revelation. + +Above all, we must retain the supernatural birth and the bodily +resurrection, because on the former depends the sinlessness of Jesus, on +the latter the certainty of the general resurrection of the dead. The +temptation of Jesus in the wilderness was a stratagem of Satan by which he +hoped to discover "whether Jesus of Nazareth was really so extraordinary a +person that he would have cause to fear Him." The resurrection of Lazarus +is authentic. + +But the Gospel narrative is rationalised whenever it can be done. It was +not the demons, but the Gadarene demoniacs themselves, who rushed among +the swine. Alarmed by their fury the whole herd plunged over the precipice +into the lake and were drowned; while by this accommodation to the fixed +idea of the demoniacs, Jesus effected their cure. Perhaps, too, Hess +conjectures, the Lord desired to test the Gadarenes, and to see whether +they would attach greater importance to the good deed done to two of their +number than to the loss of their swine. This explanation, reinforced by +its moral, held its ground in theology for some sixty years and passed +over into a round dozen Lives of Jesus. + +This plan of "presenting each occurrence in such a way that what is +valuable and instructive in it immediately strikes the eye" is followed +out by Hess so faithfully that all clearness of impression is destroyed. +The parables are barely recognisable, swathed, as they are, in the mummy- +wrappings of his paraphrase; and in most cases their meaning is completely +travestied by the ethical or historical allusions which he finds in them. +The parable of the pounds is explained as referring to a man who went, +like Archelaus, to Rome to obtain the kingship, while his subjects +intrigued behind his back. + +Of the peculiar beauty of the speech of Jesus not a trace remains. The +parable of the Sower, for instance, begins: "A countryman went to sow his +field, which lay beside a country-road, and was here and there rather +rocky, and in some places weedy, but in general was well cultivated, and +had a good sort of soil." The beatitude upon the mourners appears in the +following guise: "Happy are they who amid the adversities of the present +make the best of things and submit themselves with patience; for such men, +if they do not see better times here, shall certainly elsewhere receive +comfort and consolation." The question addressed by the Pharisees to John +the Baptist, and his answer, are given dialogue-wise, in fustian of this +kind:--_The Pharisees_: "We are directed to enquire of you, in the name of +our president, who you profess to be? As people are at present expecting +the Messiah, and seem not indisposed to accept you in that capacity, we +are the more anxious that you should declare yourself with regard to your +vocation and person." John: "The conclusion might have been drawn from my +discourses that I was not the Messiah. Why should people attribute such +lofty pretensions to me?" etc. In order to give the Gospels the true +literary flavour, a characterisation is tacked on to each of the persons +of the narrative. In the case of the disciples, for instance, this runs: +"They had sound common sense, but very limited insight; the capacity to +receive teaching, but an incapacity for reflective thought; a knowledge of +their own weakness, but a difficulty in getting rid of old prejudices; +sensibility to right feeling, but weakness in following out a pre- +determined moral plan." + +The simplest occurrences give occasion for sentimental portraiture. The +saying "Except ye become as little children" is introduced in the +following fashion: "Jesus called a boy who was standing near. The boy +came. Jesus took his hand and told him to stand beside Him, nearer than +any of His disciples, so that he had the foremost place among them. Then +Jesus threw His arm round the boy and pressed him tenderly to His breast. +The disciples looked on in astonishment, wondering what this meant. Then +He explained to them," etc. In these expansions Hess does not always +escape the ludicrous. The saying of Jesus in John x. 9, "I am the door," +takes on the following form: "No one, whether he be sheep or shepherd, can +come into the fold (if, that is to say, he follows the right way) except +in so far as he knows me and is admitted by me, and included among the +flock." + + ------------------------------------- + +Reinhard's work is on a distinctly higher level. The author was born in +1753. In 1792, after he had worked for fourteen years as Docent in +Wittenberg, he was appointed Senior Court Chaplain at Dresden. He died in +1812. + +"I am, as you know, a very prosaic person," writes Reinhard to a friend, +and in these words he has given an admirable characterisation of himself. +The writers who chiefly appeal to him are the ancient moralists; he +acknowledges that he has learned more from them than from a "collegium +homileticum." In his celebrated "System of Christian Ethics" (5 vols., +1788-1815) he makes copious use of them. His sermons--they fill thirty-five +volumes, and in their day were regarded as models--show some power and +depth of thought, but are all cast in the same mould. He seems to have +been haunted by a fear that it might some time befall him to admit into +his mind a thought which was mystical or visionary, not justifiable by the +laws of logic and the canons of the critical reason. With all his +philosophising and rationalising, however, certain pillars of the +supernaturalistic view of history remain for him immovable. + +At first sight one might be inclined to suppose that he frankly shared the +belief in miracle. He mentions the raising of the widow's son, and of +Lazarus, and accepts as an authentic saying the command of the risen Jesus +to baptize all nations. But if we look more closely, we find that he +deliberately brings very few miracles into his narrative, and the +definition by which he disintegrates the conception of miracle from within +leaves no doubt as to his own position. What he says is this: "All that +which we call miraculous and supernatural is to be understood as only +relatively so, and implies nothing further than an obvious exception to +what can be brought about by natural causes, so far as we know them and +have experience of their capacity. A cautious thinker will not venture in +any single instance to pronounce an event to be so extraordinary that God +could not have brought it about by the use of secondary causes, but must +have intervened directly." + +The case stands similarly with regard to the divinity of Christ. Reinhard +assumes it, but his "Life" is not directed to prove it; it leads only to +the conclusion that the Founder of Christianity is to be regarded as a +wonderful "divine" teacher. In order to prove His uniqueness, Reinhard has +to show that His plan for the welfare of mankind was something +incomparably higher than anything which hero or sage has ever striven for. +Reinhard makes the first attempt to give an account of the teaching of +Jesus which should be historical in the sense that all dogmatic +considerations should be excluded. "Above all things, let us collect and +examine the indications which we find in the writings of His companions +regarding the designs which He had in view." + +The plan of Jesus shows its greatness above all in its universality. +Reinhard is well aware of the difficulty raised in this connexion by those +sayings which assert the prerogative of Israel, and he discusses them at +length. He finds the solution in the assumption that Jesus in His own +lifetime naturally confined Himself to working among His own people, and +was content to indicate the future universal development of His plan. + +With the intention "of introducing a universal change, tending to the +benefit of the whole human race," Jesus attaches His teaching to the +Jewish eschatology. It is only the form of His teaching, however, which is +affected by this, since He gives an entirely different significance to the +terms Kingdom of Heaven and Kingdom of God, referring them to a universal +ethical reorganisation of mankind. But His plan was entirely independent +of politics. He never based His claims upon His Davidic descent. This was, +indeed, the reason why He held aloof from His family. Even the entry into +Jerusalem had no Messianic significance. His plan was so entirely non- +political that He would, on the contrary, have welcomed the severance of +all connexion between the state and religion, in order to avoid the risk +of a conflict between these two powers. Reinhard explains the voluntary +death of Jesus as due to this endeavour. "He quitted the stage of the +world by so early and shameful a death because He wished to destroy at +once and for ever the mistaken impression that He was aiming at the +foundation of an earthly kingdom, and to turn the thoughts, wishes, and +efforts of His disciples and companions into another channel." + +In order to make the Kingdom of God a practical reality, it was necessary +for Him to dissociate it from all the forces of this world, and to bring +morality and religion into the closest connexion. "The law of love was the +indissoluble bond by which Jesus for ever united morality with religion." +"Moral instruction was the principal content and the very essence of all +His discourses." His efforts "were directed to the establishment of a +purely ethical organisation." + +It was important, therefore, to overthrow superstition and to bring +religion within the domain of reason. First of all the priesthood must be +deprived for ever of its influence. Then an improvement of the social +condition of mankind must be introduced, since the level of morality +depends upon social conditions. Jesus was a social reformer. Through the +attainment of "the highest perfection of which Society is capable, +universal peace" was "gradually to be brought about." + +But the point of primary importance for Him was the alliance of religion +with reason. Reason was to maintain its freedom by the aid of religion, +and religion was not to be withdrawn from the critical judgment of reason: +all things were to be tested, and only the best retained. + +"From these data it is easy to determine the characteristics of a religion +which is to be the religion of all mankind: it must be ethical, +intelligible, and spiritual." + +After the plan of Jesus has been expounded on these lines, Reinhard shows, +in the second part of his work, that, prior to Jesus, no great man of +antiquity had devised a plan of beneficence of a scope commensurate with +the whole human race. In the third part the conclusion is drawn that Jesus +is the uniquely divine Teacher. + +But before the author can venture to draw this conclusion, he feels it +necessary first to show that the plan of Jesus was no chimera. If we were +obliged to admit its impracticability Jesus would have to be ranked with +the visionaries and enthusiasts; and these, however noble and virtuous, +can only injure the cause of rational religion. "Visionary enthusiasm and +enlightened reason--who that knows anything of the human mind can conceive +these two as united in a single soul?" But Jesus was no visionary +enthusiast. "With what calmness, self-mastery, and cool determination does +He think out and pursue His divine purpose?" By the truths which He +revealed and declared to be divine communications He did not desire to put +pressure upon the human mind, but only to guide it. "It would be +impossible to show a more conscientious respect and a more delicate +consideration for the rights of human reason than is shown by Jesus. He +will conquer only by convincing." "He is willing to bear with +contradiction, and condescends to meet the most irrational objections and +the most ill-natured misrepresentations with the most incredible +patience." + +It was well for Reinhard that he had no suspicion how full of enthusiasm +Jesus was, and how He trod reason under His feet! + +But what kind of relation was there between this rational religion taught +by Jesus and the Christian theology which Reinhard accepted? How does he +harmonise the symbolical view of Baptism and the Lord's Supper which he +here expounds with ecclesiastical doctrine? How does he pass from the +conception of the divine teacher to that of the Son of God? + +This is a question which he does not feel himself obliged to answer. For +him the one circle of thought revolves freely within the other, but they +never come into contact with each other. + + ------------------------------------- + +So far as concerns the presentation of the teaching, the Life of Jesus by +Opitz follows the same lines as that of Reinhard. It is disfigured, +however, by a number of lapses of taste, and by a crass supernaturalism in +the description of the miracles and experiences of the Great Teacher. + + ------------------------------------- + +Jakobi writes "for thoughtful and sympathetic readers." He recognises that +much of the miraculous is a later addition to the facts, but he has a +rooted distrust of thoroughgoing rationalism, "whose would-be helpful +explanations are often stranger than the miracles themselves." A certain +amount of miracle must be maintained, but not for the purpose of founding +belief upon it: "the miracles were not intended to authenticate the +teaching of Jesus, but to surround His life with a guard of honour."(20) + + ------------------------------------- + +Whether Herder, in his two Lives of Jesus, is to be classed with the older +rationalists is a question to which the answer must be "Yes, and No," as +in the case of every attempt to classify those men of lonely greatness who +stand apart from their contemporaries, but who nevertheless are not in all +points in advance of them. + +Properly speaking, he has really nothing to do with the rationalists, +since he is distinguished from them by the depth of his insight and his +power of artistic apprehension, and he is far from sharing their lack of +taste. Further, his horizon embraces problems of which rationalism, even +in its developed form, never came in sight. He recognises that all +attempts to harmonise the Synoptists with John are unavailing; a +conclusion which he had avowed earlier in his "Letters referring to the +Study of Theology."(21) He grasps this incompatibility, it is true, rather +by the aid of poetic, than of critical insight. "Since they cannot be +united," he writes in his "Life of Jesus according to John," "they must be +left standing independently, each evangelist with his own special merit. +Man, Ox, Lion, and Eagle, they advance together, supporting the throne of +glory, but they refuse to coalesce into a single form, to unite into a +Diatessaron." But to him belongs the honour of being the first and the +only scholar, prior to Strauss, to recognise that the life of Jesus can be +construed either according to the Synoptists, or according to John, but +that a Life of Jesus based on the four Gospels is a monstrosity. In view +of this intuitive historical grasp, it is not surprising that the +commentaries of the theologians were an abomination to him. + +The fourth Gospel is, in his view, not a primitive historical source, but +a protest against the narrowness of the "Palestinian Gospels." It gives +free play, as the circumstances of the time demanded, to Greek ideas. +"There was need, in addition to those earlier, purely historical Gospels, +of a Gospel at once theological and historical, like that of John," in +which Jesus should be presented, not as the Jewish Messiah, "but as the +Saviour of the World." + +The additions and omissions of this Gospel are alike skilfully planned. It +retains only those miracles which are symbols of a continuous permanent +miracle, through which the Saviour of the World works constantly, +unintermittently, among men. The Johannine miracles are not there for +their own sakes. The cures of demoniacs are not even represented among +them. These had no interest for the Graeco-Roman world, and the Evangelist +was unwilling "that this Palestinian superstition should become a +permanent feature of Christianity, to be a reproach of scoffers or a +belief of the foolish." His recording of the raising of Lazarus is, in +spite of the silence of the Synoptists, easily explicable. The latter +could not yet tell the story "without exposing a family which was still +living near Jerusalem to the fury of that hatred which had sworn with an +oath to put Lazarus to death." John, however, could recount it without +scruple, "for by this time Jerusalem was probably in ruins, and the +hospitable family of Bethany were perhaps already with their Friend in the +other world." This most naive of explanations is reproduced in a whole +series of Lives of Jesus. + +In dealing with the Synoptists, Herder grasps the problem with the same +intuitive insight. Mark is no epitomist, but the creator of the archetype +of the Synoptic representation. "The Gospel of Mark is not an epitome; it +is an original Gospel. What the others have, and he has not, has been +added by them, not omitted by him. Consequently Mark is a witness to an +original, shorter Gospel-scheme, to which the additional matter of the +others ought properly to be regarded as a supplement." + +Mark is the "unornamented central column, or plain foundation stone, on +which the others rest." The birth-stories of Matthew and Luke are "a new +growth to meet new needs." The different tendencies, also, point to a +later period. Mark is still comparatively friendly towards the Jews, +because Christianity had not yet separated itself from Judaism. Matthew is +more hostile towards them because his Gospel was written at a time when +Christians had given up the hope of maintaining amicable relations with +the Jews and were groaning under the pressure of persecution. It is for +that reason that the Jesus of the Matthaean discourses lays so much stress +upon His second coming, and presupposes the rejection of the Jewish nation +as something already in being, a sign of the approaching end. + +Pure history, however, is as little to be looked for in the first three +Gospels as in the fourth. They are the sacred epic of Jesus the Messiah, +and model the history of their hero upon the prophetic words of the Old +Testament. In this view, also, Herder is a precursor of Strauss. + +In essence, however, Herder represents a protest of art against theology. +The Gospels, if we are to find the life of Jesus in them, must be read, +not with pedantic learning, but with taste. From this point of view, +miracles cease to offend. Neither Old Testament prophecies, nor +predictions of Jesus, nor miracles, can be adduced as evidence for the +Gospel; the Gospel is its own evidence. The miracles stand outside the +possibility of proof, and belong to mere "Church belief," which ought to +lose itself more and more in the pure Gospel. Yet miracles, in a limited +sense, are to be accepted on the ground of the historic evidence. To +refuse to admit this is to be like the Indian king who denied the +existence of ice because he had never seen anything like it. Jesus, in +order to help His miracle-loving age, reconciled Himself to the necessity +of performing miracles. But, in any case, the reality of a miracle is of +small moment in comparison with its symbolic value. + +In this, therefore, Herder, though in his grasp of many problems he was +more than a generation in advance of his time, belongs to the primitive +rationalists. He allows the supernatural to intrude into the events of the +life of Jesus, and does not feel that the adoption of the historical +standpoint involves the necessity of doing away with miracle. He +contributed much to the clearing up of ideas, but by evading the question +of miracle he slurred over a difficulty which needed to be faced and +solved before it should be possible to entertain the hope of forming a +really historical conception of the life of Jesus. In reading Herder one +is apt to fancy that it would be possible to pass straight on to Strauss. +In reality, it was necessary that a very prosaic spirit, Paulus, should +intervene, and should attack the question of miracle from a purely +historical standpoint, before Strauss could give expression to the ideas +of Herder in an effectual way, _i.e._ in such a way as to produce offence. +The fact is that in theology the most revolutionary ideas are swallowed +quite readily so long as they smooth their passage by a few small +concessions. It is only when a spicule of bone stands out obstinately and +causes choking that theology begins to take note of dangerous ideas. +Strauss is Herder with just that little bone sticking out--the absolute +denial of miracle on historical grounds. That is to say, Strauss is a +Herder who has behind him the uncompromising rationalism of Paulus. + + + + + +IV. THE EARLIEST FICTITIOUS LIVES OF JESUS + + + _Karl Friedrich Bahrdt._ Briefe ueber die Bibel im Volkston. Eine + Wochenschrift von einem Prediger auf dem Lande. (Popular Letters + about the Bible. A weekly paper by a country clergyman.) J. Fr. + Dost, Halle, 1782. 816 pp. + + Ausfuehrung des Plans und Zwecks Jesu. In Briefen an Wahrheit + suchende Leser. (An Explanation of the Plans and Aims of Jesus. In + letters addressed to readers who seek the truth.) 11 vols., + embracing 3000 pp. August Mylius, Berlin, 1784-1792. This work is + a sequel to the Popular Letters about the Bible. + + Die saemtlichen Reden Jesu aus den Evangelisten ausgezogen. (The + Whole of the Discourses of Jesus, extracted from the Gospels.) + Berlin, 1786. + + _Karl Heinrich Venturini._ Natuerliche Geschichte des grossen + Propheten von Nazareth. (A Non-supernatural History of the Great + Prophet of Nazareth.) Bethlehem (Copenhagen), 1st ed., 1800-1802; + 2nd ed., 1806. 4 vols., embracing 2700 pp. The work appeared + anonymously. The description given below is based on the 2nd ed., + which shows dependence, in some of the exegetical details, upon + the then recently published commentaries of Paulus. + + +It is strange to notice how often in the history of our subject a few +imperfectly equipped free-lances have attacked and attempted to carry the +decisive positions before the ordered ranks of professional theology have +pushed their advance to these decisive points. + +Thus, it was the fictitious "Lives" of Bahrdt and Venturini which, at the +end of the eighteenth and beginning of the nineteenth centuries, first +attempted to apply, with logical consistency, a non-supernatural +interpretation to the miracle stories of the Gospel. Further, these +writers were the first who, instead of contenting themselves with the +simple reproduction of the successive sections of the Gospel narrative, +endeavoured to grasp the inner connexion of cause and effect in the events +and experiences of the life of Jesus. Since they found no such connexion +indicated in the Gospels, they had to supply it for themselves. The +particular form which their explanation takes--the hypothesis of a secret +society of which Jesus is the tool--is, it is true, rather a sorry +makeshift. Yet, in a sense, these Lives of Jesus, for all their colouring +of fiction, are the first which deserve the name. The rationalists, and +even Paulus, confine themselves to describing the teaching of Jesus; +Bahrdt and Venturini make a bold attempt to paint the portrait of Jesus +Himself. It is not surprising that their portraiture is at once crude and +fantastic, like the earliest attempts of art to represent the human figure +in living movement. + +Karl Friedrich Bahrdt was born in 1741 at Bischofswerda. Endowed with +brilliant abilities, he made, owing to a bad upbringing and an +undisciplined sensuous nature, a miserable failure. After being first +Catechist and afterwards Professor Extraordinary of Sacred Philology at +Leipzig, he was, in 1766, requested to resign on account of scandalous +life. After various adventures, and after holding for a time a +professorship at Giessen, he received under Frederick's minister Zedlitz +authorisation to lecture at Halle. There he lectured to nearly nine +hundred students who were attracted by his inspiring eloquence. The +government upheld him, in spite of his serious failings, with the double +motive of annoying the faculty and maintaining the freedom of learning. +After the death of Frederick the Great, Bahrdt had to resign his post, and +took to keeping an inn at a vineyard near Halle. By ridiculing Woellner's +edict (1788), he brought on himself a year of confinement in a fortress. +He died in disrepute, in 1792. + +Bahrdt had begun as an orthodox cleric. In Halle he gave up his belief in +revelation, and endeavoured to explain religion on the ground of reason. +To this period belong the "Popular Letters about the Bible," which were +afterwards continued in the further series, "An Explanation of the Plans +and Aims of Jesus." + +His treatment of the life of Jesus has been too severely censured. The +work is not without passages which show a real depth of feeling, +especially in the continually recurring explanations regarding the +relation of belief in miracle to true faith, in which the actual +description of the life of Jesus lies embedded. And the remarks about the +teaching of Jesus are not always commonplace. But the paraphernalia of +dialogues of portentous length make it, as a whole, formless and +inartistic. The introduction of a galaxy of imaginary characters--Haram, +Schimah, Avel, Limmah, and the like--is nothing less than bewildering. + +Bahrdt finds the key to the explanation of the life of Jesus in the +appearance in the Gospel narrative of Nicodemus and Joseph of Arimathea. +They are not disciples of Jesus, but belong to the upper classes; what +role, then, can they have played in the life of Jesus, and how came they +to intercede on His behalf? They were Essenes. This Order had secret +members in all ranks of society, even in the Sanhedrin. It had set itself +the task of detaching the nation from its sensuous Messianic hopes and +leading it to a higher knowledge of spiritual truths. It had the most +widespread ramifications, extending to Babylon and to Egypt. In order to +deliver the people from the limitations of the national faith, which could +only lead to disturbance and insurrection, they must find a Messiah who +would destroy these false Messianic expectations. They were therefore on +the look-out for a claimant of the Messiahship whom they could make +subservient to their aims. + +Jesus came under the notice of the Order immediately after His birth. As a +child He was watched over at every step by the Brethren. At the feasts at +Jerusalem Alexandrian Jews, secret members of the Essene Order, put +themselves into communication with Him, explained to Him the falsity of +the priests, inspired Him with a horror of the bloody sacrifices of the +Temple, and made him acquainted with Socrates and Plato. This is set forth +in dialogues of a hundred pages long. At the story of the death of +Socrates, the boy bursts into a tempest of sobs which His friends are +unable to calm. He longs to emulate the martyr-death of the great +Athenian. + +On the market-place at Nazareth a mysterious Persian gives Him two +sovereign remedies--one for affections of the eye, the other for nervous +disorders. + +His father does his best for Him, teaching Him, along with His cousin +John, afterwards the Baptist, about virtue and immortality. A priest +belonging to the Essene Order, who makes their acquaintance disguised as a +shepherd, and takes part in their conversations, leads the lads deeper +into the knowledge of wisdom. At twelve years old, Jesus is already so far +advanced that He argues with the Scribes in the Temple concerning +miracles, maintaining the thesis that they are impossible. + +When they feel themselves ready to appear in public the two cousins take +counsel together how they can best help the people. They agree to open the +eyes of the people regarding the tyranny and hypocrisy of the priests. +Through Haram, a prominent member of the Essene Order, Luke the physician +is introduced to Jesus and places all his science at His disposal. + +In order to produce any effect they were obliged to practise accommodation +to the superstitions of the people, and introduce their wisdom to them +under the garb of folly, in the hope that, beguiled by its attractive +exterior, the people would admit into their minds the revelation of +rational truth, and after a time be able to emancipate themselves from +superstition. Jesus, therefore, sees Himself obliged to appear in the role +of the Messiah of popular expectation, and to make up His mind to work by +means of miracles and illusions. About this He felt the gravest scruples. +He was obliged, however, to obey the Order; and His scruples were quieted +by the reminder of the lofty end which was to be reached by these means. +At last, when it is pointed out to Him that even Moses had followed the +same plan, He submits to the necessity. The influential Order undertakes +the duty of stage-managing the miracles, and that of maintaining His +father. On the reception of Jesus into the number of the Brethren of the +First Degree of the Order it is made known to Him that these Brethren are +bound to face death in the cause of the Order; but that the Order, on its +part, undertakes so to use the machinery and influence at its disposal +that the last extremity shall always be avoided and the Brother +mysteriously preserved from death. + +Then begins the cleverly staged drama by means of which the people are to +be converted to rational religion. The members of the Order are divided +into three classes: The Baptized, The Disciples, The Chosen Ones. The +Baptized receive only the usual popular teaching; the Disciples are +admitted to further knowledge, but are not entrusted with the highest +mysteries; the Chosen Ones, who in the Gospels are also spoken of as +"Angels," are admitted into all wisdom. As the Apostles were only members +of the Second Degree, they had not the smallest suspicion of the secret +machinery which was at work. Their part in the drama of the Life of Jesus +was that of zealous "supers." The Gospels which they composed therefore +report, in perfect good faith, miracles which were really clever illusions +produced by the Essenes, and they depict the life of Jesus only as seen by +the populace from the outside. + +It is therefore not always possible for us to discover how the events +which they record as miracles actually came about. But whether they took +place in one way or another--and as to this we can sometimes get a clue +from a hint in the text--it is certain that in all cases the process was +natural. With reference to the feeding of the five thousand, Bahrdt +remarks: "It is more reasonable here to think of a thousand ways by which +Jesus might have had sufficient supplies of bread at hand, and by the +distribution of it have shamed the disciples' lack of courage, than to +believe in a miracle." The explanation which he himself prefers is that +the Order had collected a great quantity of bread in a cave and this was +gradually handed out to Jesus, who stood at the concealed entrance and +took some every time the apostles were occupied in distributing the former +supply to the multitude. The walking on the sea is to be explained by +supposing that Jesus walked towards the disciples over the surface of a +great floating raft; while they, not being able to see the raft, must +needs suppose a miracle. When Peter tried to walk on the water he failed +miserably. The miracles of healing are to be attributed to the art of +Luke. He also called the attention of Jesus to remarkable cases of +apparent death, which He then took in hand, and restored the apparently +dead to their sorrowing friends. In such cases, however, the Lord never +failed expressly to inform the disciples that the persons were not really +dead. They, however, did not permit this assurance to deprive them of +their faith in the miracle which they felt they had themselves witnessed. + +In teaching, Jesus had two methods: one, exoteric, simple, for the world; +the other, esoteric, mystic, for the initiate. "No attentive reader of the +Bible," says Bahrdt, "can fail to notice that Jesus made use of two +different styles of speech. Sometimes He spoke so plainly and in such +universally intelligible language, and declared truths so simple and so +well adapted to the general comprehension of mankind that even the +simplest could follow Him. At other times he spoke so mystically, so +obscurely, and in so veiled a fashion that words and thoughts alike +baffled the understandings of ordinary people, and even by more practised +minds were not to be grasped without close reflection, so that we are told +in John vi. 60 that 'many of His disciples, when they heard this, said, +This is an hard saying; who can hear it?' And Jesus Himself did not deny +it, but only told them that the reason of their not understanding His +sayings lay in their prejudices, which made them interpret everything +literally and materially, and overlook the ethical meaning which underlay +His figurative language." Most of these mystical discourses are to be +found in John, who seems to have preserved for us the greater part of the +secret teaching imparted to the initiate. The key to the understanding of +this esoteric teaching is to be found, therefore, in the prologue to +John's Gospel, and in the sayings about the new birth. "To be born again" +is identical with the degree of perfection which was attained in the +highest class of the Brotherhood. + +The members of the Order met on appointed days in caves among the hills. +When we are told in the Gospels that Jesus went alone into a mountain to +pray, this means that He repaired to one of these secret gatherings, but +the disciples, of course, knew nothing about that. The Order had its +hidden caves everywhere; in Galilee as well as in the neighbourhood of +Jerusalem. + +"Only by sensuous means can sensuous ideas be overcome." The Jewish +Messiah must die and rise again, in order that the false conceptions of +the Messiah which were cherished by the multitude might be destroyed in +the moment of their fulfilment--that is, might be spiritualised. Nicodemus, +Haram, and Luke met in a cave in order to take counsel how they might +bring about the death of Jesus in a way favourable to their plans. Luke +guaranteed that by the aid of powerful drugs which he would give Him the +Lord should be enabled to endure the utmost pain and suffering and yet +resist death for a long time. Nicodemus undertook so to work matters in +the Sanhedrin that the execution should follow immediately upon the +sentence, and the crucified remain only a short time upon the cross. At +this moment Jesus rushed into the cave. He had scarcely had time to +replace the stone which concealed the entrance, so closely had He been +pursued over the rocks by hired assassins. He Himself is firmly resolved +to die, but care must be taken that He shall not be simply assassinated, +or the whole plan fails. If He falls by the assassin's knife, no +resurrection will be possible. + +In the end, the piece is staged to perfection. Jesus provokes the +authorities by His triumphal Messianic entry. The unsuspected Essenes in +the council urge on His arrest and secure His condemnation--though Pilate +almost frustrates all their plans by acquitting Him. Jesus, by uttering a +loud cry and immediately afterwards bowing His head, shows every +appearance of a sudden death. The centurion has been bribed not to allow +any of His bones to be broken. Then comes Joseph of Ramath, as Bahrdt +prefers to call Joseph of Arimathea, and removes the body to the cave of +the Essenes, where he immediately commences measures of resuscitation. As +Luke had prepared the body of the Messiah by means of strengthening +medicines to resist the fearful ill-usage which He had gone through--the +being dragged about and beaten and finally crucified--these efforts were +crowned with success. In the cave the most strengthening nutriment was +supplied to Him. "Since the humours of the body were in a thoroughly +healthy condition, His wounds healed very readily, and by the third day He +was able to walk, in spite of the fact that the wounds made by the nails +were still open." + +On the morning of the third day they forced away the stone which closed +the mouth of the grave. As Jesus was descending the rocky slopes the watch +awakened and took to flight in alarm. One of the Essenes appeared, in the +garb of an angel, to the women and announced to them the resurrection of +Jesus. Shortly afterwards the Lord appeared to Mary. At the sound of His +voice she recognises Him. "Thereupon Jesus tells her that He is going to +His Father (to heaven--in the mystic sense of the word--that is to say, to +the Chosen Ones in their peaceful dwellings of truth and blessedness--to +the circle of His faithful friends, among whom He continued to live, +unseen by the world, but still working for the advancement of His +purpose). He bade her tell His disciples that He was alive." + +From His place of concealment He appeared several times to His disciples. +Finally He bade them meet Him at the Mount of Olives, near Bethany, and +there took leave of them. After exhorting them, and embracing each of them +in turn, He tore Himself away from them and walked away up the mountain. +"There stood those poor men, amazed--beside themselves with sorrow--and +looked after Him as long as they could. But as He mounted higher, He +entered ever deeper into the cloud which lay upon the hill-top, until +finally He was no longer to be seen. The cloud received Him out of their +sight." + +From the mountain He returned to the chief lodge of the Brotherhood. Only +at rare intervals did He again intervene in active life--as on the occasion +when He appeared to Paul upon the road to Damascus. But, though unseen, He +continued to direct the destinies of the community until His death. + + ------------------------------------- + +Venturini's "Non-supernatural History of the Great Prophet of Nazareth" is +related to Bahrdt's work as the finished picture to the sketch. + +Karl Heinrich Venturini was born at Brunswick in 1768. On the completion +of his theological studies he vainly endeavoured to secure a post as +Docent in the theological faculty at Helmstadt, or as Librarian at +Wolfenbuettel. + +His life was blameless and his personal piety beyond reproach, but he was +considered to be too free in his ideas. The Duke of Brunswick was +personally well disposed towards him, but did not venture to give him a +post on the teaching staff in face of the opposition of the consistories. +He was reduced to earning a bare pittance by literary work, and finally in +1806 was thankful to accept a small living in Hordorf near Brunswick. He +then abandoned theological writing and devoted his energies to recording +the events of contemporary history, of which he published a yearly +chronicle--a proceeding which under the Napoleonic _regime_ was not always +unattended with risk, as he more than once had occasion to experience. He +continued this undertaking till 1841. In 1849 death released him from his +tasks. + +Venturini's fundamental assumption is that it was impossible, even for the +noblest spirit of mankind, to make Himself understood by the Judaism of +His time except by clothing His spiritual teaching in a sensuous garb +calculated to please the oriental imagination, "and, in general, by +bringing His higher spiritual world into such relations with the lower +sensuous world of those whom He wished to teach as was necessary to the +accomplishment of His aims." "God's Messenger was morally bound to perform +miracles for the Jews. These miracles had an ethical purpose, and were +especially designed to counteract the impression made by the supposed +miracles of the deceivers of the people, and thus to hasten the overthrow +of the kingdom of Satan." + +For modern medical science the miracles are not miraculous. He never +healed without medicaments and always carried His "portable medicine +chest" with Him. In the case of the Syro-phoenician woman's daughter, for +example, we can still detect in the narrative a hint of the actual course +of events. The mother explains the case to Jesus. After enquiring where +her dwelling was he made a sign to John, and continued to hold her in +conversation. The disciple went to the daughter and gave her a sedative, +and when the mother returned she found her child cured. + +The raisings from the dead were cases of coma. The nature-miracles were +due to a profound acquaintance with the powers of Nature and the order of +her processes. They involve fore-knowledge rather than control. + +Many miracle stories rest on obvious misunderstandings. Nothing could be +simpler than the explanation of the miracle at Cana. Jesus had brought +with Him as a wedding-gift some jars of good wine and had put them aside +in another room. When the wine was finished and His mother became anxious, +He still allowed the guests to wait a little, as the stone vessels for +purification had not yet been filled with water. When that had been done +He ordered the servants to pour out some of his wine, but to tell no one +whence it came. When John, as an old man, wrote his Gospel, he got all +this rather mixed up--had not indeed observed it very closely at the time, +"had perhaps been the least thing merry himself," says Venturini, and had +believed in the miracle with the rest. Perhaps, too, he had not ventured +to ask Jesus for an explanation, for he had only become His disciple a few +days before. + +The members of the Essene Order had watched over the child Jesus even in +Egypt. As He grew older they took charge of His education along with that +of His cousin, John, and trained them both for their work as deliverers of +the people. Whereas the nation as a whole looked to an insurrection as the +means of its deliverance, they knew that freedom could only be achieved by +means of a spiritual renewal. Once Jesus and John met a band of +insurgents: Jesus worked on them so powerfully by His fervid speech that +they recognised the impiousness of their purpose. One of them sprang +towards Him and laid down his arms; it was Simon, who afterwards became +His disciple. + +When Jesus was about thirty years old, and, owing to the deep experiences +of His inner life, had really far outgrown the aims of the Essene Order, +He entered upon His office by demanding baptism from John. Just as this +was taking place a thunderstorm broke, and a dove, frightened by the +lightning, fluttered round the head of Jesus. Both Jesus and John took +this as a sign that the hour appointed by God had come. + +The temptations in the wilderness, and upon the pinnacle of the Temple, +were due to the machinations of the Pharisee Zadok, who pretended to enter +into the plans of Jesus and feigned admiration for Him in order the more +surely to entrap Him. It was Zadok, too, who stirred up opposition to Him +in the Sanhedrin. + +But Jesus did not succeed in destroying the old Messianic belief with its +earthly aims. The hatred of the leading circles against Him grew, although +He avoided everything "that could offend their prejudices." It was for +this reason that He even forbade His disciples to preach the Gospel beyond +the borders of Jewish territory. He paid the temple-tax, also, although he +had no fixed abode. When the collector went to Peter about it, the +following dialogue took place. + +_Tax-collector_ (_drawing Peter aside_). Tell me, Simon, does the Rabbi +pay the didrachma to the Temple treasury, or should we not trouble Him +about it? + +_Peter._ Why shouldn't He pay it? Why do you ask? + +_Tax-collector._ It's been owing from both of you since last Nisan, as our +books show. We did not like to remind your Master, out of reverence. + +_Peter._ I'll tell Him at once. He will certainly pay the tax. You need +have no fear about that. + +_Tax-collector._ That's good. That will put everything straight, and we +shall have no trouble over our accounts. Good-bye! + +When Jesus hears of it He commands Peter to go and catch a fish, and to +take care, in removing the hook, not to tear its mouth, that it may be fit +for salting (!) In that case it will doubtless be worth a _stater_. + +The time arrived when an important move must be made. In full conclave of +the Secret Society it was resolved that Jesus should go up to Jerusalem +and there publicly proclaim Himself as the Messiah. Then He was to +endeavour to disabuse the people of their earthly Messianic expectations. + +The triumphal entry succeeded. The whole people hailed Him with +acclamations. But when He tried to substitute for their picture of the +Messiah one of a different character, and spoke of times of severe trial +which should come upon all, when He showed Himself but seldom in the +Temple, instead of taking His place at the head of the people, they began +to doubt Him. + +Jesus was suddenly arrested and put to death. Here, then, the death is +not, as in Bahrdt, a piece of play-acting, stage-managed by the Secret +Society. Jesus really expected to die, and only to meet His disciples +again in the eternal life of the other world. But when He so soon gave up +the ghost, Joseph of Arimathea was moved by some vague premonition to +hasten at once to Pontius Pilate and make request for His body. He offers +the Procurator money. _Pilate_ (_sternly and emphatically_): "Dost thou +also mistake me? Am I, then, such an insatiable miser? Still, thou art a +Jew--how could this people do me justice? Know, then, that a Roman can +honour true nobility wherever he may find it. (_He sits down and writes +some words on a strip of parchment._) Give this to the captain of the +guard. Thou shall be permitted to remove the body. I ask nothing for this. +It is granted to thee freely." + +"A tender embrace from his wife rewarded the noble deed of the Roman, +while Joseph left the Praetorium, and with Nicodemus, who was impatiently +awaiting him, hastened to Golgotha." There he received the body; he washed +it, anointed it with spices, and laid it on a bed of moss in the rock-hewn +grave. From the blood which was still flowing from the wound in the side, +he ventured to draw a hopeful augury, and sent word to the Essene +Brethren. They had a hold close by, and promised to watch over the body. +In the first four-and-twenty hours no movement of life showed itself. Then +came the earthquake. In the midst of the terrible commotion a Brother, in +the white robes of the Order, was making his way to the grave by a secret +path. When he, illumined by a flash of lightning, suddenly appeared above +the grave, and at the same moment the earth shook violently, panic seized +the watch, and they fled. In the morning the Brother hears a sound from +the grave: Jesus is moving. The whole Order hastens to the spot, and Jesus +is removed to their Lodge. Two brethren remain at the grave--these were the +"angels" whom the women saw later. Jesus, in the dress of a gardener, is +afterwards recognised by Mary Magdalene. Later, He comes out at intervals +from the hiding-place, where He is kept by the Brethren, and appears to +the disciples. After forty days He took His leave of them: His strength +was exhausted. The farewell scene gave rise to the mistaken impression of +His Ascension. + +From the historical point of view these lives are not such contemptible +performances as might be supposed. There is much penetrating observation +in them. Bahrdt and Venturini are right in feeling that the connexion of +events in the life of Jesus has to be discovered; the Gospels give only a +series of occurrences, and offer no explanation why they happened just as +they did. And if, in making Jesus subservient to the plans of a secret +society, they represented Him as not acting with perfect freedom, but as +showing a certain passivity, this assumption of theirs was to be +brilliantly vindicated, a hundred years later, by the eschatological +school, which asserts the same remarkable passivity on the part of Jesus, +in that He allows His actions to be determined, not indeed by a secret +society, but by the eschatological plan of God. Bahrdt and Venturini were +the first to see that, of all Jesus' acts, His death was most +distinctively His own, because it was by this that He purposed to found +the kingdom. + +Venturini's "Non-supernatural History of the Great Prophet of Nazareth" +may almost be said to be reissued annually down to the present day, for +all the fictitious "Lives" go back directly or indirectly to the type +which he created. It is plagiarised more freely than any other Life of +Jesus, although practically unknown by name. + + + + + +V. FULLY DEVELOPED RATIONALISM--PAULUS + + + _Heinrich Eberhard Gottlob Paulus._ Das Leben Jesu als Grundlage + einer reinen Geschichte des Urchristentums. Heidelberg, C. F. + Winter. (The Life of Jesus as the Basis of a purely Historical + Account of Early Christianity.) 1828. 2 vols., 1192 pp. + + + Freut euch mit Gottesandacht, wenn es gewaehrt euch ist, + Dem, so kurz er war, weltumschaffenden Lebensgang + Nach Jahrhunderten fern zu folgen, + Denket, glaubet, folget des Vorbildes Spur! + + (Closing words of vol. ii.) + + (Rejoice with grateful devotion, if unto you 'tis permitted, + After the lapse of centuries, still to follow afar off + That Life which, short as it was, changed the course of the ages; + Think ye well, and believe; follow the path of our Pattern.) + + +Paulus was not the mere dry-as-dust rationalist that he is usually +represented to have been, but a man of very versatile abilities. His +limitation was that, like Reinhard, he had an unconquerable distrust of +anything that went outside the boundaries of logical thought. That was due +in part to the experiences of his youth. His father, a deacon in Leonberg, +half-mystic, half-rationalist, had secret difficulties about the doctrine +of immortality, and made his wife promise on her death-bed that, if it +were possible, she would appear to him after her death in bodily form. +After she was dead he thought he saw her raise herself to a sitting +posture, and again sink down. From that time onwards he firmly believed +himself to be in communication with departed spirits, and he became so +dominated by this idea that in 1771 he had to be removed from his office. +His children suffered sorely from a _regime_ of compulsory spiritualism, +which pressed hardest upon Heinrich Eberhard Gottlob, born in 1761, who, +for the sake of peace, was obliged to pretend to his father that he was in +communication with his mother's spirit. + +He himself had inherited only the rationalistic side of his father's +temperament. As a student at the Tuebingen Stift (theological institute) he +formed his views on the writings of Semler and Michaelis. In 1789 he was +called to Jena as Professor of Oriental Languages, and succeeded in 1793 +to the third ordinary professorship of theology. The naturalistic +interpretation of miracles which he upheld in his commentary on the +Synoptic Gospels, published in 1800-1802, aroused the indignation of the +consistories of Meiningen and Eisenach. But their petition for his removal +from the professorship was unsuccessful, since Herder, who was president +of the consistorium, used his influence to protect him. In 1799 Paulus, as +Pro-rector, used his influence on behalf of his colleague Fichte, who was +attacked on the ground of atheism; but in vain, owing to the passionate +conduct of the accused. + +With Goethe, Schiller, and Wieland, Paulus and his wife, a lively lady of +some literary talents, stood in the most friendly relations. + +When the Jena circle began to break up, he accepted, in 1803, an +invitation from the Elector of Bavaria, Maximilian Joseph II., to go to +Wuerzburg as Konsistorialrat and professor. There the liberal minister, +Montgelas, was desirous of establishing a university founded on the +principles of illuminism--Schelling, Hufeland, and Schleiermacher were +among those whom he contemplated appointing as Docents. Here the Catholic +theological students were obliged to attend the lectures of the Protestant +professor of theology, as there were no Protestants to form an audience. +His first course was on "Encyclopaedie" (_i.e._ introduction to the +literature of theology). + +The plan failed. Paulus resigned his professorship and became in 1807 a +member of the Bavarian educational council (_Schulrat_). In this capacity +he worked at the reorganisation of the Bavarian school system at the time +when Hegel was similarly engaged. He gave four years to this task, which +he felt to be laid upon him as a duty. Then, in 1811, he went to +Heidelberg as professor of theology; and he remained there until his +death, in 1851, at the age of ninety. One of his last sayings, a few hours +before he died, was, "I am justified before God, through my desire to do +right." His last words were, "There is another world." + +The forty years of his Heidelberg period were remarkably productive; there +was no department of knowledge on which he did not write. He expressed his +views about homoeopathy, about the freedom of the Press, about academic +freedom, and about the duelling nuisance. In 1831, he wrote upon the +Jewish Question; and there the veteran rationalist showed himself a bitter +anti-Semite, and brought upon himself the scorn of Heine. On politics and +constitutional questions he fought for his opinions so openly and manfully +that he had to be warned to be more discreet. In philosophy he took an +especially keen interest. When in Jena he had, in conjunction with +Schiller, busied himself in the study of Kant. He did a particularly +meritorious service in preparing an edition of Spinoza's writings, with a +biography of that thinker, in 1803, at the time when neo-Spinozism was +making its influence felt in German philosophy. He constituted himself the +special guardian of philosophy, and the moment he detected the slightest +hint of mysticism, he sounded the alarm. His pet aversion was Schelling, +who was born fourteen years later than he, in the very same house at +Leonberg, and whom he had met as colleague at Jena and at Wuerzburg. The +works, avowed and anonymous, which he directed against this "charlatan, +juggler, swindler, and obscurantist," as he designated him, fill an entire +library. + +In 1841, Schelling was called to the chair of philosophy in Berlin, and in +the winter of 1841-1842 he gave his lectures on "The Philosophy of +Revelation" which caused the Berlin reactionaries to hail him as their +great ally. The veteran rationalist--he was eighty years old--was +transported with rage. He had had the lectures taken down for him, and he +published them with critical remarks under the title "The Philosophy of +Revelation at length Revealed, and set forth for General Examination, by +Dr. H. E. G. Paulus" (Darmstadt, 1842). Schelling was furious, and dragged +"the impudent scoundrel" into a court of law on the charge of illicit +publication. In Prussia the book was suppressed. But the courts decided in +favour of Paulus, who coolly explained that "the philosophy of Schelling +appeared to him an insidious attack upon sound reason, the unmasking of +which by every possible means was a work of public utility, nay, even a +duty." He also secured the result at which he aimed; Schelling resigned +his lectureship. + +In his last days the veteran rationalist was an isolated survival from an +earlier age into a period which no longer understood him. The new men +reproached him for standing in the old ways; he accused them of a want of +honesty. It was just in his immobility and his one-sidedness that his +significance lay. By his consistent carrying through of the rationalistic +explanation he performed a service to theology more valuable than those +who think themselves so vastly his superiors are willing to acknowledge. + +His Life of Jesus is awkwardly arranged. The first part gives a historical +exposition of the Gospels, section by section. The second part is a +synopsis interspersed with supplementary matter. There is no attempt to +grasp the life of Jesus as a connected whole. In that respect he is far +inferior to Venturini. Strictly regarded, his work is only a harmony of +the gospels with explanatory comments, the ground plan of which is taken +from the Fourth Gospel.(22) + +The main interest centres in the explanations of the miracles, though the +author, it must be admitted, endeavoured to guard against this. "It is my +chief desire," he writes in his preface, "that my views regarding the +miracle stories should not be taken as by any means the principal thing. +How empty would devotion or religion be if one's spiritual well-being +depended on whether one believed in miracles or no!" "The truly miraculous +thing about Jesus is Himself, the purity and serene holiness of His +character, which is, notwithstanding, genuinely human, and adapted to the +imitation and emulation of mankind." + +The question of miracle is therefore a subsidiary question. Two points of +primary importance are certain from the outset: (1) that unexplained +alterations of the course of nature can neither overthrow nor attest a +spiritual truth, (2) that everything which happens in nature emanates from +the omnipotence of God. + +The Evangelists intended to relate miracles; of that there can be no +doubt. Nor can any one deny that in their time miracles entered into the +plan of God, in the sense that the minds of men were to be astounded and +subdued by inexplicable facts. This effect, however, is past. In periods +to which the miraculous makes less appeal, in view of the advance in +intellectual culture of the nations which have been led to accept +Christianity, the understanding must be satisfied if the success of the +cause is to be maintained. + +Since that which is produced by the laws of nature is really produced by +God, the Biblical miracles consist merely in the fact that eyewitnesses +report events of which they did not know the secondary causes. Their +knowledge of the laws of nature was insufficient to enable them to +understand what actually happened. For one who has discovered the +secondary causes, the fact remains, as such, but not the miracle. + +The question of miracle, therefore, does not really exist, or exists only +for those "who are under the influence of the sceptical delusion that it +is possible really to think any kind of natural powers as existing apart +from God, or to think the Being of God apart from the primal +potentialities which unfold themselves in the never-ceasing process of +Becoming." The difficulty arises from the "original sin" of dissolving the +inner unity of God and nature, of denying the equivalence implied by +Spinoza in his "Deus sive Natura." + +For the normal intelligence the only problem is to discover the secondary +causes of the "miracles" of Jesus. It is true there is one miracle which +Paulus retains--the miracle of the birth, or at least the possibility of +it; in the sense that it is through holy inspiration that Mary receives +the hope and the power of conceiving her exalted Son, in whom the spirit +of the Messiah takes up its dwelling. Here he indirectly denies the +natural generation, and regards the conception as an act of the self- +consciousness of the mother. + +With the miracles of healing, however, the case is very simple. Sometimes +Jesus worked through His spiritual power upon the nervous system of the +sufferer; sometimes He used medicines known to Him alone. The latter +applies, for instance, to the cures of the blind. The disciples, too, as +appears from Mark vi. 7 and 13, were not sent out without medicaments, for +the oil with which they were to anoint the sick was, of course, of a +medicinal character; and the casting out of evil spirits was effected +partly by means of sedatives. + +Diet and after-treatment played a great part, though the Evangelists say +little about this because directions on these points would not be given +publicly. Thus, the saying, "This kind goeth not out save by prayer and +fasting," is interpreted as an instruction to the father as to the way in +which he could make the sudden cure of the epileptic into a permanent one, +viz. by keeping him to a strict diet and strengthening his character by +devotional exercises. + +The nature miracles suggest their own explanation. The walking on the +water was an illusion of the disciples. Jesus walked along the shore, and +in the mist was taken for a ghost by the alarmed and excited occupants of +the boat. When Jesus called to them, Peter threw himself into the water, +and was drawn to shore by Jesus just as he was sinking. Immediately after +taking Jesus into the boat they doubled a headland and drew clear of the +storm centre; they therefore supposed that He had calmed the sea by His +command. It was the same in the case where He was asleep during the storm. +When they waked Him He spoke to them about the wind and the weather. At +that moment they gained the shelter of a hill which protected them from +the wind that swept down the valley; and they marvelled among themselves +that even the winds and the sea obeyed their Messiah. + +The feeding of the five thousand is explained in the following way. When +Jesus saw the multitude all hungered, He said to His disciples, "We will +set the rich people among them a good example, that they may share their +supplies with the others," and he began to distribute His own provisions, +and those of the disciples, to the people who were sitting near them. The +example had its effect, and soon there was plenty for every one. + +The explanation of the transfiguration is somewhat more complicated. While +Jesus was lingering with a few followers in this mountainous district He +had an interview upon a high mountain at night with two dignified-looking +men whom His three companions took for Moses and Elias. These unknown +persons, as we learn from Luke ix. 31, informed Him of the fate which +awaited Him at Jerusalem. In the early morning, as the sun was rising, the +three disciples, only half awake, looked upwards from the hollow in which +they had been sleeping and saw Jesus with the two strangers upon the +higher part of the mountain, illuminated by the beams of the rising sun, +and heard them speak, now of the fate which threatened Him in the capital, +now of the duty of steadfastness and the hopes attached thereto, and +finally heard an exhortation addressed to themselves, bidding them ever to +hold Jesus to be the beloved Son of the Deity, whom they must obey.... +Their drowsiness, and the clouds which in an autumnal sunrise float to and +fro over those mountains,(23) left them no clear recollection of what had +happened. This only added to the wonder of the vague undefined impression +of having been in contact with apparitions from a higher sphere. The three +who had been with Him on the mount never arrived at any more definite +knowledge of the facts, because Jesus forbade them to speak of what they +had seen until the end should come. + +In dealing with the raisings from the dead the author is in his element. +Here he is ready with the unfailing explanation taken over from Bahrdt +that they were only cases of coma. These narratives should not be headed +"raisings from the dead," but "deliverances from premature burial." In +Judaea, interment took place three hours after death. How many seemingly +dead people may have returned to consciousness in their graves, and then +have perished miserably! Thus Jesus, owing to a presentiment suggested to +Him by the father's story, saves the daughter of Jairus from being buried +while in a cataleptic trance. A similar presentiment led Him to remove the +covering of the bier which He met at the gate of Nain, and to discover +traces of life in the widow's son. A similar instinct moved Him to ask to +be taken to the grave of Lazarus. When the stone is rolled away He sees +His friend standing upright and calls to him joyfully, "Come forth!" + +The Jewish love of miracle "caused everything to be ascribed immediately +to the Deity, and secondary causes to be overlooked; consequently no +thought was unfortunately given to the question of how to prevent these +horrible cases of premature burial from taking place!" But why does it not +appear strange to Paulus that Jesus did not enlighten His countrymen as to +the criminal character of over-hasty burial, instead of allowing even his +closest followers to believe in miracle? Here the hypothesis condemns +itself, although it has a foundation of fact, in so far as cases of +premature burial are abnormally frequent in the East. + +The resurrection of Jesus must be brought under the same category if we +are to hold fast to the facts that the disciples saw Him in His natural +body with the print of the nails in His hands, and that He took food in +their presence. Death from crucifixion was in fact due to a condition of +rigor, which extended gradually inwards. It was the slowest of all deaths. +Josephus mentions in his _Contra Apionem_ that it was granted to him as a +favour by Titus, at Tekoa, that he might have three crucified men whom he +knew taken down from the cross. Two of them died, but one recovered. +Jesus, however, "died" surprisingly quickly. The loud cry which he uttered +immediately before His head sank shows that His strength was far from +being exhausted, and that what supervened was only a death-like trance. In +such trances the process of dying continues until corruption sets in. +"This alone proves that the process is complete and that death has +actually taken place." + +In the case of Jesus, as in that of others, the vital spark would have +been gradually extinguished, had not Providence mysteriously effected on +behalf of its favourite that which in the case of others was sometimes +effected in more obvious ways by human skill and care. The lance-thrust, +which we are to think of rather as a mere surface wound, served the +purpose of a phlebotomy. The cool grave and the aromatic unguents +continued the process of resuscitation, until finally the storm and the +earthquake aroused Jesus to full consciousness. Fortunately the earthquake +also had the effect of rolling away the stone from the mouth of the grave. +The Lord stripped off the grave-clothes and put on a gardener's dress +which He managed to procure. That was what made Mary, as we are told in +John xx. 15, take Him for the gardener. Through the women, He sends a +message to His disciples bidding them meet Him in Galilee, and Himself +sets out to go thither. At Emmaus, as the dusk was falling, He met two of +His followers, who at first failed to recognise Him because His +countenance was so disfigured by His sufferings. But His manner of giving +thanks at the breaking of bread, and the nail-prints in His uplifted +hands, revealed to them who He was. From them He learns where His +disciples are, returns to Jerusalem, and appears unexpectedly among them. +This is the explanation of the apparent contradiction between the message +pointing to Galilee and the appearances in Jerusalem. Thomas was not +present at this first appearance, and at a later interview was suffered to +put his hand into the marks of the wounds. It is a misunderstanding to see +a reproach in the words which Jesus addresses to him. What, then, is the +meaning of "Blessed are they that have not seen and have believed"? It is +a benediction upon Thomas for what he has done in the interests of later +generations. "Now," Jesus says, "thou, Thomas, art convinced because thou +hast so unmistakably seen Me. It is well for those who now or in the +future shall not see Me; for after this they can feel a firm conviction, +because thou hast convinced thyself so completely that to thee, whose +hands have touched Me, no possible doubt can remain of My corporeal +reanimation." Had it not been for Thomas's peculiar mental constitution we +should not have known whether what was seen was a phantom or a real +appearance of the reanimated Jesus. + +In this way Jesus lived with them for forty days, spending part of that +time with them in Galilee. In consequence of the ill-treatment which He +had undergone, He was not capable of continuous exertion. He lived quietly +and gathered strength for the brief moments in which He appeared among His +own followers and taught them. When He felt his end drawing near He +returned to Jerusalem. On the Mount of Olives, in the early sunlight, He +assembled His followers for the last time. He lifted up His hands to bless +them, and with hands still raised in benediction He moved away from them. +A cloud interposes itself between them and Him, so that their eyes cannot +follow Him. As he disappeared there stood before them, clothed in white, +the two dignified figures whom the three disciples who were present at the +transfiguration had taken for Moses and Elias, but who were really among +the secret adherents of Jesus in Jerusalem. These men exhorted them not to +stand waiting there but to be up and doing. + +Where Jesus really died they never knew, and so they came to describe His +departure as an ascension. + +This Life of Jesus is not written without feeling. At times, in moments of +exaltation, the writer even dashes into verse. If only the lack of all +natural aesthetic feeling did not ruin everything! Paulus constantly falls +into a style that sets the teeth on edge. The episode of the death of the +Baptist is headed "Court-and-Priest intrigues enhance themselves to a +judicial murder." Much is spoiled by a kind of banality. Instead of +"disciples," he always says "pupils," instead of "faith," "sincerity of +conviction." The appeal which the father of the lunatic boy addresses to +Jesus, "Lord, I believe, help thou my unbelief," runs "I am sincerely +convinced; help me, even if there is anything lacking in the sincerity of +my conviction." + +The beautiful saying in the story of Martha and Mary, "One thing is +needful," is interpreted as meaning that a single course will be +sufficient for the meal.(24) The scene in the home at Bethany rejoices in +the heading, "Geniality of Jesus among sympathetic friends in a hospitable +family circle at Bethany. A Messiah with no stiff solemnity about Him." +The following is the explanation which Paulus discovers for the saying +about the tribute-money: "So long as you need the Romans to maintain some +sort of order among you," says Jesus, "you must provide the means thereto. +If you were fit to be independent you would not need to serve any one but +God." + +Among the historical problems, Paulus is especially interested in the idea +of the Messiahship, and in the motives of the betrayal. His sixty-five +pages on the history of the conception of the Messiah are a real +contribution to the subject. The Messianic idea, he explains, goes back to +the Davidic kingdom; the prophets raised it to a higher religious plane; +in the times of the Maccabees the ideal of the kingly Messiah perished and +its place was taken by that of the super-earthly deliverer. The only +mistake which Paulus makes is in supposing that the post-Maccabean period +went back to the political ideal of the Davidic king. On the other hand, +he rightly interprets the death of Jesus as the deed by which He thought +to win the Messiahship proper to the Son of Man. + +With reference to the question of the High Priest at the trial, he remarks +that it does not refer to the metaphysical Divine Sonship, but to the +Messiahship in the ancient Jewish sense, and accordingly Jesus answers by +pointing to the coming of the Son of Man. + +The importance of eschatology in the preaching of Jesus is clearly +recognised, but Paulus proceeds to nullify this recognition by making the +risen Lord cut short all the questions of the disciples in regard to this +subject with the admonition "that in whatever way all this should come +about, and whether soon or late, their business was to see that they had +done their own part." + +How did Judas come to play the traitor? He believed in the Messiahship of +Jesus and wanted to force Him to declare Himself. To bring about His +arrest seemed to Judas the best means of rousing the people to take His +side openly. But the course of events was too rapid for him. Owing to the +Feast the news of the arrest spread but slowly. In the night "when people +were sleeping off the effects of the Passover supper," Jesus was +condemned; in the morning, before they were well awake, He was hurried +away to be crucified. Then Judas was overcome with despair, and went and +hanged himself. "Judas stands before us in the history of the Passion as a +warning example of those who allow their cleverness to degenerate into +cunning, and persuade themselves that it is permissible to do evil that +good may come--to seek good objects, which they really value, by intrigue +and chicanery. And the underlying cause of their errors is that they have +failed to overcome their passionate desire for self-advancement." + +Such was the consistently rationalistic Life of Jesus, which evoked so +much opposition at the time of its appearance, and seven years later +received its death-blow at the hands of Strauss. The method is doomed to +failure because the author only saves his own sincerity at the expense of +that of his characters. He makes the disciples of Jesus see miracles where +they could not possibly have seen them; and makes Jesus Himself allow +miracles to be imagined where He must necessarily have protested against +such a delusion. His exegesis, too, is sometimes violent. But in this, who +has the right to judge him? If the theologians dragged him before the +Lord, He would command, as of old, "Let him that is without sin among you +cast the first stone at him," and Paulus would go forth unharmed. + +Moreover, a number of his explanations are right in principle. The feeding +of the multitudes and the walking on the sea must be explained somehow or +other as misunderstandings of something that actually happened. And how +many of Paulus' ideas are still going about in all sorts of disguises, and +crop up again and again in commentaries and Lives of Jesus, especially in +those of the "anti-rationalists"! Nowadays it belongs to the complete duty +of the well-trained theologian to renounce the rationalists and all their +works; and yet how poor our time is in comparison with theirs--how poor in +strong men capable of loyalty to an ideal, how poor, so far as theology is +concerned, in simple commonplace sincerity! + + + + + +VI. THE LAST PHASE OF RATIONALISM--HASE AND SCHLEIERMACHER + + + _Karl August Hase._ Das Leben Jesu zunaechst fuer akademische + Studien. (The Life of Jesus, primarily for the use of students.) + 1829. 205 pp. This work contains a bibliography of the earliest + literature of the subject. 5th ed., 1865. + + _Friedrich Ernst Daniel Schleiermacher._ Das Leben Jesu. 1864. + Edited by Ruetenik. The edition is based upon a student's note-book + of a course of lectures delivered in 1832. + + _David Friedrich Strauss._ Der Christus des Glaubens und der Jesus + der Geschichte. Eine Kritik des Schleiermacher'schen Lebens Jesu. + (The Christ of Faith and the Jesus of History. A criticism of + Schleiermacher's Life of Jesus.) 1865. + + +In their treatment of the life of Jesus, Hase and Schleiermacher are in +one respect still wholly dominated by rationalism. They still cling to the +rationalistic explanation of miracle; although they have no longer the +same ingenuous confidence in it as their predecessors, and although at the +decisive cases they are content to leave a question-mark instead of +offering a solution. They might, in fact, be described as the sceptics of +rationalism. In another respect, however, they aim at something beyond the +range of rationalism, inasmuch as they endeavour to grasp the inner +connexion of the events of Jesus' ministry, which in Paulus had entirely +fallen out of sight. Their Lives of Jesus are transitional, in the good +sense of the word as well as in the bad. In respect of progress, Hase +shows himself the greater of the two. + +Scarcely thirteen years have elapsed since the death of the great Jena +professor, his Excellency von Hase, and already we think of him as a man +of the past. Theology has voted to inscribe his name upon its records in +letters of gold--and has passed on to the order of the day. He was no +pioneer like Baur, and he does not meet the present age on the footing of +a contemporary, offering it problems raised by him and still unsolved. +Even his "Church History," with its twelve editions, has already had its +day, although it is still the most brilliantly written work in this +department, and conceals beneath its elegance of form a massive erudition. +He was more than a theologian; he was one of the finest monuments of +German culture, the living embodiment of a period which for us lies under +the sunset glow of the past, in the land of "once upon a time." + +His path in life was unembarrassed; he knew toil, but not disappointment. +Born in 1800, he finished his studies at Tuebingen, where he qualified as a +Privat-Docent in 1823. In 1824-1825 he spent eleven months in the fortress +of Hohenasperg, where he was confined for taking the part of the +Burschenschaften,(25) and had leisure for meditation and literary plans. +In 1830 he went to Jena, where, with a yearly visit to Italy to lay in a +store of sunshine and renewed strength, he worked until 1890. + +Not without a certain reverence does one take this little text-book of 205 +pages into one's hands. This is the first attempt by a fully equipped +scholar to reconstruct the life of Jesus on a purely historical basis. +There is more creative power in it than in almost any of his later works. +It manifests already the brilliant qualities of style for which he was +distinguished--clearness, terseness, elegance. What a contrast with that of +Bahrdt, Venturini, or Paulus! + +And yet the keynote of the work is rationalistic, since Hase has recourse +to the rationalistic explanation of miracles wherever that appears +possible. He seeks to make the circumstances of the baptism intelligible +by supposing the appearance of a meteor. In the story of the +transfiguration, the fact which is to be retained is that Jesus, in the +company of two unknown persons, appeared to the disciples in unaccustomed +splendour. Their identification of His companions as Moses and Elias is a +conclusion which is not confirmed by Jesus, and owing to the position of +the eyewitnesses, is not sufficiently guaranteed by their testimony. The +abrupt breaking off of the interview by the Master, and the injunction of +silence, point to some secret circumstance in His history. By this hint +Hase seems to leave room for the "secret society" of Bahrdt and Venturini. + +He makes no difficulty about the explanation of the story of the _stater_. +It is only intended to show "how the Messiah avoided offence in submitting +Himself to the financial burdens of the community." In regard to the +stilling of the storm, it seems uncertain whether Jesus through His +knowledge of nature was enabled to predict the end of the storm or whether +He brought it about by the possession of power over nature. The "sceptic +of rationalism" thus leaves open the possibility of miracle. He proceeds +somewhat similarly in explaining the raisings from the dead. They can be +made intelligible by supposing that they were cases of coma, but it is +also possible to look upon them as supernatural. For the two great +Johannine miracles, the change of the water into wine and the increase of +the loaves, no naturalistic explanation can be admitted. But how +unsuccessful is his attempt to make the increase of the bread +intelligible! "Why should not the bread have been increased?" he asks. "If +nature every year in the period between seed-time and harvest performs a +similar miracle, nature might also, by unknown laws, bring it about in a +moment." Here crops up the dangerous anti-rationalistic intellectual +supernaturalism which sometimes brings Hase and Schleiermacher very close +to the frontiers of the territory occupied by the disingenuous +reactionaries. + +The crucial point is the explanation of the resurrection of Jesus. A +stringent proof that death had actually taken place cannot, according to +Hase, be given, since there is no evidence that corruption had set in, and +that is the only infallible sign of death. It is possible, therefore, that +the resurrection was only a return to consciousness after a trance. But +the direct impression made by the sources points rather to a supernatural +event. Either view is compatible with the Christian faith. "Both the +historically possible views--either that the Creator gave new life to a +body which was really dead, or that the latent life reawakened in a body +which was only seemingly dead--recognise in the resurrection a manifest +proof of the care of Providence for the cause of Jesus, and are therefore +both to be recognised as Christian, whereas a third view--that Jesus gave +Himself up to his enemies in order to defeat them by the bold stroke of a +seeming death and a skilfully prepared resurrection--is as contrary to +historical criticism as to Christian faith." + +Hase, however, quietly lightens the difficulty of the miracle question in +a way which must not be overlooked. For the rationalists all miracles +stood on the same footing, and all must equally be abolished by a +naturalistic explanation. If we study Hase carefully, we find that he +accepts only the Johannine miracles as authentic, whereas those of the +Synoptists may be regarded as resting upon a misunderstanding on the part +of the authors, because they are not reported at first hand, but from +tradition. Thus the discrimination of the two lines of Gospel tradition +comes to the aid of the anti-rationalists, and enables them to get rid of +some of the greatest difficulties. Half playfully, it might almost be +said, they sketch out the ideas of Strauss, without ever suspecting what +desperate earnest the game will become, if the authenticity of the Fourth +Gospel has to be given up. + +Hase surrenders the birth-story and the "legends of the Childhood"--the +expression is his own--almost without striking a blow. The same fate +befalls all the incidents in which angels figure, and the miracles at the +time of the death of Jesus. He describes these as "mythical touches." The +ascension is merely "a mythical version of His departure to the Father." + +Hase's conception even of the non-miraculous portion of the history of +Jesus is not free from rationalistic traits. He indulges in the following +speculations with regard to the celibacy of the Lord. "If the true grounds +of the celibacy of Jesus do not lie hidden in the special circumstances of +His youth, the conjecture may be permitted that He from whose religion was +to go forth the ideal view of marriage, so foreign to the ideas of +antiquity, found in His own time no heart worthy to enter into this +covenant with Him." It is on rationalistic lines also that Hase explains +the betrayal by Judas. "A purely intellectual, worldly, and unscrupulous +character, he desired to compel the hesitating Messiah to found His +Kingdom upon popular violence.... It is possible that Judas in his +terrible blindness took that last word addressed to him by Jesus, 'What +thou doest, do quickly,' as giving consent to his plan." + +But Hase again rises superior to this rationalistic conception of the +history when he refuses to explain away the Jewish elements in the plan +and preaching of Jesus as due to mere accommodation, and maintains the +view that the Lord really, to a certain extent, shared this Jewish system +of ideas. According to Hase there are two periods in the Messianic +activity of Jesus. In the first He accepted almost without reservation the +popular ideas regarding the Messianic age. In consequence, however, of His +experience of the practical results of these ideas, He was led to abandon +this error, and in the second period He developed His own distinctive +views. Here we meet for the first time the idea of two different periods +in the life of Jesus, which, especially through the influence of Holtzmann +and Keim, became the prevailing view, and down to Johannes Weiss, +determined the plan of all Lives of Jesus. Hase created the modern +historico-psychological picture of Jesus. The introduction of this more +penetrating psychology would alone suffice to place him in advance of the +rationalists. + +Another interesting point is the thorough way in which he traces out the +historical and literary consequences of this idea of development. The +apostles, he thinks, did not understand this progress of thought on the +part of Jesus, and did not distinguish between the sayings of the first +and second periods. They remained wedded to the eschatological view. After +the death of Jesus this view prevailed so strongly in the primitive +community of disciples that they interpolated their expectations into the +last discourses of Jesus. According to Hase, the apocalyptic discourse in +Matt. xxiv. was originally only a prediction of the judgment upon and +destruction of Jerusalem, but this was obscured later by the influx of the +eschatological views of the apostolic community. Only John remained free +from this error. Therefore the non-eschatological Fourth Gospel preserves +in their pure form the ideas of Jesus in His second period. + +Hase rightly observes that the Messiahship of Jesus plays next to no part +in His preaching, at any rate at first, and that, before the incident at +Caesarea Philippi, it was only in moments of enthusiastic admiration, +rather than with settled conviction, that even the disciples looked on Him +as the Messiah. This indication of the central importance of the +declaration of the Messiahship at Caesarea Philippi is another sign-post +pointing out the direction which the future study of the life of Jesus was +to follow. + + ------------------------------------- + +Schleiermacher's Life of Jesus introduces us to quite a different order of +transitional ideas. Its value lies in the sphere of dogmatics, not of +history. Nowhere, indeed, is it so clear that the great dialectician had +not really a historical mind than precisely in his treatment of the +history of Jesus. + +From the first it was no favourable star which presided over this +undertaking. It is true that in 1819 Schleiermacher was the first +theologian who had ever lectured upon this subject. But his Life of Jesus +did not appear until 1864. Its publication had been so long delayed, +partly because it had to be reconstructed from students' note-books, +partly because immediately after Schleiermacher, in 1832, had delivered +the course for the last time, it was rendered obsolete by the work of +Strauss. For the questions raised by the latter's Life of Jesus, published +in 1835, Schleiermacher had no answer, and for the wounds which it made, +no healing. When, in 1864, Schleiermacher's work was brought forth to view +like an embalmed corse, Strauss accorded to the dead work of the great +theologian a dignified and striking funeral oration. + +Schleiermacher is not in search of the historical Jesus, but of the Jesus +Christ of his own system of theology; that is to say, of the historic +figure which seems to him appropriate to the self-consciousness of the +Redeemer as he represents it. For him the empirical has simply no +existence. A natural psychology is scarcely attempted. He comes to the +facts with a ready-made dialectic apparatus and sets his puppets in lively +action. Schleiermacher's dialectic is not a dialectic which generates +reality, like that of Hegel, of which Strauss availed himself, but merely +a dialectic of exposition. In this literary dialectic he is the greatest +master that ever lived. + +The limitations of the historical Jesus both in an upward and downward +direction are those only which apply equally to the Jesus of dogma. The +uniqueness of His Divine self-consciousness is not to be tampered with. It +is equally necessary to avoid Ebionism which does away with the Divine in +Him, and Docetism which destroys His humanity. Schleiermacher loves to +make his hearers shudder by pointing out to them that the least false step +entails precipitation into one or other of these abysses; or at least +would entail it for any one who was not under the guidance of his +infallible dialectic. + +In the course of this dialectic treatment, all the historical questions +involved in the life of Jesus come into view one after another, but none +of them is posed or solved from the point of view of the historian; they +are "moments" in his argument. + +He is like a spider at work. The spider lets itself down from aloft, and +after making fast some supporting threads to points below, it runs back to +the centre and there keeps spinning away. You look on fascinated, and +before you know it, you are entangled in the web. It is difficult even for +a reader who is strong in the consciousness of possessing a sounder grasp +of the history than Schleiermacher to avoid being caught in the toils of +that magical dialectic. + +And how loftily superior the dialectician is! Paulus had shown that, in +view of the use of the title Son of Man, the Messianic self-consciousness +of Jesus must be interpreted in accordance with the passage in Daniel. On +this Schleiermacher remarks: "I have already said that it is inherently +improbable that such a predilection (_sc._ for the Book of Daniel) would +have been manifested by Christ, because the Book of Daniel does not belong +to the prophetic writings properly so-called, but to the third division of +the Old Testament literature." + +In his estimate of the importance to be attached to the story of the +baptism, too, he falls behind the historical knowledge of his day. "To lay +such great stress upon the baptism," he says, "leads either to the Gnostic +view that it was only there that the {~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} united itself with Jesus, or to +the rationalistic view that it was only at the baptism that He became +conscious of His vocation." But what does history care whether a view is +gnostic or rationalistic if only it is historical! + +This dialectic, so fatal often to sound historical views, might have been +expressly created to deal with the question of miracle. Compared with +Schleiermacher's discussions all that has been written since upon this +subject is mere honest--or dishonest--bungling. Nothing new has been added +to what he says, and no one else has succeeded in saying it with the same +amazing subtlety. It is true, also, that no one else has shown the same +skill in concealing how much in the way of miracle he ultimately retains +and how much he rejects. His solution of the problem is, in fact, not +historical, but dialectical, an attempt to transcend the necessity for a +rationalistic explanation of miracle which does not really succeed in +getting rid of it. + +Schleiermacher arranges the miracles in an ascending scale of probability +according to the degree in which they can be seen to depend on the known +influence of spirit upon organic matter. The most easily explained are the +miracles of healing "because we are not without analogies to show that +pathological conditions of a purely functional nature can be removed by +mental influence." But where, on the other hand, the effect produced by +Christ lies outside the sphere of human life, the difficulties involved +become insoluble. To get rid, in some measure, of these difficulties he +makes use of two expedients. In the first place, he admits that in +particular cases the rationalistic method may have a certain limited +application; in the second place he, like Hase, recognises a difference +between the miracle stories themselves, retaining the Johannine miracles, +but surrendering, more or less completely, the Synoptic miracles as not +resting on evidence of the same certainty and exactness. + +That he is still largely under the sway of rationalism can be seen in the +fact that he admits on an equal footing, as conceptions of the +resurrection of Jesus, a return to consciousness from a trance-state, or a +supernatural restoration to life, thought of as a resurrection. He goes so +far as to say that the decision of this question has very little interest +for him. He fully accepts the principle of Paulus that apart from +corruption there is no certain indication of death. + +"All that we can say on this point," he concludes, "is that even to those +whose business it was to ensure the immediate death of the crucified, in +order that the bodies might at once be taken down, Christ appeared to be +really dead, and this, moreover, although it was contrary to their +expectations, for it was a subject of astonishment. It is no use going any +further into the matter, since nothing can be ascertained in regard to +it." + +What is certain is that Jesus in His real body lived on for a time among +His followers; that the Fourth Gospel requires us to believe. The reports +of the resurrection are not based upon "apparitions." Schleiermacher's own +opinion is what really happened was reanimation after apparent death. "If +Christ had only eaten to show that He could eat, while He really had no +need of nourishment, it would have been a pretence--something docetic. This +gives us a clue to all the rest, teaching us to hold firmly to the way in +which Christ intends Himself to be represented, and to put down all that +is miraculous in the accounts of the appearances to the prepossessions of +the disciples." + +When He revealed himself to Mary Magdalene He had no certainty that He +would frequently see her again. "He was conscious that His present +condition was that of genuine human life, but He had no confidence in its +continuance." He bade His disciples meet Him in Galilee because He could +there enjoy greater privacy and freedom from observation in His +intercourse with them. The difference between the present and the past was +only that He no longer showed Himself to the world. "It was possible that +a movement in favour of an earthly Messianic Kingdom might break out, and +we need only take this possibility into account in order to explain +completely why Jesus remained in such close retirement." "It was the +premonition of the approaching end of this second life which led Him to +return from Galilee to Jerusalem." + +Of the ascension he says: "Here, therefore, something happened, but what +was seen was incomplete, and has been conjecturally supplemented." The +underlying rationalistic explanation shows through! + +But if the condition in which Jesus lived on after His crucifixion was "a +condition of reanimation," by what right does Schleiermacher constantly +speak of it as a "resurrection," as if resurrection and reanimation were +synonymous terms? Further, is it really true that faith has no interest +whatever in the question whether it was as risen from the dead, or merely +as recovered from a state of suspended animation, that Jesus showed +Himself to His disciples? In regard to this, it might seem, the +rationalists were more straightforward. + +The moment one tries to take hold of this dialectic it breaks in one's +fingers. Schleiermacher would not indeed have ventured to play so risky a +game if he had not had a second position to retire to, based on the +distinction between the Synoptic and the Johannine miracle stories. In +this respect he simplified matters for himself, as compared with the +rationalists, even more than Hase. The miracle at the baptism is only +intelligible in the narrative of the Fourth Gospel, where it is not a +question of an external occurrence, but of a purely subjective experience +of John, with which we have nothing to do. The Synoptic story of the +temptation has no intelligible meaning. "To change stones into bread, if +there were need for it, would not have been a sin." "A leap from the +Temple could have had no attraction for any one." + +The miracles of the birth and childhood are given up without hesitation; +they do not belong to the story of the life of Jesus; and it is the same +with the miracles at His death. One might fancy it was Strauss speaking +when Schleiermacher says: "If we give due consideration to the fact that +we have certainly found in these for the most part simple narratives of +the last moments of Christ two incidents, such as the rending of the veil +of the Temple and the opening of the graves, in reference to which we +cannot possibly suppose that they are literal descriptions of actual +facts, then we are bound to ask the question whether the same does not +apply to many other points. Certainly the mention of the sun's light +failing and the consequent great darkness looks very much as if it had +been imported by poetic imagination into the simple narrative." + +A rebuke could have no possible effect upon the wind and sea. Here we must +suppose either an alteration of the facts or a different causal connexion. + +In this way Schleiermacher--and it was for this reason that these lectures +on the life of Jesus became so celebrated--enabled dogmatics, though not +indeed history, to take a flying leap over the miracle question. + +What is chiefly fatal to a sound historical view is his one-sided +preference for the Fourth Gospel. It is, according to him, only in this +Gospel that the consciousness of Jesus is truly reflected. In this +connexion he expressly remarks that of a progress in the teaching of +Jesus, and of any "development" in Him, there can be no question. His +development is the unimpeded organic unfolding of the idea of the Divine +Sonship. + +For the outline of the life of Jesus, also, the Fourth Gospel is alone +authoritative. "The Johannine representation of the way in which the +crisis of His fate was brought about is the only clear one." The same +applies to the narrative of the resurrection in this Gospel. "Accordingly, +on this point also," so he concludes his discussion, "I take it as +established that the Gospel of John is the narrative of an eyewitness and +forms an organic whole. The first three Gospels are compilations formed +out of various narratives which had arisen independently; their discourses +are composite structures, and their presentation of the history is such +that one can form no idea of the grouping of events." The "crowded days," +such as that of the sermon on the mount and the day of the parables, exist +only in the imagination of the Evangelists. In reality there were no such +days. Luke is the only one of them who has some semblance of historical +order. His Gospel is compiled with much insight and critical tact out of a +number of independent documents, as Schleiermacher believed himself to +have shown convincingly in his critical study of Luke's Gospel, published +in 1817. + +It is only on the ground of such a valuation of the sources that we can +arrive at a just estimate of the different representations of the locality +of the life of Jesus. "The contradictions," Schleiermacher proceeds, +"could not be explained if all our Gospels stood equally close to Jesus. +But if John stands closer than the others, we may perhaps find the key in +the fact that John, too, mentions it as a prevailing opinion in Jerusalem +that Jesus was a Galilaean, and that Luke, when he has got to the end of +the sections which show skilful arrangement and are united by similarity +of subject, gathers all the rest into the framework of a journey to +Jerusalem. Following this analogy, and not remembering that Jesus had +occasion to go several times a year to Jerusalem, the other two gathered +into one mass all that happened there on various occasions. This could +only have been done by Hellenists."(26) + +Schleiermacher is quite insensible to the graphic realism of the +description of the last days at Jerusalem in Mark and Matthew, and has no +suspicion that if only a single one of the Jerusalem sayings in the +Synoptists is true Jesus had never before spoken in Jerusalem. + +The ground of Schleiermacher's antipathy to the Synoptists lies deeper +than a mere critical view as to their composition. The fact is that their +"picture of Christ" does not agree with that which he wishes to insert +into the history. When it serves his purpose, he does not shrink from the +most arbitrary violence. He abolishes the scene in Gethsemane because he +infers from the silence of John that it cannot have taken place. "The +other Evangelists," he explains, "give us an account of a sudden +depression and deep distress of spirit which fell upon Jesus, and which He +admitted to His disciples, and they tell us how He sought relief from it +in prayer, and afterwards recovered His serenity and resolution. John +passes over this in silence, and his narrative of what immediately +precedes is not consistent with it." It is evidently a symbolical story, +as the thrice-repeated petition shows. "If they speak of such a depression +of spirit, they have given the story that form in order that the example +of Christ might be the more applicable to others in similar +circumstances." + +On these premises it is possible to write a Life of Christ; it is not +possible to write a Life of Jesus. It is, therefore, not by accident that +Schleiermacher regularly speaks, not of Jesus, but of Christ. + + + + + +VII. DAVID FRIEDRICH STRAUSS--THE MAN AND HIS FATE + + +In order to understand Strauss one must love him. He was not the greatest, +and not the deepest, of theologians, but he was the most absolutely +sincere. His insight and his errors were alike the insight and the errors +of a prophet. And he had a prophet's fate. Disappointment and suffering +gave his life its consecration. It unrolls itself before us like a +tragedy, in which, in the end, the gloom is lightened by the mild radiance +which shines forth from the nobility of the sufferer. + +Strauss was born in 1808 at Ludwigsburg. His father was a merchant, whose +business, however, was unsuccessful, so that his means steadily declined. +The boy took his ability from his mother, a good, self-controlled, +sensible, pious woman, to whom he raised a monument in his "Memorial of a +Good Mother" written in 1858, to be given to his daughter on her +confirmation-day. + +From 1821 to 1825 he was a pupil at the "lower seminary" at Blaubeuren, +along with Friedrich Vischer, Pfizer, Zimmermann, Maerklin, and Binder. +Among their teachers was Ferdinand Christian Baur, whom they were to meet +with again at the university. + +His first year at the university was uninteresting, as it was only in the +following year that the reorganisation of the theological faculty took +place, in consequence of the appointment of Baur. The instruction in the +philosophical faculty was almost equally unsatisfactory, so that the +friends would have gained little from the two years of philosophical +propaedeutic which formed part of the course prescribed for theological +students, if they had not combined to prosecute their philosophical +studies for themselves. The writings of Hegel began to exercise a powerful +influence upon them. For the philosophical faculty, Hegel's philosophy was +as yet non-existent. + +These student friends were much addicted to poetry. Two journeys which +Strauss made along with his fellow-student Binder to Weinsberg to see +Justinus Kerner made a deep impression upon him. He had to make a +deliberate effort to escape from the dream-world of the "Prophetess of +Prevorst." Some years later, in a Latin note to Binder, he speaks of +Weinsberg as "Mecca nostra."(27) + +According to Vischer's picture of him, the tall stripling made an +impression of great charm, though he was rather shy except with intimates. +He attended lectures with pedantic regularity. + +Baur was at that time still immersed in the prolegomena to his system; but +Strauss already suspected the direction which the thoughts of his young +teacher were to take. + +When Strauss and his student friends entered on their duties as clergymen, +the others found great difficulty in bringing their theological views into +line with the popular beliefs which they were expected to preach. Strauss +alone remained free from inner struggles. In a letter to Binder(28) of the +year 1831, he explains that in his sermons--he was then assistant at Klein- +Ingersheim near Ludwigsburg--he did not use "representative notions" +(_Vorstellungen_, used as a philosophical technicality) such as that of +the Devil, which the people were already prepared to dispense with; but +others which still appeared to be indispensable, such as those of an +eschatological character, he merely endeavoured to present in such a way +that the "intellectual concept" (_Begriff_) which lay behind, might so far +as possible shine through. "When I consider," he continues, "how far even +in intellectual preaching the expression is inadequate to the true essence +of the concept, it does not seem to me to matter much if one goes even a +step further. I at least go about the matter without the least scruple, +and cannot ascribe this to a mere want of sincerity in myself." + +That is Hegelian logic. + +After being for a short time Deputy-professor at Maulbronn, he took his +doctor's degree with a dissertation on the {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} +(restoration of all things, Acts iii. 21). This work is lost. From his +letters it appears that he treated the subject chiefly from the religious- +historical point of view.(29) + +When Binder took his doctorate with a philosophical thesis on the +immortality of the soul, Strauss, in 1832, wrote to him expressing the +opinion that the belief in personal immortality could not properly be +regarded as a consequence of the Hegelian system, since according to +Hegel, it was not the subjective spirit of the individual person, but only +the objective Spirit, the self-realising Idea which constantly embodies +itself in new creations, to which immortality belongs.(30) + +In October 1831 he went to Berlin to hear Hegel and Schleiermacher. On the +14th of November Hegel, whom he had visited shortly before, was carried +off by cholera. Strauss heard the news in Schleiermacher's house, from +Schleiermacher himself, and is said to have exclaimed, with a certain want +of tact, considering who his informant was: "And it was to hear him that I +came to Berlin!" + +There was no satisfactory basis for a relationship between Schleiermacher +and Strauss. They had nothing in common. That did not prevent Strauss's +Life of Jesus being sometimes described by opponents of Schleiermacher as +a product of the latter's philosophy of religion. Indeed, as late as the +'sixties, Tholuck thought it necessary to defend the memory of the great +theologian against this reproach. + +As a matter of fact, the plan of the Life of Jesus arose during Strauss's +intercourse with Vatke, to whom he felt himself strongly drawn. Moreover, +what was first sketched out was not primarily the plan of a Life of Jesus, +but that of a history of the ideas of primitive Christianity, intended to +serve as a standard by which to judge ecclesiastical dogma. The Life of +Jesus was originally designed, it might almost be said, as a mere prologue +to this work, the plan of which was subsequently carried out under the +title, "Christian Theology in its Historical Development and in its +Antagonism with Modern Scientific Knowledge" (published in 1840-1841). + +When in the spring of 1832 he returned to Tuebingen to take up the position +of "Repetent"(31) in the theological college (_Stift_), these plans were +laid on the shelf in consequence of his pre-occupation with philosophy, +and if things had gone according to Strauss's wishes, they would perhaps +never have come to fulfilment. The "Repetents" had the right to lecture +upon philosophy. Strauss felt himself called upon to come forward as an +apostle of Hegel, and lectured upon Hegel's logic with tremendous success. +Zeller, who attended these lectures, records the unforgettable impression +which they made on him. Besides championing Hegel, Strauss also lectured +upon Plato, and upon the history of modern philosophy. These were three +happy semesters. + +"In my theology," he writes in a letter of 1833,(32) "philosophy occupies +such a predominant position that my theological views can only be worked +out to completeness by means of a more thorough study of philosophy, and +this course of study I am now going to prosecute uninterruptedly and +without concerning myself whether it leads me back to theology or not." +Further on he says: "If I know myself rightly, my position in regard to +theology is that what interests me in theology causes offence, and what +does not cause offence is indifferent to me. For this reason I have +refrained from delivering lectures on theology." + +The philosophical faculty was not altogether pleased at the success of the +apostle of Hegel, and wished to have the right of the "Repetents" to +lecture on philosophy curtailed. The latter, however, took their stand +upon the tradition. Strauss was desired to intermit his lectures until the +matter should be settled. He would have liked best to end the situation by +entering the philosophical faculty. The other "Repetents," however, begged +him not to do so, but to continue to champion their rights. It is possible +also that obstacles were placed in the way of his plan by the +philosophical faculty. However that may be, it was in any case not carried +through. Strauss was forced back upon theology. + +According to Hase,(33) Strauss began his studies for the Life of Jesus by +writing a detailed critical review of his (Hase's) text-book. He sent this +to Berlin to the _Jahrbuecher fuer wissenschaftliche Kritik_, which, +however, refused it. His resolve to publish first, instead of the general +work on the genesis of Christian doctrine, a critical study on the life of +Jesus was doubtless determined by Schleiermacher's lectures on this +subject. When in Berlin he had procured a copy of a lecture note-book, and +the reading of it incited him to opposition. + +Considering its character, the work was rapidly produced. He wrote it +sitting at the window of the Repetents' room, which looks out upon the +gateway-arch. When its two volumes appeared in 1835 the name of the author +was wholly unknown, except for some critical studies upon the Gospels. +This book, into which he had poured his youthful enthusiasm, rendered him +famous in a moment--and utterly destroyed his prospects. Among his +opponents the most prominent was Steudel, a member of the theological +faculty, who, as president of the _Stift_, made representations against +him to the Ministry, and succeeded in securing his removal from the post +of "Repetent." The hopes which Strauss had placed upon his friends were +disappointed. Only two or three at most dared to publish anything in his +defence. + +He first accepted a transfer to the post of Deputy-professor at +Ludwigsburg, but in less than a year he was glad to give it up, and he +then returned to Stuttgart. There he lived for several years, busying +himself in the preparation of new editions of the Life of Jesus, and in +writing answers to the attacks which were made upon him. + +Towards the end of the 'thirties he became conscious of a growing impulse +towards more positive views. The criticisms of his opponents had made some +impression upon him. The second volume of polemics was laid aside. In its +place appeared the third edition of the Life of Jesus, 1838-1839, +containing a series of amazing concessions. Strauss explains that in +consequence of reading de Wette's commentary and Neander's Life of Jesus +he had begun to feel some hesitation about his former doubts regarding the +genuineness and credibility of the Fourth Gospel. The historic personality +of Jesus again began to take on intelligible outlines for him. These +inconsistencies he removed in the next edition, acknowledging that he did +not know how he could so have temporarily vacillated in his point of view. +The matter admits, however, of a psychological explanation. He longed for +peace, for he had suffered more than his enemies suspected or his friends +knew. The ban of the outlaw lay heavy upon his soul. In this spirit he +composed in 1839 the monologues entitled _Vergaengliches und Bleibendes im +Christentum_ ("Transient and Permanent Elements in Christianity"), which +appeared again in the following year under the title _Friedliche Blaetter_ +("Leaves of Peace"). + +For a moment it seemed as though his rehabilitation would be accomplished. +In January 1839 the noble-minded Hitzig succeeded in getting him appointed +to the vacant chair of dogmatics in Zurich. But the orthodox and pietist +parties protested so vehemently that the Government was obliged to revoke +the appointment. Strauss was pensioned off, without ever entering on his +office. + +About that time his mother died. In 1841 he lost his father. When the +estate came to be settled up, it was found that his affairs were in a less +unsatisfactory condition than had been feared. Strauss was secure against +want. The success of his second great work, his "Christian Theology" +(published in 1840-41), compensated him for his disappointment at Zurich. +In conception it is perhaps even greater than the Life of Jesus; and in +depth of thought it is to be classed with the most important contributions +to theology. In spite of that it never attracted so much attention as the +earlier work. Strauss continued to be known as the author of the Life of +Jesus. Any further ground of offence which he might give was regarded as +quite subsidiary. + +And the book contains matter for offence in no common degree. The point to +which Strauss applies his criticism is the way in which the Christian +theology which grew out of the ideas of the ancient world has been brought +into harmony with the Christianity of rationalism and of speculative +philosophy. Either, to use his own expression, both are so finely +pulverised in the process--as in the case of Schleiermacher's combination +of Spinozism with Christianity--that it needs a sharp eye to rediscover the +elements of the mixture; or the two are shaken together like water and +oil, in which case the semblance of combination is only maintained so long +as the shaking continues. For this crude procedure he desires to +substitute a better method, based upon a preliminary historical criticism +of dogma, in order that thought may no longer have to deal with the +present form of Church theology, but with the ideas which worked as living +forces in its formation. + +This is brilliantly worked out in detail. The result is not a positive, +but a negative Hegelian theology. Religion is not concerned with supra- +mundane beings and a divinely glorious future, but with present spiritual +realities which appear as "moments" in the eternal being and becoming of +Absolute Spirit. At the end of the second volume, where battle is joined +on the issue of personal immortality, all these ideas play their part in +the struggle. Personal immortality is finally rejected in every form, for +the critical reasons which Strauss had already set forth in the letters of +1832. Immortality is not something which stretches out into the future, +but simply and solely the present quality of the spirit, its inner +universality, its power of rising above everything finite to the Idea. +Here the thought of Hegel coincides with that of Schleiermacher. "The +saying of Schleiermacher, 'In the midst of finitude to be one with the +Infinite, and to be eternal in a moment,' is all that modern thought can +say about immortality." But neither Schleiermacher nor Hegel was willing +to draw the natural inferences from their ultimate position, or at least +they did not give them any prominence. + +It is not the application of the mythological explanation to the Gospel +history which irrevocably divides Strauss from the theologians, but the +question of personal immortality. It would be well for them if they had +only to deal with the Strauss of the Life of Jesus, and not with the +thinker who posed this question with inexorable trenchancy. They might +then face the future more calmly, relieved of the anxiety lest once more +Hegel and Schleiermacher might rise up in some pious but critical spirit, +not to speak smooth things, but to ask the ultimate questions, and might +force theology to fight its battle with Strauss all over again. + +At the very time when Strauss was beginning to breathe freely once more, +had turned his back upon all attempts at compromise, and reconciled +himself to giving up teaching; and when, after settling his father's +affairs, he had the certainty of being secure against penury; at that very +time he sowed for himself the seeds of a new, immitigable suffering by his +marriage with Agnese Schebest, the famous singer. + +They were not made for one another. He could not look to her for any +sympathy with his plans, and she on her part was repelled by the pedantry +of his disposition. Housekeeping difficulties and the trials of a limited +income added another element of discord. They removed to Sontheim near +Heilbronn with the idea of learning to adapt themselves to one another far +from the distractions of the town; but that did not better matters. They +lived apart for a time, and after some years they procured a divorce, +custody of the children being assigned to the father. The lady took up her +residence in Stuttgart, and Strauss paid her an allowance up to her death +in 1870. + +What he suffered may be read between the lines in the passage in "The Old +Faith and the New" where he speaks of the sacredness of marriage and the +admissibility of divorce. The wound bled inwardly. His mental powers were +disabled. At this time he wrote little. Only in the apologue "Julian the +Apostate, or the Romanticist on the throne of the Caesars"--that brilliant +satire upon Frederic William IV., written in 1847--is there a flash of the +old spirit. + +But in spite of his antipathy to the romantic disposition of the King of +Prussia he entered the lists in 1848 on behalf of the efforts of the +smaller German states to form a united Germany, apart from Austria, under +the hegemony of Prussia. He did not suffer his political acumen to be +blunted either by personal antipathies or by particularism. The citizens +of Ludwigsburg wished to have him as their representative in the Frankfort +parliament, but the rural population, who were pietistic in sympathies, +defeated his candidature. Instead, his native town sent him to the +Wuertemberg Chamber of Deputies. But here his philistinism came to the fore +again. The phrase-mongering revolutionary party in the chamber disgusted +him. He saw himself more and more forced to the "right," and was obliged +to act politically with men whose reactionary sympathies he was far from +sharing. His constituents, meanwhile, were thoroughly discontented with +his attitude. In the end the position became intolerable. It was also +painful to him to have to reside in Stuttgart, where he could not avoid +meeting the woman who had brought so much misery into his life. Further--he +himself mentions this point in his memoirs--he had no practice in speaking +without manuscript, and cut a poor figure as a debater. Then came the +"Blum Case." Robert Blum, a revolutionary, had been shot by court martial +in Vienna. The Wuertemberg Chamber desired to vote a public celebration of +his funeral. Strauss did not think there was any ground for making a hero +of this agitator, merely because he had been shot, and was not inclined to +blame the Austrian Government very severely for meting out summary justice +to a disturber of the peace. His attitude brought on him a vote of censure +from his constituents. When, subsequently, the President of the Chamber +called him to order for asserting that a previous speaker had "concealed +by sleight of hand" (_wegeskamotiert_, "juggled away") an important point +in the debate, he refused to accept the vote of censure, resigned his +membership, and ceased to attend the diets. As he himself put it, he +"jumped out of the boat." Then began a period of restless wandering, +during which he beguiled his time with literary work. He wrote, _inter +alia_, upon Lessing, Hutten, and Reimarus, rediscovering the last-named +for his fellow-countrymen. + +At the end of the 'sixties he returned once more to theology. His "Life of +Jesus adapted for the German People" appeared in 1864. In the preface he +refers to Renan, and freely acknowledges the great merits of his work. + +The Prusso-Austrian war placed him in a difficult position. His historical +insight made it impossible for him to share the particularism of his +friends; on the contrary, he recognised that the way was now being +prepared for the realisation of his dream of 1848--an alliance of the +smaller German States under the hegemony of Prussia. As he made no secret +of his opinions, he had the bitter experience of receiving the cold +shoulder from men who had hitherto loyally stood by him. + +In the year 1870 it was granted to him to become the spokesman of the +German people; through a publication on Voltaire which had appeared not +long before he had become acquainted with Renan. In a letter to Strauss, +written after the first battles, Renan made a passing allusion to these +great events. Strauss seized the opportunity to explain to him, in a +vigorous "open letter" of the 12th of August, Germany's reason and +justification for going to war. Receiving an answer from Renan, he then, +in a second letter, of the 29th of September, took occasion to defend +Germany's right to demand the cession of Alsace, not on the ground of its +having formerly been German territory, but for the defence of her natural +frontiers. The resounding echo evoked by these words, inspired, as they +were, by the enthusiasm of the moment, compensated him for much of the +obloquy which he had had to bear. + +His last work, "The Old Faith and the New," appeared in 1872. Once more, +as in the work on theology published in 1840-1841, he puts to himself the +question, What is there of permanence in this artificial compound of +theology and philosophy, faith and thought? But he puts the question with +a certain bitterness, and shows himself too much under the influence of +Darwinism, by which his mind was at that time dominated. The Hegelian +system of thought, which served as a firm basis for the work of 1840, has +fallen in ruins. Strauss is alone with his own thoughts, endeavouring to +raise himself above the new scientific world-view. His powers of thought, +never, for all his critical acumen, strong on the creative side, and now +impaired by age, were unequal to the task. There is no force and no +greatness in the book. + +To the question, "Are we still Christians?" he answers, "No." But to his +second question, "Have we still a religion?" he is prepared to give an +affirmative answer, if the assumption is granted that the feeling of +dependence, of self-surrender, of inner freedom, which has sprung from the +pantheistic world-view, can be called religion. But instead of developing +the idea of this deep inner freedom, and presenting religion in the form +in which he had experienced it, he believes himself obliged to offer some +new construction based upon Darwinism, and sets himself to answer the two +questions, "How are we to understand the world?" and "How are we to +regulate our lives?"--the form of the latter is somewhat lacking in +distinction--in a quite impersonal way. It is only the schoolmaster and +pedant in him--who was always at the elbow of the thinker even in his +greatest works--that finds expression here. + +It was a dead book, in spite of the many editions which it went through, +and the battle which raged over it was, like the fiercest of the Homeric +battles, a combat over the dead. + +The theologians declared Strauss bankrupt, and felt themselves rich +because they had made sure of not being ruined by a similar unimaginative +honesty. Friedrich Nietzsche, from the height of his would-be +Schopenhauerian pessimism, mocked at the fallen hero. + +Before the year was out Strauss began to suffer from an internal ulcer. +For many months he bore his sufferings with quiet resignation and inner +serenity, until on the 8th of February 1874, in his native town of +Ludwigsburg, death set him free. + +A few weeks earlier, on the 29th of December 1873, his sufferings and his +thoughts received illuminating expression in the following poignant +verses:-- + + + Wem ich dieses klage, + Weiss, ich klage nicht; + Der ich dieses sage, + Fuehlt, ich zage nicht. + + Heute heisst's verglimmen, + Wie ein Licht verglimmt, + In die Luft verschwimmen, + Wie ein Ton verschwimmt. + + Moege schwach wie immer, + Aber hell und rein, + Dieser letzte Schimmer + Dieser Ton nur sein.(34) + + +He was buried on a stormy February day. + + + + + +VIII. STRAUSS'S FIRST "LIFE OF JESUS" + + + First edition, 1835 and 1836. 2 vols. 1480 pp. + The second edition was unaltered. + Third edition, with alterations, 1838-1839. + Fourth edition, agreeing with the first, 1840. + + +Considered as a literary work, Strauss's first Life of Jesus is one of the +most perfect things in the whole range of learned literature. In over +fourteen hundred pages he has not a superfluous phrase; his analysis +descends to the minutest details, but he does not lose his way among them; +the style is simple and picturesque, sometimes ironical, but always +dignified and distinguished. + +In regard to the application of the mythological explanation to Holy +Scripture, Strauss points out that De Wette, Eichhorn, Gabler, and others +of his predecessors had long ago freely applied it to the Old Testament, +and that various attempts had been made to portray the life of Jesus in +accordance with the critical assumptions upon which his undertaking was +based. He mentions especially Usteri as one who had helped to prepare the +way for him. The distinction between Strauss and those who had preceded +him upon this path consists only in this, that prior to him the conception +of myth was neither truly grasped nor consistently applied. Its +application was confined to the account of Jesus' coming into the world +and of His departure from it, while the real kernel of the evangelical +tradition--the sections from the Baptism to the Resurrection--was left +outside the field of its application. Myth formed, to use Strauss's +illustration, the lofty gateways at the entrance to, and at the exit from, +the Gospel history; between these two lofty gateways lay the narrow and +crooked streets of the naturalistic explanation. + +The principal obstacle, Strauss continues, which barred the way to a +comprehensive application of myth, consisted in the supposition that two +of our Gospels, Matthew and John, were reports of eyewitnesses; and a +further difficulty was the offence caused by the word myth, owing to its +associations with the heathen mythology. But that any of our Evangelists +was an eyewitness, or stood in such relations with eyewitnesses as to make +the intrusion of myth unthinkable, is a thesis which there is no extant +evidence sufficient to prove. Even though the earthly life of the Lord +falls within historic times, and even if only a generation be assumed to +have elapsed between His death and the composition of the Gospels; such a +period would be sufficient to allow the historical material to become +intermixed with myth. No sooner is a great man dead than legend is busy +with his life. + +Then, too, the offence of the word myth disappears for any one who has +gained an insight into the essential character of religious myth. It is +nothing else than the clothing in historic form of religious ideas, shaped +by the unconsciously inventive power of legend, and embodied in a historic +personality. Even on a priori grounds we are almost compelled to assume +that the historic Jesus will meet us in the garb of old Testament +Messianic ideas and primitive Christian expectations. + +The main distinction between Strauss and his predecessors consisted in the +fact that they asked themselves anxiously how much of the historical life +of Jesus would remain as a foundation for religion if they dared to apply +the conception of myth consistently, while for him this question had no +terrors. He claims in his preface that he possessed one advantage over all +the critical and learned theologians of his time without which nothing can +be accomplished in the domain of history--the inner emancipation of thought +and feeling in regard to certain religious and dogmatic prepossessions +which he had early attained as a result of his philosophic studies. +Hegel's philosophy had set him free, giving him a clear conception of the +relationship of idea and reality, leading him to a higher plane of +Christological speculation, and opening his eyes to the mystic +interpenetration of finitude and infinity, God and man. + +God-manhood, the highest idea conceived by human thought, is actually +realised in the historic personality of Jesus. But while conventional +thinking supposes that this phenomenal realisation must be perfect, true +thought, which has attained by genuine critical reasoning to a higher +freedom, knows that no idea can realise itself perfectly on the historic +plane, and that its truth does not depend on the proof of its having +received perfect external representation, but that its perfection comes +about through that which the idea carries into history, or through the way +in which history is sublimated into idea. For this reason it is in the +last analysis indifferent to what extent God-manhood has been realised in +the person of Jesus; the important thing is that the idea is now alive in +the common consciousness of those who have been prepared to receive it by +its manifestation in sensible form, and of whose thought and imagination +that historical personality took such complete possession, that for them +the unity of Godhood and manhood assumed in Him enters into the common +consciousness, and the "moments" which constitute the outward course of +His life reproduce themselves in them in a spiritual fashion. + +A purely historical presentation of the life of Jesus was in that first +period wholly impossible; what was operative was a creative reminiscence +acting under the impulse of the idea which the personality of Jesus had +called to life among mankind. And this idea of God-manhood, the +realisation of which in every personality is the ultimate goal of +humanity, is the eternal reality in the Person of Jesus, which no +criticism can destroy. + +However far criticism may go in proving the reaction of the idea upon the +presentment of the historical course of the life of Jesus, the fact that +Jesus represented that idea and called it to life among mankind is +something real, something that no criticism can annul. It is alive +thenceforward--to this day, and for ever more. + +It is in this emancipation of spirit, and in the consciousness that Jesus +as the creator of the religion of humanity is beyond the reach of +criticism, that Strauss goes to work, and batters down the rubble, assured +that his pick can make no impression on the stone. He sees evidence that +the time has come for this undertaking in the condition of exhaustion +which characterised contemporary theology. The supernaturalistic +explanation of the events of the life of Jesus had been followed by the +rationalistic, the one making everything supernatural, the other setting +itself to make all the events intelligible as natural occurrences. Each +had said all that it had to say. From their opposition now arises a new +solution--the mythological interpretation. This is a characteristic example +of the Hegelian method--the _synthesis_ of a _thesis_ represented by the +supernaturalistic explanation with an _antithesis_ represented by the +rationalistic interpretation. + +Strauss's Life of Jesus is, therefore, like Schleiermacher's, the product +of antithetic conceptions. But whereas in the latter the antitheses +Docetism and Ebionism are simply limiting conceptions, between which his +view is statically suspended, the synthesis with which Strauss operates +represents a composition of forces, of which his view is the dynamic +resultant. The dialectic is in the one case descriptive, in the other +creative. This Hegelian dialectic determines the method of the work. Each +incident of the life of Jesus is considered separately; first as +supernaturally explained, and then as rationalistically explained, and the +one explanation is refuted by the other. "By this means," says Strauss in +his preface, "the incidental advantage is secured that the work is fitted +to serve as a repertory of the leading views and discussions of all parts +of the Gospel history." + +In every case the whole range of representative opinions is reviewed. +Finally the forced interpretations necessitated by the naturalistic +explanation of the narrative under discussion drives the reader back upon +the supernaturalistic. That had been recognised by Hase and +Schleiermacher, and they had felt themselves obliged to make a place for +inexplicable supernatural elements alongside of the historic elements of +the life of Jesus. Contemporaneously there had sprung up in all directions +new attempts to return by the aid of a mystical philosophy to the +supernaturalistic point of view of our forefathers. But in these Strauss +recognises only the last desperate efforts to make the past present and to +conceive the inconceivable; and in direct opposition to the reactionary +ineptitudes by means of which critical theology was endeavouring to work +its way out of rationalism, he sets up the hypothesis that these +inexplicable elements are mythical. + +In the stories prior to the baptism, everything is myth. The narratives +are woven on the pattern of Old Testament prototypes, with modifications +due to Messianic or messianically interpreted passages. Since Jesus and +the Baptist came into contact with one another later, it is felt necessary +to represent their parents as having been connected. The attempts to +construct Davidic genealogies for Jesus, show us that there was a period +in the formation of the Gospel History during which the Lord was simply +regarded as the son of Joseph and Mary, otherwise genealogical studies of +this kind would not have been undertaken. Even in the story of the twelve- +year-old Jesus in the temple, there is scarcely more than a trace of +historical material. + +In the narrative of the baptism we may take it as certainly unhistorical +that the Baptist received a revelation of the Messianic dignity of Jesus, +otherwise he could not later have come to doubt this. Whether his message +to Jesus is historical must be left an open question; its possibility +depends on whether the nature of his confinement admitted of such +communication with the outer world. Might not a natural reluctance to +allow the Baptist to depart this life without at least a dawning +recognition of the Messiahship of Jesus have here led to the insertion of +a legendary trait into the tradition? If so, the historical residuum would +be that Jesus was for a time one of the adherents of the Baptist, and was +baptized by him, and that He soon afterwards appeared in Galilee with the +same message which John had proclaimed, and even when He had outgrown his +influence, never ceased to hold John in high esteem, as is shown by the +eulogy which He pronounced upon him. But if the baptism of John was a +baptism of repentance with a view to "him who was to come," Jesus cannot +have held Himself to be sinless when He submitted to it. Otherwise we +should have to suppose that He did it merely for appearance' sake. Whether +it was in the moment of the baptism that the consciousness of His +Messiahship dawned upon Him, we cannot tell. This only is certain, that +the conception of Jesus as having been endowed with the Spirit at His +baptism, was independent of, and earlier than, that other conception which +held Him to have been supernaturally born of the Spirit. We have, +therefore, in the Synoptists several different strata of legend and +narrative, which in some cases intersect and in some are superimposed one +upon the other. + +The story of the temptation is equally unsatisfactory, whether it be +interpreted as supernatural, or as symbolical either of an inward struggle +or of external events (as for example in Venturini's interpretation of it, +where the part of the Tempter is played by a Pharisee); it is simply +primitive Christian legend, woven together out of Old Testament +suggestions. + +The call of the first disciples cannot have happened as it is narrated, +without their having known anything of Jesus beforehand; the manner of the +call is modelled upon the call of Elisha by Elijah. The further legend +attached to it--Peter's miraculous draught of fishes--has arisen out of the +saying about "fishers of men," and the same idea is reflected, at a +different angle of refraction, in John xxi. The mission of the seventy is +unhistorical. + +Whether the cleansing of the temple is historical, or whether it arose out +of a Messianic application of the text, "My house shall be called a house +of prayer," cannot be determined. The difficulty of forming a clear idea +of the circumstances is not easily to be removed. How freely the +historical material has been worked up, is seen in the groups of stories +which have grown out of a single incident; as, for example, the anointing +of Jesus at Bethany by an unknown woman, out of which Luke has made an +anointing by a penitent sinner, and John an anointing by Mary of Bethany. + +As regards the healings, some of them are certainly historical, but not in +the form in which tradition has preserved them. The recognition of Jesus +as Messiah by the demons immediately arouses suspicion. It is doubtless +rather to be ascribed to the tendency which grew up later to represent Him +as receiving, in His Messianic character, homage even from the world of +evil spirits, than to any advantage in respect of clearness of insight +which distinguished the mentally deranged, in comparison with their +contemporaries. The cure of the demoniac in the synagogue at Capernaum may +well be historical, but, in other cases, the procedure is so often raised +into the region of the miraculous that a psychical influence of Jesus upon +the sufferer no longer suffices to explain it; the creative activity of +legend must have come in to confuse the account of what really happened. + +One cure has sometimes given rise to three or four narratives. Sometimes +we can still recognise the influences which have contributed to mould a +story. When, for example, the disciples are unable to heal the lunatic boy +during Jesus' absence on the Mount of Transfiguration, we are reminded of +2 Kings iv., where Elisha's servant Gehazi tries in vain to bring the dead +boy to life by using the staff of the prophet. The immediate healing of +leprosy has its prototype in the story of Naaman the Syrian. The story of +the ten lepers shows so clearly a didactic tendency that its historic +value is thereby rendered doubtful. + +The cures of blindness all go back to the case of the blind man at +Jericho. But who can say how far this is itself historical? The cures of +paralytics, too, belong rather to the equipment of the Messiah than to +history. The cures through touching clothes, and the healings at a +distance, have myth written on their foreheads. The fact is, the Messiah +must equal, nay, surpass, the deeds of the prophets. That is why raisings +from the dead figure among His miracles. + +The nature miracles, over a collection of which Strauss puts the heading +"Sea-Stories and Fish-Stories," have a much larger admixture of the +mythical. His opponents took him severely to task for this irreverent +superscription. + +The repetition of the story of the feeding of the multitude arouses +suspicion regarding the credibility of what is narrated, and at once +invalidates the hypothesis of the apostolic authorship of the Gospel of +Matthew. Moreover, the incident was so naturally suggested by Old +Testament examples that it would have been a miracle if such a story had +not found its way into the Life of Jesus. An explanation on the analogy of +an expedited process of nature, is here, as in the case of the miracle at +Cana also, to be absolutely rejected. Strauss allows it to be laughed out +of court. The cursing of the fig-tree and its fulfilment go back in some +way or other to a parable of Jesus, which was afterwards made into +history. + +More important than the miracles heretofore mentioned are those which have +to do with Jesus Himself and mark the crises of His history. The +transfiguration had to find a place in the life of Jesus, because of the +shining of Moses' countenance. In dealing with the narratives of the +resurrection it is evident that we must distinguish two different strata +of legend, an older one, represented by Matthew, which knew only of +appearances in Galilee, and a later, in which the Galilaean appearances +are excluded in favour of appearances in Jerusalem. In both cases, +however, the narratives are mythical. In any attempt to explain them we +are forced on one horn of the dilemma or the other--if the resurrection was +real, the death was not real, and vice versa. That the ascension is a myth +is self-evident. + +Such, and so radical, are the results at which Strauss's criticism of the +supernaturalistic and the rationalistic explanations of the life of Jesus +ultimately arrives. + +In reading Strauss's discussions one is not so much struck with their +radical character, because of the admirable dialectic skill with which he +shows the total impossibility of any explanation which does not take +account of myth. On the whole, the supernaturalistic explanation, which at +least represents the plain sense of the narratives, comes off much better +than the rationalistic, the artificiality of which is everywhere +remorselessly exposed. + +The sections which we have summarised are far from having lost their +significance at the present day. They marked out the ground which is now +occupied by modern critical study. And they filled in the death- +certificates of a whole series of explanations which, at first sight, have +all the air of being alive, but are not really so. If these continue to +haunt present-day theology, it is only as ghosts, which can be put to +flight by simply pronouncing the name of David Friedrich Strauss, and +which would long ago have ceased to "walk," if the theologians who regard +Strauss's book as obsolete would only take the trouble to read it. + +The results so far considered do not represent the elements of the life of +Jesus which Strauss was prepared to accept as historical. He sought to +make the boundaries of the mythical embrace the widest possible area; and +it is clear that he extended them too far. + +For one thing, he overestimates the importance of the Old Testament +motives in reference to the creative activity of the legend. He does not +see that while in many cases he has shown clearly enough the source of the +_form_ of the narrative in question, this does not suffice to explain its +_origin_. Doubtless, there is mythical material in the story of the +feeding of the multitude. But the existence of the story is not explained +by referring to the manna in the desert, or the miraculous feeding of a +multitude by Elisha.(35) The story in the Gospel has far too much +individuality for that, and stands, moreover, in much too closely +articulated an historical connexion. It must have as its basis some +historical fact. It is not a myth, though there is myth in it. Similarly +with the account of the transfiguration. The substratum of historical fact +in the life of Jesus is much more extensive than Strauss is prepared to +admit. Sometimes he fails to see the foundations, because he proceeds like +an explorer who, in working on the ruins of an Assyrian city, should cover +up the most valuable evidence with the rubbish thrown out from another +portion of the excavations. + +Again, he sometimes rules out statements by assuming their impossibility +on purely dialectical grounds, or by playing off the narratives one +against another. The Baptist's message to Jesus is a case in point. This +is connected with the fact that he often fails to realise the strong +confirmation which the narratives derive from their connexion with the +preceding and following context. + +That, however, was only to be expected. Who ever discovered a true +principle without pressing its application too far? + +What really alarmed his contemporaries was not so much the comprehensive +application of the mythical theory, as the general mining and sapping +operations which they were obliged to see brought to bear upon the +Gospels. + +In section after section Strauss cross-examines the reports on every +point, down to the minutest detail, and then pronounces in what proportion +an alloy of myth enters into each of them. In every case the decision is +unfavourable to the Gospel of John. Strauss was the first to take this +view. It is true that, at the end of the eighteenth century, many doubts +as to the authenticity of this Gospel had been expressed, and +Bretschneider, the famous General Superintendent at Gotha (1776-1848), had +made a tentative collection of them in his _Probabilia_.(36) The essay +made some stir at the time. But Schleiermacher threw the aegis of his +authority over the authenticity of the Gospel, and it was the favourite +Gospel of the rationalists because it contained fewer miracles than the +others. Bretschneider himself declared that he had been brought to a +better opinion through the controversy. + +After this episode the Johannine question had been shelved for fifteen +years. The excitement was, therefore, all the greater when Strauss +reopened the discussion. He was opposing a dogma of critical theology, +which, even at the present day, is wont to defend its dogmas with a +tenacity beyond that of the Church itself. + +The luminous haze of apparent circumstantiality which had hitherto +prevented men from recognising the true character of this Gospel is +completely dissipated. Strauss shows that the Johannine representation of +the life of Jesus is dominated by a theory, and that its portraiture shows +the further development of the tendencies which are perceptible even in +the Synoptists. He shows this, for example, in the case of the Johannine +narrative of the baptism of Jesus, in which critics had hitherto seen the +most credible account of what occurred, pointing out that it is just in +this pseudo-simplicity that the process of bringing Jesus and the Baptist +into the closest possible relations reaches its limit. Similarly, in +regard to the call of the first disciples, it is, according to Strauss, a +later postulate that they came from the Baptist's following and were +brought by him to the Lord. Strauss does not scruple even to assert that +John introduces imaginary characters. If this Gospel relates fewer +miracles, the miracles which it retains are proportionately greater; so +great, indeed, that their absolutely miraculous character is beyond the +shadow of doubt; and, moreover, a moral or symbolical significance is +added. + +Here, therefore, it is no longer the unconscious action of legend which +selects, creates, or groups the incidents, but a clearly-determined +apologetic and dogmatic purpose. + +The question regarding the different representations of the locality and +chronology of the life of Jesus, had always been decided, prior to +Strauss, in favour of the Fourth Gospel. De Wette makes it an argument +against the genuineness of Matthew's Gospel that it mistakenly confines +the ministry of Jesus to Galilee. Strauss refuses to decide the question +by simply weighing the chronological and geographical statements one +against the other, lest he should be as one-sided in his own way as the +defenders of the authenticity of the Fourth Gospel were in theirs. On this +point, he contents himself with remarking that if Jesus had really taught +in Jerusalem on several occasions, it is absolutely unintelligible how all +knowledge of this could have so completely disappeared from the Synoptic +tradition; for His going up to the Passover at which He met His death is +there represented as His sole journey to Jerusalem. On the other hand, it +is quite conceivable that if Jesus had only once been in Jerusalem there +would be a tendency for legend gradually to make several journeys out of +this one, on the natural assumption that He regularly went up to the +Feasts, and that He would proclaim His Gospel not merely in the remote +province, but also in the capital. + +From the triumphal entry to the resurrection, the difference between the +Synoptic and Johannine narratives is so great that all attempts to +harmonise them are to be rejected. How are we to reconcile the statement +of the Synoptists that the ovation at the triumphal entry was offered by +Galilaeans who accompanied him, with that of John, according to which it +was offered by a multitude from Jerusalem which came out to welcome +Jesus--who, moreover, according to John, was not coming from Galilee and +Jericho--and escorted Him into the city. To suppose that there were two +different triumphal entries is absurd. + +But the decision between John and the Synoptists is not based solely upon +their representation of the facts; the decisive consideration is found in +the ideas by which they are respectively dominated. John represents a more +advanced stage of the mythopoeic process, inasmuch as he has substituted +for the Jewish Messianic conception, the Greek metaphysical conception of +the Divine Sonship, and, on the basis of his acquaintance with the +Alexandrian Logos doctrine, even makes Jesus apply to Himself the Greek +speculative conception of pre-existence. The writer is aware of an already +existing danger from the side of a Gnostic docetism, and has himself an +apologetic Christology to propound, thus fighting the Gnostics as a +Gnostic of another kind. That he is free from eschatological conceptions +is not, from the historical point of view, an advantage, but very much the +reverse. He is not unacquainted with eschatology, but deliberately +transforms it, endeavouring to substitute for the expectation of the +Second Coming of Christ, as an external event of the future, the thought +of His inward presence. + +The most decisive evidence of all is found in the farewell discourses and +in the absence of all mention of the spiritual struggle in Gethsemane. The +intention here is to show that Jesus not only had a foreknowledge of His +death, but had long overcome it in anticipation, and went to meet His +tragic fate with perfect inward serenity. That, however, is no historical +narrative, but the final stage of reverent idealisation. + +The question is decided. The Gospel of John is inferior to the Synoptics +as a historical source just in proportion as it is more strongly dominated +than they by theological and apologetic interests. It is true that the +assignment of the dominant motives is for Strauss's criticism mainly a +matter of conjecture. He cannot define in detail the attitude and tendency +of this Gospel, because the development of dogma in the second century was +still to a great extent obscure. He himself admits that it was only +subsequently, through the labours of Baur, that the positions which he had +taken up in 1835 were rendered impregnable. And yet it is true to say that +Johannine study has added in principle nothing new to what was said by +Strauss. He recognised the decisive point. With critical acumen he +resigned the attempt to base a decision on a comparison of the historical +data, and allowed the theological character of the two lines of tradition +to determine the question. Unless this is done the debate is endless, for +an able man who has sworn allegiance to John will always find a thousand +ways in which the Johannine data can be reconciled with those of the +Synoptists, and is finally prepared to stake his life upon the exact point +at which the missing account of the institution of the Lord's Supper must +be inserted into the narrative. + +This changed estimate of John carries with it a reversal of the order in +which the Gospels are supposed to have originated. Instead of John, Luke, +Matthew, we have Matthew, Luke, and John--the first is last, and the last +first. Strauss's unsophisticated instinct freed Matthew from the +humiliating vassalage to which Schleiermacher's aesthetic had consigned +him. The practice of differentiating between John and the Synoptists, +which in the hands of Schleiermacher and Hase had been an elegant +amusement, now received unexpected support, and it at last became possible +for the study of the life of Jesus to go forward. + +But no sooner had Strauss opened up the way than he closed it again, by +refusing to admit the priority of Mark. His attitude towards this Gospel +at once provokes opposition. For him Mark is an epitomising narrator, a +mere satellite of Matthew with no independent light. His terse and graphic +style makes on Strauss an impression of artificiality. He refuses to +believe this Evangelist when he says that on the first day at Capernaum +"the whole town" (Mark i. 33) came together before Peter's door, and that, +on other occasions (Mark iii. 20, vi. 31), the press was so great that +Jesus and His disciples had no leisure so much as to eat. "All very +improbable traits," he remarks, "the absence of which in Matthew is +entirely to his advantage, for what else are they than legendary +exaggerations?" In this criticism he is at one with Schleiermacher, who in +his essay on Luke(37) speaks of the unreal vividness of Mark "which often +gives his Gospel an almost apocryphal aspect." + +This prejudice against Mark has a twofold cause. In the first place, this +Gospel with its graphic details had rendered great service to the +rationalistic explanation of miracle. Its description of the cure of the +blind man at Bethsaida (Mark viii. 22-26)--whose eyes Jesus first anointed +with spittle, whereupon he at first saw things dimly, and then, after he +had felt the touch of the Lord's hand upon his eyes a second time, saw +more clearly--was a veritable treasure-trove for rationalism. As Strauss is +disposed to deal much more peremptorily with the rationalists than with +the supernaturalists, he puts Mark upon his trial, as their accessory +before the fact, and pronounces upon him a judgment which is not entirely +unprejudiced. Moreover, it is not until the Gospels are looked at from the +point of view of the plan of the history and the inner connexion of events +that the superiority of Mark is clearly realised. But this way of looking +at the matter does not enter into Strauss's purview. On the contrary, he +denies that there is any traceable connexion of events at all, and +confines his attention to determining the proportion of myth in the +content of each separate narrative. + +Of the Synoptic question he does not, strictly speaking, take any account. +That was partly due to the fact that when he wrote it was in a thoroughly +unsatisfactory position. There was a confused welter of the most various +hypotheses. The priority of Mark, which had had earlier champions in +Koppe,(38) Storr,(39) Gratz,(40) and Herder,(41) was now maintained by +Credner and Lachmann, who saw in Matthew a combination of the logia- +document with Mark. The "primitive Gospel" hypothesis of Eichhorn, +according to which the first three Gospels went back to a common source, +not identical with any of them, had become somewhat discredited. There had +been much discussion and various modifications of Griesbach's "dependence +theory," according to which Mark was pieced together out of Matthew and +Luke, and Schleiermacher's _Diegesentheorie_,(42) which saw the primary +material not in a gospel, but in unconnected notes; from these, +collections of narrative passages were afterwards formed, which in the +post-apostolic period coalesced into continuous descriptions of the life +of Jesus such as the three which have been preserved in our Synoptic +Gospels. + +In this matter Strauss is a sceptical eclectic. In the main he may be said +to combine Griesbach's theory of the secondary origin of Mark with +Schleiermacher's _Diegesentheorie_, the latter answering to his method of +treating the sections separately. But whereas Schleiermacher had used the +plan of John's Gospel as a framework into which to fit the independent +narratives, Strauss's rejection of the Fourth Gospel left him without any +means of connecting the sections. He makes a point, indeed, of sharply +emphasising this want of connexion; and it was just this that made his +work appear so extreme. + +The Synoptic discourses, like the Johannine, are composite structures, +created by later tradition out of sayings which originally belonged to +different times and circumstances, arranged under certain leading ideas so +as to form connected discourses. The sermon on the mount, the discourse at +the sending forth of the twelve, the great parable-discourse, the polemic +against the Pharisees, have all been gradually formed like geological +deposits. So far as the original juxtaposition may be supposed to have +been here and there preserved, Matthew is doubtless the most trustworthy +authority for it. "From the comparison which we have been making," says +Strauss in one passage, "we can already see that the hard grit of these +sayings of Jesus (_die koernigen Reden Jesu_) has not indeed been dissolved +by the flood of oral tradition, but they have often been washed away from +their original position and like rolling pebbles (_Geroelle_) have been +deposited in places to which they do not properly belong."(43) And, +moreover, we find this distinction between the first three Evangelists, +viz. that Matthew is a skilful collector who, while he is far from having +been able always to give the original connexion, has at least known how to +bring related passages aptly together, whereas in the other two many +fragmentary sayings have been left exactly where chance had deposited +them, which was generally in the interstices between the larger masses of +discourse. Luke, indeed, has in some cases made an effort to give them an +artistic setting, which is, however, by no means a satisfactory substitute +for the natural connexion. + +It is in his criticism of the parables that Strauss is most extreme. He +starts out from the assumption that they have mutually influenced one +another, and that those which may possibly be genuine have only been +preserved in a secondary form. In the parable of the marriage supper of +the king's son, for example, he confidently assumes that the conduct of +the invited guests, who finally ill-treated and slew the messengers, and +the question why the guest is not wearing a wedding-garment are secondary +features. + +How external he supposes the connexion of the narratives to be is clear +from the way in which he explains the juxtaposition of the story of the +transfiguration with the "discourse while descending the mountain." They +have, he says, really nothing to do with one another. The disciples on one +occasion asked Jesus about the coming of Elijah as forerunner; Elijah also +appears in the story of the transfiguration: accordingly tradition simply +grouped the transfiguration and the discourse together under the heading +"Elijah," and, later on, manufactured a connexion between them. + +The tendency of the work to purely critical analysis, the ostentatious +avoidance of any positive expression of opinion, and not least, the manner +of regarding the Synoptists as mere bundles of narratives and discourses, +make it difficult--indeed, strictly speaking, impossible--to determine +Strauss's own distinctive conception of the life of Jesus, to discover +what he really thinks is moving behind the curtain of myth. According to +the view taken in regard to this point his work becomes either a negative +or a positive life of Jesus. There are, for instance, a number of +incidental remarks which contain the suggestion of a positive construction +of the life of Jesus. If they were taken out of their context and brought +together they would yield a picture which would have points of contact +with the latest eschatological view. Strauss, however, deliberately +restricts his positive suggestions to these few detached remarks. He +follows out no line to its conclusion. Each separate problem is indeed +considered, and light is thrown upon it from various quarters with much +critical skill. But he will not venture on a solution of any of them. +Sometimes, when he thinks he has gone too far in the way of positive +suggestion, he deliberately wipes it all out again with some expression of +scepticism. + +As to the duration of the ministry he will not even offer a vague +conjecture. As to the connexion of certain events, nothing can, according +to him, be known, since the Johannine outline cannot be accepted and the +Synoptists arrange everything with an eye to analogies and association of +ideas, though they flattered themselves that they were giving a +chronologically arranged narrative. From the contents of the narratives, +however, and from the monotonous recurrence of certain formulae of +connexion, it is evident that no clear view of an organically connected +whole can be assumed to be present in their work. We have no fixed points +to enable us to reconstruct even in a measure the chronological order. + +Especially interesting is his discussion of the title "Son of Man." In the +saying "the Son of Man is Lord also of the Sabbath day" (Matt. xii. 8), +the expression might, according to Strauss, simply denote "man." In other +passages one gets the impression that Jesus spoke of the Son of Man as a +supernatural person, quite distinct from Himself, but identified with the +Messiah. This is the most natural explanation of the passage in Matt. x. +23, where he promises the disciples, in sending them forth, that they +shall not have gone over the cities of Israel before the Son of Man shall +come. Here Jesus speaks of the Messiah as if He Himself were his +forerunner. These sayings would, therefore, fall in the first period, +before He knew Himself to be the Messiah. Strauss does not suspect the +significance of this incidental remark; it contains the germ of the +solution of the problem of the Son of Man on the lines of Johannes Weiss. +But immediately scepticism triumphs again. How can we tell, asks Strauss, +where the title Son of Man is genuine in the sayings of Jesus, and where +it has been inserted without special significance, merely from habit? + +Not less insoluble, in his opinion, is the question regarding the point of +time at which Jesus claimed the Messianic dignity for Himself. "Whereas in +John," Strauss remarks, "Jesus remains constant in His avowal, his +disciples and followers constant in their conviction, that He is the +Messiah; in the Synoptics, on the other hand, there are, so to speak, +relapses to be observed; so that, in the case of the disciples and the +people generally, the conviction of Jesus' Messiahship expressed on +earlier occasions, sometimes, in the course of the narrative, disappears +again and gives place to a much lower view of Him; and even Jesus Himself, +in comparison with His earlier unambiguous declaration, is more reserved +on later occasions." The account of the confession of the Messiahship at +Caesarea Philippi, where Jesus pronounces Peter blessed because of his +confession, and at the same time forbids the Twelve to speak of it, is +unintelligible, since according to this same Gospel His Messiahship had +been mooted by the disciples on several previous occasions, and had been +acknowledged by the demoniacs. The Synoptists, therefore, contradict +themselves. Then there are the further cases in which Jesus forbids the +making known of His Messiahship, without any reason whatever. It would, no +doubt, be historically possible to assume that it only gradually dawned +upon Him that He was the Messiah--in any case not until after His baptism +by John, as otherwise He would have to be supposed to have made a pretence +upon that occasion--and that as often as the thought that He might be the +Messiah was aroused in others by something that occurred, and was +suggested to Him from without, He was immediately alarmed at hearing +spoken, aloud and definitely, that which He Himself had scarcely dared to +cherish as a possibility, or in regard to which He had only lately +attained to a clear conviction. + +From these suggestions one thing is evident, namely, that for Strauss the +Messianic consciousness of Jesus was an historical fact, and is not to be +referred, as has sometimes been supposed, to myth. To assert that Strauss +dissolved the life of Jesus into myth is, in fact, an absurdity which, +however often it may be repeated by people who have not read his book, or +have read it only superficially, does not become any the less absurd by +repetition. + +To come to detail, Jesus thought of His Messiahship, according to Strauss, +in the form that He, although of human parentage, should after His earthly +life be taken up into heaven, and thence should come again to bring in His +Kingdom. "As, moreover, in the higher Jewish theology, immediately after +the time of Jesus, the idea of the pre-existence of the Messiah was +present, the conjecture naturally suggests itself that it was also present +at the time when Jesus' thoughts were being formed, and that consequently, +if He once began to think of Himself as the Messiah, He might also have +referred to Himself this feature of the Messianic conception. Whether +Jesus had been initiated, as Paul was, into the wisdom of the schools in +such a way that He could draw this conception from it, is no doubt open to +question." + +In his treatment of the eschatology Strauss makes a valiant effort to +escape from the dilemma "_either_ spiritual _or_ political" in regard to +the Messianic plans of Jesus, and to make the eschatological expectation +intelligible as one which did not set its hopes upon human aid, but on +Divine intervention. This is one of the most important contributions to a +real understanding of the eschatological problem. Sometimes one almost +seems to be reading Johannes Weiss; as, for example, when Strauss explains +that Jesus could promise His followers that they should sit on thrones +without thinking of a political revolution, because He expected a reversal +of present conditions to be brought about by God, and referred this +judicial authority and kingly rule to the time of the {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}. +"Jesus, therefore, certainly expected to restore the throne of David, and, +with His disciples, to rule over a people freed from political bondage, +but in this expectation He did not set His hopes on the sword of human +followers (Luke xxii. 38, Matt. xxvi. 52), but upon the legions of angels +which His heavenly Father could give Him (Matt. xxvi. 53). When He speaks +of the coming of His Messianic glory, it is with angels and heavenly +powers that He surrounds Himself (Matt. xvi. 27, xxiv. 30 ff., xxv. 31). +Before the majesty of the Son of Man coming in the clouds of heaven the +nations will submit without striking a blow, and at the sound of the +angel's trumpet-blast will, with the dead who shall then arise, range +themselves before Him and His disciples for judgment. All this Jesus did +not purpose to bring about by any arbitrary action of His own, but left it +to His heavenly Father, who alone knew the right moment for this +catastrophic change (Mark xiii. 32), to give Him the signal of its coming; +and He did not waver in His faith even when death came upon Him before its +realisation. Any one who shrinks from adopting this view of the Messianic +background of Jesus' plans, because he fears by so doing to make Jesus a +visionary enthusiast, must remember how exactly these hopes corresponded +to the long-cherished Messianic expectation of the Jews; and how easily, +on the supernaturalistic assumptions of the period and among a people +which preserved so strict an isolation as the Jews, an ideal which was in +itself fantastic, if it were the national ideal and had some true and good +features, could take possession of the mind even of one who was not +inclined to fanaticism." + +One of the principal proofs that the preaching of Jesus was +eschatologically conditioned is the Last Supper. "When," says Strauss, "He +concluded the celebration with the saying, 'I will not drink henceforth of +the fruit of the vine until I drink it new with you in my Father's +kingdom,' He would seem to have expected that in the Messianic kingdom the +Passover would be celebrated with peculiar solemnity. Therefore, in +assuring them that they shall next partake of the Feast, not in the +present age, but in the new era, He evidently expects that within a year's +time the pre-Messianic dispensation will have come to an end and the +Messianic age will have begun." But it must be admitted, Strauss +immediately adds, that the definite assurance which the Evangelists put +into His mouth may after all only have been in reality an expression of +pious hope. In a similar way he qualifies his other statements regarding +the eschatological ideas of Jesus by recalling that we cannot determine +the part which the expectations of primitive Christianity may have had in +moulding these sayings. + +Thus, for example, the opinions which he expresses on the great Parousia +discourse in Matt. xxiv. are extremely cautious. The detailed prophecies +regarding the Second Coming which the Synoptists put into the mouth of +Jesus cannot be derived from Jesus Himself. The question suggests itself, +however, whether He did not cherish the hope, and make the promise, that +He would one day appear in glory as the Messiah? "If in any period of His +life He held Himself to be the Messiah--and that there was a period when He +did so there can be no doubt--and if He described Himself as the Son of +Man, He must have expected the coming in the clouds which Daniel had +ascribed to the Son of Man; but it may be questioned whether He thought of +this as an exaltation which should take place even in His lifetime, or as +something which was only to take place after His death. Utterances like +Matt. x. 23, xvi. 28 rather suggest the former, but the possibility +remains that later, when he had begun to feel that His death was certain, +his conception took the latter form, and that Matt. xxvi. 64 was spoken +with this in view." Thus, even for Strauss, the problem of the Son of Man +is already the central problem in which are focused all the questions +regarding the Messiahship and eschatology. + +From all this it may be seen how strongly he had been influenced by +Reimarus, whom, indeed, he frequently mentions. It would be still more +evident if he had not obscured his historical views by constantly bringing +the mythological explanation into play. + +The thought of the supernatural realisation of the Kingdom of God must +also, according to Strauss, be the starting-point of any attempt to +understand Jesus' attitude towards the Law and the Gentiles, so far as +that is possible in view of the conflicting data. The conservative +passages must carry most weight. They need not necessarily fall at the +beginning of His ministry, because it is questionable whether the +hypothesis of a later period of increasing liberality in regard to the law +and the Gentiles can be made probable. There would be more chance of +proving that the conservative sayings are the only authentic ones, for +unless all the indications are misleading the _terminus a quo_ for this +change of attitude is the death of Jesus. He no doubt looked forward to +the abolition of the Law and the removal of the barriers between Jew and +Gentile, but only in the future Kingdom. "If that be so," remarks Strauss, +"the difference between the views of Jesus and of Paul consisted only in +this, that while Jesus expected these limitations to fall away when, at +His second coming, the earth should be renewed, Paul believed himself +justified in doing away with them in consequence of the first coming of +the Messiah, upon the still unregenerated earth." + +The eschatological passages are therefore the most authentic of all. If +there is anything historic about Jesus, it is His assertion of the claim +that in the coming kingdom He would be manifested as the Son of Man. + +On the other hand, in the predictions of the passion and resurrection we +are on quite uncertain ground. The detailed statements regarding the +manner of the catastrophe place it beyond doubt that we have here +_vaticinia ex eventu_. Otherwise the despair of the disciples when the +events occurred could not be explained. Yet it is possible that Jesus had +a prevision of His death. Perhaps the resolve to die was essential to His +conception of the Messiahship and He was not forced thereto by +circumstances. This we might be able to determine with certainty if we had +more exact information regarding the conception of the suffering Messiah +in contemporary Jewish theology; which is, however, not available. We do +not even know whether the conception had ever existed in Judaism. "In the +New Testament it almost looks as if no one among the Jews had ever thought +of a suffering or dying Messiah." The conception can, however, certainly +be found in later passages of Rabbinic literature. + +The question is therefore insoluble. We must be content to work with +possibilities. The result of a full discussion of the resolve to suffer +and the significance attached to the suffering is summed up by Strauss in +the following sentences. "In view of these considerations it is possible +that Jesus might, by a natural process of thought, have come to see how +greatly such a catastrophe would contribute to the spiritual development +of His disciples, and in accordance with national conceptions, interpreted +in the light of some Old Testament passages, might have arrived at the +idea of an atoning power in His Messianic death. At the same time the +explicit utterance which the Synoptists attribute to Jesus describing His +death as an atoning sacrifice, might well belong rather to the system of +thought which grew up after the death of Jesus, and the saying which the +Fourth Gospel puts into His mouth regarding the relation of His death to +the coming of the Paraclete might seem to be prophecy after the event. So +that even in these sayings of Jesus regarding the purpose of His death, it +is necessary to distinguish between the particular and the general." + +Strauss's "Life of Jesus" has a different significance for modern theology +from that which it had for his contemporaries. For them it was the work +which made an end of miracle as a matter of historical belief, and gave +the mythological explanation its due. + +We, however, find in it also an historical aspect of a positive character, +inasmuch as the historic Personality which emerges from the mist of myth +is a Jewish claimant of the Messiahship, whose world of thought is purely +eschatological. Strauss is, therefore, no mere destroyer of untenable +solutions, but also the prophet of a coming advance in knowledge. + +It was, however, his own fault that his merit in this respect was not +recognised in the nineteenth century, because in his "Life of Jesus for +the German People" (1864), where he undertook to draw a positive historic +picture of Jesus, he renounced his better opinions of 1835, eliminated +eschatology, and, instead of the historic Jesus, portrayed the Jesus of +liberal theology. + + + + + +IX. STRAUSS'S OPPONENTS AND SUPPORTERS + + + _David Friedrich Strauss._ Streitschriften zur Verteidigung meiner + Schrift ueber das Leben-Jesu und zur Charakteristik der + gegenwaertigen Theologie. (Replies to criticisms of my work on the + Life of Jesus; with an estimate of present-day theology.) + Tuebingen, 1837. + + Das Leben-Jesu, 3te verbesserte Auflage (3rd revised edition). + 1838-1839, Tuebingen. + + _August Tholuck._ Die Glaubwuerdigkeit der evangelischen + Geschichte, zugleich eine Kritik des Lebens Jesu von Strauss. (The + Credibility of the Gospel History, with an incidental criticism of + Strauss's "Leben-Jesu.") Hamburg, 1837. + + _Aug. Wilh. Neander._ Das Leben Jesu-Christi. Hamburg, 1837. + + Dr. Neanders auf hoehere Veranlassung abgefasstes Gutachten ueber + das Buch des Dr. Strauss' "Leben-Jesu" und das in Beziehung auf + die Verbreitung desselben zu beachtende Verfahren. (Dr. Neander's + report, drawn up at the request of the authorities, upon Dr. + Strauss's "Leben-Jesu" and the measures to be adopted in regard to + its circulation.) 1836. + + _Leonhard Hug._ Gutachten ueber das Leben-Jesu, kritisch bearbeitet + von D. Fr. Strauss. (Report on D. Fr. Strauss's critical work upon + the Life of Jesus.) Freiburg, 1840. + + _Christian Gottlob Wilke._ Tradition und Mythe. Ein Beitrag zur + historischen Kritik der kanonischen Evangelien ueberhaupt, wie + insbesondere zur Wuerdigung des mythischen Idealismus im Leben-Jesu + von Strauss. (Tradition and Myth. A Contribution to the General + Historical Criticism of the Gospels; with special reference to the + mythical idealism of Strauss's "Leben-Jesu.") Leipzig, 1837. + + _August Ebrard._ Wissenschaftliche Kritik der evangelischen + Geschichte. (Scientific Criticism of the Gospel History.) + Frankfort, 1842. + + _Georg Heinr. Aug. Ewald._ Geschichte Christus' und seiner Zeit. + (History of Christ and His Times.) 1855. Fifth volume of the + "Geschichte des Volkes Israel." + + _Christoph Friedrich von Ammon._ Die Geschichte des Lebens Jesu + mit steter Ruecksicht auf die vorhandenen Quellen. (History of the + Life of Jesus with constant reference to the extant sources.) 3 + vols. 1842-1847. + + +Scarcely ever has a book let loose such a storm of controversy; and +scarcely ever has a controversy been so barren of immediate result. The +fertilising rain brought up a crop of toad-stools. Of the forty or fifty +essays on the subject which appeared in the next five years, there are +only four or five which are of any value, and even of these the value is +very small. + +Strauss's first idea was to deal with each of his opponents separately, +and he published in 1837 three successive _Streitschriften_.(44) In the +preface to the first of these he states that he has kept silence for two +years from a rooted objection to anything in the nature of reply or +counter-criticism, and because he had little expectation of any good +results from such controversy. These essays are able, and are often +written with biting scorn, especially that directed against his inveterate +enemy, Steudel of Tuebingen, the representative of intellectual +supernaturalism, and that against Eschenmayer, a pastor, also of Tuebingen. +To a work of the latter, "The Iscariotism of our Days" (1835), he had +referred in the preface to the second volume of his Life of Jesus in the +following remark: "This offspring of the legitimate marriage between +theological ignorance and religious intolerance, blessed by a sleep- +walking philosophy, succeeds in making itself so completely ridiculous +that it renders any serious reply unnecessary." + +But for all his sarcasm Strauss does not show himself an adroit debater in +this controversy, any more than in later times in the Diet. + +It is indeed remarkable how unskilled in polemics is this man who had +produced a critical work of the first importance with almost playful ease. +If his opponents made no effort to understand him rightly--and many of them +certainly wrote without having carefully studied the fourteen hundred +pages of his two volumes--Strauss on his part seemed to be stricken with a +kind of uncertainty, lost himself in a maze of detail, and failed to keep +continually re-formulating the main problems which he had set up for +discussion, and so compelling his adversaries to face them fairly. + +Of these problems there were three. The first was composed of the related +questions regarding miracle and myth; the second concerned the connexion +of the Christ of faith with the Jesus of history; the third referred to +the relation of the Gospel of John to the Synoptists. + +It was the first that attracted most attention; more than half the critics +devoted themselves to it alone. Even so they failed to get a thorough +grasp of it. The only thing that they clearly see is that Strauss +altogether denies the miracles; the full scope of the mythological +explanation as applied to the traditional records of the life of Jesus, +and the extent of the historical material which Strauss is prepared to +accept, is still a riddle to them. That is in some measure due, it must in +fairness be said, to the arrangement of Strauss's own work, in which the +unconnected series of separate investigations makes the subject +unnecessarily difficult even for one who wishes to do the author justice. + +The attitude towards miracle assumed in the anti-Strauss literature shows +how far the anti-rationalistic reaction had carried professedly scientific +theology in the direction of supernaturalism. Some significant symptoms +had begun to show themselves even in Hase and Schleiermacher of a tendency +towards the overcoming of rationalism by a kind of intellectual gymnastic +which ran some risk of falling into insincerity. The essential character +of this new kind of historical theology first came to light when Strauss +put it to the question, and forced it to substitute a plain yes or no for +the ambiguous phrases with which this school had only too quickly +accustomed itself to evade the difficulties of the problem of miracle. The +mottoes with which this new school of theology adorned the works which it +sent forth against the untimely troubler of their peace manifest its +complete perplexity, and display the coquettish resignation with which the +sacred learning of the time essayed to cover its nakedness, after it had +succumbed to the temptation of the serpent insincerity. Adolf Harless of +Erlangen chose the melancholy saying of Pascal: "Tout tourne bien pour les +elus, jusqu'aux obscurites de l'ecriture, car ils les honorent a cause des +clartes divines qu'ils y voient; et tout tourne en mal aux reprouves, +jusqu'aux clartes, car ils les blasphement a cause des obscurites qu'ils +n'entendent pas."(45) + +Herr Wilhelm Hoffmann,(46) deacon at Winnenden, selected Bacon's aphorism: +"Animus ad amplitudinem mysteriorum pro modulo suo dilatetur, non mysteria +ad angustias animi constringantur." (Let the mind, so far as possible, be +expanded to the greatness of the mysteries, not the mysteries contracted +to the compass of the mind.) + +Professor Ernst Osiander,(47) of the seminary at Maulbronn, appeals to +Cicero: "O magna vis veritatis, quae contra hominum ingenia, calliditatem, +sollertiam facillime se per ipsam defendit." (O mighty power of truth, +which against all the ingenious devices, the craft and subtlety, of men, +easily defends itself by its own strength!) + +Franz Baader, of Munich,(48) ornaments his work with the reflection: "Il +faut que les hommes soient bien loin de toi, o Verite! puisque tu supporte +(_sic!_) leur ignorance, leurs erreurs, et leurs crimes." (Men must indeed +be far from thee, O Truth, since thou art able to bear with their +ignorance, their errors, and their crimes!) + +Tholuck(49) girds himself with the Catholic maxim of Vincent of Lerins: +"Teneamus quod semper, quod ubique, quod ab omnibus creditum est." (Let us +hold that which has been believed always, everywhere, by all.) + +The fear of Strauss had, indeed, a tendency to inspire Protestant +theologians with catholicising ideas. One of the most competent reviewers +of his book, Dr. Ullmann in the _Studien und Kritiken_, had expressed the +wish that it had been written in Latin to prevent its doing harm among the +people.(50) An anonymous dialogue of the period shows us the schoolmaster +coming in distress to the clergyman. He has allowed himself to be +persuaded into reading the book by his acquaintance the Major, and he is +now anxious to get rid of the doubts which it has aroused in him. When his +cure has been safely accomplished, the reverend gentleman dismisses him +with the following exhortation: "Now I hope that after the experience +which you have had you will for the future refrain from reading books of +this kind, which are not written for you, and of which there is no +necessity for you to take any notice; and for the refutation of which, +should that be needful, you have no equipment. You may be quite sure that +anything useful or profitable for you which such books may contain will +reach you in due course through the proper channel and in the right way, +and, that being so, you are under no necessity to jeopardise any part of +your peace of mind." + +Tholuck's work professedly aims only at presenting a "historical argument +for the credibility of the miracle stories of the Gospels." "Even if we +admit," he says in one place, "the scientific position that no act can +have proceeded from Christ which transcends the laws of nature, there is +still room for the mediating view of Christ's miracle-working activity. +This leads us to think of mysterious powers of nature as operating in the +history of Christ--powers such as we have some partial knowledge of, as, +for example, those magnetic powers which have survived down to our own +time, like ghosts lingering on after the coming of day." From the +standpoint of this spurious rationalism he proceeds to take Strauss to +task for rejecting the miracles. "Had this latest critic been able to +approach the Gospel miracles without prejudice, in the Spirit of +Augustine's declaration, 'dandum est deo, eum aliquid facere posse quod +nos investigare non possumus,' he would certainly--since he is a man who in +addition to the acumen of the scholar possesses sound common sense--have +come to a different conclusion in regard to these difficulties. As it is, +however, he has approached the Gospels with the conviction that miracles +are impossible; and on that assumption, it was certain before the argument +began that the Evangelists were either deceivers or deceived." + +Neander, in his Life of Jesus,(51) handles the question with more delicacy +of touch, rather in the style of Schleiermacher. "Christ's miracles," he +explains, "are to be understood as an influencing of nature, human or +material." He does not, however, give so much prominence as Schleiermacher +had done to the difficulty involved in the supposition of an influence +exercised upon material nature. He repeats Schleiermacher's assertions, +but without the imposing dialectic which in Schleiermacher's hands almost +commands assent. In regard to the miracle at Cana he remarks: "We cannot +indeed form any clear conception of an effect brought about by the +introduction of a higher creative principle into the natural order, since +we have no experience on which to base such a conception, but we are by no +means compelled to take this extreme view as to what happened; we may +quite well suppose that Christ by an immediate influence upon the water +communicated to it a higher potency which enabled it to produce the +effects of strong wine." In the case of all the miracles he makes a point +of seeking not only the explanation, but the higher symbolical +significance. The miracle of the fig-tree--which is _sui generis_--has only +this symbolical significance, seeing that it is not beneficent and +creative but destructive. "It can only be thought of as a vivid +illustration of a prediction of the Divine judgment, after the manner of +the symbolic actions of the Old Testament prophets." + +With reference to the ascension and the resurrection he writes: "Even +though we can form no clear idea of the exact way in which the exaltation +of Christ from the earth took place--and indeed there is much that is +obscure in regard to the earthly life of Christ after His +resurrection--yet, in its place in the organic unity of the Christian +faith, it is as certain as the resurrection, which apart from it cannot be +recognised in its true significance." + +That extract is typical of Neander's Life of Jesus, which in its time was +hailed as a great achievement, calculated to provide a learned refutation +of Strauss's criticism, and of which a seventh edition appeared as late as +1872. The real piety of heart with which it is imbued cannot conceal the +fact that it is a patchwork of unsatisfactory compromises. It is the child +of despair, and has perplexity for godfather. One cannot read it without +pain. + +Neander, however, may fairly claim to be judged, not by this work, but by +his personal attitude in the Strauss controversy. And here he appears as a +magnanimous and dignified representative of theological science. +Immediately after the appearance of Strauss's book, which, it was at once +seen, would cause much offence, the Prussian Government asked Neander to +report upon it, with a view to prohibiting the circulation, should there +appear to be grounds for doing so. He presented his report on the 15th of +November 1835, and, an inaccurate account of it having appeared in the +_Allgemeine Zeitung_, subsequently published it.(52) In it he censures the +work as being written from a too purely rationalistic point of view, but +strongly urges the Government not to suppress it by an edict. He describes +it as "a book which, it must be admitted, constitutes a danger to the +sacred interests of the Church, but which follows the method of +endeavouring to produce a reasoned conviction by means of argument. Hence +any other method of dealing with it than by meeting argument with argument +will appear in the unfavourable light of an arbitrary interference with +the freedom of science." + +In holding that scientific theology will be able by its own strength to +overthrow whatever in Strauss's Life of Jesus deserves to be overthrown, +Neander is at one with the anonymous writer of "Aphorisms in Defence of +Dr. Strauss and his Work,"(53) who consoles himself with Goethe's saying-- + + + Das Tuechtige, auch wenn es falsch ist, + Wirkt Tag fuer Tag, von Haus zu Haus; + Das Tuechtige, wenn's wahrhaftig ist, + Wirkt ueber alle Zeiten hinaus.(54) + + (Strive hard, and though your aim be wrong, + Your work shall live its little day; + Strive hard, and for the truth be strong, + Your work shall live and grow for aye.) + + +"Dr. Strauss," says this anonymous writer, "does not represent the +author's views, and he on his part cannot undertake to defend Dr. +Strauss's conclusions. But it is clear to him that Dr. Strauss's work +considered as a scientific production is more scientific than the works +opposed to it from the side of religion are religious. Otherwise why are +they so passionate, so apprehensive, so unjust?" + +This confidence in pure critical science was not shared by Herr Privat- +Docent Daniel Schenkel of Basle, afterwards Professor at Heidelberg. In a +dreary work dedicated to his Goettingen teacher Luecke, on "Historical +Science and the Church,"(55) he looks for future salvation towards that +middle region where faith and science interpenetrate, and hails the new +supernaturalism which approximates to a scientific treatment of these +subjects "as a hopeful phenomenon." He rejoices in the violent opposition +at Zurich which led to the cancelling of Strauss's appointment, regarding +it as likely to exercise an elevating influence. A similarly lofty +position is taken up by the anonymous author of "Dr. Strauss and the +Zurich Church,"(56) to which De Wette contributed a preface. Though +professing great esteem for Strauss, and admitting that from the purely +historical point of view he is in the right, the author feels bound to +congratulate the Zurichers on having refused to admit him to the office of +teacher. + +The pure rationalists found it much more difficult than did the mediating +theologians, whether of the older or younger school, to adjust their +attitude to the new solution of the miracle question. Strauss himself had +made it difficult for them by remorselessly exposing the absurd and +ridiculous aspects of their method, and by refusing to recognise them as +allies in the battle for truth, as they really were. Paulus would have +been justified in bearing him a grudge. But the inner greatness of that +man of hard exterior comes out in the fact that he put his personal +feelings in the background, and when Strauss became the central figure in +the battle for the purity and freedom of historical science he ignored his +attacks on rationalism and came to his defence. In a very remarkable +letter to the Free Canton of Zurich, on "Freedom in Theological Teaching +and in the Choice of Teachers for Colleges,"(57) he urges the council and +the people to appoint Strauss because of the principle at stake, and in +order to avoid giving any encouragement to the retrograde movement in +historical science. It is as though he felt that the end of rationalism +had come, but that, in the person of the enemy who had defeated it, the +pure love of truth, which was the only thing that really mattered, would +triumph over all the forces of reaction. + +It would not, however, be true to say that Strauss had beaten rationalism +from the field. In Ammon's famous Life of Jesus,(58) in which the author +takes up a very respectful attitude towards Strauss, there is a vigorous +survival of a peculiar kind of rationalism inspired by Kant. For Ammon, a +miraculous event can only exist when its natural causes have been +discovered. "The sacred history is subject to the same laws as all other +narratives of antiquity." Luecke, in dealing with the raising of Lazarus, +had thrown out the question whether Biblical miracles could be thought of +historically at all, and in so doing supposed that he was putting their +absolute character on a firmer basis. "We," says Ammon, "give the opposite +answer from that which is expected; only historically conceivable miracles +can be admitted." He cannot away with the constant confusion of faith and +knowledge found in so many writers "who swim in an ocean of ideas in which +the real and the illusory are as inseparable as salt and sea-water in the +actual ocean." In every natural process, he explains, we have to suppose, +according to Kant, an interpenetration of natural and supernatural. For +that very reason the purely supernatural does not exist for our +experience. "It is no doubt certain," so he lays it down on the lines of +Kant's _Kritik der reinen Vernunft_, "that every act of causation which +goes forth from God must be immediate, universal, and eternal, because it +is thought as an effect of His will, which is exalted above space and time +and interpenetrates both of them, but without abolishing them, leaving +them undisturbed in their continuity and succession. For us men, +therefore, all action of God is mediate, because we are completely +surrounded by time and space, as the fish is by the sea or the bird by the +air, and apart from these relations we should be incapable of +apperception, and therefore of any real experience. As free beings we can, +indeed, think of miracle as immediately Divine, but we cannot perceive it +as such, because that would be impossible without seeing God, which for +wise reasons is forbidden to us." "In accordance with these principles, we +shall hold it to be our duty in what follows to call attention to the +natural side even of the miracles of Jesus, since apart from this no fact +can become an object of belief." + +It is only in this intelligible sense that the cures of Jesus are to be +thought of as "miracles." The magnetic force, with which the mediating +theology makes play, is to be rejected. "The cure of psychical diseases by +the power of the word and of faith is the only kind of cure in which the +student of natural science can find any basis for a conjecture regarding +the way in which the cures of Jesus were effected." + +In the case of the other miracles Ammon assumes a kind of Occasionalism, +in the sense that it may have pleased the Divine Providence "to fulfil in +fact the confidently spoken promises of Jesus, and in that way to confirm +His personal authority, which was necessary to the establishment of His +doctrine of the Divine salvation." + +In most cases, however, he is content to repeat the rationalistic +explanation, and portrays a Jesus who makes use of medicines, allows the +demoniac himself to rush upon the herd of swine, helps a leper, whom he +sees to be suffering only from one of the milder forms of the disease, to +secure the public recognition of his being legally clean, and who exerts +himself to prevent by word and act the premature burial of persons in a +state of trance. The story of the feeding of the multitude is based on +some occasion when there was "a bountiful display of hospitality, a +generous sharing of provisions, inspired by Jesus' prayer of thanksgiving +and the example which He set when the disciples were inclined selfishly to +hold back their own supply." The story of the miracle at Cana rests on a +mere misunderstanding, those who report it not having known that the wine +which Jesus caused to be secretly brought forth was the wedding-gift which +he was presenting in the name of the family. As a disciple of Kant, +however, Ammon feels obliged to refute the imputation that Jesus could +have done anything to promote excess, and calculates that the present of +wine which Jesus had intended to give the bridal pair may be estimated as +equivalent to not more than eighteen bottles.(59) He explains the walking +on the sea by claiming for Jesus an acquaintance with "the art of treading +water." + +Only in regard to the explanation of the resurrection does Ammon break +away from rationalism. He decides that the reality of the death of Jesus +is historically proved. But he does not venture to suppose a real +reawakening to life, and remains at the standpoint of Herder. + +But the way in which, in spite of the deeper view of the conception of +miracle which he owes to Kant, he constantly falls back upon the most +pedestrian naturalistic explanations, and his failure to rid himself of +the prejudice that an actual, even if not a miraculous fact must underlie +all the recorded miracles, is in itself sufficient to prove that we have +here to do with a mere revival of rationalism: that is, with an untenable +theory which Strauss's refutation of Paulus had already relegated to the +past. + +It was an easier task for pure supernaturalism than for pure rationalism +to come to terms with Strauss. For the former Strauss was only the enemy +of the mediating theology--there was nothing to fear from him and much to +gain. Accordingly Hengstenberg's _Evangelische Kirchenzeitung_ hailed +Strauss's book as "one of the most gratifying phenomena in the domain of +recent theological literature," and praises the author for having carried +out with logical consistency the application of the mythical theory which +had formerly been restricted to the Old Testament and certain parts only +of the Gospel tradition. "All that Strauss has done is to bring the spirit +of the age to a clear consciousness of itself and of the necessary +consequences which flow from its essential character. He has taught it how +to get rid of foreign elements which were still present in it, and which +marked an imperfect stage of its development." + +He has been the most influential factor in the necessary process of +separation. There is no one with whom Hengstenberg feels himself more in +agreement than with the Tuebingen scholar. Had he not shown with the +greatest precision how the results of the Hegelian philosophy, one may +say, of philosophy in general, reacted upon Christian faith? "The relation +of speculation to faith has now come clearly to light." + +"Two nations," writes Hengstenberg in 1836, "are struggling in the womb of +our time, and two only. They will be ever more definitely opposed to one +another. Unbelief will more and more cast off the elements of faith to +which it still clings, and faith will cast off its elements of unbelief. +That will be an inestimable advantage. Had the Time-spirit continued to +make concessions, concessions would constantly have been made to it in +return." Therefore the man who "calmly and deliberately laid hands upon +the Lord's anointed, undeterred by the vision of the millions who have +bowed the knee, and still bow the knee, before His appearing," has in his +own way done a service. + +Strauss on his part escaped with relief from the musty atmosphere of the +study--beloved by theology in carpet-slippers--to the bracing air of +Hengstenberg's _Kirchenzeitung_. In his "Replies" he devotes to it some +fifty-four pages. "I must admit," he says, "that it is a satisfaction to +me to have to do with the _Evangelische Kirchenzeitung_. In dealing with +it one knows where one is and what one has to expect. If Herr Hengstenberg +condemns, he knows why he condemns, and even one against whom he launches +his anathema must admit that the attitude becomes him. Any one who, like +the editor of the _Evangelische Kirchenzeitung_, has taken upon him the +yoke of confessional doctrine with all its implications, has paid a price +which entitles him to the privilege of condemning those who differ from +his opinions."(60) + +Hengstenberg's only complaint against Strauss is that he does not go far +enough. He would have liked to force upon him the role of the Wolfenbuettel +Fragmentist, and considers that if Strauss did not, like the latter, go so +far as to suppose the apostles guilty of deliberate deceit, that is not so +much from any regard for the historical kernel of Christianity as in order +to mask his attack. + +Even in Catholic theology Strauss's work caused a great sensation. +Catholic theology in general did not at that time take up an attitude of +absolute isolation from Protestant scholarship; it had adopted from the +latter numerous rationalistic ideas, and had been especially influenced by +Schleiermacher. Thus, Catholic scholars were almost prepared to regard +Strauss as a common enemy, against whom it was possible to make common +cause with Protestants. In 1837 Joseph Mack, one of the Professors of the +Catholic faculty at Tuebingen, published his "Report on Herr Dr. Strauss's +Historical Study of the Life of Jesus."(61) In 1839 appeared "Dr. +Strauss's Life of Jesus, considered from the Catholic point of view,"(62) +by Dr. Maurus Hagel, Professor of Theology at the Lyceum at Dillingen; in +1840 that lover of hypotheses and doughty fighter, Johann Leonhard +Hug,(63) presented his report upon the work.(64) + +Even French Catholicism gave some attention to Strauss's work. This marks +an epoch--the introduction of the knowledge of German critical theology +into the intellectual world of the Latin nations. In the _Revue des deux +mondes_ for December 1838, Edgar Quinet gave a clear and accurate account +of the influence of the Hegelian philosophy upon the religious ideas of +cultured Germany.(65) In an eloquent peroration he lays bare the danger +which was menacing the Church from the nation of Strauss and Hegel. His +countrymen need not think that it could be charmed away by some ingenious +formula; a mighty effort of the Catholic spirit was necessary, if it was +to be successfully opposed. "A new barbarian invasion was rolling up +against sacred Rome. The barbarians were streaming from every quarter of +the horizon, bringing their strange gods with them and preparing to +beleaguer the holy city. As, of yore, Leo went forth to meet Attila, so +now let the Papacy put on its purple and come forth, while yet there is +time, to wave back with an authoritative gesture the devastating hordes +into that moral wilderness which is their native home." + +Quinet might have done better still if he had advised the Pope to issue, +as a counterblast to the unbelieving critical work of Strauss, the Life of +Jesus which had been _revealed_ to the faith of the blessed Anna Katharina +Emmerich.(66) How thoroughly this refuted Strauss can be seen from the +fragment issued in 1834, "The Bitter Sufferings of Our Lord Jesus Christ," +where even the age of Jesus on the day of His death is exactly given. On +that Maundy Thursday the 13th Nisan, it was exactly thirty-three years and +eighteen weeks less one day. The "pilgrim" Clement Brentano would +certainly have consented, had he been asked, to allow his note-books to be +used in the sacred cause, and to have given to the world the Life of Jesus +as it was revealed to him by this visionary from the end of July 1820 day +by day for three years, instead of allowing this treasure to remain hidden +for more than twenty years longer. He himself ascribed to these visions +the most strictly historical character, and insisted on considering them +not merely as reflections on what had happened, but as the immediate +reflex of the facts themselves, so that the picture of the life of Jesus +is given in them as in a mirror. Hug, it may be mentioned, in his +lectures, called attention to the exact agreement of the topography of the +passion story in Katharina's vision with the description of the locality +in Josephus. If he had known her complete Life of Jesus he would doubtless +have expressed his admiration for the way in which she harmonises John and +the Synoptists; and with justice, for the harmony is really ingenious and +skilfully planned. + +Apart from these merits, too, this Life of Jesus, written, it should be +observed, earlier than Strauss's, contains a wealth of interesting +information. John at first baptized at Aenon, but later was directed to +remove to Jericho. The baptisms took place in "baptismal springs." + +Peter owned three boats, of which one was fitted up especially for the use +of Jesus, and carried a complement of ten persons. Forward and aft there +were covered-in spaces where all kinds of gear could be kept, and where +also they could wash their feet; along the sides of the boat were hung +receptacles for the fish. + +When Judas Iscariot became a disciple of Jesus he was twenty-five years +old. He had black hair and a red beard, but could not be called really +ugly. He had had a stormy past. His mother had been a dancing-woman, and +Judas had been born out of wedlock, his father being a military tribune in +Damascus. As an infant he had been exposed, but had been saved, and later +had been taken charge of by his uncle, a tanner at Iscariot. At the time +when he joined the company of Jesus' disciples he had squandered all his +possessions. The disciples at first liked him well enough because of his +readiness to make himself useful; he even cleaned the shoes. + +The fish with the _stater_ in its mouth was so large that it made a full +meal for the whole company. + +A work to which Jesus devoted special attention--though this is not +mentioned in the Gospels--was the reconciliation of unhappy married +couples. Another matter which is not mentioned in the Gospels is the +voyage of Jesus to Cyprus, upon which He entered after a farewell meal +with His disciples at the house of the Canaanitish woman. This voyage took +place during the war between Herod and Aretas while the disciples were +making their missionary journey in Palestine. As they could not give an +eyewitness report of it they were silent; nor did they make any mention of +the feast to which the Proconsul at Salamis invited the Saviour. In regard +to another journey, also, which Jesus made to the land of the wise men of +the East, the "pilgrim's" oracle has the advantage of knowing more than +the Evangelists. + +In spite of these additional traits a certain monotony is caused by the +fact that the visionary, in order to fill in the tale of days in the three +years, makes the persons known to us from the Gospel history meet with the +Saviour on several occasions previous to the meeting narrated in the +Gospels. Here the artificial character of the composition comes out too +clearly, though in general a lively imagination tends to conceal this. And +yet these naive embellishments and inventions have something rather +attractive about them; one cannot handle the book without a certain +reverence when one thinks amid what pains these revelations were received. +If Brentano had published his notes at the time of the excitement produced +by Strauss's Life of Jesus, the work would have had a tremendous success. +As it was, when the first two volumes appeared at the end of the 'fifties, +there were sold in one year three thousand and several hundred copies, +without reckoning the French edition which appeared contemporaneously. + +In the end, however, all the efforts of the mediating theology, of +rationalism and supernaturalism, could do nothing to shake Strauss's +conclusion that it was all over with supernaturalism as a factor to be +reckoned with in the historical study of the Life of Jesus, and that +scientific theology, instead of turning back from rationalism to +supernaturalism, must move straight onward between the two and seek out a +new path for itself. The Hegelian method had proved itself to be the logic +of reality. With Strauss begins the period of the non-miraculous view of +the Life of Jesus; all other views exhausted themselves in the struggle +against him, and subsequently abandoned position after position without +waiting to be attacked. The separation which Hengstenberg had hailed with +such rejoicing was really accomplished; but in the form that +supernaturalism practically separated itself from the serious study of +history. It is not possible to date the stages of this process. After the +first outburst of excitement everything seems to go on as quietly as +before; the only difference is that the question of miracle constantly +falls more and more into the background. In the modern period of the study +of the Life of Jesus, which begins about the middle of the 'sixties, it +has lost all importance. + +That does not mean that the problem of miracle is solved. From the +historical point of view it is really impossible to solve it, since we are +not able to reconstruct the process by which a series of miracle stories +arose, or a series of historical occurrences were transformed into miracle +stories, and these narratives must simply be left with a question mark +standing against them. What has been gained is only that the exclusion of +miracle from our view of history has been universally recognised as a +principle of criticism, so that miracle no longer concerns the historian +either positively or negatively. Scientific theologians of the present day +who desire to show their "sensibility," ask no more than that two or three +little miracles may be left to them--in the stories of the childhood, +perhaps, or in the narratives of the resurrection. And these miracles are, +moreover, so far scientific that they have at least no relation to those +in the text, but are merely spiritless, miserable little toy-dogs of +criticism, flea-bitten by rationalism, too insignificant to do historical +science any harm, especially as their owners honestly pay the tax upon +them by the way in which they speak, write, and are silent about Strauss. + +But even that is better than the delusive fashion in which some writers of +the present day succeed in discussing the narratives of the resurrection +"as pure historians" without betraying by a single word whether they +themselves believe it to be possible or not. But the reason modern +theology can allow itself these liberties is that the foundation laid by +Strauss is unshakable. + +Compared with the problem of miracle, the question regarding the mythical +explanation of the history takes a very subordinate place in the +controversy. Few understood what Strauss's real meaning was; the general +impression was that he entirely dissolved the life of Jesus into myth. + +There appeared, indeed, three satires ridiculing his method. One showed +how, for the historical science of the future, the life of Luther would +also become a mere myth,(67) the second treated the life of Napoleon in +the same way;(68) in the third, Strauss himself becomes a myth.(69) + +M. Eugene Mussard, "candidat au saint ministere," made it his business to +set at rest the minds of the premier faculty at Geneva by his thesis, _Du +systeme mythique applique a l'histoire de la vie de Jesus_, 1838, which +bears the ingenious motto {~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH PSILI~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PHI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} (not ... in cunningly +devised myths, 2 Peter i. 16). He certainly did not exaggerate the +difficulties of his task, but complacently followed up an "Exposition of +the Mythical Theory," with a "Refutation of the Mythical Theory as applied +to the Life of Jesus." + +The only writer who really faced the problem in the form in which it had +been raised by Strauss was Wilke in his work "Tradition and Myth."(70) He +recognises that Strauss had given an exceedingly valuable impulse towards +the overcoming of rationalism and supernaturalism and to the rejection of +the abortive mediating theology. "A keener criticism will only establish +the truth of the Gospel, putting what is tenable on a firmer basis, +sifting out what is untenable, and showing up in all its nakedness the +counterfeit theology of the new evangelicalism with its utter lack of +understanding and sincerity." Again, "the approval which Strauss has met +with, and the excitement which he has aroused, sufficiently show what an +advantage rationalistic speculation possesses over the theological second- +childishness of the new evangelicals." The time has come for a rational +mysticism, which shall preserve undiminished the honesty of the old +rationalism, making no concessions to supernaturalism, but, on the other +hand, overcoming the "truculent rationalism of the Kantian criticism" by +means of a religious conception in which there is more warmth and more +pious feeling. + +This rational mysticism makes it a reproach against the "mythical +idealism" of Strauss that in it philosophy does violence to history, and +the historic Christ only retains His significance as a mere ideal. A new +examination of the sources is necessary to decide upon the extent of the +mythical element. + +The Gospel of Matthew cannot, Wilke agrees, have been the work of an +eyewitness. "The principal argument against its authenticity is the +absence of the characteristic marks of an eyewitness, which must +necessarily have been present in a gospel actually composed by a disciple +of the Lord, and which are not present here. The narrative is lacking in +precision, fragmentary and legendary, tradition everywhere manifest in its +very form." There are discrepancies in the legends of the first and second +chapters, as well as elsewhere, _e.g._ the stories of the baptism, the +temptation, and the transfiguration. In other cases, where there is a +basis of historic fact, there is an admixture of legendary material, as in +the narratives of the death and resurrection of Jesus. + +In the Gospel of Mark, Wilke recognises the pictorial vividness of many of +the descriptions, and conjectures that in some way or other it goes back +to the Petrine tradition. The author of the Fourth Gospel is not an +eyewitness; the {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH OXIA~} (according to) only indicates the origin of the +tradition; the author received it, either directly or indirectly, from the +Apostle, but he gave to it the gnosticising dialectical form of the +Alexandrian theology. + +As against the _Diegesentheorie_(71) Wilke defends the independence and +originality of the individual Gospels. "No one of the Evangelists knew the +writing of any of the others, each produced an independent work drawn from +a separate source." + +In the remarks on points of detail in this work of Wilke's there is +evidence of a remarkable grasp of the critical data; we already get a hint +of the "mathematician" of the Synoptic problem, who, two years later, was +to work out convincingly the literary argument for the priority of Mark. +But the historian is quite subordinated to the literary critic, and, when +all is said, Wilke takes up no clearly defined position in regard to +Strauss's main problem, as is evident from his seeking to retain, on more +or less plausible grounds, a whole series of miracles, among them the +miracle of Cana and the resurrection. + +For most thinkers of that period, however, the question "myth or history" +yielded in interest to the philosophical question of the relation of the +historical Jesus to the ideal Christ. That was the second problem raised +by Strauss. Some thought to refute him by showing that his exposition of +the relation of the Jesus of history to the ideal Christ was not justified +even from the point of view of the Hegelian philosophy, arguing that the +edifice which he had raised was not in harmony with the ground-plan of the +Hegelian speculative system. He therefore felt it necessary, in his reply +to the review in the _Jahrbuecher fuer wissenschaftliche Kritik_, to expound +"the general relationship of the Hegelian philosophy to theological +criticism,"(72) and to express in more precise form the thoughts upon +speculative and historical Christology which he had suggested at the close +of the second volume of his "Life of Jesus." + +He admits that Hegel's philosophy is ambiguous in this matter, since it is +not clear "whether the evangelical fact as such, not indeed in its +isolation, but together with the whole series of manifestations of the +idea (of God-manhood) in the history of the world, is the truth; or +whether the embodiment of the idea in that single fact is only a formula +of which consciousness makes use in forming its concept." The Hegelian +"right," he says, represented by Marheineke and Goeschel, emphasises the +positive side of the master's religious philosophy, implying that in Jesus +the idea of God-manhood was perfectly fulfilled and in a certain sense +intelligibly realised. "If these men," Strauss explains, "appeal to Hegel +and declare that he would not have recognised my book as an expression of +his meaning, they say nothing which is not in accordance with my own +convictions. Hegel was personally no friend to historical criticism. It +annoyed him, as it annoyed Goethe, to see the historic figures of +antiquity, on which their thoughts were accustomed lovingly to dwell, +assailed by critical doubts. Even if it was in some cases wreaths of mist +which they took for pinnacles of rock, they did not want to have this +forced upon their attention, nor to be disturbed in the illusion from +which they were conscious of receiving an elevating influence." + +But though prepared to admit that he had added to the edifice of Hegel's +religious philosophy an annexe of historical criticism, of which the +master would hardly have approved, Strauss is convinced that he is the +only logical representative of Hegel's essential view. "The question which +can be decided from the standpoint of the philosophy of religion is not +whether what is narrated in the Gospels actually happened or not, but +whether in view of the truth of certain conceptions it must necessarily +have happened. And in regard to this, what I assert is that from the +general system of the Hegelian philosophy it by no means necessarily +follows that such an event must have happened, but that from the +standpoint of the system the truth of that history from which actually the +conception arose is reduced to a matter of indifference; it may have +happened, but it may just as well not have happened, and the task of +deciding on this point may be calmly handed over to historical criticism." + +Strauss reminds us that, even according to Hegel, the belief in Jesus as +God-made-man is not immediately given with His appearing in the world of +sense, but only arose after His death and the removal of His sensible +presence. The master himself had acknowledged the existence of mythical +elements in the Life of Jesus; in regard to miracle he had expressed the +opinion that the true miracle was "Spirit." The conception of the +resurrection and ascension as outward facts of sense was not recognised by +him as true. + +Hegel's authority may, no doubt, fairly be appealed to by those who +believe, not only in an incarnation of God in a general sense, "but also +that this manifestation of God in flesh has taken place in this man +(Jesus) at this definite time and place."... "In making the assertion," +concludes Strauss, "that the truth of the Gospel narrative cannot be +proved, whether in whole or in part, from philosophical considerations, +but that the task of inquiring into its truth must be left to historical +criticism, I should like to associate myself with the 'left wing' of the +Hegelian school, were it not that the Hegelians prefer to exclude me +altogether from their borders, and to throw me into the arms of other +systems of thought--only, it must be admitted, to have me tossed back to +them like a ball." + +In regard to the third problem which Strauss had offered for discussion, +the relation of the Synoptists to John, there was practically no response. +The only one of his critics who understood what was at stake was +Hengstenberg. He alone perceived the significance of the fact that +critical theology, having admitted mythical elements first in the Old +Testament, and then in the beginning and end of the Gospel history, and +having, in consequence of the latter admission, felt obliged to give up +the first three Gospels, retaining only the fourth, was now being besieged +by Strauss in its last stronghold. "They withdrew," says the _Evangelische +Kirchenzeitung_, "into the Gospel of John as into a fortress, and boasted +that they were safe there, though they could not suppress a secret +consciousness that they only held it at the enemy's pleasure; now the +enemy has appeared before it; he is using the same weapons with which he +was formerly victorious; the Gospel of John is in as desperate case as +formerly the Synoptists. The time has come to make a bold resolve, a +decisive choice; either they must give up everything, or else they must +successively re-occupy the more advanced positions which at an earlier +date they had successively abandoned." It would be impossible to give a +more accurate picture of the desperate position into which Hase and +Schleiermacher had brought the mediating theology by their ingenious +expedient of giving up the Synoptics in favour of the Gospel of John. +Before any danger threatened, they had abandoned the outworks and +withdrawn into the citadel, oblivious of the fact that they thereby +exposed themselves to the danger of having their own guns turned upon them +from the positions they had abandoned, and being obliged to surrender +without striking a blow the position of which they had boasted as +impregnable. It is impossible to emphasise strongly enough the fact that +it was not Strauss, but Hase and Schleiermacher, who had brought the +mediating theology into this hopeless position, in which the fall of the +Fourth Gospel carried with it the surrender of the historical tradition as +a whole. + +But there is no position so desperate that theology cannot find a way out +of it. The mediating theologians simply ignored the problem which Strauss +had raised. As they had been accustomed to do before, so they continued to +do after, taking the Gospel of John as the authentic framework, and +fitting into it the sections of the Synoptic narrative wherever place +could best be found for them. The difference between the Johannine and +Synoptic representations of Jesus' method of teaching, says Neander, is +only apparently irreconcilable, and he calls out in support of this +assertion all the reserves of old worn-out expedients and artifices, among +others the argument that the Pauline Christology is only explicable as a +combination of the Synoptic and Johannine views. Other writers who belong +to the same apologetic school, such as Tholuck, Ebrard,(73) Wieseler,(74) +Lange,(75) and Ewald,(76) maintain the same point of view, only that their +defence is usually much less skilful. + +The only writer who really in some measure enters into the difficulties is +Ammon. He, indeed, is fully conscious of the difference, and thinks we +cannot rest content with merely recognising it, but must find a solution, +even if rather a forced one, "by subordinating the indefinite +chronological data of the Synoptists, of whom, after all, only one was, or +could have been, an eyewitness, to the ordered narrative of John." The +fourth Evangelist makes so brief a reference to the Galilaean period +because it was in accordance with his plan to give more prominence to the +discourses of Jesus in the Temple and His dialogues with the Scribes as +compared to the parables and teaching given to the people. The cleansing +of the Temple falls at the outset of Jesus' ministry; Jesus begins His +Messianic work in Jerusalem by this action of making an end of the +unseemly chaffering in the court of the Temple. The question regarding the +relative authenticity of the reports is decisively settled by a comparison +of the two accounts of the triumphal entry, because there it is quite +evident that "Matthew, the chief authority among the Synoptists, adapts +his narrative to his special Jewish-Messianic standpoint." According to +Ammon's rationalistic view, the work of Jesus consisted precisely in the +transformation of this Jewish-Messianic idea into the conception of a +"Saviour of the world." In this lies the explanation of the fate of Jesus: +"The mass of the Jewish people were not prepared to receive a Christ so +spiritual as Jesus was, since they were not ripe for so lofty a view of +religion." + +Ammon here turns his Kantian philosophy to account. It serves especially +to explain to him the consciousness of pre-existence avowed by the Jesus +of the Johannine narrative as something purely human. We, too, he +explains, can "after the spirit" claim an ideal existence prior to the +spatial creation without indulging any delusion, and without, on the other +hand, thinking of a real existence. In this way Jesus is for Himself a +Biblical idea, with which He has become identified. "The purer and deeper +a man's self-consciousness is, the keener may his consciousness of God +become, until time disappears for him, and his partaking in the Divine +nature fills his whole soul." + +But Ammon's support of the authenticity of John's Gospel is, even from a +purely literary point of view, not so unreserved as in the case of the +other opponents of Strauss. In the background stands the hypothesis that +our Gospel is only a working-over of the authentic John, a suggestion in +regard to which Ammon can claim priority, since he had made it as early as +1811,(77) nine years before the appearance of Bretschneider's +_Probabilia_. Were it not for the ingenuous fashion in which he works the +Synoptic material into the Johannine plan, we might class him with +Alexander Schweizer and Weisse, who in a similar way seek to meet the +objections of Strauss by an elaborate theory of editing.(78) + +The first stage of the discussion regarding the relation of John to the +Synoptists passed without result. The mediating theology continued to hold +its positions undisturbed--and, strangest of all, Strauss himself was eager +for a suspension of hostilities. + +It is as though history took the trouble to countersign the genuineness of +the great critical discoveries by letting the discoverers themselves +attempt to cancel them. As Kant disfigures his critical idealism by making +inconsistent additions in order to refute a reviewer who had put him in +the same category with Berkeley, so Strauss inserts additions and +retractations in the third edition of his Life of Jesus in deference to +the uncritical works of Tholuck and Neander! Wilke, the only one of his +critics from whom he might have learned something, he ignores. "From the +lofty vantage ground of Tholuck's many-sided knowledge I have sometimes, +in spite of a slight tendency to vertigo, gained a juster point of view +from which to look at one matter or another," is the avowal which he makes +in the preface to this ill-starred edition. + +It would, indeed, have done no harm if he had confined himself to stating +more exactly here and there the extent of the mythical element, had +increased the number of possible cures, had inclined a little less to the +negative side in examining the claims of reported facts to rank as +historical, and had been a little more circumspect in pointing out the +factors which produced the myths; the serious thing was that he now began +to hesitate in his denial of the historical character of the Fourth +Gospel--the very foundation of his critical view. + +A renewed study of it, aided by De Wette's commentary and Neander's Life +of Jesus, had made him "doubtful about his doubts regarding the +genuineness and credibility of this Gospel." "Not that I am convinced of +its genuineness," he admits, "but I am no longer convinced that it is not +genuine." + +He feels bound, therefore, to state whatever makes in its favour, and to +leave open a number of possibilities which formerly he had not recognised. +The adhesion of the first disciples may, he now thinks, have happened +essentially in the form in which it is reported in the Fourth Gospel; in +transferring the cleansing of the Temple to the first period of Jesus' +ministry, John may be right as against the Synoptic tradition "which has +no decisive evidence in its favour"; in regard to the question whether +Jesus had been only once, or several times, in Jerusalem, his opinion now +is that "on this point the superior circumstantiality of the Fourth Gospel +cannot be contested." + +As regards the prominence allowed to the eschatology also all is toned +down and softened. Everywhere feeble compromises! But what led Strauss to +place his foot upon this shelving path was the essentially just perception +that the Synoptists gave him no clearly ordered plan to set against that +of the Fourth Gospel; consequently he felt obliged to make some +concessions to its strength in this respect. + +Yet he recognised almost immediately that the result was a mere patchwork. +Even in the summer of 1839 he complained to Hase in conversation that he +had been deafened by the clamour of his opponents, and had conceded too +much to them.(79) In the fourth edition he retracted all his concessions. +"The Babel of voices of opponents, critics, and supporters," he says in +his preface, "to which I had felt it my duty to listen, had confused me in +regard to the idea of my work; in my diligent comparison of various views +I had lost sight of the thing itself. In this way I was led to make +alterations which, when I came to consider the matter calmly, surprised +myself; and in making which it was obvious that I had done myself an +injustice. In all these passages the earlier text has been restored, and +my work has therefore consisted, it might be said, in removing from my +good sword the notches which had not so much been hewn in it by the enemy +as ground into it by myself." + +Strauss's vacillation had, therefore, not even been of any indirect +advantage to him. Instead of endeavouring to find a purposeful connexion +in the Synoptic Gospels by means of which he might test the plan of the +Fourth Gospel, he simply restores his former view unaltered, thereby +showing that in the decisive point it was incapable of development. In the +very year in which he prepared his improved edition, Weisse, in his +_Evangelische Geschichte_, had set up the hypothesis that Mark is the +ground-document, and had thus carried criticism past the "dead-point" +which Strauss had never been able to overcome. Upon Strauss, however, the +new suggestion made no impression. He does, it is true, mention Weisse's +book in the preface to his third edition, and describes it as "in many +respects a very satisfactory piece of work." It had appeared too late for +him to make use of it in his first volume; but he did not use it in his +second volume either. He had, indeed, a distinct antipathy to the Marcan +hypothesis. + +It was unfortunate that in this controversy the highly important +suggestions in regard to various historical problems which had been made +incidentally in the course of Strauss's work were never discussed at all. +The impulse in the direction of progress which might have been given by +his treatment of the relation of Jesus to the law, of the question +regarding His particularism, of the eschatological conception, the Son of +Man, and the Messiahship of Jesus, wholly failed to take effect, and it +was only after long and circuitous wanderings that theology again came in +sight of these problems from an equally favourable point of view. In this +respect Strauss shared the fate of Reimarus; the positive solutions of +which the outlines were visible behind their negative criticism escaped +observation in consequence of the offence caused by the negative side of +their work; and even the authors themselves failed to realise their full +significance. + + + + + +X. THE MARCAN HYPOTHESIS + + + _Christian Hermann Weisse._ Die evangelische Geschichte kritisch + und philosophisch bearbeitet. (A Critical and Philosophical Study + of the Gospel History.) 2 vols. Leipzig, Breitkopf and Haertel, + 1838. Vol. i. 614 pp. Vol. ii. 543 pp. + + _Christian Gottlob Wilke._ Der Urevangelist. (The Earliest + Evangelist.) 1838. Dresden and Leipzig. 694 pp. + + _Christian Hermann Weisse._ Die Evangelienfrage in ihrem + gegenwaertigen Stadium. (The Present Position of the Problem of the + Gospels.) Leipzig, 1856. + + +The "Gospel History" of Weisse was written, like Strauss's Life of Jesus, +by a philosopher who had been driven out of philosophy and forced back +upon theology. Weisse was born in 1801 at Leipzig, and became Professor +Extraordinary of Philosophy in the university there in 1828. In 1837, +finding his advance to the Ordinary Professorship barred by the +Herbartians, he withdrew from academic teaching and gave himself to the +preparation of this work, the plan of which he had had in mind for some +time. Having brought it to a satisfactory completion, he began again in +1841 as a Privat-Docent in Philosophy, and became Ordinary Professor in +1845. From 1848 onwards he lectured on Theology also. His work on +"Philosophical Dogmatics, or the Philosophy of Christianity,"(80) is well +known. He died in 1866, of cholera. Lotze and Lipsius were both much +influenced by him. + +Weisse admired Strauss and hailed his Life of Jesus as a forward step +towards the reconciliation of religion and philosophy. He expresses his +gratitude to him for clearing the ground of the primeval forest of +theology, thus rendering it possible for him (Weisse) to develop his views +without wasting time upon polemics, "since most of the views which have +hitherto prevailed may be regarded as having received the _coup de grace_ +from Strauss." He is at one with Strauss also in his general view of the +relations of philosophy and religion, holding that it is only if +philosophy, by following its own path, attains independently to the +conviction of the truth of Christianity that its alliance with theology +and religion can be welcomed as advantageous.(81) His work, therefore, +like that of Strauss, leads up finally to a philosophical exposition in +which he shows how for us the Jesus of history becomes the Christ of +faith.(82) + +Weisse is the direct continuator of Strauss. Standing outside the +limitations of the Hegelian formulae, he begins at the point where Strauss +leaves off. His aim is to discover, if possible, some thread of general +connexion in the narratives of the Gospel tradition, which, if present, +would represent a historically certain element in the Life of Jesus, and +thus serve as a better standard by which to determine the extent of myth +than can possibly be found in the subjective impression upon which Strauss +relies. Strauss, by way of gratitude, called him a dilettante. This was +most unjust, for if any one deserved to share Strauss's place of honour, +it was certainly Weisse. + +The idea that Mark's Gospel might be the earliest of the four, first +occurred to Weisse during the progress of his work. In March 1837, when he +reviewed Tholuck's "Credibility of the Gospel History," he was as innocent +of this discovery as Wilke was at the same period. But when once he had +observed that the graphic details of Mark, which had hitherto been +regarded as due to an attempt to embellish an epitomising narrative, were +too insignificant to have been inserted with this purpose, it became clear +to him that only one other possibility remained open, viz., that their +absence in Matthew and Luke was due to omission. He illustrates this from +the description of the first day of Jesus' ministry at Capernaum. "The +relation of the first Evangelist to Mark," he avers, "in those portions of +the Gospel which are common to both is, with few exceptions, mainly that +of an epitomiser." + +The decisive argument for the priority of Mark is, even more than his +graphic detail, the composition and arrangement of the whole. "It is true, +the Gospel of Mark shows very distinct traces of having arisen out of +spoken discourses, which themselves were by no means ordered and +connected, but disconnected and fragmentary"--being, he means, in its +original form based on notes of the incidents related by Peter. "It is not +the work of an eyewitness, nor even of one who had had an opportunity of +questioning eyewitnesses thoroughly and carefully; nor even of deriving +assistance from inquirers who, on their part, had made a connected study +of the subject, with a view to filling up the gaps and placing each +individual part in its right position, and so articulating the whole into +an organic unity which should be neither merely inward, nor on the other +hand merely external." Nevertheless the Evangelist was guided in his work +by a just recollection of the general course of the life of Jesus. "It is +precisely in Mark," Weisse explains, "that a closer study unmistakably +reveals that the incidental remarks (referring for the most part to the +way in which the fame of Jesus gradually extended, the way the people +began to gather round Him and the sick to besiege Him), far from shutting +off and separating the different narratives, tend rather to unite them +with each other, and so give the impression not of a series of anecdotes +fortuitously thrown together, but of a connected history. By means of +these remarks, and by many other connecting links which he works into the +narration of the individual stories, Mark has succeeded in conveying a +vivid impression of the stir which Jesus made in Galilee, and from Galilee +to Jerusalem, of the gradual gathering of the multitudes to Him, of the +growing intensity of loyalty in the inner circle of disciples, and as the +counterpart of all this, of the growing enmity of the Pharisees and +Scribes--an impression which mere isolated narratives, strung together +without any living connexion, would not have sufficed to produce." A +connexion of this kind is less clearly present in the other Synoptists, +and is wholly lacking in John. The Fourth Gospel, by itself, would give us +a completely false conception of the relation of Jesus to the people. From +the content of its narratives the reader would form the impression that +the attitude of the people towards Jesus was hostile from the very first, +and that it was only in isolated occasions, for a brief moment, that Jesus +by His miraculous acts inspired the people with astonishment rather than +admiration; that, surrounded by a little company of disciples he contrived +for a time to defy the enmity of the multitude, and that, having +repeatedly provoked it by intemperate invective, he finally succumbed to +it. + +The simplicity of the plan of Mark is, in Weisse's opinion, a stronger +argument for his priority than the most elaborate demonstration; one only +needs to compare it with the perverse design of Luke, who makes Jesus +undertake a journey through Samaria. "How," asks Weisse, "in the case of a +writer who does things of this kind can it be possible at this time of day +to speak seriously of historical exactitude in the use of his sources?" + +To come down to detail, Weisse's argument for the priority of Mark rests +mainly on the following propositions:-- + +1. In the first and third Gospels, traces of a common plan are found only +in those parts which they have in common with Mark, not in those which are +common to them, but not to Mark also. + +2. In those parts which the three Gospels have in common, the "agreement" +of the other two is mediated through Mark. + +3. In those sections which the First and Third Gospels have, but Mark has +not, the agreement consists in the language and incidents, not in the +order. Their common source, therefore, the "Logia" of Matthew, did not +contain any type of tradition which gave an order of narration different +from that of Mark. + +4. The divergences of wording between the two other Synoptists is in +general greater in the parts where both have drawn on the Logia document +than where Mark is their source. + +5. The first Evangelist reproduces this Logia-document more faithfully +than Luke does; but his Gospel seems to have been of later origin. + +This historical argument for the priority of Mark was confirmed in the +year in which it appeared by Wilke's work, "The Earliest Gospel,"(83) +which treated the problem more from the literary side, and, to take an +illustration from astronomy, supplied the mathematical confirmation of the +hypothesis. + +In regard to the Gospel of John, Weisse fully shared the negative views of +Strauss. What is the use, he asks, of keeping on talking about the plan of +this Gospel, seeing that no one has yet succeeded in showing what that +plan is? And for a very good reason: there is none. One would never guess +from the Gospel of John that Jesus, until His departure from Galilee, had +experienced almost unbroken success. It is no good trying to explain the +want of plan by saying that John wrote with the purpose of supplementing +and correcting his predecessors, and that his omissions and additions were +determined by this purpose. Such a purpose is betrayed by no single word +in the whole Gospel. + +The want of plan lies in the very plan itself. "It is a fixed idea, one +may say, with the author of this Gospel, who had heard that Jesus had +fallen a victim in Jerusalem to the hatred of the Jewish rulers, +especially the Scribes, that he must represent Jesus as engaged, from His +first appearance onward, in an unceasing struggle with 'the Jews'--whereas +we know that the mass of the people, even to the last, in Jerusalem +itself, were on the side of Jesus; so much so, indeed, that His enemies +were only able to get Him into their power by means of a secret betrayal." + +In regard to the graphic descriptions in John, of which so much has been +made, the case is no better. It is the graphic detail of a writer who +desires to work up a vivid picture, not the natural touches of an +eyewitness, and there are, moreover, actual inconsistencies, as in the +case of the healing at the pool of Bethesda. The circumstantiality is due +to the care of the author not to assume an acquaintance, on the part of +his readers, with Jewish usages or the topography of Palestine. "A +considerable proportion of the details are of such a character as +inevitably to suggest that the narrator inserts them because of the +trouble which it has cost him to orientate himself in regard to the scene +of the action and the dramatis personae, his object being to spare his +readers a similar difficulty; though he does not always go about it in the +way best calculated to effect his purpose." + +The impossibility also that the historic Jesus can have preached the +doctrine of the Johannine Christ, is as clear to Weisse as to Strauss. "It +is not so much a picture of Christ that John sets forth, as a conception +of Christ; his Christ does not speak _in_ His own Person, but _of_ His own +Person." + +On the other hand, however, "the authority of the whole Christian Church +from the second century to the nineteenth" carries too much weight with +Weisse for him to venture altogether to deny the Johannine origin of the +Gospel; and he seeks a middle path. He assumes that the didactic portions +really, for the most part, go back to John the Apostle. "John," he +explains, "drawn on by the interest of a system of doctrine which had +formed itself in his mind, not so much as a direct reflex of the teaching +of his Master, as on the basis of suggestions offered by that teaching in +combination with a certain creative activity of his own, endeavoured to +find this system also in the teaching of his Master." + +Accordingly, with this purpose, and originally for himself alone, not with +the object of communicating it to others, he made an effort to exhibit, in +the light of this system of thought, what his memory still retained of the +discourses of the Lord. "The Johannine discourses, therefore, were +recalled by a laborious effort of memory on the part of the disciple. When +he found that his memory-image of his Master was threatening to dissolve +into a mist-wraith, he endeavoured to impress the picture more firmly in +his recollection, to connect and define its rapidly disappearing features, +reconstructing it by the aid of a theory evolved by himself or drawn from +elsewhere regarding the Person and work of the Master." For the portrait +of Christ in the Synoptic Gospels the mind of the disciples who describe +Him is a neutral medium; for the portrait in John it is a factor which +contributes to the production of the picture. The same portrait is +outlined by the apostle in the first epistle which bears his name. + +These tentative "essays," not originally intended for publication, came, +after the death of the apostle, into the hands of his adherents and +disciples, and they chose the form of a complete Life of Jesus as that in +which to give them to the world. They, therefore, added narrative +portions, which they distributed here and there among the speeches, often +doing some violence to the latter in the process. Such was the origin of +the Fourth Gospel. + +Weisse is not blind to the fact that this hypothesis of a Johannine basis +in the Gospel is beset with the gravest--one might almost say with +insuperable--difficulties. Here is a man who was an immediate disciple of +the Lord, one who, in the Synoptic Gospels, in Acts, and in the Pauline +letters, appears in a character which gives no hint of a coming spiritual +metamorphosis, one, moreover, who at a relatively late period, when it +might well have been supposed that his development was in all essentials +closed (at the time of Paul's visit to Jerusalem, which falls at least +fourteen years after Paul's conversion), was chosen, along with James and +Peter, and in contrast with the apostles of the Gentiles, Paul and +Barnabas, as an apostle of the Jews--"how is it possible," asks Weisse, "to +explain and make it intelligible, that a man of these antecedents displays +in his thought and speech, in fact in his whole mental attitude, a +thoroughly Hellenistic stamp? How came he, the beloved disciple, who, +according to this very Gospel which bears his name, was admitted more +intimately than any other into the confidence of Jesus, how came he to +clothe his Master in this foreign garb of Hellenistic speculation, and to +attribute to Him this alien manner of speech? But, however difficult the +explanation may be, whatever extreme of improbability may seem to us to be +involved in the assumption of the Johannine authorship of the Epistle and +of these essential elements of the Gospel, it is better to assent to the +improbability, to submit to the burden of being forced to explain the +inexplicable, than to set ourselves obstinately against the weight of +testimony, against the authority of the whole Christian Church from the +second century to the present day." + +There could be no better argument against the genuineness of the Fourth +Gospel than just such a defence of its genuineness as this. In this form +the hypothesis may well be destined to lead a harmless and never-ending +life. What matters for the historical study of the Life of Jesus is simply +that the Fourth Gospel should be ruled out. And that Weisse does so +thoroughly that it is impossible to imagine its being done more +thoroughly. The speeches, in spite of their apostolic authority, are +unhistorical, and need not be taken into account in describing Jesus' +system of thought. As for the unhappy redactor, who by adding the +narrative pictures created the Gospel, all possibility of his reports +being accurate is roundly denied, and as if that was not enough, he must +put up with being called a bungler into the bargain. "I have, to tell the +truth, no very high opinion of the literary art of the editor of the +Johannine Gospel-document," says Weisse in his "Problem of the Gospels" of +1856, which is the best commentary upon his earlier work. + +His treatment of the Fourth Gospel reminds us of the story that Frederic +the Great once appointed an importunate office-seeker to the post of +"Privy Councillor for War," on condition that he would never presume to +offer a syllable of advice! + + ------------------------------------- + +The hypothesis which was brought forward about the same time by Alexander +Schweizer,(84) with the intention of saving the genuineness of the Gospel +of John, did not make any real contribution to the subject. The reading of +the facts which form his starting-point is almost the exact converse of +that of Weisse, since he regards, not the speeches, but certain parts of +the narrative as Johannine. That which it is possible, in his opinion, to +refer to the apostle is an account, not involving any miracles, of the +ministry of Jesus at Jerusalem, and the discourses which He delivered +there. The more or less miraculous events which occur in the course of +it--such as, that Jesus had seen Nathanael under the fig-tree, knew the +past life of the Samaritan woman, and healed the sick man at the Pool of +Bethesda--are of a simple character, and contrast markedly with those which +are represented to have occurred in Galilee, where Jesus turned water into +wine and fed a multitude with a few crusts of bread. We must, therefore, +suppose that this short, authentic, spiritual Jerusalem-Gospel has had a +Galilaean Life of Jesus worked into it, and this explains the +inconsistencies of the representation and the oscillation between a +sensuous and a spiritual point of view. + +This distinction, however, cannot be made good. Schweizer was obliged to +ascribe the reports of a material resurrection to the Galilaean source, +whereas these, since they exclude the Galilaean appearances of Jesus, must +belong to the Jerusalem Gospel; and accordingly, the whole distinction +between a spiritual and material Gospel falls to the ground. Thus this +hypothesis at best preserves the nominal authenticity of the Fourth +Gospel, only to deprive it immediately of all value as a historical +source. + + ------------------------------------- + +Had Strauss calmly examined the bearing of Weisse's hypothesis, he would +have seen that it fully confirmed the line he had taken in leaving the +Fourth Gospel out of account, and he might have been less unjust towards +the hypothesis of the priority of Mark, for which he cherished a blind +hatred, because, in its fully developed form, it first met him in +conjunction with seemingly reactionary tendencies towards the +rehabilitation of John. He never in the whole course of his life got rid +of the prejudice that the recognition of the priority of Mark was +identical with a retrograde movement towards an uncritical orthodoxy. + +This is certainly not true as regards Weisse. He is far from having used +Mark unreservedly as a historical source. On the contrary, he says +expressly that the picture which this Gospel gives of Jesus is drawn by an +imaginative disciple of the faith, filled with the glory of his subject, +whose enthusiasm is consequently sometimes stronger than his judgment. +Even in Mark the mythopoeic tendency is already actively at work, so that +often the task of historical criticism is to explain how such myths could +have been accepted by a reporter who stands as near the facts as Mark +does. + +Of the _miracula_(85)--so Weisse denominates the "non-genuine" miracles, in +contradistinction to the "genuine"--the feeding of the multitude is that +which, above all others, cries aloud for an explanation. Its historical +strength lies in its being firmly interwoven with the preceding and +following context; and this applies to both the Marcan narratives. It is +therefore impossible to regard the story, as Strauss proposes to do, as +pure myth; it is necessary to show how, growing out of some incident +belonging to that context, it assumed its present literary form. The +authentic saying about the leaven of the Pharisees, which, in Mark viii. +14 and 15, is connected with the two miracles of feeding the multitude, +gives ground for supposing that they rest upon a parabolic discourse +repeated on two occasions, in which Jesus spoke, perhaps with allusion to +the manna, of a miraculous food given through Him. These discourses were +later transformed by tradition into an actual miraculous giving of food. +Here, therefore, Weisse endeavours to substitute for Strauss's +"unhistorical" conception of myth a different conception, which in each +case seeks to discover a sufficient historical cause. + +The miracles at the baptism of Jesus are based upon His account of a +vision which He experienced in that moment. The present form of the story +of the transfiguration has a twofold origin. In the first place, it is +partly based on a real experience shared by the three disciples. That +there is an historical fact here is evident from the way in which it is +connected with the context by a definite indication of time. The six days +of Mark ix. 2 cannot really be connected, as Strauss would have us +suppose, with Ex. xxiv. 16;(86) the meaning is simply that between the +previously reported discourse of Jesus and the event described there was +an interval of six days. The three disciples had a waking, spiritual +vision, not a dream-vision, and what was revealed in this vision was the +Messiahship of Jesus. But at this point comes in the second, the mythico- +symbolical element. The disciples see Jesus accompanied, according to the +Jewish Messianic expectations, by those whom the people thought of as His +forerunners. He, however, turns away from them, and Moses and Elias, for +whom the disciples were about to build tabernacles, for them to abide in, +disappear. The mythical element is a reflection of the teaching which +Jesus imparted to them on that occasion, in consequence of which there +dawned on them the spiritual "significance of those expectations and +predictions, which they were to recognise as no longer pointing forward to +a future fulfilment, but as already fulfilled." The high mountain upon +which, according to Mark, the event took place is not to be understood in +a literal sense, but as symbolical of the sublimity of the revelation; it +is to be sought not on the map of Palestine, but in the recesses of the +spirit. + +The most striking case of the formation of myth is the story of the +resurrection. Here, too, myth must have attached itself to an historical +fact. The fact in question is not, however, the empty grave. This only +came into the story later, when the Jews, in order to counteract the +Christian belief in the resurrection, had spread abroad the report that +the body had been stolen from the grave. In consequence of this report the +empty grave had necessarily to be taken up into the story, the Christian +account now making use of the fact that the body of Jesus was not found as +a proof of His bodily resurrection. The emphasis laid on the identity of +the body which was buried with that which rose again, of which the Fourth +Evangelist makes so much, belongs to a time when the Church had to oppose +the Gnostic conception of a spiritual, incorporeal immortality. The +reaction against Gnosticism is, as Weisse rightly remarks, one of the most +potent factors in the development of myth in the Gospel history. As an +additional instance of this he might have cited the anti-gnostic form of +the Johannine account of the baptism of Jesus. + +What, then, is the historical fact in the resurrection? "The historical +fact," replies Weisse, "is only the existence of a belief--not the belief +of the later Christian Church in the myth of the bodily resurrection of +the Lord--but the personal belief of the Apostles and their companions in +the miraculous presence of the risen Christ in the visions and appearances +which they experienced." "The question whether those extraordinary +phenomena which, soon after the death of the Lord, actually and undeniably +took place within the community of His disciples, rest upon fact or +illusion--that is, whether in them the departed spirit of the Lord, of +whose presence the disciples supposed themselves to be conscious, was +really present, or whether the phenomena were produced by natural causes +of a different kind, spiritual and psychical, is a question which cannot +be answered without going beyond the confines of purely historical +criticism." The only thing which is certain is "that the resurrection of +Jesus is a fact which belongs to the domain of the spiritual and psychic +life, and which is not related to outward corporeal existence in such a +way that the body which was laid in the grave could have shared therein." +When the disciples of Jesus had their first vision of the glorified body +of their Lord, they were far from Jerusalem, far from the grave, and had +no thought of bringing that spiritual corporeity into any kind of relation +with the dead body of the Crucified. That the earliest appearances took +place in Galilee is indicated by the genuine conclusion of Mark, according +to which the angel charges the women with the message that the disciples +were to await Jesus in Galilee. + +Strauss's conception of myth, which failed to give it any point of vital +connexion with the history, had not provided any escape from the dilemma +offered by the rationalistic and supernaturalistic views of the +resurrection. Weisse prepared a new historical basis for a solution. He +was the first to handle the problem from a point of view which combined +historical with psychological considerations, and he is fully conscious of +the novelty and the far-reaching consequences of his attempt. Theological +science did not overtake him for sixty years; and though it did not for +the most part share his one-sidedness in recognising only the Galilaean +appearances, that does not count for much, since it was unable to solve +the problem of the double tradition regarding the appearances. His +discussion of the question is, both from the religious and from the +historical point of view, the most satisfying treatment of it with which +we are acquainted; the pompous and circumspect utterances of the very +latest theology in regard to the "empty grave" look very poor in +comparison. Weisse's psychology requires only one correction--the insertion +into it of the eschatological premise. + +It is not only the admixture of myth, but the whole character of the +Marcan representation, which forbids us to use it without reserve as a +source for the life of Jesus. The inventor of the Marcan hypothesis never +wearies of repeating that even in the Second Gospel it is only the main +outline of the Life of Jesus, not the way in which the various sections +are joined together, which is historical. He does not, therefore, venture +to write a Life of Jesus, but begins with a "General Sketch of the Gospel +History" in which he gives the main outlines of the Life of Jesus +according to Mark, and then proceeds to explain the incidents and +discourses in each several Gospel in the order in which they occur.(87) + +He avoids the professedly historical forced interpretation of detail, +which later representatives of the Marcan hypothesis, Schenkel in +particular, employ in such distressing fashion that Wrede's book, by +making an end of this inquisitorial method of extracting the Evangelist's +testimony, may be said to have released the Marcan hypothesis from the +torture-chamber. Weisse is free from these over-refinements. He refuses to +divide the Galilaean ministry of Jesus into a period of success and a +period of failure and gradual falling off of adherents, divided by the +controversy about legal purity in Mark vii.; he does not allow this +episode to counterbalance the general evidence that Jesus' public work was +accompanied by a constantly growing success. Nor does it occur to him to +conceive the sojourn of the Lord in Phoenician territory, and His journey +to the neighbourhood of Caesarea Philippi, as a compulsory withdrawal from +Galilee, an abandonment of His cause in that district, and to head the +chapter, as was usual in the second period of the exegesis of Mark, +"Flights and Retirements." He is content simply to state that Jesus once +visited those regions, and explicitly remarks that while the Synoptists +speak of the Pharisees and Scribes as working actively against Him, there +is nowhere any hint of a hostile movement on the part of the people, but +that, on the contrary, in spite of the Scribes and Pharisees the people +are always ready to approve Him and take His part; so much so that His +enemies can only hope to get Him into their power by a secret betrayal. + +Weisse does not admit any failure in Jesus' work, nor that death came upon +Him from without as an inevitable necessity. He cannot, therefore, regard +the thought of suffering as forced upon Jesus by outward events. Later +interpreters of Mark have often held that the essential thing in the +Lord's resolve to die was that by His voluntary acceptance of a fate which +was more and more clearly revealing itself as inevitable, He raised it +into the sphere of ethico-religious freedom: this was not Weisse's view. +Jesus, according to him, was not moved by any outward circumstances when +He set out for Jerusalem in order to die there. He did it in obedience to +a supra-rational higher necessity. We can at most venture to conjecture +that a cessation of His miracle-working power, of which He had become +aware, revealed to Him that the hour appointed by God had come. He did, in +fact, no further miracle in Jerusalem. + +How far Isaiah liii. may have contributed to suggest the conception of +such a death being a necessary part of Messiah's work, it is impossible to +discover. In the popular expectation there was no thought of the Messiah +as suffering. The thought was conceived by Jesus independently, through +His deep and penetrating spiritual insight. Without any external +suggestion whatever He announces to His disciples that He is to die at +Jerusalem, and that He is going thither with that end in view. He +journeyed, not to the Passover, but to His death. The fact that it took +place at the time of the Feast was, so far as Jesus was concerned, +accidental. The circumstances of His entry were such as to suggest +anything rather than the fulfilment of His predictions; but though the +jubilant multitude surrounded Him day by day, as with a wall of defence, +He did not let that make Him falter in His purpose; rather He forced the +authorities to arrest Him; He preserved silence before Pilate with the +deliberate purpose of rendering His death inevitable. The theory of later +defenders of the Marcan hypothesis that Jesus, giving up His cause in +Galilee for lost, went up to Jerusalem to conquer or die, is foreign to +Weisse's conception. In his view, Jesus, breaking off His Galilaean work +while the tide of success was still flowing strongly, journeyed to +Jerusalem, in the scorn of consequence, with the sole purpose of dying +there. + +It is true there are some premonitions of the later course of Marcan +exegesis. The Second Gospel mentions no Passover journeys as falling in +the course of the public ministry of Jesus; consequently the most natural +conclusion would be that no Passover journeys fall within that period; +that is, that Jesus' ministry began after one Passover and closed with the +next, thus lasting less than a full year. Weisse thinks, however, that it +is impossible to understand the success of His teaching unless we assume a +ministry of several years, of more than three years, indeed. Mark does not +mention the Feasts simply because Jesus did not go up to Jerusalem. +"Intrinsic probability is, in our opinion, so strongly in favour of a +duration of a considerable number of years, that we are at a loss to +explain how it is that at least a few unprejudiced investigators have not +found in this a sufficient reason for departing from the traditional +opinion." + +The account of the mission of the Twelve is also, on the ground of +"intrinsic probability," explained in a way which is not in accordance +with the plain sense of the words. "We do not think," says Weisse, "that +it is necessary to understand this in the sense that He sent all the +twelve out at one time, two and two, remaining alone in the meantime; it +is much more natural to suppose that He only sent them out two at a time, +keeping the others about Him. The object of this mission was less the +immediate spreading abroad of His teaching than the preparation of the +disciples themselves for the independent activity which they would have to +exercise after His death." These are, however, the only serious liberties +which he takes with the statements of Mark. + +When did Jesus begin to think of Himself as the Messiah? The baptism seems +to have marked an epoch in regard to His Messianic consciousness, but that +does not mean that He had not previously begun to have such thoughts about +Himself. In any case He did not on that occasion arrive all at once at +that point of His inward journey which He had reached at the time of His +first public appearance. We must assume a period of some duration between +the baptism and the beginning of His ministry--a longer period than we +should suppose from the Synoptists--during which Jesus cast off the +Messianic ideas of Judaism and attained to a spiritual conception of the +Messiahship. When He began to teach, His "development" was already closed. +Later interpreters of Mark have generally differed from Weisse in assuming +a development in the thought of Jesus during His public ministry. + +His conception of the Messiahship was therefore fully formed when He began +to teach in Capernaum; but He did not allow the people to see that He held +Himself to be the Messiah until His triumphal entry. It was in order to +avoid declaring His Messiahship that He kept away from Jerusalem. "It was +only in Galilee and not in the Jewish capital that an extended period of +teaching and work was possible for Him without being obliged to make an +explicit declaration whether He were the Messiah or no. In Jerusalem +itself the High Priests and Scribes would soon have put this question to +Him in such a way that He could not have avoided answering it, whereas in +Galilee He doubtless on more than one occasion cut short such attempts to +question Him too closely by the incisiveness of His replies." Like +Strauss, Weisse recognises that the key to the explanation of the +Messianic consciousness of Jesus lies in the self-designation "Son of +Man." "We are most certainly justified," he says, with almost prophetic +insight, in his "Problem of the Gospels," published in 1856, "in regarding +the question, what sense the Divine Saviour desired to attach to this +predicate?--what, in fact, He intended to make known about Himself by using +the title Son of Man--as an essential question for the right understanding +of His teaching, and not of His teaching only, but also of the very heart +and inmost essence of His personality." + +But at this point Weisse lets in the cloven hoof of that fatal method of +interpretation, by the aid of which the defenders of the Marcan hypothesis +who succeeded him were to wage war, with a kind of dull and dogged +determination, against eschatology, in the interests of an original and +"spiritual" conception of the Messiahship supposed to be held by Jesus. +Under the obsession of the fixed idea that it was their mission to defend +the "originality" of Jesus by ascribing to Him a modernising +transformation and spiritualisation of the eschatological system of ideas, +the defenders of the Marcan hypothesis have impeded the historical study +of the Life of Jesus to an almost unbelievable extent. + +The explanation of the name Son of Man had, Weisse explains, hitherto +oscillated between two extremes. Some had held the expression to be, even +in the mouth of Jesus, equivalent to "man" in general, an interpretation +which cannot be carried through; others had connected it with the Son of +Man in Daniel, and supposed that in using the term Jesus was employing a +Messianic title understood by and current among the Jews. But how came He +to employ only this unusual periphrastic name for the Messiah? Further, if +this name were really a Messianic title, how could He repeatedly have +refused Messianic salutations, and not until the triumphal entry suffered +the people to hail Him as Messiah? + +The questions are rightly asked; it is therefore the more pity that they +are wrongly answered. It follows, Weisse says, from the above +considerations that Jesus did not assume an acquaintance on the part of +His hearers with the Old Testament Messianic significance of the +expression. "It was therefore incontestably the intention of Jesus--and any +one who considers it unworthy betrays thereby his own want of insight--that +the designation should have something mysterious about it, something which +would compel His hearers to reflect upon His meaning." The expression Son +of Man was calculated to lead them on to higher conceptions of His nature +and origin, and therefore sums up in itself the whole spiritualisation of +the Messiahship. + +Weisse, therefore, passionately rejects any suggestion, however modest, +that Jesus' self-designation, Son of Man, implies any measure of +acceptance of the Jewish apocalyptic system of ideas. Ewald had furnished +forth his Life of Jesus(88) with a wealth of Old Testament learning, and +had made some half-hearted attempts to show the connexion of Jesus' system +of thought with that of post-canonical Judaism, but without taking the +matter seriously and without having any suspicion of the real character of +the eschatology of Jesus. But even these parade-ground tactics excite +Weisse's indignation; in his book, published in 1856, he reproaches Ewald +with failing to understand his task. + +The real duty of criticism is, according to Weisse, to show that Jesus had +no part in those fantastic errors which are falsely attributed to Him when +a literal Jewish interpretation is given to His great sayings about the +future of the Son of Man, and to remove all the obstacles which seem to +have prevented hitherto the recognition of the novel character and special +significance of the expression, Son of Man, in the mouth of Him who, of +His own free choice, applied this name to Himself. "How long will it be," +he cries, "before theology at last becomes aware of the deep importance of +its task? Historical criticism, exercised with all the thoroughness and +impartiality which alone can produce a genuine conviction, must free the +Master's own teaching from the imputation that lies upon it--the imputation +of sharing the errors and false expectations in which, as we cannot deny, +owing to imperfect or mistaken understanding of the suggestions of the +Master, the Apostles, and with them the whole early Christian Church, +became involved." + +This fundamental position determines the remainder of Weisse's views. +Jesus cannot have shared the Jewish particularism. He did not hold the Law +to be binding. It was for this reason that He did not go up to the Feasts. +He distinctly and repeatedly expressed the conviction that His doctrine +was destined for the whole world. In speaking of the parousia of the Son +of Man He was using a figure--a figure which includes in a mysterious +fashion all His predictions of the future. He did not speak to His +disciples of His resurrection, His ascension, and His parousia as three +distinct acts, since the event to which He looked forward is not identical +with any of the three, but is composed of them all. The resurrection is, +at the same time, the ascension and parousia, and in the parousia the +resurrection and the ascension are also included. "The one conclusion to +which we believe we can point with certainty is that Jesus spoke of the +future of His work and His teaching in a way that implied the +consciousness of an influence to be continued after His death, whether +unbrokenly or intermittently, and the consciousness that by this influence +His work and teaching would be preserved from destruction and the final +victory assured to it." + +The personal presence of Jesus which the disciples experienced after His +death was in their view only a partial fulfilment of that general promise. +The parousia appeared to them as still awaiting fulfilment. Thought of +thus, as an isolated event, they could only conceive it from the Jewish +apocalyptic standpoint, and they finally came to suppose that they had +derived these fantastic ideas from the Master Himself. + +In his determined opposition to the recognition of eschatology in +Strauss's first Life of Jesus, Weisse here lays down the lines which were +to be followed by the "liberal" Lives of Jesus of the 'sixties and +following years, which only differ from him, not always to their +advantage, in their more elaborate interpretation of the detail of Mark. +The only work, therefore, which was a conscious continuation of Strauss's, +takes, in spite of its just appreciation of the character of the sources, +a wrong path, led astray by the mistaken idea of the "originality" of +Jesus, which it exalts into a canon of historical criticism. Only after +long and devious wanderings did the study of the subject find the right +road again. The whole struggle over eschatology is nothing else than a +gradual elimination of Weisse's ideas. It was only with Johannes Weiss +that theology escaped from the influence of Christian Hermann Weisse. + + + + + +XI. BRUNO BAUER. THE FIRST SCEPTICAL LIFE OF JESUS + + + Kritik der evangelischen Geschichte des Johannes. (Criticism of + the Gospel History of John.) Bremen, 1840. 435 pp. + + Kritik der evangelischen Geschichte der Synoptiker. (Criticism of + the Gospel History of the Synoptics.) 3 vols., Leipzig, 1841-1842; + vol. i. 416 pp.; vol. ii. 392 pp.; vol. iii. 341 pp. + + Kritik der Evangelien. (Criticism of the Gospels.) 2 vols., + 1850-1851, Berlin. + + Kritik der Apostelgeschichte. (Criticism of Acts.) 1850. + + Kritik der Paulinischen Briefe. Berlin, 1850-1852. In three parts. + + Philo, Strauss, Renan und das Urchristentum. (P., S., R., and + Primitive Christianity.) Berlin, 1874. 155 pp. + + Christus und die Caesaren. Der Ursprung des Christentums aus dem + roemischen Griechentum. (The Origin of Christianity from Graeco- + Roman Civilisation.) Berlin, 1877. 387 pp. + + +Bruno Bauer was born in 1809 at Eisenberg, in the duchy of Sachsen- +Altenburg. In philosophy, he was at first associated entirely with the +Hegelian "right." Like Strauss, he received a strong impulse from Vatke. +At this stage of his development he reviewed, in 1835 and 1836, Strauss's +Life of Jesus in the _Jahrbuecher fuer wissenschaftliche Kritik_, and wrote +in 1838 a "Criticism of the History of Revelation."(89) + +In 1834 he had become Privat-Docent in Berlin, but in 1839 he removed to +Bonn. He was then in the midst of that intellectual crisis of which the +evidence appeared in his critical works on John and the Synoptics. In +August 1841 the Minister, Eichhorn, requested the Faculties of the +Prussian Universities to report on the question whether Bauer should be +allowed to retain the _venia docendi_. Most of them returned an evasive +answer, Koenigsberg replied in the affirmative, and Bonn in the negative. +In March 1842 Bauer was obliged to cease lecturing, and retired to Rixdorf +near Berlin. In the first heat of his furious indignation over this +treatment he wrote a work with the title "Christianity Exposed,"(90) +which, however, was cancelled before publication at Zurich in 1843. + +He then turned his attention to secular history and wrote on the French +Revolution, on Napoleon, on the Illuminism of the Eighteenth Century, and +on the party struggles in Germany during the years 1842-1846. At the +beginning of the 'fifties he returned to theological subjects, but failed +to exercise any influence. His work was simply ignored. + +Radical though he was in spirit, Bauer found himself fighting, at the end +of the 'fifties and beginning of the 'sixties, in the ranks of the +Prussian Conservatives--we are reminded how Strauss in the Wuertemberg +Chamber was similarly forced to side with the reactionaries. He died in +1882. His was a pure, modest, and lofty character. + +At the time of his removal from Berlin to Bonn he was just at the end of +the twenties, that critical age when pupils often surprise their teachers, +when men begin to find themselves and show what they are, not merely what +they have been taught. + +In approaching the investigation of the Gospel history, Bauer saw, as he +himself tells us, two ways open to him. He might take as his starting- +point the Jewish Messianic conception, and endeavour to answer the +question how the intuitive prophetic idea of the Messiah became a fixed +reflective conception. That was the historical method; he chose, however, +the other, the literary method. This starts from the opposite side of the +question, from the end instead of the beginning of the Gospel history. +Taking first the Gospel of John, in which it is obvious that reflective +thought has fitted the life of the Jewish Messiah into the frame of the +Logos conception, he then, starting as it were from the embouchure of the +stream, works his way upwards to the high ground in which the Gospel +tradition takes its rise. The decision in favour of the latter view +determined the character of Bauer's life-work; it was his task to follow +out, to its ultimate consequences, the literary solution of the problem of +the life of Jesus. + +How far this path would lead him he did not at first suspect. But he did +suspect how strong was the influence upon the formation of history of a +dominant idea which moulds and shapes it with a definite artistic purpose. +His interest was especially arrested by Philo, who, without knowing or +intending it, contributed to the fulfilment of a higher task than that +with which he was immediately engaged. Bauer's view is that a speculative +principle such as Philo's, when it begins to take possession of men's +minds, influences them in the first glow of enthusiasm which it evokes +with such overmastering power that the just claims of that which is actual +and historical cannot always secure the attention which is their due. In +Philo's pupil, John, we must look, not for history, but for art. + +The Fourth Gospel is in fact a work of art. This was now for the first +time appreciated by one who was himself an artist. Schleiermacher, indeed, +had at an earlier period taken up the aesthetic standpoint in considering +this Gospel. But he had used it as an apologist, proceeding to exalt the +artistic truth which he rightly recognised into historic reality, and his +critical sense failed him, precisely because he was an aesthete and an +apologist, when he came to deal with the Fourth Gospel. Now, however, +there comes forward a true artist, who shows that the depth of religious +and intellectual insight which Tholuck and Neander, in opposing Strauss, +had urged on behalf of the Fourth Gospel, is--Christian art. + +In Bauer, however, the aesthete is at the same time a critic. Although +much in the Fourth Gospel is finely "felt," like the opening scenes +referring to the Baptist and to Jesus, which Bauer groups together under +the heading "The Circle of the Expectant," yet his art is by no means +always perfect. The author who conceived those discourses, of which the +movement consists in a kind of tautological return upon itself, and who +makes the parables trail out into dragging allegories, is no perfect +artist. "The parable of the Good Shepherd," says Bauer, "is neither +simple, nor natural, nor a true parable, but a metaphor, which is, +nevertheless, much too elaborate for a metaphor, is not clearly conceived, +and, finally, in places shows much too clearly the skeleton of reflection +over which it is stretched." + +Bauer treats, in his work of 1840,(91) the Fourth Gospel only. The +Synoptics he deals with only in a quite incidental fashion, "as opposing +armies make demonstrations in order to provoke the enemy to a decisive +conflict." + +He breaks off at the beginning of the story of the passion, because here +it would be necessary to bring in the Synoptic parallels. "From the +distant heights on which the Synoptic forces have taken up a menacing +position, we must now draw them down into the plain; now comes the pitched +battle between them and the Fourth Gospel, and the question regarding the +historical character of that which we have found to be the ultimate basis +of the last Gospel, can now at length be decided." + +If, in the Gospel of John, no smallest particle could be found which was +unaffected by the creative reflection of the author, how will it stand +with the Synoptists? + +When Bauer broke off his work upon John in this abrupt way--for he had not +originally intended to conclude it at this point--how far did he still +retain a belief in the historical character of the Synoptics? It looks as +if he had intended to treat then as the solid foundation, in contrast with +the fantastic structure raised upon it by the Fourth Gospel. But when he +began to use his pick upon the rock, it crumbled away. Instead of a +difference of kind he found only a difference of degree. The "Criticism of +the Gospel History of the Synoptists" of 1841 is built on the site which +Strauss had levelled. "The abiding influence of Strauss," says Bauer, +"consists in the fact that he has removed from the path of subsequent +criticism the danger and trouble of a collision with the earlier orthodox +system." + +Bauer finds his material laid ready to his hand by Weisse and Wilke. +Weisse had divined in Mark the source from which criticism--becoming barren +in the work of Strauss--might draw a new spring of vigorous life; and +Wilke, whom Bauer places above Weisse, had raised this happy conjecture to +the level of a scientifically assured result. The Marcan hypothesis was no +longer on its trial. + +But its bearing upon the history of Jesus had still to be determined. What +position do Weisse and Wilke take up towards the hypothesis of a tradition +lying behind the Gospel of Mark? If it be once admitted that the whole +Gospel tradition, so far as concerns its plan, goes back to a single +writer, who has created the connexion between the different events--for +neither Weisse nor Wilke regards the connexion of the sections as +historical--does not the possibility naturally suggest itself that the +narrative of the events themselves, not merely the connexion in which they +appear in Mark, is to be set down to the account of the author of the +Gospel? Weisse and Wilke had not suspected how great a danger arises when, +of the three witnesses who represent the tradition, only one is allowed to +stand, and the tradition is recognised and allowed to exist in this one +written form only. The triple embankment held; will a single one bear the +strain? + +The following considerations have to be taken into account. The criticism +of the Fourth Gospel compels us to recognise that a Gospel _may_ have a +purely literary origin. This discovery dawned upon Bauer at a time when he +was still disinclined to accept Wilke's conclusions regarding Mark. But +when he had recognised the truth of the latter he felt compelled by the +combination of the two to accept the idea that Mark also might be of +purely literary origin. For Weisse and Wilke the Marcan hypothesis had not +implied this result, because they continued to combine with it the wider +hypothesis of a general tradition, holding that Matthew and Luke used the +collection of "Logia," and also owed part of their supplementary matter to +a free use of floating tradition, so that Mark, it might almost be said, +merely supplied them with the formative principle by means of which they +might order their material. + +But what if Papias's statement about the collection of "Logia" were +worthless, and could be shown to be so by the literary data? In that case +Matthew and Luke would be purely literary expansions of Mark, and like +him, purely literary inventions. + +In this connexion Bauer attaches decisive importance to the phenomena of +the birth-stories. If these had been derived from tradition they could not +differ from each other as they do. If it is suggested that tradition had +produced a large number of independent, though mutually consistent, +stories of the childhood, out of which the Evangelists composed their +opening narratives, this also is found to be untenable, for these +narratives are not composite structures. The separate stories of which +each of these two histories of the childhood consists could not have been +formed independently of one another; none of them existed by itself; each +points to the others and is informed by a view which implies the whole. +The histories of the childhood are therefore not literary versions of a +tradition, but literary inventions. + +If we go on to examine the discourse and narrative material, additional to +that of Mark, which is found in Matthew and Luke, a similar result +appears. The same standpoint is regulative throughout, showing that the +additions do not consist of oral or written traditional material which has +been worked into the Marcan plan, but of a literary development of certain +fundamental ideas and suggestions found in the first author. These +developments, as is shown by the accounts of the Sermon on the Mount and +the charge to the Twelve, are not carried as far in Luke as in Matthew. +The additional material in the latter seems indeed to be worked up from +suggestions in the former. Luke thus forms the transition stage between +Mark and Matthew. The Marcan hypothesis, accordingly, now takes on the +following form. Our knowledge of the Gospel history does not rest upon any +basis of tradition, but only upon three literary works. Two of these are +not independent, being merely expansions of the first, and the third, +Matthew, is also dependent upon the second. Consequently there is no +tradition of the Gospel history, but only a single _literary source_. + +But, if so, who is to assure us that this Gospel history, with its +assertion of the Messiahship of Jesus, was already a matter of common +knowledge before it was fixed in writing, and did not first become known +in a literary form? In the latter case, one man would have created out of +general ideas the definite historical tradition in which these ideas are +embodied. The only thing that could be set against this literary +possibility, as a historical counter-possibility, would be a proof that at +the period when the Gospel history is supposed to take place a Messianic +expectation really existed among the Jews, so that a man who claimed to be +the Messiah and was recognised as such, as Mark represents Jesus to have +been, would be historically conceivable. This presupposition had hitherto +been unanimously accepted by all writers, no matter how much opposed in +other respects. They were all satisfied "that before the appearance of +Jesus the expectation of a Messiah prevailed among the Jews"; and were +even able to explain its precise character. + +But where--apart from the Gospels--did they get their information from? +Where is the documentary evidence of the Jewish Messianic doctrine on +which that of the Gospels is supposed to be based? Daniel was the last of +the prophets. Everything tends to suggest that the mysterious content of +his work remained without influence in the subsequent period. Jewish +literature ends with the Wisdom writings, in which there is no mention of +a Messiah. In the LXX there is no attempt to translate in accordance with +a preconceived picture of the Messiah. In the Apocalypses, which are of +small importance, there is reference to a Messianic Kingdom; the Messiah +Himself, however, plays a quite subordinate part, and is, indeed, scarcely +mentioned. For Philo He has no existence; the Alexandrian does not dream +of connecting Him with his Logos speculation. There remain, therefore, as +witnesses for the Jewish Messianic expectations in the time of Tiberius, +only Mark and his imitators. This evidence, however, is of such a +character that in certain points it contradicts itself. + +In the first place, if at the time when the Christian community was +forming its view of history and the religious ideas which we find in the +Gospels, the Jews had already possessed a doctrine of the Messiah, there +would have been already a fixed type of interpretation of the Messianic +passages in the Old Testament, and it would have been impossible for the +same passages to be interpreted in a totally different way, as referring +to Jesus and His work, as we find them interpreted in the New Testament. +Next, consider the representation of the Baptist's work. We should have +expected him to connect his baptism with the preaching of "Him who was to +come"--if this were really the Messiah--by baptizing in the name of this +"Coming One." He, however, keeps them separate, baptizing in preparation +for the Kingdom, though referring in his discourses to "Him who was to +come." + +The earliest Evangelist did not venture openly to carry back into the +history the idea that Jesus had claimed to be the Messiah, because he was +aware that in the time of Jesus no general expectation of the Messiah had +prevailed among the people. When the disciples in Mark viii. 28 report the +opinions of the people concerning Jesus they cannot mention any who hold +Him to be the Messiah. Peter is the first to attain to the recognition of +His Messiahship. But as soon as the confession is made the Evangelist +makes Jesus forbid His disciples to tell the people who He is. Why is the +attribution of the Messiahship to Jesus made in this surreptitious and +inconsistent way? It is because the writer who gave the history its form +well knew that no one had ever come forward publicly on Palestinian soil +to claim the Messiahship, or had been recognised by the people as Messiah. + +The "reflective conception of the Messiah" was not, therefore, taken over +ready-made from Judaism; that dogma first arose along with the Christian +community, or rather the moment in which it arose was the same in which +the Christian community had its birth. + +Moreover, how unhistorical, even on a priori grounds, is the mechanical +way in which Jesus at this first appearance at once sets Himself up as the +Messiah and says, "Behold I am He whom ye have expected." In essence, +Bauer thinks, there is not so much difference between Strauss and +Hengstenberg. For Hengstenberg the whole life of Jesus is the living +embodiment of the Old Testament picture of the Messiah; Strauss, a less +reverent counterpart of Hengstenberg, made the image of the Messiah into a +mask which Jesus Himself was obliged to assume, and which legend +afterwards substituted for His real features. + +"We save the honour of Jesus," says Bauer, "when we restore His Person to +life from the state of inanition to which the apologists have reduced it, +and give it once more a living relation to history, which it certainly +possessed--that can no longer be denied. If a conception was to become +dominant which should unite heaven and earth, God and man, nothing more +and nothing less was necessary as a preliminary condition, than that a Man +should appear, the very essence of whose consciousness should be the +reconciliation of these antitheses, and who should manifest this +consciousness to the world, and lead the religious mind to the sole point +from which its difficulties can be solved. Jesus accomplished this mighty +work, but not by prematurely pointing to His own Person. Instead He +gradually made known to the people the thoughts which filled and entered +into the very essence of His mind. It was only in this indirect way that +His Person--which He freely offered up in the cause of His historical +vocation and of the idea for which He lived--continued to live on in so far +as this idea was accepted. When, in the belief of His followers, He rose +again and lived on in the Christian community, it was as the Son of God +who had overcome and reconciled the great antithesis. He was that in which +alone the religious consciousness found rest and peace, apart from which +there was nothing firm, trustworthy, and enduring." + +"It was only now that the vague, ill-defined, prophetic representations +were focused into a point; were not only fulfilled, but were also united +together by a common bond which strengthened and gave greater value to +each of them. With His appearance and the rise of belief in Him, a clear +conception, a definite mental picture of the Messiah became possible; and +thus it was that a Christology(92) first arose." + +While, therefore, at the close of Bauer's first work it might have seemed +that it was only the Gospel of John which he held to be a literary +creation, here the same thing is said of the original Gospel. The only +difference is that we find more primitive reflection in the Synoptics, and +later work in the representation given by the Fourth Evangelist; the +former is of a more practical character, the latter more dogmatic. + +Nevertheless it is false to assert that according to Bauer the earliest +Evangelist invented the Gospel history and the personality of Jesus. That +is to carry back the ideas of a later period and a further stage of +development into the original form of his view. At the moment when, having +disposed of preliminaries, he enters on his investigation, he still +assumes that a great, a unique Personality, who so impressed men by His +character that it lived on among them in an ideal form, had awakened into +life the Messianic idea; and that what the original Evangelist really did +was to portray the life of this Jesus--the Christ of the community which He +founded--in accordance with the Messianic view of Him, just as the Fourth +Evangelist portrayed it in accordance with the presupposition that Jesus +was the revealer of the Logos. It was only in the course of his +investigations that Bauer's opinion became more radical. As he goes on, +his writing becomes ill-tempered, and takes the form of controversial +dialogues with "the theologians," whom he apostrophises in a biting and +injurious fashion, and whom he continually reproaches with not daring, +owing to their apologetic prejudices, to see things as they really are, +and with declining to face the ultimate results of criticism from fear +that the tradition might suffer more loss of historic value than religion +could bear. In spite of this hatred of the theologians, which is +pathological in character, like his meaningless punctuation, his critical +analyses are always exceedingly acute. One has the impression of walking +alongside a man who is reasoning quite intelligently, but who talks to +himself as though possessed by a fixed idea. What if the whole thing +should turn out to be nothing but a literary invention--not only the +incidents and discourses, but even the Personality which is assumed as the +starting-point of the whole movement? What if the Gospel history were only +a late imaginary embodiment of a set of exalted ideas, and these were the +only historical reality from first to last? This is the idea which +obsesses his mind more and more completely, and moves him to contemptuous +laughter. What, he mocks, will these apologists, who are so sure of +everything, do then with the shreds and tatters which will be all that is +left to them? + +But at the outset of his investigations Bauer was far from holding such +views. His purpose was really only to continue the work of Strauss. The +conception of myth and legend of which the latter made use is, Bauer +thinks, much too vague to explain this deliberate "transformation" of a +personality. In the place of myth Bauer therefore sets "reflection." The +life which pulses in the Gospel history is too vigorous to be explained as +created by legend; it is real "experience," only not the experience of +Jesus, but of the Church. The representation of this experience of the +Church in the Life of a Person is not the work of a number of persons, but +of a single author. It is in this twofold aspect--as the composition of one +man, embodying the experience of many--that the Gospel history is to be +regarded. As religious art it has a profound truth. When it is regarded +from this point of view the difficulties which are encountered in the +endeavour to conceive it as real immediately disappear. + +We must take as our point of departure the belief in the sacrificial death +and the resurrection of Jesus. Everything else attaches itself to this as +to its centre. When the need arose to fix definitely the beginning of the +manifestation of Jesus as the Saviour--to determine the point of time at +which the Lord issued forth from obscurity--it was natural to connect this +with the work of the Baptist; and Jesus comes to his baptism. While this +is sufficient for the earliest Evangelist, Matthew and Luke feel it to be +necessary, in view of the important consequences involved in the connexion +of Jesus with the Baptist, to bring them into relation once more by means +of the question addressed by the Baptist to Jesus, although this addition +is quite inconsistent with the assumptions of the earliest Evangelist. If +he had conceived the story of the baptism with the idea of introducing the +Baptist again on a later occasion, and this time, moreover, as a doubter, +he would have given it a different form. This is a just observation of +Bauer's; the story of the baptism with the miracle which took place at it, +and the Baptist's question, understood as implying a doubt of the +Messiahship of Jesus, mutually exclude one another. + +The story of the temptation embodies an experience of the early Church. +This narrative represents her inner conflicts under the form of a conflict +of the Redeemer. On her march through the wilderness of this world she has +to fight with temptations of the devil, and in the story composed by Mark +and Luke, and artistically finished by Matthew, she records a vow to build +only on the inner strength of her constitutive principle. In the sermon on +the mount also, Matthew has carried out with greater completeness that +which was more vaguely conceived by Luke. It is only when we understand +the words of Jesus as embodying experiences of the early Church that their +deeper sense becomes clear and what would otherwise seem offensive +disappears. The saying, "Let the dead bury their dead," would not have +been fitting for Jesus to speak, and had He been a real man, it could +never have entered into His mind to create so unreal and cruel a collision +of duties; for no command, Divine or human, could have sufficed to make it +right for a man to contravene the ethical obligations of family life. So +here again, the obvious conclusion is that the saying originated in the +early Church, and was intended to inculcate renunciation of a world which +was felt to belong to the kingdom of the dead, and to illustrate this by +an extreme example. + +The mission of the Twelve, too, is, as an historical occurrence, simply +inconceivable. It would have been different if Jesus had given them a +definite teaching, or form of belief, or positive conception of any kind, +to take with them as their message. But how ill the charge to the Twelve +fulfils its purpose as a discourse of instruction! What the disciples +needed to learn, namely, what and how they were to teach, they are not +told; and the discourse which Matthew has composed, working on the basis +of Luke, implies quite a different set of circumstances. It is concerned +with the struggles of the Church with the world and the sufferings which +it must endure. This is the explanation of the references to suffering +which constantly recur in the discourses of Jesus, in spite of the fact +that His disciples were not enduring any sufferings, and that the +Evangelist cannot even make it conceivable as a possibility that those +before whose eyes Jesus holds up the way of the Cross could ever come into +such a position. The Twelve, at any rate, had no sufferings to encounter +during their mission, and if they were merely being sent by Jesus into the +surrounding districts they were not very likely to meet with kings and +rulers there. + +That it is a case of invented history is also shown by the fact that +nothing is said about the doings of the disciples, and they seem to come +back again immediately, though the earliest Evangelist, it is true, to +prevent this from being too apparent, inserts at this point the story of +the execution of the Baptist. + +All this is just and acute criticism. The charge to the Twelve is not a +discourse of instruction. What Jesus there sets before the disciples they +could not at that time have understood, and the promises which He makes to +them are not appropriate to their circumstances. + +Many of the discourses are mere bundles of heterogeneous sayings, though +this is not so much the case in Mark as in the others. He has not +forgotten that effective polemic consists of short, pointed, incisive +arguments. The others, as advanced theologians, are of opinion that it is +fitting to indulge in arguments which have nothing to do with the matter +in hand, or only the most distant connexion with it. They form the +transition to the discourses of the Fourth Gospel, which usually +degenerate into an aimless wrangle. In the same connexion it is rightly +observed that the discourses of Jesus do not advance from point to point +by the logical development of an idea, the thoughts are merely strung +together one after another, the only connexion, if connexion there is, +being due to a kind of conventional mould in which the discourse is cast. + +The parables, Bauer continues, present difficulties no less great. It is +an ineptitude on the part of the apologists to suggest that the parables +are intended to make things clear. Jesus Himself contradicts this view by +saying bluntly and unambiguously to His disciples that to them it was +given to know the mysteries of the Kingdom of God, but to the people all +His teaching must be spoken as parables, that "seeing they might see and +not perceive, and hearing they might hear and not understand." The +parables were therefore intended only to exercise the intelligence of the +disciples; and so far from being understood by the people, mystified and +repelled them; as if it would not have been much better to exercise the +minds of the disciples in this way when He was alone with them. The +disciples, however, do not even understand the simple parable of the +Sower, but need to have it interpreted to them, so that the Evangelist +once more stultifies his own theory. + +Bruno Bauer is right in his observation that the parables offer a serious +problem, seeing that they were intended to conceal and not to make plain, +and that Jesus nevertheless taught only in parables. The character of the +difficulty, however, is such that even literary criticism has no +explanation ready. Bruno Bauer admits that he does not know what was in +the mind of the Evangelist when he composed these parables, and thinks +that he had no very definite purpose, or at least that the suggestions +which were floating in his mind were not worked up into a clearly ordered +whole. + +Here, therefore, Bauer's method broke down. He did not, however, allow +this to shake his confidence in his reading of the facts, and he continued +to maintain it in the face of a new difficulty which he himself brought +clearly to light. Mark, according to him, is an artistic unity, the +offspring of a single mind. How then is it to be explained that in +addition to other less important doublets it contains two accounts of the +feeding of the multitude? Here Bauer has recourse to the aid of Wilke, who +distinguishes our Mark from an Ur-Markus,(93) and ascribes these doublets +to later interpolation. Later on he became more and more doubtful about +the artistic unity of Mark, despite the fact that this was the fundamental +assumption of his theory, and in the second edition of his "Criticism of +the Gospels," of 1851, he carried through the distinction between the +canonical Mark and the Ur-Markus. + +But even supposing the assumption of a redaction were justified, how could +the redactor have conceived the idea of adding to the first account of the +feeding of the multitude a second which is identical with it almost to the +very wording? In any case, on what principle can Mark be distinguished +from Ur-Markus? There are no fundamental differences to afford a ready +criterion. The distinction is purely one of subjective feeling, that is to +say, it is arbitrary. As soon as Bauer admits that the artistic unity of +Mark, on which he lays so much stress, has been tampered with, he cannot +maintain his position except by shutting his eyes to the fact that it can +only be a question of the weaving in of fragments of tradition, not of the +inventions of an imitator. But if he once admits the presence of +traditional materials, his whole theory of the earliest Evangelist's +having created the Gospel falls to the ground. + +For the moment he succeeds in laying the spectre again, and continues to +think of Mark as a work of art, in which the interpolation alters nothing. + +Bauer discusses with great thoroughness those sayings of Jesus in which He +forbids those whom He had healed to noise abroad their cure. In the form +in which they appear these cannot, he argues, be historical, for Jesus +imposes this prohibition in some cases where it is quite meaningless, +since the healing had taken place in the presence of a multitude. It must +therefore be derived from the Evangelist. Only when it is recognised as a +free creation can its meaning be discerned. It finds its explanation in +the inconsistent views regarding miracle which were held side by side in +the early Church. No doubt was felt that Jesus had performed miracles, and +by these miracles had given evidence of His Divine mission. On the other +hand, by the introduction of the Christian principle, the Jewish demand +for a sign had been so far limited, and the other, the spiritual line of +evidence, had become so important, or at least so indispensable, that it +was no longer possible to build on the miracles only, or to regard Jesus +merely as a wonder-worker; so in some way or other the importance ascribed +to miracle must be reduced. In the graphic symbolism of the Gospel history +this antithesis takes the form that Jesus did miracles--there was no +getting away from that--but on the other hand Himself declared that He did +not wish to lay any stress upon such acts. As there are times when +miracles must hide their light under a bushel, Jesus, on occasion, forbids +that they should be made known. The other Synoptists no longer understood +this theory of the first Evangelist, and introduced the prohibition in +passages where it was absurd. + +The way in which Jesus makes known His Messiahship is based on another +theory of the original Evangelist. The order of Mark can give us no +information regarding the chronology of the life of Jesus, since this +Gospel is anything rather than a chronicle. We cannot even assert that +there is a deliberate logic in the way in which the sections are +connected. But there is one fundamental principle of arrangement which +comes quite clearly to light, viz. that it was only at Caesarea Philippi, +in the closing period of His life, that Jesus made Himself known as the +Messiah, and that, therefore, He was not previously held to be so either +by His disciples or by the people. This is clearly shown in the answers of +the disciples when Jesus asked them whom men took Him to be. The implied +course of events, however, is determined by art, not history--as history it +would be inconceivable. + +Could there indeed be a more absurd impossibility? "Jesus," says Bauer, +"must perform these innumerable, these astounding miracles because, +according to the view which the Gospels represent, He is the Messiah; He +must perform them in order to prove Himself to be the Messiah--and yet no +one recognises Him as the Messiah! That is the greatest miracle of all, +that the people had not long ago recognised the Messiah in this wonder- +worker. Jesus could only be held to be the Messiah in consequence of doing +miracles; but He only began to do miracles when, in the faith of the early +Church, He rose from the dead as Messiah, and the facts that He rose as +Messiah and that He did miracles, are one and the same fact." + +Mark, however, represents a Jesus who does miracles and who nevertheless +does not thereby reveal Himself to be the Messiah. He was obliged so to +represent Him, because he was conscious that Jesus was not recognised and +acknowledged as Messiah by the people, nor even by His immediate +followers, in the unhesitating fashion in which those of later times +imagined Him to have been recognised. Mark's conception and representation +of the matter carried back into the past the later developments by which +there finally arose a Christian community for which Jesus had become the +Messiah. "Mark is also influenced by an artistic instinct which leads him +to develop the main interest, the origin of the faith, gradually. It is +only after the ministry of Jesus has extended over a considerable period, +and is, indeed, drawing towards its close, that faith arises in the circle +of the disciples; and it is only later still, when, in the person of the +blind man at Jericho, a prototype of the great company of believers that +was to be has hailed the Lord with a Messianic salutation, that, at the +triumphal entry into Jerusalem, the faith of the people suddenly ripens +and finds expression." + +It is true, this artistic design is completely marred when Jesus does +miracles which must have made Him known to every child as the Messiah. We +cannot, therefore, blame Matthew very much if, while he retains this plan +in its external outlines in a kind of mechanical way, he contradicts it +somewhat awkwardly by making Jesus at an earlier point clearly designate +Himself as Messiah and many recognise Him as such. And the Fourth +Evangelist cannot be said to be destroying any very wonderful work of art +when he gives the impression that from the very first any one who wished +could recognise Jesus as the Messiah. + +Mark himself does not keep strictly to his own plan. He makes Jesus forbid +His disciples to make known His Messiahship; how then does the multitude +at Jerusalem recognise it so suddenly, after a single miracle which they +had not even witnessed, and which was in no way different from others +which He had done before? If that "chance multitude" in Jerusalem was +capable of such sudden enlightenment it must have fallen from heaven! + +The following remarks of Bauer, too, are nothing less than classical. The +incident at Caesarea Philippi is the central fact of the Gospel history; +it gives us a fixed point from which to group and criticise the other +statements of the Gospel. At the same time it introduces a complication +into the plan of the life of Jesus, because it necessitates the carrying +through of the theory--often in the face of the text--that previously Jesus +had never been regarded as the Messiah; and lays upon us the necessity of +showing not only how Peter had come to recognise His Messiahship, but also +how He subsequently became Messiah for the multitude--if indeed He ever did +become Messiah for them. But the very fact that it does introduce this +complication is in itself a proof that in this scene at Caesarea Philippi +we have the one ray of light which history sheds upon the life of Jesus. +It is impossible to explain how any one could come to reject the simple +and natural idea that Jesus claimed from the first to be the Messiah, if +that had been the fact, and accept this complicated representation in its +place. The latter, therefore, must be the original version. In pointing +this out, Bauer gave for the first time the real proof, from internal +evidence, of the priority of Mark. + +The difficulty involved in the conception of miracle as a proof of the +Messiahship of Jesus is another discovery of Bauer's. Only here, instead +of probing the question to the bottom, he stops half-way. How do we know, +he should have gone on to ask, that the Messiah was expected to appear as +an earthly wonder-worker? There is nothing to that effect in Jewish +writings. And do not the Gospels themselves prove that any one might do +miracles without suggesting to a single person the idea that he might be +the Messiah? Accordingly the only inference to be drawn from the Marcan +representation is that miracles were not among the characteristic marks of +the Messiah, and that it was only later, in the Christian community, which +made Jesus the miracle-worker into Jesus the Messiah, that this connexion +between miracles and Messiahship was established. In dealing with the +question of the triumphal entry, too, Bauer halts half-way. Where do we +read that Jesus was hailed as Messiah upon that occasion? If He had been +taken by the people to be the Messiah, the controversy in Jerusalem must +have turned on this personal question; but it did not even touch upon it, +and the Sanhedrin never thinks of setting up witnesses to Jesus' claim to +be the Messiah. When once Bauer had exposed the historical and literary +impossibility of Jesus' being hailed by the people as Messiah, he ought to +have gone on to draw the conclusion that Jesus did not, according to Mark, +make a Messianic entry into Jerusalem. + +It was, however, a remarkable achievement on Bauer's part to have thus set +forth clearly the historical difficulties of the life of Jesus. One might +suppose that between the work of Strauss and that of Bauer there lay not +five, but fifty years--the critical work of a whole generation. + +The stereotyped character of the thrice-repeated prediction of the +passion, which, according to Bauer, betrays a certain poverty and +feebleness of imagination on the part of the earliest Evangelist, shows +clearly, he thinks, the unhistorical character of the utterance recorded. +The fact that the prediction occurs three times, its definiteness +increasing upon each occasion, proves its literary origin. + +It is the same with the transfiguration. The group in which the heroic +representatives of the Law and the Prophets stand as supporters of the +Saviour, was modelled by the earliest Evangelist. In order to place it in +the proper light and to give becoming splendour to its great subject, he +has introduced a number of traits taken from the story of Moses. + +Bauer pitilessly exposes the difficulties of the journey of Jesus from +Galilee to Jerusalem, and exults over the perplexities of the +"apologists." "The theologian," he says, "must not boggle at this journey, +he must just believe it. He must in faith follow the footsteps of his +Lord! Through the midst of Galilee and Samaria--and at the same time, for +Matthew also claims a hearing, through Judaea on the farther side of +Jordan! I wish him _Bon voyage_!" + +The eschatological discourses are not history, but are merely an expansion +of those explanations of the sufferings of the Church of which we have had +a previous example in the charge to the Twelve. An Evangelist who wrote +before the destruction of Jerusalem would have referred to the Temple, to +Jerusalem, and to the Jewish people, in a very different way. + +The story of Lazarus deserves special attention. Did not Spinoza say that +he would break his system in pieces if he could be convinced of the +reality of this event? This is the decisive point for the question of the +relation between the Synoptists and John. Vain are all the efforts of the +apologists to explain why the Synoptists do not mention this miracle. The +reason they ignore it is that it originated after their time in the mind +of the Fourth Evangelist, and they were unacquainted with his Gospel. And +yet it is the most valuable of all, because it shows clearly the +concentric circles of progressive intensification by which the development +of the Gospel history proceeds. "The Fourth Gospel," remarks Bauer, +"represents a dead man as having been restored to life after having been +four days under the power of death, and having consequently become a prey +to corruption; Luke represents the young man at Nain as being restored to +life when his body was being carried to the grave; Mark, the earliest +Evangelist, can only tell us of the restoration of a dead person who had +the moment before succumbed to an illness. The theologians have a great +deal to say about the contrast between the canonical and the apocryphal +writings, but they might have found a similar contrast even within the +four Gospels, if the light had not been so directly in their eyes." + +The treachery of Judas, as described in the Gospels, is inexplicable. + +The Lord's Supper, considered as an historic scene, is revolting and +inconceivable. Jesus can no more have instituted it than He can have +uttered the saying, "Let the dead bury their dead." In both cases the +objectionableness arises from the fact that a tenet of the early Church +has been cast into the form of an historical saying of Jesus. A man who +was present in person, corporeally present, could not entertain the idea +of offering others his flesh and blood to eat. To demand from others that +they should, while he was actually present, imagine the bread and wine +which they were eating to be his body and blood, would be for an actual +man wholly impossible. It was only when Jesus' actual bodily presence had +been removed, and only when the Christian community had existed for some +time, that such a conception as is expressed in that formula could have +arisen. A point which clearly betrays the later composition of the +narrative is that the Lord does not turn to the disciples sitting with Him +at table and say, "This is my blood which is shed for you," but, since the +words were invented by the early Church, speaks of the "many" for whom He +gives Himself. The only historical fact is that the Jewish Passover was +gradually transformed by the Christian community into a feast which had +reference to Jesus. + +As regards the scene in Gethsemane, Mark, according to Bauer, held it +necessary that in the moment when the last conflict and final catastrophe +were coming upon Jesus, He should show clearly by His actions that He met +this fate of His own free will. The reality of His choice could only be +made clear by showing Him first engaged in an inner struggle against the +acceptance of His vocation, before showing how He freely submitted to His +fate. + +The last words ascribed to Jesus by Mark, "My God, my God, why hast Thou +forsaken me?" were written without thinking of the inferences that might +be drawn from them, merely with the purpose of showing that even to the +last moment of His passion Jesus fulfilled the role of the Messiah, the +picture of whose sufferings had been revealed to the Psalmist so long +beforehand by the Holy Spirit. + +It is scarcely necessary now, Bauer thinks, to go into the contradictions +in the story of the resurrection, for "the doughty Reimarus, with his +thorough-going honesty, has already fully exposed them, and no one has +refuted him." + +The results of Bauer's analysis may be summed up as follows:-- + +The Fourth Evangelist has betrayed the secret of the original Gospel, +namely, that it too can be explained on purely literary grounds. Mark has +"loosed us from the theological lie." "Thanks to the kindly fate," cries +Bauer, "which has preserved to us this writing of Mark by which we have +been delivered from the web of deceit of this hellish pseudo-science!" + +In order to tear this web of falsehood the critic and historian must, +despite his repugnance, once more take up the pretended arguments of the +theologians in favour of the historicity of the Gospel narratives and set +them on their feet, only to knock them down again. In the end Bauer's only +feeling towards the theologians was one of contempt. "The expression of +his contempt," he declares, "is the last weapon which the critic, after +refuting the arguments of the theologians, has at his disposal for their +discomfiture; it is his right to use it; that puts the finishing touch +upon his task and points forward to the happy time when the arguments of +the theologians shall no more be heard of." + +These outbreaks of bitterness are to be explained by the feeling of +repulsion which German apologetic theology inspired in every genuinely +honest and thoughtful man by the methods which it adopted in opposing +Strauss. Hence the fiendish joy with which he snatches away the crutches +of this pseudo-science, hurls them to a distance, and makes merry over its +helplessness. A furious hatred, a fierce desire to strip the theologians +absolutely bare, carried Bauer much farther than his critical acumen would +have led him in cold blood. + +Bauer hated the theologians for still holding fast to the barbarous +conception that a great man had forced himself into a stereotyped and +unspiritual system, and in that way had set in motion great ideas, whereas +he held that that would have signified the death of both the personality +and the ideas; but this hatred is only the surface symptom of another +hatred, which goes deeper than theology, going down, indeed, to the very +depths of the Christian conception of the world. Bruno Bauer hates not +only the theologians, but Christianity, and hates it because it expresses +a truth in a wrong way. It is a religion which has become petrified in a +transitional form. A religion which ought to have led on to the true +religion has usurped the place of the true religion, and in this petrified +form it holds prisoner all the real forces of religion. + +Religion is the victory over the world of the self-conscious ego. It is +only when the ego grasps itself in its antithesis to the world as a whole, +and is no longer content to play the part of a mere "walking gentleman" in +the world-drama, but faces the world with independence and reserve, that +the necessary conditions of universal religion are present. These +conditions came into being with the rise of the Roman Empire, in which the +individual suddenly found himself helpless and unarmed in face of a world +in which he could no longer find free play for his activities, but must +stand prepared at any moment to be ground to powder by it. + +The self-conscious ego, recognising this position, found itself faced by +the necessity of breaking loose from the world and standing alone, in +order in this way to overcome the world. Victory over the world by +alienation from the world--these were the ideas out of which Christianity +was born. But it was not the true victory over the world; Christianity +remained at the stage of violent opposition to the world. + +Miracle, to which the Christian religion has always appealed, and to which +it gives a quite fundamental importance, is the appropriate symbol of this +false victory over the world. There are some wonderfully deep thoughts +scattered through Bauer's critical investigations. "Man's realisation of +his personality," he says, "is the death of Nature, but in the sense that +he can only bring about this death by the knowledge of Nature and its +laws, that is to say from within, being himself essentially the +annihilation and negation of Nature.... Spirit honours and recognises the +worth of the very thing which it negates.... Spirit does not fume and +bluster, and rage and rave against Nature, as it is supposed to do in +miracle, for that would be the denial of its inner law, but quietly works +its way through the antithesis. In short the death of Nature implied in +the conscious realisation of personality is the resurrection of Nature in +a nobler form, not the maltreatment, mockery, and insult to which it would +be exposed by miracle." Not only miracle, however, but the portrait of +Jesus Christ as drawn in the Gospels, is a stereotyping of that false idea +of victory over the world. The Christ of the Gospel history, thought of as +a really historic figure, would be a figure at which humanity would +shudder, a figure which could only inspire dismay and horror. The +historical Jesus, if He really existed, can only have been One who +reconciled in His own consciousness the antithesis which obsessed the +Jewish mind, namely the separation between God and Man; He cannot in the +process of removing this antithesis have called into existence a new +principle of religious division and alienation; nor can He have shown the +way of escape, by the principle of inwardness, from the bondage of the Law +only to impose a new set of legal fetters. + +The Christ of the Gospel history, on the other hand, is Man exalted by the +religious consciousness to heaven, who, even if He comes down to earth to +do miracles, to teach, and to suffer, is no longer true man. The Son of +Man of religion, even though His mission be to reconcile, is man as +alienated from himself. This Christ of the Gospel history, the ego exalted +to heaven and become God, overthrew antiquity, and conquered the world in +the sense that He exhausted it of all its vitality. This magnified ego +would have fulfilled its historical vocation if, by means of the terrible +disorganisation into which it threw the real spirit of mankind, it had +compelled the latter to come to a knowledge of itself, to become self- +conscious with a thoroughness and decisiveness which had not been possible +to the simple spirit of antiquity. It was disastrous that the figure which +stood for the first emancipation of the ego, remained alive. That +transformation of the human spirit which was brought about by the +encounter of the world-power of Rome with philosophy was represented by +the Gospels, under the influence of the Old Testament, as realised in a +single historic Personality; and the strength of the spirit of mankind was +swallowed up by the omnipotence of the pure absolute ego, an ego which was +alien from actual humanity. The self-consciousness of humanity finds +itself reflected in the Gospels, a self, indeed, in alienation from +itself, and therefore a grotesque parody of itself, but, after all, in +some sense, itself; hence the magical charm which attracted mankind and +enchained it, and, so long as it had not truly found itself, urged it to +sacrifice everything to grasp the image of itself, to prefer it to all +other and all else, counting all, as the apostle says, but "dung" in +comparison with it. + +Even when the Roman world was no more, and a new world had come into +being, the Christ so created did not die. The magic of His enchantment +became only more terrible, and as new strength came flooding into the old +world, the time arrived when it was to accomplish its greatest work of +destruction. Spirit, in its abstraction, became a vampire, the destroyer +of the world. Sap and strength, blood and life, it sucked, to the last +drop, out of humanity. Nature and art, family, nation, state, all were +destroyed by it; and in the ruins of the fallen world the ego, exhausted +by its efforts, remained the only surviving power. + +Having made a desert all about it, the ego could not immediately create +anew, out of the depths of its inner consciousness, nature and art, nation +and state; the awful process which now went on, the only activity of which +it was now capable, was the absorption into itself of all that had +hitherto had life in the world. The ego was now everything; and yet it was +a void. It had become the universal power, and yet as it brooded over the +ruins of the world it was filled with horror at itself and with despair at +all that it had lost. The ego which had devoured all things and was still +a void now shuddered at itself. + +Under the oppression of this awful power the education of mankind has been +going on; under this grim task-master it has been preparing for true +freedom, preparing to rouse itself from the depths of its distress, to +escape from its opposition to itself and cast out that alien ego which is +wasting its substance. Odysseus has now returned to his home, not by +favour of the gods, not laid on the shore in sleep, but awake, by his own +thought and his own strength. Perchance, as of yore, he will have need to +fight with the suitors who have devoured his substance and sought to rob +him of all he holds most dear. Odysseus must string the bow once more. + +The baleful charm of the self-alienated ego is broken the moment any one +proves to the religious sense of mankind that the Jesus Christ of the +Gospels is its creation and ceases to exist as soon as this is recognised. +The formation of the Church and the arising of the idea that the Jesus of +the Gospels is the Messiah are not two different things, they are one and +the same thing, they coincide and synchronise; but the idea was only the +imaginative conception of the Church, the first movement of its life, the +religious expression of its experience. + +The question which has so much exercised the minds of men--whether Jesus +was the historic Christ (= Messiah)--is answered in the sense that +everything that the historical Christ is, everything that is said of Him, +everything that is known of Him, belongs to the world of imagination, that +is, of the imagination of the Christian community, and therefore has +nothing to do with any man who belongs to the real world. + +The world is now free, and ripe for a higher religion in which the ego +will overcome nature, not by self-alienation, but by penetrating it and +ennobling it. To the theologian we may fling as a gift the shreds of his +former science, when we have torn it to pieces; that will be something to +occupy himself with, that time may not hang heavy upon his hands in the +new world whose advent is steadily drawing nearer. + +Thus the task which Bauer had set himself at the beginning of his +criticism of the Gospel history, turned, before he had finished, into +something different. When he began, he thought to save the honour of Jesus +and to restore His Person from the state of inanition to which the +apologists had reduced it, and hoped by furnishing a proof that the +historical Jesus could not have been the Jesus Christ of the Gospels, to +bring Him into a living relation with history. This task, however, was +given up in favour of the larger one of freeing the world from the +domination of the Judaeo-Roman idol, Jesus the Messiah, and in carrying +out this endeavour the thesis that Jesus Christ is a product of the +imagination of the early Church is formulated in such a way that the +existence of a historic Jesus becomes problematical, or, at any rate, +quite indifferent. + +At the end of his study of the Gospels, Bauer is inclined to make the +decision of the question whether there ever was a historic Jesus depend on +the result of a further investigation which he proposed to make into the +Pauline Epistles. It was not until ten years later (1850-1851) that he +accomplished this task,(94) and applied the result in his new edition of +the "Criticism of the Gospel History."(95) The result is negative: there +never was any historical Jesus. While criticising the four great Pauline +Epistles, which the Tuebingen school fondly imagined to be beyond the reach +of criticism, Bauer shows, however, his inability to lay a positive +historic foundation for his view of the origin of Christianity. The +transference of the Epistles to the second century is effected in so +arbitrary a fashion that it refutes itself. However, this work professes +to be only a preliminary study for a larger one in which the new theory +was to be fully worked out. This did not appear until 1877; it was +entitled "Christ and the Caesars; How Christianity originated from Graeco- +Roman Civilisation."(96) The historical basis for his theory, which he +here offers, is even more unsatisfactory than that suggested in the +preliminary work on the Pauline Epistles. There is no longer any pretence +of following an historical method, the whole thing works out into an +imaginary picture of the life of Seneca. Nero's tutor had, Bauer thinks, +already in his inmost consciousness fully attained to inner opposition to +the world. There are expressions in his works which, in their mystical +emancipation from the world, prelude the utterances of Paul. The same +thoughts, since they belong not to Seneca only, but to his time, are found +also in the works of the three poets of the Neronian period, Persius, +Lucan, and Petronius. Though they had but a feeble breath of the divine +afflatus, they are interesting witnesses to the spiritual condition of the +time. They, too, contributed to the making of Christianity. + +But Seneca, in spite of his inner alienation from the world, remained in +active relations with the world. He desired to found a kingdom of virtue +upon earth. At the courts of Claudius and Nero he used the arts of +intrigue to further his ends, and even quietly approved deeds of violence +which he thought likely to serve his cause. Finally, he grasped at the +supreme power; and paid the supreme penalty. Stoicism had made an attempt +to reform the world, and had failed. The great thinkers began to despair +of exercising any influence upon history, the Senate was powerless, all +public bodies were deprived of their rights. Then a spirit of resignation +came over the world. The alienation from the world, which in Seneca had +still been only half serious, was come in earnest. The time of Nero and +Domitian was a great epoch in that hidden spiritual history which goes +silently forward side by side with the noisy outward history of the world. +When Stoicism, in this development, had been deepened by the introduction +of neo-Platonic ideas, it was on its way to become the Gospel. + +But by itself it would not have given birth to that new thing. It attached +itself as a formative principle to Judaism, which was then just breaking +loose from the limitations of nationality. Bauer points to Josephus as a +type of this new Roman Judaism. This "neo-Roman" lived in the conviction +that his God, who had withdrawn from His Temple, would take possession of +the world, and make the Roman Empire submit to His law. Josephus realised +in his life that for which the way had been spiritually prepared by Philo. +The latter did not merely effect a fusion of Jewish ideas with Greek +speculations; he took advantage of the universal dominion established by +the Romans to found upon it his spiritual world. Bauer had already +pictured him in this role in his work "Philo, Strauss, and Renan, and +Primitive Christianity." + +Thus was the new religion formed. The spirit of it came from the west, the +outward frame was furnished by Judaism. The new movement had two foci, +Rome and Alexandria. Philo's "Therapeutae" were real people; they were the +forerunners of Christianity. Under Trajan the new religion began to be +known. Pliny's letter asking for instructions as to how to deal with the +new movement is its certificate of birth--the original form of the letter, +it must be understood, not the present form, which has undergone editing +at the hands of Christians. + +The literary process by which the origin of the movement was thrown back +to an earlier date in history lasted about fifty years. + +When this latest work of Bauer's appeared he had long been regarded by +theologians as an extinct force; nay, more, had been forgotten. And he had +not even kept his promise. He had not succeeded in showing what that +higher form of victory over the world was, which he declared superior to +Christianity; and in place of the personality of Jesus he had finally set +up a hybrid thing, laboriously compounded out of two personalities of so +little substance as those of Seneca and Josephus. That was the end of his +great undertaking. + +But it was a mistake to bury, along with the Bauer of the second period, +also the Bauer of the first period, the critic--for the latter was not +dead. It was, indeed, nothing less than a misfortune that Strauss and +Bauer appeared within so short a time of one another. Bauer passed +practically unnoticed, because every one was preoccupied with Strauss. +Another unfortunate thing was that Bauer overthrew with his powerful +criticism the hypothesis which attributed real historical value to Mark, +so that it lay for a long time disregarded, and there ensued a barren +period of twenty years in the critical study of the Life of Jesus. + +The only critic with whom Bauer can be compared is Reimarus. Each +exercised a terrifying and disabling influence upon his time. No one else +had been so keenly conscious as they of the extreme complexity of the +problem offered by the life of Jesus. In view of this complexity they +found themselves compelled to seek a solution outside the confines of +verifiable history. Reimarus, by finding the basis of the story of Jesus +in a deliberate imposture on the part of the disciples; Bauer, by +postulating an original Evangelist who invented the history. On this +ground it was just that they should lose their case. But in dismissing the +solutions which they offered, their contemporaries also dismissed the +problems which had necessitated such solutions; they dismissed them +because they were as little able to grasp as to remove these difficulties. + +But the time is past for pronouncing judgment upon Lives of Christ on the +ground of the solutions which they offer. For us the great men are not +those who solved the problems, but those who discovered them. Bauer's +"Criticism of the Gospel History" is worth a good dozen Lives of Jesus, +because his work, as we are only now coming to recognise, after half a +century, is the ablest and most complete collection of the difficulties of +the Life of Jesus which is anywhere to be found. + +Unfortunately, by the independent, the too loftily independent way in +which he developed his ideas, he destroyed the possibility of their +influencing contemporary theology. The shaft which he had driven into the +mountain broke down behind him, so that it needed the work of a whole +generation to lay bare once more the veins of ore which he had struck. His +contemporaries could not suspect that the abnormality of his solutions was +due to the intensity with which he grasped the problems as problems, and +that he had become blind to history by examining it too microscopically. +Thus for his contemporaries he was a mere eccentric. + +But his eccentricity concealed a penetrating insight. No one else had as +yet grasped with the same completeness the idea that primitive +Christianity and early Christianity were not merely the direct outcome of +the preaching of Jesus, not merely a teaching put into practice, but more, +much more, since to the experience of which Jesus was the subject there +allied itself the experience of the world-soul at a time when its +body--humanity under the Roman Empire--lay in the throes of death. Since +Paul, no one had apprehended so powerfully the mystic idea of the super- +sensible {~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA WITH PERISPOMENI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~} {~GREEK CAPITAL LETTER CHI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH PERISPOMENI~}. Bauer transferred it to the historical plane and +found the "body of Christ" in the Roman Empire. + + + + + +XII. FURTHER IMAGINATIVE LIVES OF JESUS + + + _Charles Christian Hennell._ Untersuchungen ueber den Ursprung des + Christentums. (An Inquiry concerning the Origin of Christianity.) + 1840. With a preface by David Friedrich Strauss. English edition, + 1838. + + Wichtige Enthuellungen ueber die wirkliche Todesart Jesu. Nach einem + alten zu Alexandria gefundenen Manuskripte von einem Zeitgenossen + Jesu aus dem heiligen Orden der Essaeer. (Important Disclosures + concerning the Manner of Jesus' Death. From an ancient MS. found + at Alexandria, written by a contemporary of Jesus belonging to the + sacred Order of the Essenes.) 1849. 5th ed., Leipzig. (Anonymous.) + + Historische Enthuellungen ueber die wirklichen Ereignisse der Geburt + und Jugend Jesu. Als Fortsetzung der zu Alexandria aufgefundenen + alten Urkunden aus dem Essaeerorden. (Historical Disclosures + concerning the real circumstances of the Birth and Youth of Jesus. + A Continuation of the ancient Essene MS. discovered at + Alexandria.) 1849. 2nd ed., Leipzig. + + _August Friedrich Gfroerer._ Kritische Geschichte des + Urchristentums. (Critical History of Primitive Christianity.) + + Vol. i. 1st ed., 1831; 2nd, 1835. Part i. 543 pp.; Part ii. 406 + pp. Vol. ii. 1838. Part i. 452 pp.; Part ii. 417 pp. + + _Richard von der Alm._ (Pseudonym of _Friedrich Wilhelm + Ghillany_.) Theologische Briefe an die Gebildeten der deutschen + Nation, 1863. (Theological Letters to the Cultured Classes of the + German People, 1863.) Vol. i. 929 pp.; Vol. ii. 656 pp.; Vol. iii. + 802 pp. + + _Ludwig Noack._ Die Geschichte Jesu auf Grund freier + geschichtlicher Untersuchungen ueber das Evangelium und die + Evangelien. (The History of Jesus on the Basis of a free + Historical Inquiry regarding the Gospel and the Gospels.) 2nd ed., + 1876, Mannheim. Book i. 251 pp.; Book ii. 187 pp.; Book iii. 386 + pp.; Book iv. 285 pp. + + +Strauss can hardly be said to have done himself honour by contributing a +preface to the translation of Hennell's work, which is nothing more than +Venturini's "Non-miraculous History of the Great Prophet of Nazareth" +tricked out with a fantastic paraphernalia of learning.(97) + +The two series of "Important Disclosures" also are really "conveyed" with +no particular ability from that classic romance of the Life of Jesus, but +that did not prevent their making something of a sensation at the time +when they appeared.(98) Jesus, according to his narrative, was the son of +a member of the Essene Order. The child was watched over by the Order and +prepared for His future mission. He entered on His public ministry as a +tool of the Essenes, who after the crucifixion took Him down from the +cross and resuscitated Him. + +These "Disclosures" only preserve the more external features of +Venturini's representation. His Life of Jesus had been more than a mere +romance, it had been an imaginative solution of problems which he had +intuitively perceived. It may be regarded as the Forerunner of +rationalistic criticism. The problems which Venturini had intuitively +perceived were not solved either by the rationalists, or by Strauss, or by +Weisse. These writers had not succeeded in providing that of which +Venturini had dreamed--a living purposeful connexion between the events of +the life of Jesus--or in explaining His Person and Work as having a +relation, either positive or negative, to the circumstances of Late +Judaism. Venturini's plan, however fantastic, connects the life of Jesus +with Jewish history and contemporary thought much more closely than any +other Life of Jesus, for that connexion is of course vital to the plot of +the romance. In Weisse's "Gospel History" criticism had deliberately +renounced the attempt to explain Jesus directly from Judaism, finding +itself unable to establish any connexion between His teachings and +contemporary Jewish ideas. The way was therefore once more open to the +imagination. Accordingly several imaginative Lives preluded a new era in +the study of the subject, in so far as they endeavoured to understand +Jesus on the basis of purely Jewish ideas, in some cases as affirming +these, in others as opposing them in favour of a more spiritual +conception. In Gfroerer, Richard von der Alm, and Noack, begins the +skirmishing preparatory to the future battle over eschatology.(99) + +August Friedrich Gfroerer, born in 1803 at Calw, was "Repetent" at the +Tuebingen theological seminary at the time when Strauss was studying there. +After being curate at the principal church in Stuttgart for a year he gave +up, in 1830, the clerical profession in order to devote himself wholly to +his clerical studies. + +By that time he had abandoned Christianity. In the preface to the first +edition of the first volume of his work, he describes Christianity as a +system which now only maintains itself by the force of custom, after +having commended itself to antiquity "by the hope of the mystic Kingdom of +the future world and having ruled the middle ages by the fear of the same +future." By enunciating this view he has made an end, he thinks, of all +high-flying Hegelian ideas, and being thus freed from all speculative +prejudices he feels himself in a position to approach his task from a +purely historical standpoint, with a view to showing how much of +Christianity is the creation of one exceptional Personality, and how much +belongs to the time in which it arose. In the first volume he describes +how the transformation of Jewish theology in Alexandria reacted upon +Palestinian theology, and how it came to its climax in Philo. The great +Alexandrian anticipated, according to Gfroerer, the ideas of Paul. His +"Therapeutae" are identical with the Essenes. At the same period Judaea +was kept in a ferment by a series of risings, to all of which the +incentive was found in Messianic expectations. Then Jesus appeared. The +three points to be investigated in His history are: what end He had in +view; why He died; and what modifications His work underwent at the hands +of the Apostles. + +The second volume, entitled "The Sacred Legend," does not, however, carry +out this plan. The works of Strauss and Weisse necessitated a new method +of treatment. The fame of Strauss's achievement stirred Gfroerer to +emulation, and Weisse, with his priority of Mark and rejection of John, +must be refuted. The work is therefore almost a polemic against Weisse for +his "want of historic sense," and ends in setting up views which had not +entered into Gfroerer's mind at the time when he wrote his first volume. + +The statements of Papias regarding the Synoptists, which Weisse followed, +are not deserving of credence. For a whole generation and more the +tradition about Jesus had passed from mouth to mouth, and it had absorbed +much that was legendary. Luke was the first--as his preface shows--who +checked that process, and undertook to separate what was genuine from what +was not. He is the most trustworthy of the Evangelists, for he keeps +closely to his sources and adds nothing of his own, in contrast with +Matthew who, writing at a later date, used sources of less value and +invented matter of his own, which Gfroerer finds especially in the story of +the passion in this Gospel. The lateness of Matthew is also evident from +his tendency to carry over the Old Testament into the New. In Luke, on the +other hand, the sources are so conscientiously treated that Gfroerer finds +no difficulty in analysing the narrative into its component parts, +especially as he always has a purely instinctive feeling "whenever a +different wind begins to blow." + +Both Gospels, however, were written long after the destruction of the holy +city, since they do not draw their material from the Jerusalem tradition, +but "from the Christian legends which had grown up in the neighbourhood of +the Sea of Tiberias," and in consequence "mistakenly transferred the scene +of Jesus' ministry to Galilee." For this reason it is not surprising "that +even down into the second century many Christians had doubts about the +truth of the Synoptics and ventured to express their doubts." Such doubts +only ceased when the Church became firmly established and began to use its +authority to suppress the objections of individuals. Mark is the earliest +witness to doubts within the primitive Christian community regarding the +credibility of his predecessors. Luke and Matthew are for him not yet +sacred books; he desires to reconcile their inconsistencies, and at the +same time to produce "a Gospel composed of materials of which the +authenticity could be maintained even against the doubters." For this +reason he omits most of the discourses, ignores the birth-story, and of +the miracles retains only those which were most deeply embedded in the +tradition. His Gospel was probably produced between 110 and 120. The "non- +genuine" conclusion was a later addition, but by the Evangelist himself. +Thus Mark proves that the Synoptists contain legendary matter even though +they are separated from the events which they relate only by a generation +and a half, or at most two generations. To show that there is nothing +strange in this, Gfroerer gives a long catalogue of miracles found in +historians who were contemporaries of the events which they describe, and +in some cases were concerned in them--in this connexion Cortez affords him +a rich storehouse of material. On the other hand, all objections against +the genuineness of the Fourth Gospel collapse miserably. It is true that, +like the others, it offers no historically accurate report of the +discourses of Jesus. It pictures Him as the Logos-Christ and makes Him +speak in this character; which Jesus certainly did not do. Inadvertently +the author makes John the Baptist speak in the same way. That does not +matter, however, for the historical conditions are rightly represented; +rightly, because Jerusalem was the scene of the greater part of the +ministry, and the five Johannine miracles are to be retained. The healing +of the nobleman's son, that of the lame man at the pool of Bethesda, and +that of the man blind from birth happened just as they are told. The story +of the miracle at Cana rests on a misunderstanding, for the wine which +Jesus provided was really the wedding-gift which He had brought with Him. +In the raising of Lazarus a real case of apparent death is combined with a +polemical exaggeration of it, the restoration to life becoming, in the +course of controversy with the Jews, an actual resurrection. Having thus +won free, dragging John along with him, from the toils of the Hegelian +denial of miracle--only, it is true, by the aid of Venturini--and being +prepared to explain the feeding of the multitude on the most commonplace +rationalistic lines, he may well boast that he has "driven the doubt +concerning the Fourth Gospel into a very small corner." + +"The miserable era of negation," cries Gfroerer, "is now at an end; +affirmation begins. We are ascending the eastern mountains from which the +pure airs of heaven breathe upon the spirit. Our guide shall be historical +mathematics, a science which is as yet known to few, and has not been +applied by any one to the New Testament." This "mathematic" of Gfroerer's +consists in developing his whole argument out of a single postulate. Let +it be granted to him that all other claimants of the Messiahship--Gfroerer, +in defiance of the evidence of Josephus, makes all the leaders of revolt +in Palestine claimants of the Messiahship--were put to death by the Romans, +whereas Jesus was crucified by His own people: it follows that the +Messiahship of Jesus was not political, but spiritual. He had declared +Himself to be in a certain sense the longed-for Messiah, but in another +sense He was not so. His preaching moved in the sphere of Philonian ideas; +although He did not as yet explicitly apply the Logos doctrine, it was +implicit in His thought, so that the discourses of the Fourth Gospel have +an essential truth. All Messianic conceptions, the Kingdom of God, the +judgment, the future world, are sublimated into the spiritual region. The +resurrection of the dead becomes a present eternal life. The saying in +John v. 24, "He that heareth my word, and believeth on Him that sent me, +hath eternal life and cometh not into judgment; but is passed from death +into life," is the only authentic part of that discourse. The reference +which follows to the coming judgment and the resurrection of the dead is a +Jewish interpolation. Jesus did not believe that He Himself was to rise +from the dead. Nevertheless, the "resurrection" is historic; Joseph of +Arimathea, a member of the Essene Order, whose tool Jesus unconsciously +was, had bribed the Romans to make the crucifixion of Jesus only a +pretence, and to crucify two others with Him in order to distract +attention from Him. After He was taken down from the cross, Joseph removed +Him to a tomb of his own which had been hewn out for the purpose in the +neighbourhood of the cross, and succeeded in resuscitating Him. The +Christian Church grew out of the Essene Order by giving a further +development to its ideas, and it is impossible to explain the organisation +of the Church without taking account of the regulations of the Order. The +work closes with a rhapsody on the Church and its development into the +Papal system. + +Gfroerer thus works into Venturini's plan a quantity of material drawn from +Philo. His first volume would have led one to expect a more original and +scientific result. But the author is one of those "epileptics of +criticism" for whom criticism is not a natural and healthy means of +arriving at a result, but who, in consequence of the fits of criticism to +which they are subject, and which they even endeavour to intensify, fall +into a condition of exhaustion, in which the need for some fixed point +becomes so imperative that they create it for themselves by self- +suggestion--as they previously did their criticism--and then flatter +themselves that they have really found it. + +This need for a fixed point carried the former rival of Strauss into +Catholicism, for which his "General History of the Church" (1841-1846) +already shows a strong admiration. After the appearance of this work +Gfroerer became Professor of History in the University of Freiburg. In 1848 +he was active in the German Parliament in endeavouring to promote a +reunion of the Protestants with the Catholics. In 1853 he went over to the +Roman Church. His family had already gone over, at Strassburg, during the +revolutionary period. In the conflict of the church with the Baden +Government he vehemently supported the claims of the Pope. He died in +1861. + + ------------------------------------- + +Incomparably better and more thorough is the attempt to write a Life of +Jesus embodied in the "Theological Letters to the Cultured Classes of the +German Nation." Their writer takes Gfroerer's studies as his starting- +point, but instead of spiritualising unjustifiably he ventures to conceive +the Jewish world of thought in which Jesus lived in its simple realism. He +was the first to place the eschatology recognised by Strauss and Reimarus +in an historical setting--that of Venturini's plan--and to write a Life of +Jesus entirely governed by the idea of eschatology. + +The author, Friedrich Wilhelm Ghillany, was born in 1807 at Erlangen. His +first studies were in theology. His rationalistic views, however, +compelled him to abandon the clerical profession. He became librarian at +Nuremberg in 1841 and engaged in controversial writing of an anti-orthodox +character, but distinguished himself also by historical work of +outstanding merit. A year after the publication of the "Theological +Letters," which he issued under the pseudonym of Richard von der Alm, he +published a collection of "The Opinions of Heathen and Christian Writers +of the first Christian Centuries about Jesus Christ" (1864), a work which +gives evidence of a remarkable range of reading. In 1855 he removed to +Munich in the hope of obtaining a post in the diplomatic service, but in +spite of his solid acquirements he did not succeed. No one would venture +to appoint a man of such outspoken anti-ecclesiastical views. He died in +1876. + +As regards the question of the sources, Ghillany occupies very nearly the +Tuebingen standpoint, except that he holds Matthew to be later than Luke, +and Mark to be extracted, not from these Gospels in their present form, +but from their sources. John is not authentic. + +The worship offered to Jesus after His death by the Christian community +is, according to Ghillany, not derived from pure Judaism, but from a +Judaism influenced by oriental religions. The influence of the cult of +Mithra, for example, is unmistakable. In it, as in Christianity, we find +the virgin-birth, the star, the wise men, the cross, and the resurrection. +Were it not for the human sacrifice of the Mithra cult, the idea which is +operative in the Supper, of eating and drinking the flesh and blood of the +Son of Man, would be inexplicable. + +The whole Eastern world was at that time impregnated with Gnostic ideas, +which centred in the revelation of the Divine in the human. In this way +there arose, for example, a Samaritan Gnosis, independent of the +Christian. Christianity itself is a species of Gnosis. In any case the +metaphysical conception of the Divine Sonship of Jesus is of secondary +origin. If He was in any sense the Son of God for the disciples, they can +only have thought of this sonship in a Gnostic fashion, and supposed that +the "highest angel," the Son of God, had taken up His abode in Him. + +John the Baptist had probably come forth from among the Essenes, and he +preached a spiritualised Kingdom of Heaven. He held himself to be Elias. +Jesus' aims were originally similar; He came forward "in the cause of +sound religious teaching for the people." He made no claim to Davidic +descent; that is to be credited to dogmatic theology. Similarly Papias is +wrong in ascribing to Jesus the crude eschatological expectations implied +in the saying about the miraculous vine in the Messianic Kingdom. + +It is certain, however, that Jesus held Himself to be Messiah and expected +the early coming of the Kingdom. His teaching is Rabbinic; all His ideas +have their source in contemporary Judaism, whose world of thought we can +reconstruct from the Rabbinic writings; for even if these only became +fixed at a later period, the thoughts on which they are based were already +current in the time of Jesus. Another source of great importance is +Justin's "Dialogue with the Jew Trypho." + +The starting-point in interpreting the teaching of Jesus is the idea of +repentance. In the tractate "Sanhedrin" we find: "The set time of the +Messiah is already here; His coming depends now upon repentance and good +works. Rabbi Eleazer says, 'When the Jews repent they shall be +redeemed.' " The Targum of Jonathan observes, on Zech. x. 3, 4,(100) "The +Messiah is already born, but remains in concealment because of the sins of +the Hebrews." We find the same thoughts put into the mouth of Trypho in +Justin. In the same Targum of Jonathan, Isa. liii. is interpreted with +reference to the sufferings of the Messiah. Judaism, therefore, was not +unacquainted with the idea of a suffering Messiah. He was not identified, +however, with the heavenly Messiah of Daniel. The Rabbis distinguished two +Messiahs, one of Israel and one of Judah. First the Messiah of the Kingdom +of Israel, denominated the Son of Joseph, was to come from Galilee to +suffer death at the hands of the Gentiles in order to make atonement for +the sins of the Hebrew nation. Only after that would the Messiah predicted +by Daniel, the son of David, of the tribe of Judah, appear in glory upon +the clouds of heaven. Finally, He also, after two-and-sixty weeks of +years, should be taken away, since the Messianic Kingdom, even as +conceived by Paul, was only a temporary supernatural condition of the +world. + +The Messianic expectation, being directed to supernatural events, had no +political character, and one who knew Himself to be the Messiah could +never dream of using earthly means for the attainment of His ends; He +would expect all things to be brought about by the Divine intervention. In +this respect Ghillany grasps clearly the character of the eschatology of +Jesus--more clearly than any one had ever done before. + +The role of the Messiah, who prior to His supernatural manifestation +remains in concealment upon earth, is therefore passive. He who is +conscious of a Messianic vocation does not seek to found a Kingdom among +men. He waits with confidence. He issues forth from His passivity with the +sole purpose of making atonement, by vicarious suffering, for the sins of +the people, in order that it may be possible for God to bring about the +new condition of things. If, in spite of the repentance of the people and +the occurrence of the signs which pointed to its being at hand, the coming +of the Kingdom should be delayed, the man who is conscious of a Messianic +vocation must, by His death, compel the intervention of God. His vocation +in this world is to die. + +Brought within the lines of these reflections the Life of Jesus shapes +itself as follows. + +Jesus was the tool of a mystical sect allied to the Essenes, the head of +which was doubtless that Joseph of Arimathea who makes so sudden and +striking an appearance in the Gospel narrative. This party desired to +bring about the coming of the Kingdom of Heaven by mystical means, whereas +the mass of the people, led astray by the Pharisees, thought to force on +its coming by means of a rising. In the preacher of a spiritual Kingdom of +Heaven, who was resolved to go to death for His cause, the mystical party +discovered Messiah the son of Joseph, and they recognised that His death +was necessary to make possible the coming of the heavenly Messiah +predicted by Daniel. That Jesus Himself was the Messiah of Daniel, that He +would immediately rise again in order to ascend to His heavenly throne, +and would come thence with the hosts of heaven to establish the Kingdom of +Heaven, these people did not themselves believe. But they encouraged Him +in this belief, thinking that He would hardly commit Himself to a +sacrificial death from which there was to be no resurrection. It was left +uncertain to His mind whether Jehovah would be content with the repentance +of the people, in so far as it had taken place, as realising the necessary +condition for the bringing in of the Kingdom of Heaven, or whether an +atonement by blood, offered by the death of Messiah the son of Joseph, +would be needful. It had been explained to Him that when the calculated +year of grace arrived, He must go up to Jerusalem and endeavour to rouse +the Jews to Messianic enthusiasm in order to compel Jehovah to come to +their aid with His heavenly hosts. From the action of Jehovah it could +then be discovered whether the preaching of repentance and baptism would +suffice to make atonement for the people before God or not. If Jehovah did +not appear, a deeper atonement must be made; Jesus must pay the penalty of +death for the sins of the Jews, but on the third day would rise again from +the dead and ascend to the throne of God and come again thence to found +the Kingdom of Heaven. "Any one can see," concludes Ghillany, "that our +view affords a very natural explanation of the anxiety of the disciples, +the suspense of Jesus Himself, and the prayer, 'If it be possible let this +cup pass from me.' " + +"It was apparently only towards the close of His life that Jesus revealed +to the disciples the possibility that the Son of Man might have to suffer +and die before He could found the Messianic Kingdom." + +With this possibility before Him, He came to Jerusalem and there awaited +the Divine intervention. Meanwhile Joseph of Arimathea lent his aid +towards securing His condemnation in the Sanhedrin. He must die on the day +of the Passover; on the day of the Preparation He must be at hand and +ready in Jerusalem. He held, with His disciples, a love-feast after the +Essene custom, not a Paschal meal, and in doing so associated thoughts of +His death with the breaking of bread and the pouring out of the wine. "He +did not lay upon His disciples any injunction to continue the celebration +of a feast of this kind until the time of His return, because He thought +of His resurrection and His heavenly glory as about to take place after +three days. But when His return was delayed the early Christians attached +these sayings of His about the bread and wine to their Essene love-feast, +and explained this common meal of the community as a commemoration of the +Last Supper of Jesus and His disciples, a memorial Feast in honour of +their Saviour, the celebration of which must be continued until His +coming." + +When the armed band came to arrest Him, Jesus surrendered to His fate. +Pilate almost set Him free, holding Him to be a mere enthusiast who placed +His hopes only in the Divine intervention. Joseph of Arimathea, however, +succeeded in averting this danger. "Even on the cross Jesus seems to have +continued to hope for the Divine intervention, as is evidenced by the cry, +'My God! My God! why hast thou forsaken me?' " Joseph of Arimathea +provided for His burial. + +The belief in His resurrection rests upon the visions of the disciples, +which are to be explained by their intense desire for the Parousia, of +which He had given them the promise. After setting their affairs in order +in Galilee they returned at the Feast of Pentecost to Jerusalem, which +they had left in alarm, in order there to await the Parousia in company +with other Galilaean believers. + +The confession of faith of the primitive Christian community was the +simplest conceivable: Jesus the Messiah had come, not as a temporal +conqueror, but as the Son of Man foretold by Daniel, and had died for the +sins of the people. In other respects they were strict Jews, kept the Law, +and were constantly in the Temple. Only the community of goods and the +brotherhood-meal are of an Essene character. + +"The Christianity of the original community in Jerusalem was thus a +mixture of Zealotism and Mysticism which did not include any wholly new +element, and even in its conception of the Messiah had nothing peculiar to +itself except the belief that the Son of Man predicted by Daniel had +already come in the person of Jesus of Nazareth ... that He was now +enthroned at the right hand of God, and would again appear as the expected +Son of Man upon the clouds of heaven according to Daniel's prophecy." +Jesus, therefore, had triumphed over the mystical party who desired to +make use of Him in the character of Messiah the son of Joseph--their +Messiah, the heavenly Son of Man, had not come. Jesus, in virtue of what +He had done, had taken His place both in heaven and in earth. + +How much of Venturini's plan is here retained? Only the "mystical part" +which serves the purpose of setting the action of the drama in motion. All +the rest of it, the rationalistic part, has been transmuted into an +historical conception. Miracle and trickery, along with the stage-play +resurrection, have been purged away in the fires of Strauss's criticism. +There remains only a fundamental conception which has a certain +greatness--a brotherhood which looks for the coming of the Kingdom of +Heaven appoints one of its members to undergo as Messiah an atoning death, +that the coming of the Kingdom, for which the time is at hand, may not be +delayed. This brotherhood is the only fictitious element in the whole +construction--much as in the primitive steam-engine the valves were still +worked by hand while the rest of the machinery was actuated by its own +motive-power. So in this Life of Jesus the motive-power is drawn entirely +from historical sources, and the want of an automatic starting arrangement +is a mere anachronism. Strike out the superfluous role of Joseph of +Arimathea, and the distinction of the two Messiahs, which is not clear +even in the Rabbis, and substitute the simple hypothesis that Jesus, in +the course of His Messianic vocation, when He thinks the time for the +coming of the Kingdom has arrived, goes freely to Jerusalem, and, as it +were, compels the secular power to put Him to death, in order by this act +of atonement to win for the world the immediate coming of the Kingdom, and +for Himself the glory of the Son of Man--make these changes, and you have a +life of Jesus in which the motive-power is a purely historical force. It +is impossible to indicate briefly all the parts of which the seemingly +complicated, but in reality impressively simple, mechanism of this Life of +Jesus is composed. The conduct of Jesus, alike in its resolution and in +its hesitation, becomes clear, and not less so that of the disciples. All +far-fetched historical ingenuity is dispensed with. Jesus acts "because +His hour is come." This decisive placing of the Life of Jesus in the "last +time" (_cf._ 1 Peter i. 20 {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PHI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER DELTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK KORONIS~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER CHI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA WITH PERISPOMENI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER CHI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER DELTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH PSILI~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH DASIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PERISPOMENI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~}) +is an historical achievement without parallel. Not less so is the placing +of the thought of the passion in its proper eschatological setting as an +act of atonement. Where had the character and origin of the primitive +community ever been brought into such clear connexion with the death of +Jesus? Who had ever before so earnestly considered the problem why the +Christian community arose in Jerusalem and not in Galilee? "But the +solution is too simple, and, moreover, is not founded on a severely +scientific chain of reasoning, but on historical intuition and experiment, +the simple experiment of introducing the Life of Jesus into the Jewish +eschatological world of thought"--so the theologians replied, or so, at +least, they might have replied if they had taken this curious work +seriously, if, indeed, they had read it at all. But how were they to +suspect that in a book which seemed to aim at founding a new Deistic +Church, and which went out with the Wolfenbuettel Fragmentist into the +desert of the most barren natural religion, a valuable historical +conception might be found? It is true that no one suspected at that time +that in the forgotten work of Reimarus there lay a dangerous historical +discovery, a kind of explosive material such as can only be collected by +those who stand free from every responsibility towards historical +Christianity, who have abandoned every prejudice, in the good sense as +well as in the bad--and whose one desire in regard to the Gospel history is +to be "spirits that constantly deny."(101) Such thinkers, if they have +historical gifts, destroy artificial history in the cause of true history +and, willing evil, do good--if it be admitted that the discovery of truth +is good. If this negative work is a good thing, the author of the "Letters +to the German People" performed a distinguished service, for his negation +is radical. The new Church which was to be founded on this historic +overcoming of historic Christianity was to combine "only what was +according to reason in Judaism and Christianity." From Judaism it was to +take the belief in one sole, spiritual, perfect God; from Christianity the +requirement of brotherly love to all men. On the other hand, it was to +eliminate what was contrary to reason in each: from Judaism the ritual +system and the sacrifices; from Christianity the deification of Jesus and +the teaching of redemption through His blood. How comes so completely +unhistorical a temperament to be combined with so historical an intellect? +His Jesus, after all, has no individuality; He is a mere eschatological +machine. + +In accordance with the confession of faith of the new Church of which +Ghillany dreamed, the calendar of the Feasts is to be transformed as +follows:-- + +1. Feast of the Deity, the first and second of January. + +2. Feast of the Dignity of Man and Brotherly Love, first and second of +April. + +3. Feast of the Divine Blessing in Nature, first and second of July. + +4. Feast of Immortality, first and second of October. + +Apart from these eight Feast days, and the Sundays, all the other days of +the year are working days. + +From the order of divine service we may note the following: "The sermon, +which should begin with instruction and exhortation and close with +consolation and encouragement, must not last longer than half an hour." + + ------------------------------------- + +The series of Lives of Jesus which combine criticism with fiction is +closed by Noack's Story of Jesus. A freethinker like Ghillany, but lacking +the financial independence which a kindly fate had conferred upon the +latter, Noack led a life which may properly be described as a constant +martyrdom, lightened only by his intense love of theological studies, +which nevertheless were responsible for all his troubles. Born in 1819, of +a clerical family in Hesse, he became in 1842 Pastor's assistant and +teacher of religion at Worms in the Hessian Palatinate. The Darmstadt +reactionaries drove him out of this position in 1844 without his having +given any ground of offence. In 1849 he became "Repetent" in Philosophy at +the University of Giessen at a salary of four hundred gulden. In 1855 he +was promoted to be Professor Extraordinary without having his salary +raised. In 1870, at the age of 51, he was appointed assistant at the +University Library and received at the same time the title of Ordinary +Professor. He died in 1885. He was an extremely prolific writer, always +ingenious, and possessed of wide knowledge, but he never did anything of +real permanent value either in philosophy or theology. He was not without +critical acumen, but there was too much of the poet in him; a critical +discovery was an incitement to an imaginative reconstruction of the +history. In 1870-1871 he published, after many preliminary studies, his +chief work, "From the Jordan Uplands to Golgotha; four books on the Gospel +and the Gospels."(102) It passed unnoticed. Attributing its failure to the +excitement aroused by the war, which ousted all other interests, he issued +a revised edition in 1876 under the title "The History of Jesus, on the +Basis of Free Historical Inquiry concerning the Gospel and the +Gospels,"(103) but with hardly greater success. + +And yet the fundamental critical ideas which can be detected beneath this +narrative, in spite of its having the form of fiction, give this work a +significance such as the contemporary Lives of Jesus which won the +applause of theologians did not possess. It is the only Life of Jesus +hitherto produced which is written consistently from the Johannine point +of view from beginning to end. Strauss had not, after all, in Noack's +opinion, conclusively shown the absolute incompatibility of the Synoptics +with the Fourth Gospel; neither he nor any other critic had felt the full +difficulty of the question why the Fourth Evangelist should be at pains to +invent the numerous journeys to the Feasts, seeing that the development of +the Logos Christology did not necessarily involve any alteration of the +scene of the ministry; on the contrary, it would, one might think, have +been the first care of the Evangelist to inweave his novel theory with the +familiar tradition in order to avoid discrediting his narrative in advance +by his innovations. Noack's conclusion is that the inconsistency is not +due to a single author; it is the result of a long process of redaction in +which various divergent tendencies have been at work. But as the Fourth +Gospel is not the logical terminus of the process of alteration, the only +alternative is to place it at the beginning. What we have to seek in it is +the original Gospel from which the process of transforming the tradition +started. + +There is also another line of argument based on the contradictions in the +Gospel tradition which leads to the hypothesis that we have to do with +redactions of the Gospels. Either Jesus was the Jewish Messiah of the +Synoptics, or a Son of God in the Greek, spiritual sense, whose self- +consciousness must be interpreted by means of the Logos doctrine: He +cannot have been both at the same time. But it is inconceivable that a +Jewish claimant of the Messiahship would have been left unmolested up to +the last, and have had virtually to force the authorities to put him to +death. On the other hand, if He were a simple enthusiast claiming to be a +Son of God, a man who lived only for his own "self-consciousness," He +might from the beginning have taken up this attitude without being in any +way molested, except by the scorn of men. In this respect also, therefore, +the primitive Gospel which we can recover from John has the advantage. It +was only later that this "Son of God" became the Jewish Messiah. + +We arrive at the primitive Johannine writing when we cancel in the Fourth +Gospel all Jewish doctrine and all miracles.(104) Its date is the year 60 +and it was composed by--Judas, the beloved disciple. This primitive Gospel +received little modification and still shows clearly "the wonderful +reality of its history." It aims only at giving a section of Jesus' +history, a representation of His attitude of mind and spirit. With "simple +ingenuousness" it gives, "along with the kernel of the historical material +of the Gospel, Jesus' thoughts about His own Person in the mysterious +oracular sayings and deeply thoughtful and moving discourses by which the +Nazarene stirred rather than enlightened the world." Events of a striking +character were, however, absent from it. The feeding of the multitude was +represented in it as effected by natural means. It was a philanthropic +feeding of a multitude which certainly did not number thousands, the +numbers are a later insertion; Jesus fed them with bread and fish which He +purchased from a "sutler-lad." The healing of the lame man at the pool of +Bethesda was the unmasking of a malingerer, whom the Lord exposed and +ordered to depart. As He had bidden him carry his bed, and it was on the +Sabbath, this brought Him into conflict with the authorities. His only +"acts" were acts of self-revelation--mystical sayings which He threw out to +the people. "The problem which meets us in His history is in truth a +psychological problem, how, namely, His exalted view of Himself came to be +accepted as the purest and highest truth--in His lifetime, it is true, only +by a limited circle of disciples, but after His departure by a constantly +growing multitude of believing followers." The gospel of the beloved +disciple Judas made its way quietly into the world, understood by few, +even as Jesus Himself had been understood by a few only. + +About ten years later, according to Noack, appeared the original form of +Luke, which we can reconstruct from what is known of Marcion's Luke.(105) +This Evangelist is under Pauline influence, and writes with an apologetic +purpose. He desires to refute the calumny that Jesus was "possessed of a +devil," and he does this by making Him cast out devils. It was in this way +that miracle forced itself into the Gospel history. + +But this primitive Luke, as Noack reconstructs it by combining the +statements of the Fathers regarding Marcion's Gospel, knows nothing of +Jesus' journey to Jerusalem to die. This circumstance is of capital +importance to Noack, because in the course of his attempt to bring the +topography of the Fourth Gospel into harmony with that of the Synoptics he +had arrived at the remarkable result that the Johannine Christ worked in +Galilee, not in Judaea. On the basis of the _Onomasticon_ of +Eusebius--which Noack, with the aid of topographical traditions derived +from the Crusaders and statements of Mohammedan writers, interprets with a +recklessness which is nothing short of criminal--Cana and Bethany +(Bethabara) were not in the latitude of Jerusalem, but "near the head- +waters of the Jordan in the upper part of the Jordan valley before it +flows into the lake of Huleh. There, in Coele-Syria, on the southern slope +of Hermon, was the scene of John the Baptist's labours; there Jesus began +His ministry; thither He returned to die." "It is in the Galilaean +district which forms the scene of the Song of Solomon that the reader of +this book must be prepared to find the Golgotha of the cross." That is the +sentence with which Noack's account of the Life of Jesus opens. This +alludes to an idea which had already been worked out in his "Studies on +the Song of Solomon,"(106) namely, that the mountain country surrounding +the upper Jordan was the pre-exilic Judaea, and that the "city of David" +was situated there. The Jews on their return from exile had at first +endeavoured to rebuild that Coele-Syrian city of David with the ruins of +Solomon's Temple, but had been driven away from it and had then taken the +desperate resolution to build the temple of Zerubbabel upon the high +plateau lying far to the south of ancient Israel. Ezra the Scribe +interpolated the forgery on the ground of which this site began to be +accepted as the former city of David. Under the Syrian oppression all +remembrance of the ancient city of David entirely disappeared. + +This fantastic edifice, in the construction of which the wildest +etymologies play a part, is founded on the just recognition that a +reconciliation of John with the Synoptists can only be effected by +transferring some of the Johannine localities to the North; but this +involves not only finding Bethany, Arimathea and the other places, but +even the scene of Jesus' death in this district. The brook Kedron +conveniently becomes the "brook of Cedars." + +For fifty years the two earliest Evangelists, in spite of their poverty of +incident, sufficed for the needs of the Christians. The "fire of Jesus" +was fed chiefly by the Pauline Gospel. The original form of the Gospel of +Luke accordingly became the starting-point of the next stage of +development. Thus arose the Gospel of Mark. Mark was not a native of +Palestine, but a man of Roman extraction living in Decapolis, who had not +the slightest knowledge of the localities in which the life of Jesus was +really passed. He undertook, about the year 130, "in the interest of the +new Christian settlement at Jerusalem in Hadrian's time, deliberately and +consciously to transform the original plan of the Gospel history and to +represent the Lord as crucified at Jerusalem." The man who from the year +132 onward, as Mark the Bishop, preached the word of the Crucified to a +Gentile Christian community amid the ruins of the holy city, had +previously, as Mark the Evangelist, taken care that a prophet should not +perish out of Jerusalem. In composing his Gospel he made use, in addition +to Luke, of a traditional source which he found in Decapolis. He +deliberately omitted the frequent journeys to Jerusalem which were still +found in the original Luke, and inserted instead Jesus' journey to His +death. He it was, also, who made the Nazarite into the Nazarene, laying +the scene of Jesus' youth in Nazareth. To the cures of demoniacs he added +magical acts such as the feeding of the multitude and the resurrection. + +In Matthew, who appeared about 135, legend and fiction riot unchecked. In +addition, Jewish parables and sayings are put into the mouth of Jesus, +whereas He really had nothing to do with the Jewish world of ideas. For if +anything is certain, it is that the moral maxims of the latest Gospel are +of a distinctively Jewish origin. About the middle of the second century +the originals of John and Luke underwent redaction. The redaction of the +Logos Gospel was completed by the addition of the twenty-first chapter; +the last redaction of Luke was perhaps carried out by Justin Martyr, fresh +from completing his "Dialogue with Trypho"! Thus John and Luke are, in +this final form, which is full of contradictions, the latest Gospels, and +the saying is fulfilled about the first being last, and the last first. + +Arbitrary as these suggestions are, there is nevertheless something +impressive in the attempt to explain the remarkable inconsistencies which +are found within the Gospel tradition by considerations relating to its +origin and development. Despite all his far-fetched ideas, Noack really +stands higher than some of his contemporaries who showed more prudence in +their theological enterprises, and about that time were earning the +applause of the faculty, and quieting the minds of the laity, by +performing once more the old conjuring trick--assisted by some new feats of +legerdemain--of harmonising John with the Synoptists in such a way as to +produce a Life of Jesus which could be turned to the service of +ecclesiastical theology. + +The outline of the public Life of Jesus, as reconstructed by Noack, is as +follows. It lasted from early in the year 35 to the 14th Nisan of the year +37, and began in the moment when Jesus revealed His consciousness of what +He was. We do not know how long previously He had cherished it in secret. +It is certain that the Baptist helped to bring about this revelation. This +is the only part which he plays in the Gospel of John. He was neither a +preacher of repentance, nor an Elias, nor the forerunner of Jesus, nor a +mere signpost pointing to the Messiah, such as the secondary tradition +makes him out to be. + +Similarly everything that is Messianic in the consciousness of Jesus is +secondary. The lines of His thought were guided by the Greek ideas about +sons of God, for the soil of northern Galilee was saturated with these +ideas. Other sources which contributed something were the personification +of the Divine Wisdom in the "Wisdom Literature" and some of Philo's +doctrines. Jesus became the son of God in an ecstatic trance! Had not +Philo recognised ecstasy as the last and highest means of rising to union +with the Divine? + +Jesus' temperament, according to Noack, was pre-disposed to ecstasy, since +He was born out of wedlock. One who had this burden upon His spirit may +well have early taken refuge in His own thoughts, above the clouds, in the +presence of the God of His fathers. Assailed in a thousand ways by the +cruelty of the world, it would seem to Him as though His Heavenly Father, +though unseen, was stretching out to Him the arms of consolation. +Imagination, which ever mercifully lightens for men the yoke of misery, +charmed the fatherless child out of His earthly sufferings and put into +His hand a coloured glass through which He saw the world and life in a +false light. Ecstatic enthusiasm had carried Him up to the dizzy height of +spiritual union with the Father in Heaven. A hundred times He was cast +down out of His dreams into the hard world of reality, to experience once +more His earthly distresses, but ever anew He won His way by fasting, +vigil, and prayer to the starry heaven of ecstasy. + +"Jesus," Noack explains, "had in thought projected Himself beyond His +earthly nativity and risen to the conception that His ego had been in +existence before this earthly body in which He stood visibly upon the +stage of the world. He felt that His ego had had being and life before He +became incarnate upon earth.... This new conception of Himself, born of +His solitary musings, was incorporated into the very substance of His +natural personal ego. A new ego had superseded the old natural, +corporeally conditioned ego." + +Ambition, too, came into play--the high ambition to do God a service by the +offering up of Himself. The passion of self-sacrifice is characteristic of +a consciousness such as this. According to the document which underlies +the Johannine Gospel it was not in consequence of outward events that +Jesus took His resolve to die. "It was the later Gospel tradition which +exhibited His fate as an inevitable consequence of His conflict with a +world impervious to spiritual impression." In the original Gospel that +fate was freely embraced from the outset as belonging to the vocation of +the Son of God. Only by the constant presence of the thought of death +could a life which for two years walked the razor edge of such dizzy +dreams have been preserved from falling. The conviction, or perhaps rather +the instinctive feeling, that the role of a Son of God upon earth was not +one to be maintained for decades was the necessary counterpoise to the +enthusiasm of Jesus' spirit. From the first He was as much at home with +the thought of death as with His Heavenly Father. + +This Son of Man--according to Noack's interpretation the title is +equivalent to Son of Hope--requires of the multitude that they shall take +His lofty dream for solid reality. "He revealed His message from heaven to +the world at the Paschal Feast of the year 35, by throwing out a challenge +to the Sadducaean hierarchy in Jerusalem." In the time between John's +removal from the scene and John's death, there falls the visit of Jesus to +Samaria and a sojourn in the neighbourhood of His Galilaean home. At the +Feast of Tabernacles in Jerusalem in the autumn of that year, the healing +of the lame man at the pool of Bethesda led to a breach with the Sabbatic +regulations of the Pharisees. Later on, in consequence of His generous +feeding of the multitude in the Gaulonite table-land, there is an attempt +to make Him into a Messianic King; which He, however, repudiates. At the +time of the Passover in Galilee in the year 36, in the synagogue at +Capernaum, He tests the spiritual insight of those who may, He hopes, be +ripe for the higher teaching concerning the Son of God made flesh, by the +touchstone of His mystical words about the bread of life. At the next +Feast of Tabernacles, in the city of Zion, He makes a last desperate +attempt to move men's hearts by the parable of the Good Shepherd who is +ready to lay down His life for His sheep, the people of Israel. + +But His adversaries are remorseless; they wound Him to the very depths of +His spirit by bringing to Him the woman taken in adultery, and asking Him +what they are to do with her. When this question was sprung upon Him, He +saw in a moment the public humiliation designed by His adversaries. All +eyes were turned upon Him, and for a few moments the embarrassment of One +who was usually so self-possessed was patent to all. He stooped as though +He desired to write with His finger upon the ground. Was it shame at His +dishonourable birth that compelled Him thus to lower His gaze? But the +painful silence of expectation among the spectators did not last long. His +adversaries repeated their question, He raised His head and spoke the +undying words: "Let him that is without sin among you cast the first stone +at her." + +Incensed by His constant references to His heavenly Sonship, they +endeavour at last to stone Him. He flees from the Temple and takes refuge +in the Jordan uplands. His purpose is, at the next Passover, that of the +year 37, here in the mountains which were blessed as Joseph's portion, to +offer His atoning death as that of the true paschal lamb, and with this +act to quit the stage of the world's history. He remained in hiding in +order to avoid the risk of assassination by the emissaries of the +Pharisees. In Bethany He receives the mysterious visit of the Greeks, who +doubtless desired to tempt Him to raise the standard of revolt as a +claimant of the Messiahship, but He refuses to be shaken in His +determination to die. The washing of the disciples' feet signifies their +baptism with water, that they might thereafter receive the baptism of the +Holy Spirit. + +Judas, the disciple whom Jesus loved, who was a man of much resource, +helped Him to avoid being arrested as a disturber of the peace by +arranging that the "betrayal" should take place on the evening before the +Passover, in order that Jesus might die, as He desired, on the day of the +Passover. For this service of love he was, in the secondary tradition, +torn from the bosom of the Lord and branded as a traitor. + + + + + +XIII. RENAN + + + _Ernest Renan._ La Vie de Jesus. 1863. Paris, Michel Levy Freres. + 462 pp. + + _E. de Pressense._ Jesus-Christ, son temps, sa vie, son oeuvre. + Paris, 1865. 684 pp. + + +Ernest Renan was born in 1823 at Treguier in Brittany. Intended for the +priesthood, he entered the seminary of St. Sulpice in Paris, but there, in +consequence of reading the German critical theology, he began to doubt the +truth of Christianity and of its history. In October 1845, shortly before +the time arrived for him to be ordained a sub-deacon, he left the seminary +and began to work for his living as a private teacher. In 1849 he received +a government grant to enable him to make a journey to Italy for the +prosecution of his studies, the fruits of which appeared in his _Averroes +et l'Averroisme_ (Paris, 1852); in 1856 he was made a member of the +Academie des Inscriptions; in 1860 he received from Napoleon III. the +means to make a journey to Phoenicia and Syria. After his return in 1862 +he obtained the professorship of Semitic Languages at the College de +France. But the widespread indignation aroused by his Life of Jesus, which +appeared in the following year, forced the Government to remove him from +his office. He refused a post as Librarian of the Imperial Library, and +lived in retirement until the Republic of 1871 restored him to his +professorship. In politics, as in religion, his position was somewhat +indefinite. In religion he was no longer a Catholic; avowed free-thought +was too plebeian for his taste, and in Protestantism the multiplicity of +sects repelled him. Similarly in politics, in the period immediately +following the fall of the Empire, he was in turn Royalist, Republican, and +Bonapartist. At bottom he was a sceptic. He died in 1892, already half- +forgotten by the public; until his imposing funeral and interment in the +Pantheon recalled him to its memory. + +Like Strauss, Renan designed his Life of Jesus to form part of a complete +account of the history and dogma of the early Church. His purpose, +however, was purely historical; it was no part of his project to set up, +on the basis of the history, a new system of dogma, as Strauss had desired +to do. This plan was not only conceived, but carried out. _Les Apotres_ +appeared in 1866; _St. Paul_ in 1869; _L'Ante-Christ_ in 1873; _Les +Evangiles_ in 1877; _L'Eglise chretienne_ in 1879; _Marc-Aurele et la fin +du monde antique_ in 1881. Several of these works were more valuable than +the one which opened the series, but for the world Renan continued to be +the author of the _Vie de Jesus_, and of that alone. + +He planned the work at Gaza, and he dedicated it to his sister Henriette, +who died soon after, in Syria, and lies buried at Byblus. + +This was the first Life of Jesus for the Catholic world, which had +scarcely been touched--the Latin peoples least of all--by the two and a half +generations of critical study which had been devoted to the subject. It is +true, Strauss's work had been translated into French,(107) but it had made +only a passing stir, and that only among a little circle of intellectuals. +Now came a writer with the characteristic French mental accent, who gave +to the Latin world in a single book the result of the whole process of +German criticism. + +But Renan's work marked an epoch, not for the Catholic world only, but for +general literature. He laid the problem which had hitherto occupied only +theologians before the whole cultured world. And not as a problem, but as +a question of which he, by means of his historical science and aesthetic +power of reviving the past, could provide a solution. He offered his +readers a Jesus who was alive, whom he, with his artistic imagination, had +met under the blue heaven of Galilee, and whose lineaments his inspired +pencil had seized. Men's attention was arrested, and they thought to see +Jesus, because Renan had the skill to make them see blue skies, seas of +waving corn, distant mountains, gleaming lilies, in a landscape with the +Lake of Gennesareth for its centre, and to hear with him in the whispering +of the reeds the eternal melody of the Sermon on the Mount. + +Yet the aesthetic feeling for nature which gave birth to this Life of +Jesus was, it must be confessed, neither pure nor profound. It is a +standing enigma why French art, which in painting grasps nature with a +directness and vigour, with an objectivity in the best sense of the word, +such as is scarcely to be found in the art of any other nation, has in +poetry treated it in a fashion which scarcely ever goes beyond the lyrical +and sentimental, the artificial, the subjective, in the worst sense of the +word. Renan is no exception to this rule, any more than Lamartine or +Pierre Loti. He looks at the landscape with the eye of a decorative +painter seeking a _motif_ for a lyrical composition upon which he is +engaged. But that was not noticed by the many, because they, after all, +were accustomed to have nature dressed up for them, and had had their +taste so corrupted by a certain kind of lyricism that they had lost the +power of distinguishing between truth and artificiality. Even those who +might have noticed it were so astonished and delighted at being shown +Jesus in the Galilaean landscape that they were content to yield to the +enchantment. + +Along with this artificial feeling for nature a good many other things +were accepted without question. There is scarcely any other work on the +subject which so abounds in lapses of taste--and those of the most +distressing kind--as Renan's _Vie de Jesus_. It is Christian art in the +worst sense of the term--the art of the wax image. The gentle Jesus, the +beautiful Mary, the fair Galilaeans who formed the retinue of the "amiable +carpenter," might have been taken over in a body from the shop-window of +an ecclesiastical art emporium in the Place St. Sulpice. Nevertheless, +there is something magical about the work. It offends and yet it attracts. +It will never be quite forgotten, nor is it ever likely to be surpassed in +its own line, for nature is not prodigal of masters of style, and rarely +is a book so directly born of enthusiasm as that which Renan planned among +the Galilaean hills. + +The essay on the sources of the Life of Jesus with which it opens is +itself a literary masterpiece. With a kind of effortless ease he makes his +readers acquainted with the criticism of Strauss, of Baur, of Reuss, of +Colani. He does not argue, but simply sets the result vividly before the +reader, who finds himself at once at home in the new world of ideas. He +avoids any hard or glaring effects; by means of that skilful transition +from point to point which Wagner in one of his letters praises as the +highest art, everything is surrounded with atmosphere. But how much +trickery and illusion there is in this art! In a few strokes he indicates +the relation of John to the Synoptists; the dilemma is made clear, it +seems as if one horn or the other must be chosen. Then he begins by artful +touches to soften down the contrast. The discourses of John are not +authentic; the historical Jesus cannot have spoken thus. But what about +the statements of fact? Here Renan declares himself convinced by the +graphic presentment of the passion story. Touches like "it was night," +"they had lighted a fire of coals," "the coat was without seam," cannot +have been invented. Therefore the Gospel must in some way go back to the +disciple whom Jesus loved. It is possible, nay certain, that when as an +old man he read the other Gospels, he was displeased by certain +inaccuracies, and perhaps vexed that he was given so small a place in the +history. He began to dictate a number of things which he had better means +of knowing than the others; partly, too, with the purpose of showing that +in many cases where Peter only had been mentioned he also had played a +part, and indeed the principal part. Sometimes his recollection was quite +fresh, sometimes it had been modified by time. When he wrote down the +discourses, he had forgotten the Lake of Gennesareth and the winsome words +which he had listened to upon its shores. He was now living in quite a +different world. The events of the year 70 destroyed his hopes of the +return of his Master. His Jewish prejudices fell away, and as he was still +young, he adapted himself to the syncretistic, philosophic, gnostic +environment amid which he found himself in Ephesus. Thus even Jesus' world +of thought took on a new shape for him; although the discourses are +perhaps rather to be referred to his school than to himself. But, when all +is said, John remains the best biographer. Or, to put it more accurately, +while all the Gospels are biographies, they are legendary biographies, +even though they come down from the first century. Their texts need +interpretation, and the clue to the interpretation can be supplied by +aesthetic feeling. They must be subjected to a gentle pressure to bring +them together, and make them coalesce into a unity in which all the data +are happily combined. + +How this is to be done Renan shows later in his description of the death +of Jesus. "Suddenly," he says, "Jesus gave a terrible cry in which some +thought they heard 'Father, into thy hands I commend my spirit,' but which +others, whose thoughts were running on the fulfilment of prophecy, +reported as 'It is finished.' " + +The authentic sayings of Jesus are more or less self-evidencing. Coming in +contact with one of them amid the welter of heterogeneous traditions, you +feel a thrill of recognition. They leap forth and take their proper place, +where their vivid power becomes apparent. For one who writes the life of +Jesus on His native soil, the Gospels are not so much sources of +information as incentives to revelation. "I had," Renan avows, "a fifth +Gospel before my eyes, mutilated in parts, but still legible, and taking +it for my guide I saw behind the narratives of Matthew and Mark, instead +of an ideal Being of whom it might be maintained that He had never +existed, a glorious human countenance full of life and movement." It is +this Jesus of the fifth Gospel that he desires to portray. + +In looking at the picture, the reader must not allow the vexed question of +miracle to distract him and disturb the proper frame of mind. The author +refuses to assert either the possibility or the impossibility of miracle, +but speaks only as an historian. "We do not say miracle is impossible, we +say only that there has never been a satisfactorily authenticated +miracle." + +In view of the method of treatment adopted by Renan there can, of course, +be no question of an historical plan. He brings in each saying at the +point where it seems most appropriate. None of them is passed over, but +none of them appears in its historical setting. He shifts individual +incidents hither and thither in the most arbitrary fashion. For example, +the coming of Jesus' mother to seek Him (in the belief that He is beside +Himself) must belong to the later part of Jesus' life, since it is out of +tone with the happy innocence of the earlier period. Certain scenes are +transposed from the later period to the earlier, because they are not +gloomy enough for the later time. Others again are made the basis of an +unwarranted generalisation. It is not enough that Jesus once rode upon an +ass while the disciples in the intoxication of joy cast their garments in +the way; according to Renan, He constantly rode about, even in Galilee, +upon a mule, "that favourite riding-animal of the East, which is so docile +and sure-footed and whose great dark eyes, shaded by long lashes, are full +of gentleness." Sometimes the disciples surrounded Him with rustic pomp, +using their garments by way of carpeting. They laid them upon the mule +which carried Him, or spread them before Him on the way. + +Scenes of little significance are sometimes elaborately described by Renan +while more important ones are barely touched on. "One day, indeed," he +remarks in describing the first visit to Jerusalem, "anger seems to have, +as the saying goes, overmastered Him; He struck some of the miserable +chafferers with the scourge, and overthrew their tables." Such is the +incidental fashion in which the cleansing of the temple was brought in. In +this way it is possible to smuggle in a miracle without giving any further +explanation of it. The miracle at Cana is brought, by means of the +following unobtrusive turn of phrase, into the account of the period of +success in Galilee. "One of His miracles was done by Jesus for the sole +purpose of increasing the happiness of a wedding-party in a little country +town." + +This Life of Jesus is introduced by a kind of prelude. Jesus had been +living in Galilee before He came to the Baptist; when He heard of the +latter's success He went to him with His little company of followers. They +were both young, and Jesus became the imitator of the Baptist. Fortunately +the latter soon disappeared from the scene, for his influence on Jesus was +in some respects injurious. The Galilaean teacher was on the verge of +losing the sunny religion which He had learned from His only teacher, the +glorious natural scenery which surrounded His home, and of becoming a +gloomy Jewish fanatic. But this influence fell away from Him again; when +He returned to Galilee He became Himself once more. The only thing which +He had gained from John was some knowledge of the art of preaching. He had +learned from him how to influence masses of men. From that time forward He +preached with much more power and gained greater ascendancy over the +people. + +With the return to Galilee begins the first act of the piece. The story of +the rise of Christianity is a pastoral play. Bauer, in his "Philo, +Strauss, and Renan," writes with biting sarcasm: "Renan, who is at once +the author of the play, the stage-manager, and the director of the +theatre, gives the signal to begin, and at a sign from him the electric +lights are put on full power, the Bengal fires flare up, the footlights +are turned higher, and while the flutes and shawms of the orchestra strike +up the overture, the people enter and take their places among the bushes +and by the shore of the Lake." And how confiding they were, this gentle +and peaceful company of Galilaean fisher folk! And He, the young +carpenter, conjured the Kingdom of Heaven down to earth for a year, by the +spell of the infinite tenderness which radiated from Him. A company of men +and women, all of the same youthful integrity and simple innocence, became +His followers and constantly repeated "Thou art the Messiah." By the women +He was more beloved than He Himself liked, but from His passion for the +glory of His Father He was content to attract these "fair creatures" +(_belles creatures_) and suffered them to serve Him, and God through Him. +Three or four devoted Galilaean women constantly accompanied Him and +strove with one another for the pleasure (_le plaisir_) of listening to +His teaching and attending to His comfort. Some of them were wealthy and +used their means to enable the "amiable" (_charmant_) prophet to live +without needing to practise His handicraft. The most devoted of all was +Mary Magdalene, whose disordered mind had been healed by the influence of +the pure and gracious beauty (_par la beaute pure et douce_) of the young +Rabbi. + +Thus He rode, on His long-eyelashed gentle mule, from village to village, +from town to town. The sweet theology of love (_la delicieuse theologie de +l'amour_) won Him all hearts. His preaching was gentle and mild (_suave et +douce_), full of nature and the fragrance of the country. Wherever He went +the people kept festival. At marriages He was a welcome guest; to the +feasts which He gave He invited women who were sinners, and publicans like +the good Zacchaeus. + +"The Frenchman," remarks Noack, "takes the mummied figure of the Galilaean +Rabbi, which criticism has exhumed, endows it with life and energy, and +brings Him upon the stage, first amid the lustre of the earthly happiness +which it was His pleasure to bestow, and then in the moving aspect of one +doomed to suffer." + +When Jesus goes up to the Passover at the end of this first year, He comes +into conflict with the Rabbis of the capital. The "winsome teacher, who +offered forgiveness to all on the sole condition of loving Him," found in +the capital people upon whom His charm had no effect. When He returned to +Galilee He had entirely abandoned His Jewish beliefs, and a revolutionary +ardour glowed in His heart. The second act begins. "The action becomes +more serious and gloomy, and the pupil of Strauss turns down the +footlights of his stage."(108) The erstwhile "winsome moralist" has become +a transcendental revolutionary. Up to this point He had thought to bring +about the triumph of the Kingdom of God by natural means, by teaching and +influencing men. The Jewish eschatology stood vaguely in the background. +Now it becomes prominent. The tension set up between His purely ethical +ideas and these eschatological expectations gives His words from this time +forward a special force. The period of joyous simplicity is past. + +Even the character of the hero loses its simplicity. In the furtherance of +His cause He becomes a wonder-worker. It is true that even before He had +sometimes practised innocent arts such as Joan of Arc made use of +later.(109) He had, for instance, pretended to know the unspoken thoughts +of one whom He desired to win, had reminded him, perhaps, of some +experience of which he cherished the memory. He allowed the people to +believe that He received knowledge of certain matters through a kind of +revelation. Finally, it came to be whispered that He had spoken with Moses +and Elias upon the mountains. But He now finds Himself compelled to adopt +in earnest the role which He had formerly taken, as it were, in play. +Against His will He is compelled to found His work upon miracle. He must +face the alternative of either renouncing His mission or becoming a +thaumaturge. He consented, therefore, to play an active part in many +miracles. In this astute friends gave Him their aid. At Bethany something +happened which could be regarded as a raising of the dead. Perhaps this +miracle was arranged by Lazarus himself. When very ill he had allowed +himself to be wrapped in the cerements of the dead and laid in the grave. +His sisters sent for Jesus and brought Him to the tomb. He desired to look +once more upon His friend, and when, overcome with grief, He cried his +name aloud, Lazarus came forth from the grave. Why should the brother and +sisters have hesitated to provide a miracle for the Master, in whose +miracle-working power they, indeed, believed? Where, then, was Renan's +allegiance to his "honoured master" Strauss, when he thus enrolled himself +among the rationalists? + +On these lines Jesus played His part for eighteen months, from the Easter +of 31 to the Feast of Tabernacles of 32. How great is the change from the +gentle teacher of the Sermon on the Mount! His discourse takes on a +certain hardness of tone. In the synagogue at Capernaum He drives many +from Him, offended by the saying about eating and drinking His flesh and +blood. The "extreme materialism of the expression," which in Him had +always been the natural counterpoise to the "extreme idealism of the +thought," becomes more and more pronounced. His "Kingdom of God" was +indeed still essentially the kingdom of the poor, the kingdom of the soul, +the great spiritual kingdom; but He now preached it as the kingdom of the +apocalyptic writings. And yet in the very moment when He seems to be +staking everything upon a supernatural fulfilment of His hopes, He +provides with remarkable prescience the basis of a permanent Church. He +appoints the Twelve Apostles and institutes the fellowship-meal. It is +certain, Renan thinks, that the "Supper" was not first instituted on that +last evening; even in the second Galilaean period He must have practised +with His followers the mystic rite of the Breaking of Bread, which in some +way symbolised His death. + +By the end of this period He had cast off all earthly ambitions. Nothing +of earth existed for Him any more. A strange longing for persecution and +martyrdom had taken possession of Him. It was not, however, the resolve to +offer an atonement for the sins of His people which familiarised Him with +the thought of death; it was forced upon Him by the knowledge that He had +entered upon a path in which it was impossible for Him to sustain His role +for more than a few months, or perhaps even weeks. So He sets out for +Jerusalem, outwardly a hero, inwardly half in despair because He has +turned aside from His true path. The gentle, faithful, long-eyelashed mule +bears Him, amid the acclamations of the multitude, through the gate of the +capital. + +The third act begins: the stage is dark and becomes constantly darker, +until at last, through the darkness of the scene, there is faintly visible +only the figure of a woman--of her who in her deep grief beside the grave +was by her vision to call to life again Him whom she loved. There was +darkness, too, in the souls of the disciples, and in that of the Master. +The bitter jealousy between Judas and John made one of them a traitor. As +for Jesus, He had His hour of gloom to fight through in Gethsemane. For a +moment His human nature awakened in Him; all that He thought He had slain +and put behind Him for ever rose up and confronted Him as He knelt there +upon the ground. "Did He remember the clear brooks of Galilee at which He +might have slaked His thirst--the vine and the fig-tree beneath which He +might have rested--the maidens who would perhaps have been willing to love +Him? Did He regret His too exalted nature? Did He, a martyr to His own +greatness, weep that He had not remained the simple carpenter of Nazareth? +We do not know!" + +He is dead. Renan, as though he stood in Pere Lachaise, commissioned to +pronounce the final allocution over a member of the Academy, apostrophises +Him thus: "Rest now, amid Thy glory, noble pioneer. Thou conqueror of +death, take the sceptre of Thy Kingdom, into which so many centuries of +Thy worshippers shall follow Thee, by the highway which Thou hast opened +up." + +The bell rings; the curtain begins to fall; the swing-seats tilt. The +epilogue is scarcely heard: "Jesus will never have a rival. His religion +will again and again renew itself; His story will call forth endless +tears: His sufferings will soften the hearts of the best; every successive +century will proclaim that among the sons of men there hath not arisen a +greater than Jesus." + +The book passed through eight editions in three months. The writings of +those who opposed it had an equal vogue. That of Freppel had reached its +twelfth edition in 1864.(110) Their name was legion. Whatever wore a +soutane and could wield a pen charged against Renan, the bishops leading +the van. The tone of these attacks was not always very elevated, nor their +logic very profound. In most cases the writers were only concerned to +defend the Deity of Christ,(111) and the miracles, and are satisfied that +they have done so when they have pointed out some of the glaring +inconsistencies in Renan's work. Here and there, however, among these +refutations we catch the tone of a loftier ethical spirit which has +recognised the fundamental weakness of the work, the lack of any definite +ethical principles in the writer's outlook upon life.(112) There were some +indeed who were not content with a refutation; they would gladly have seen +active measures taken against Renan. One of his most embittered +adversaries, Amadee Nicolas,(113) reckons up in an appendix to his work +the maximum penalties authorised by the existing enactments against free- +thought, and would welcome the application of the law of the 25th of March +1822, according to which five years' imprisonment could be imposed for the +crime of "insulting or making ridiculous a religion recognised by the +state." + +Renan was defended by the _Siecle_, the _Debats_, at that time the leading +French newspaper, and the _Temps_, in which Scherer published five +articles upon the book. Even the _Revue des deux mondes_, which had +formerly raised a warning voice against Strauss, allowed itself to go with +the stream, and published in its August number of 1863 a critical analysis +by Havet(114) who hailed Renan's work as a great achievement, and +criticised only the inconsistencies by which he had endeavoured to soften +down the radical character of his undertaking. Later on the _Revue_ +changed its attitude and sided with Renan's opponents. In the Protestant +camp there was an even keener sense of distaste than in the Catholic for +the sentimental gloss which Renan had spread over his work to make it +attractive to the multitude by its iridescent colours. In four remarkable +letters Athanase Coquerel the younger took the author to task for +this.(115) From the standpoint of orthodox scholarship E. de Pressense +condemned him;(116) and proceeded without loss of time to refute him in a +large-scale Life of Jesus.(117) He was answered by Albert Reville,(118) +who claims recognition for Renan's services to criticism. + +In general, however, the rising French school of critical theology was +disappointed in Renan. Their spokesman was Colani. "This is not the Christ +of history, the Christ of the Synoptics," he writes in 1864 in the _Revue +de theologie_, "but the Christ of the Fourth Gospel, though without His +metaphysical halo, and painted over with a brush which has been dipped in +the melancholy blue of modern poetry, in the rose of the eighteenth- +century idyll, and in the grey of a moral philosophy which seems to be +derived from La Rochefoucauld." "In expressing this opinion," he adds, "I +believe I am speaking in the name of those who belong to what is known as +the new Protestant theology, or the Strassburg school. We opened M. +Renan's book with sympathetic interest; we closed it with deep +disappointment."(119) + +The Strassburg school had good cause to complain of Renan, for he had +trampled their growing crops. They had just begun to arouse some interest, +and slowly and surely to exercise an influence upon the whole spiritual +life of France. Sainte-Beuve had called attention to the work of Reuss, +Colani, Reville, and Scherer. Others of the school were Michel Nicolas of +Montauban and Gustave d'Eichthal. Nefftzer, the editor of the _Temps_, who +was at the same time a prophet of coming political events, defended their +cause in the Parisian literary world. The _Revue germanique_ of that +period, the influence of which upon French literature can hardly be over- +estimated, was their sworn ally. Then came Renan and threw public opinion +into a ferment of excitement. Everything in the nature of criticism, and +of progress in religious thought, was associated with his name, and was +thereby discredited. By his untimely and over-easy popularisation of the +ideas of the critical school he ruined their quiet work. The excitement +roused by his book swept away all that had been done by those noble and +lofty spirits, who now found themselves involved in a struggle with the +outraged orthodoxy of Paris, and were hard put to it to defend themselves. +Even down to the present day Renan's work forms the greatest hindrance to +any serious advance in French religious thought. + +The excitement aroused upon the other side of the Rhine was scarcely less +than in Paris. Within a year there appeared five different German +translations, and many of the French criticisms of Renan were also +translated.(120) The German Catholic press was wildly excited;(121) the +Protestant press was more restrained, more inclined to give the author a +fair hearing, and even ventured to express admiration of the historical +merits of his performance. Beyschlag(122) saw in Renan an advance upon +Strauss, inasmuch as for him the life of Jesus as narrated in the Gospels, +while not, indeed, in any sense supernatural, is nevertheless historical. +For a certain school of theology, therefore, Renan was a deliverer from +Strauss; they were especially grateful to him for his defence, sophistical +though it was, of the Fourth Gospel. Weizsaecker expressed his admiration. +Strauss, far from directing his "Life of Jesus for the German People," +with which he was then occupied, against the superficial and frivolous +French treatment of the subject--as has sometimes been alleged--hailed Renan +in his preface as a kindred spirit and ally, and "shook hands with him +across the Rhine." Luthardt,(123) however, remained inexorable. "What is +there lacking in Renan's work?" he asks. And he replies, "It lacks +conscience." + +That is a just judgment. From this lack of conscience, Renan has not been +scrupulous where he ought to have been so. There is a kind of insincerity +in the book from beginning to end. Renan professes to depict the Christ of +the Fourth Gospel, though he does not believe in the authenticity or the +miracles of that Gospel. He professes to write a scientific work, and is +always thinking of the great public and how to interest it. He has thus +fused together two works of disparate character. The historian finds it +hard to forgive him for not going more deeply into the problem of the +development in the thought of Jesus, with which he was brought face to +face by the emphasis which he laid on eschatology, and for offering in +place of a solution the highly-coloured phrases of the novelist. + +Nevertheless, this work will always retain a certain interest, both for +Frenchmen and for Germans. The German is often so completely fascinated by +it as to lose his power of criticism, because he finds in it German +thought in a novel and piquant form. Conversely the Frenchman discovers in +it, behind the familiar form, which is here handled in such a masterly +fashion, ideas belonging to a world which is foreign to him, ideas which +he can never completely assimilate, but which yet continually attract him. +In this double character of the work lies its imperishable charm. + +And its weakness? That it is written by one to whom the New Testament was +to the last something foreign, who had not read it from his youth up in +the mother-tongue, who was not accustomed to breathe freely in its simple +and pure world, but must perfume it with sentimentality in order to feel +himself at home in it. + + + + + +XIV. THE "LIBERAL" LIVES OF JESUS + + + _David Friedrich Strauss._ Das Leben Jesu fuer das deutsche Volk + bearbeitet. (A Life of Jesus for the German People.) Leipzig, + 1864. 631 pp. + + Der Christus des Glaubens und der Jesus der Geschichte. Eine + Kritik des Schleiermacher'schen Lebens Jesu. (The Christ of Faith + and the Jesus of History, a Criticism of Schleiermacher's Life of + Jesus.) Berlin, 1865. 223 pp. Appendix, pp. 224-240. + + Der Schenkel'sche Handel in Baden. (The Schenkel Affair in Baden.) + A corrected reprint from No. 441 of the _National-Zeitung_, of the + 21st September 1864. + + Die Halben und die Ganzen. (The Half-way-ers and the Whole-way- + ers.) 1865. + + _Daniel Schenkel._ Das Charakterbild Jesu. (The Portrait of + Jesus.) Wiesbaden, 1864 (ed. 1 and 2). 405 pp. Fourth edition, + with a preface opposing Strauss's "Der alte und der neue Glaube" + (The Old Faith and the New), 1873. + + _Karl Heinrich Weizsaecker._ Untersuchungen ueber die evangelische + Geschichte, ihre Quellen und den Gang ihrer Entwicklung. (Studies + in the Gospel History, its Sources and the Progress of its + Development.) Gotha, 1864. 580 pp. + + _Heinrich Julius Holtzmann._ Die synoptischen Evangelien. Ihr + Ursprung und geschichtlicher Charakter. (The Synoptic Gospels. + Their Origin and Historical Character.) Leipzig, 1863. 514 pp. + + _Theodor Keim._ Die Geschichte Jesu von Nazara. (The History of + Jesus of Nazara.) 3 vols., Zurich; vol. i., 1867, 446 pp.; vol. + ii., 1871, 616 pp.; vol. iii., 1872, 667 pp. + + Die Geschichte Jesu. Zurich, 1872. 398 pp. + + _Karl Hase._ Geschichte Jesu. Nach akademischen Vorlesungen. (The + History of Jesus. Academic Lectures, revised.) Leipzig, 1876. 612 + pp. + + _Willibald Beyschlag._ Das Leben Jesu. First Part: Preliminary + Investigations, 1885, 450 pp. Second Part: Narrative, 1886, 495 + pp.; 2nd ed., 1887-1888. + + _Bernhard Weiss._ Das Leben Jesu. 1st ed., 2 vols., 1882; 2nd ed., + 1884. First vol., down to the Baptist's question, 556 pp. Second + vol., 617 pp. + + +"My hope is," writes Strauss in concluding the preface of his new Life of +Jesus, "that I have written a book as thoroughly well adapted for Germans +as Renan's is for Frenchmen." He was mistaken; in spite of its title the +book was not a book for the people. It had nothing new to offer, and what +it did offer was not in a form calculated to become popular. It is true +Strauss, like Renan, was an artist, but he did not write, like an +imaginative novelist, with a constant eye to effect. His art was +unpretentious, even austere, appealing to the few, not to the many. The +people demand a complete and vivid picture. Renan had given them a figure +which was theatrical no doubt, but full of life and movement, and they had +been grateful to him for it. Strauss could not do that. + +Even the arrangement of the work is thoroughly unfortunate. In the first +part, which bears the title "The Life of Jesus," he attempts to combine +into a harmonious portrait such of the historical data as have some claim +to be considered historical; in the second part he traces the "Origin and +Growth of the Mythical History of Jesus." First, therefore, he tears down +from the tree the ivy and the rich growth of creepers, laying bare the +worn and corroded bark; then he fastens the faded growths to the stem +again, and describes the nature, origin, and characteristics of each +distinct species. + +How vastly different, how much more full of life, had been the work of +1835! There Strauss had not divided the creepers from the stem. The +straining strength which upheld this wealth of creepers was but vaguely +suspected. Behind the billowy mists of legend we caught from time to time +a momentary glimpse of the gigantic figure of Jesus, as though lit up by a +lightning-flash. It was no complete and harmonious picture, but it was +full of suggestions, rich in thoughts thrown out carelessly, rich in +contradictions even, out of which the imagination could create a portrait +of Jesus. It is just this wealth of suggestion that is lacking in the +second picture. Strauss is trying now to give a definite portrait. In the +inevitable process of harmonising and modelling to scale he is obliged to +reject the finest thoughts of the previous work because they will not fit +in exactly; some of them are altered out of recognition, some are filed +away. + +There is wanting, too, that perfect freshness as of the spring which is +only found when thoughts have but newly come into flower. The writing is +no longer spontaneous; one feels that Strauss is setting forth thoughts +which have ripened with his mind and grown old with it, and now along with +their definiteness of form have taken on a certain stiffness. There are +now no hinted possibilities, full of promise, to dance gaily through the +movement of his dialectic; all is sober reason--a thought too sober. Renan +had one advantage over Strauss in that he wrote when the material was +fresh to him--one might almost say strange to him--and was capable of +calling up in him the response of vivid feeling. + +For a popular book, too, it lacks that living interplay of reflection with +narration without which the ordinary reader fails to get a grip of the +history. The first Life of Jesus had been rich in this respect, since it +had been steeped in the Hegelian theory regarding the realisation of the +Idea. In the meantime Strauss had seen the Hegelian philosophy fall from +its high estate, and himself had found no way of reconciling history and +idea, so that his present Life of Jesus was a mere objective presentment +of the history. It was, therefore, not adapted to make any impression upon +the popular mind. + +In reality it is merely an exposition, in more or less popular form, of +the writer's estimate of what had been done in the study of the subject +during the past thirty years, and shows what he had learnt and what he had +failed to learn. + +As regards the Synoptic question he had learnt nothing. In his opinion the +criticism of the Gospels has "run to seed." He treats with a pitying +contempt both the earlier and the more recent defenders of the Marcan +hypothesis. Weisse is a dilettante; Wilke had failed to make any +impression on him; Holtzmann's work was as yet unknown to him. But in the +following year he discharged the vials of his wrath upon the man who had +both strengthened the foundations and put on the coping-stone of the new +hypothesis. "Our lions of St. Mark, older and younger," he says in the +appendix to his criticism of Schleiermacher's Life of Jesus, "may roar as +loud as they like, so long as there are six solid reasons against the +priority of Mark to set against every one of their flimsy arguments in its +favour--and they themselves supply us with a store of counter-arguments in +the shape of admissions of later editing and so forth. The whole theory +appears to me a temporary aberration, like the 'music of the future' or +the anti-vaccination movement; and I seriously believe that it is the same +order of mind which, in different circumstances, falls a victim to the one +delusion or the other." But he must not be supposed, he says, to take the +critical mole-hills thrown up by Holtzmann for veritable mountains. + +Against such opponents he does not scruple to seek aid from +Schleiermacher, whose unbiased but decided opinion had ascribed a tertiary +character to Mark. Even Gfroerer's view that Mark adapted his Gospel to the +needs of the Church by leaving out everything which was open to objection +in Matthew and Luke, is good enough to be brought to bear against the bat- +eyed partisans of Mark. F. C. Baur is reproached for having given too much +weight to the "tendency" theory in his criticism of the Gospels; and also +for having taken suggestions of Strauss's and worked them out, supposing +that he was offering something new when he was really only amplifying. In +the end he had only given a criticism of the Gospels, not of the Gospel +history. + +But this irritation against his old teacher is immediately allayed when he +comes to speak of the Fourth Gospel. Here the teacher has carried to a +successful issue the campaign which the pupil had begun. Strauss feels +compelled to "express his gratitude for the work done by the Tuebingen +school on the Johannine question." He himself had only been able to deal +with the negative side of the question--to show that the Fourth Gospel was +not an historical source, but a theological invention; they had dealt with +it positively, and had assigned the document to its proper place in the +evolution of Christian thought. There is only one point with which he +quarrels. Baur had made the Fourth Gospel too completely spiritual, +"whereas the fact is," says Strauss, "that it is the most material of +all." It is true, Strauss explains, that the Evangelist starts out to +interpret miracle and eschatology symbolically; but he halts half-way and +falls back upon the miraculous, enhancing the professed fact in proportion +as he makes it spiritually more significant. Beside the spiritual return +of Jesus in the Paraclete he places His return in a material body, bearing +the marks of the wounds; beside the inward present judgment, a future +outward judgment; and the fact that he sees the one in the other, finds +the one present and visible in the other, is just what constitutes the +mystical character of his Gospel. This mysticism attracts the modern +world. "The Johannine Christ, who in His descriptions of Himself seems to +be always out-doing Himself, is the counterpart of the modern believer, +who in order to remain a believer must continually out-do himself; the +Johannine miracles which are always being interpreted spiritually, and at +the same time raised to a higher pitch of the miraculous, which are +counted and documented in every possible way, and yet must not be +considered the true ground of faith, are at once miracles and no miracles. +We must believe them, and yet can believe without them; in short they +exactly meet the taste of the present day, which delights to involve +itself in contradictions and is too lethargic and wanting in courage for +any clear insight or decided opinion on religious matters." + +Strictly speaking, however, the Strauss of the second Life of Jesus has no +right to criticise the Fourth Gospel for sublimating the history, for he +himself gives what is nothing else than a spiritualisation of the Jesus of +the Synoptics. And he does it in such an arbitrary fashion that one is +compelled to ask how far he does it with a good conscience. A typical case +is the exposition of Jesus' answer to the Baptist's message. "Is it +possible," Jesus means, "that you fail to find in Me the miracles which +you expect from the Messiah? And yet I daily open the eyes of the +spiritually blind and the ears of the spiritually deaf, make the lame walk +erect and vigorous, and even give new life to those who are morally dead. +Any one who understands how much greater these spiritual miracles are, +will not be offended at the absence of bodily miracles; only such an one +can receive, and is worthy of, the salvation which I am bringing to +mankind." + +Here the fundamental weakness of his method is clearly shown. The vaunted +apparatus for the evaporation of the mythical does not work quite +satisfactorily. The ultimate product of this process was expected to be a +Jesus who should be essential man; the actual product, however, is Jesus +the historical man, a being whose looks and sayings are strange and +unfamiliar. Strauss is too purely a critic, too little of the creative +historian, to recognise this strange being. That Jesus really lived in a +world of Jewish ideas and held Himself to be Messiah in the Jewish sense +is for the writer of the Life of Jesus an impossibility. The deposit which +resists the chemical process for the elimination of myth, he must +therefore break up with the hammer. + +How different from the Strauss of 1835! He had then recognised eschatology +as the most important element in Jesus' world of thought, and in some +incidental remarks had made striking applications of it. He had, for +example, proposed to regard the Last Supper not as the institution of a +feast for coming generations, but as a Paschal meal, at which Jesus +declared that He would next partake of the Paschal bread and Paschal wine +along with His disciples in the heavenly kingdom. In the second Life of +Jesus this view is given up; Jesus did found a feast. "In order to give a +living centre of unity to the society which it was His purpose to found, +Jesus desired to institute this distribution of bread and wine as a feast +to be constantly repeated." One might be reading Renan. This change of +attitude is typical of much else. + +Strauss is not in the least disquieted by finding himself at one with +Schleiermacher in these attempts to spiritualise. On the contrary, he +appeals to him. He shares, he says, Schleiermacher's conviction "that the +unique self-consciousness of Jesus did not develop as a consequence of His +conviction that He was the Messiah; on the contrary, it was a consequence +of His self-consciousness that He arrived at the view that the Messianic +prophecies could point to no one but Himself." The moment eschatology +entered into the consciousness of Jesus it came in contact with a higher +principle which over-mastered it and gradually dissolved it. "Had Jesus +applied the Messianic idea to Himself before He had had a profound +religious consciousness to which to relate it, doubtless it would have +taken possession of Him so powerfully that He could never have escaped +from its influence." We must suppose the ideality, the concentration upon +that which was inward, the determination to separate religion, on the one +hand, from politics, and on the other, from ritual, the serene +consciousness of being able to attain to peace with God and with Himself +by purely spiritual means--all this we must suppose to have reached a +certain ripeness, a certain security, in the mind of Jesus, before He +permitted Himself to entertain the thought of His Messiahship, and this we +may believe is the reason why He grasped it in so independent and +individual a fashion. In this, therefore, Strauss has become the pupil of +Weisse. + +Even in the Old Testament prophecies, he explains, we find two +conceptions, a more ideal and a more practical. Jesus holds consistently +to the first, He describes Himself as the Son of Man because this +designation "contains the suggestion of humility and lowliness, of the +human and natural." At Jerusalem, Jesus, in giving His interpretation of +Psalm cx., "made merry over the Davidic descent of the Messiah." He +desired "to be Messiah in the sense of a patient teacher exercising a +quiet influence." As the opposition of the people grew more intense, He +took up some of the features of Isaiah liii. into His conception of the +Messiah. + +Of His resurrection, Jesus can only have spoken in a metaphorical sense. +It is hardly credible that one who was pure man could have arrogated to +himself the position of judge of the world. Strauss would like best to +ascribe all the eschatology to the distorting medium of early +Christianity, but he does not venture to carry this through with logical +consistency. He takes it as certain, however, that Jesus, even though it +sometimes seems as if He did not expect the Kingdom to be realised in the +present, but in a future, world-era, and to be brought about by God in a +supernatural fashion, nevertheless sets about the establishment of the +Kingdom by purely spiritual influence. + +With this end in view He leaves Galilee, when He judges the time to be +ripe, in order to work on a larger scale. "In case of an unfavourable +issue, He reckons on the influence which a martyr-death has never failed +to exercise in giving momentum to a lofty idea." How far He had advanced, +when He entered on the fateful journey to Jerusalem, in shaping His plan, +and especially in organising the company of adherents who had gathered +about Him, it is impossible to determine with any exactness. He permitted +the triumphal entry because He did not desire to decline the role of the +Messiah in every aspect of it. + +Owing to this arbitrary spiritualisation of the Synoptic Jesus, Strauss's +picture is in essence much more unhistorical than Renan's. The latter had +not needed to deny that Jesus had done miracles, and he had been able to +suggest an explanation of how Jesus came in the end to fall back upon the +eschatological system of ideas. But at what a price! By portraying Jesus +as at variance with Himself, a hero broken in spirit. This price is too +high for Strauss. Arbitrary as his treatment of history is, he never loses +the intuitive feeling that in Jesus' self-consciousness there is a unique +absence of struggle; that He does not bear the scars which are found in +those natures which win their way to freedom and purity through strife and +conflict, that in Him there is no trace of the hardness, harshness, and +gloom which cleave to such natures throughout life, but that He "is +manifestly a beautiful nature from the first." Thus, for all Strauss's +awkward, arbitrary handling of the history he is greater than the +rival(124) who could manufacture history with such skill. + +Nevertheless, from the point of view of theological science, this work +marks a standstill. That was the net result of the thirty years of +critical study of the life of Jesus for the man who had inaugurated it so +impressively. This was the only fruit which followed those blossoms so +full of promise of the first Life of Jesus. + +It is significant that in the same year there appeared Schleiermacher's +lectures on the Life of Jesus, which had not seen the light for forty +years, because, as Strauss himself remarked in his criticism of the +resurrected work, it had neither anodyne nor dressing for the wounds which +his first Life of Jesus had made.(125) The wounds, however, had cicatrised +in the meantime. It is true Strauss is a just judge, and makes ample +acknowledgment of the greatness of Schleiermacher's achievement.(126) He +blames Schleiermacher for setting up his "presuppositions in regard to +Christ" as an historical canon, and considering it a proof that a +statement is unhistorical if it does not square with those +presuppositions. But does not the purely human, but to a certain extent +unhistorical, man, who is to be the ultimate product of the process of +eliminating myth, serve Strauss as his "theoretic Christ" who determines +the presentment of his historical Jesus? Does he not share with +Schleiermacher the erroneous, artificial, "double" construction of the +consciousness of Jesus? And what about their views of Mark? What +fundamental difference is there, when all is said, between +Schleiermacher's de-rationalised Life of Jesus and Strauss's? Certainly +this second Life of Jesus would not have frightened Schleiermacher's away +into hiding for thirty years. + +So Schleiermacher's Life of Jesus might now safely venture forth into the +light. There was no reason why it should feel itself a stranger at this +period, and it had no need to be ashamed of itself. Its rationalistic +birth-marks were concealed by its brilliant dialectic.(127) And the only +real advance in the meantime was the general recognition that the Life of +Jesus was not to be interpreted on rationalistic, but on historical lines. +All other, more definite, historical results had proved more or less +illusory; there is no vitality in them. The works of Renan, Strauss, +Schenkel, Weizsaecker, and Keim are in essence only different ways of +carrying out a single ground-plan. To read them one after another is to be +simply appalled at the stereotyped uniformity of the world of thought in +which they move. You feel that you have read exactly the same thing in the +others, almost in identical phrases. To obtain the works of Schenkel and +Weizsaecker you only need to weaken down in Strauss the sharp +discrimination between John and the Synoptists so far as to allow of the +Fourth Gospel being used to some extent as an historical source "in the +higher sense," and to put the hypothesis of the priority of Mark in place +of the Tuebingen view adopted by Strauss. The latter is an external +operation and does not essentially modify the view of the Life of Jesus, +since by admitting the Johannine scheme the Marcan plan is again +disturbed, and Strauss's arbitrary spiritualisation of the Synoptics comes +to something not very different from the acceptance of that "in a higher +sense historical Gospel" alongside of them. The whole discussion regarding +the sources is only loosely connected with the process of arriving at the +portrait of Jesus, since this portrait is fixed from the first, being +determined by the mental atmosphere and religious horizon of the 'sixties. +They all portray the Jesus of liberal theology; the only difference is +that one is a little more conscientious in his colouring than another, and +one perhaps has a little more taste than another, or is less concerned +about the consequences. + +The desire to escape in some way from the alternative between the +Synoptists and John was native to the Marcan hypothesis. Weisse had +endeavoured to effect this by distinguishing between the sources in the +Fourth Gospel.(128) Schenkel and Weizsaecker are more modest. They do not +feel the need of any clear literary view of the Fourth Gospel, of any +critical discrimination between original and secondary elements in it; +they are content to use as historical whatever their instinct leads them +to accept. "Apart from the fourth Gospel," says Schenkel, "we should miss +in the portrait of the Redeemer the unfathomable depths and the +inaccessible heights." "Jesus," to quote his aphorism, "was not always +thus in reality, but He was so in truth." Since when have historians had +the right to distinguish between reality and truth? That was one of the +bad habits which the author of this characterisation of Jesus brought with +him from his earlier dogmatic training. + +Weizsaecker(129) expresses himself with more circumspection. "We possess," +he says, "in the Fourth Gospel genuine apostolic reminiscences as much as +in any part of the first three Gospels; but between the facts on which the +reminiscences are based and their reproduction in literary form there lies +the development of their possessor into a great mystic, and the influence +of a philosophy which here for the first time united itself in this way +with the Gospel; they need, therefore, to be critically examined; and the +historical truth of this gospel, great as it is, must not be measured with +a painful literality." + +One wonders why both these writers appeal to Holtzmann, seeing that they +practically abandon the Marcan plan which he had worked out at the end of +his very thorough examination of this Gospel. They do not accept as +sufficient the controversy regarding the ceremonial regulations in Mark +vii. which, with the rejection at Nazareth, constitute, in Holtzmann's +view, the turning-point of the Galilaean ministry, but find the cause of +the change of attitude on the part of the people rather in the Johannine +discourse about eating and drinking the flesh and blood of the Son of Man. +The section Mark x.-xv., which has a certain unity, they interpret in the +light of the Johannine tradition, finding in it traces of a previous +ministry of Jesus in Jerusalem and interweaving with it the Johannine +story of the Passion. According to Schenkel the last visit to Jerusalem +must have been of considerable duration. When confronted with John, the +admission may be wrung from the Synoptists that Jesus did not travel +straight through Jericho to the capital, but worked first for a +considerable time in Judaea. Strauss tartly observes that he cannot see +what the author of the "characterisation" stood to gain by underwriting +Holtzmann's Marcan hypothesis.(130) + +Weizsaecker is still bolder in making interpolations from the Johannine +tradition. He places the cleansing of the Temple, in contradiction to +Mark, in the early period of Jesus' ministry, on the ground that "it bears +the character of a first appearance, a bold deed with which to open His +career." He fails to observe, however, that if this act really took place +at this point of time, the whole development of the life of Jesus which +Holtzmann had so ingeniously traced in Mark, is at once thrown into +confusion. In describing the last visit to Jerusalem, Weizsaecker is not +content to insert the Marcan stones into the Johannine cement; he goes +farther and expressly states that the great farewell discourses of Jesus +to His disciples agree with the Synoptic discourses to the disciples +spoken during the last days, however completely they of all others bear +the peculiar stamp of the Johannine diction. + +Thus in the second period of the Marcan hypothesis the same spectacle +meets us as in the earlier. The hypothesis has a literary existence, +indeed it is carried by Holtzmann to such a degree of demonstration that +it can no longer be called a mere hypothesis, but it does not succeed in +winning an assured position in the critical study of the Life of Jesus. It +is common-land not yet taken into cultivation. + +That is due in no small measure to the fact that Holtzmann did not work +out the hypothesis from the historical side, but rather on literary lines, +recalling Wilke--as a kind of problem in Synoptic arithmetic--and in his +preface expresses dissent from the Tuebingen school, who desired to leave +no alternative between John on the one side and the Synoptics on the +other, whereas he approves the attempt to evade the dilemma in some way or +other, and thinks he can find in the didactic narrative of the Fourth +Gospel the traces of a development of Jesus similar to that portrayed in +the Synoptics, and has therefore no fundamental objection to the use of +John alongside of the Synoptics. In taking up this position, however, he +does not desire to be understood as meaning that "it would be to the +interests of science to throw Synoptic and Johannine passages together +indiscriminately and thus construct a life of Jesus out of them." "It +would be much better first to reconstruct separately the Synoptic and +Johannine pictures of Christ, composing each of its own distinctive +material. It is only when this has been done that it is possible to make a +fruitful comparison of the two." Exactly the same position had been taken +up sixty-seven years before by Herder. In Holtzmann's case, however, the +principle was stated with so many qualifications that the adherents of his +view read into it the permission to combine, in a picture treated "in the +grand style," Synoptic with Johannine passages. + +In addition to this, the plan which Holtzmann finally evolved out of Mark +was much too fine-drawn to bear the weight of the remainder of the +Synoptic material. He distinguishes seven stages in the Galilaean +ministry,(131) of which the really decisive one is the sixth, in which +Jesus leaves Galilee and goes northward, so that Schenkel and Weizsaecker +are justified in distinguishing practically only two great Galilaean +periods, the first of which--down to the controversy about ceremonial +purity--they distinguish as the period of success, the second--down to the +departure from Judaea--as the period of decline. What attracted these +writers to the Marcan hypothesis was not so much the authentification +which it gave to the detail of Mark, though they were willing enough to +accept that, but the way in which this Gospel lent itself to the a priori +view of the course of the life of Jesus which they unconsciously brought +with them. They appealed to Holtzmann because he showed such wonderful +skill in extracting from the Marcan narrative the view which commended +itself to the spirit of the age as manifested in the 'sixties. + +Holtzmann read into this Gospel that Jesus had endeavoured in Galilee to +found the Kingdom of God in an ideal sense; that He concealed His +consciousness of being the Messiah, which was constantly growing more +assured, until His followers should have attained by inner enlightenment +to a higher view of the Kingdom of God and of the Messiah; that almost at +the end of His Galilaean ministry He declared Himself to them as the +Messiah at Caesarea Philippi; that on the same occasion He at once began +to picture to them a suffering Messiah, whose lineaments gradually became +more and more distinct in His mind amid the growing opposition which He +encountered, until finally, He communicated to His disciples His decision +to put the Messianic cause to the test in the capital, and that they +followed Him thither and saw how His fate fulfilled itself. It was this +fundamental view which made the success of the hypothesis. Holtzmann, not +less than his followers, believed that he had discovered it in the Gospel +itself, although Strauss, the passionate opponent of the Marcan +hypothesis, took essentially the same view of the development of Jesus' +thought. But the way in which Holtzmann exhibited this characteristic view +of the 'sixties as arising naturally out of the detail of Mark, was so +perfect, so artistically charming, that this view appeared henceforward to +be inseparably bound up with the Marcan tradition. Scarcely ever has a +description of the life of Jesus exercised so irresistible an influence as +that short outline--it embraces scarcely twenty pages--with which Holtzmann +closes his examination of the Synoptic Gospels. This chapter became the +creed and catechism of all who handled the subject during the following +decades. The treatment of the life of Jesus had to follow the lines here +laid down until the Marcan hypothesis was delivered from its bondage to +that a priori view of the development of Jesus. Until then any one might +appeal to the Marcan hypothesis, meaning thereby only that general view of +the inward and outward course of development in the life of Jesus, and +might treat the remainder of the Synoptic material how he chose, combining +with it, at his pleasure, material drawn from John. The victory, +therefore, belonged, not to the Marcan hypothesis pure and simple, but to +the Marcan hypothesis as psychologically interpreted by a liberal +theology. + +The points of distinction between the Weissian and the new interpretation +are as follows:--Weisse is sceptical as regards the detail; the new Marcan +hypothesis ventures to base conclusions even upon incidental remarks in +the text. According to Weisse there were not distinct periods of success +and failure in the ministry of Jesus; the new Marcan hypothesis +confidently affirms this distinction, and goes so far as to place the +sojourn of Jesus in the parts beyond Galilee under the heading "Flights +and Retirements."(132) The earlier Marcan hypothesis expressly denies that +outward circumstances influenced the resolve of Jesus to die; according to +the later, it was the opposition of the people, and the impossibility of +carrying out His mission on other lines which forced Him to enter on the +path of suffering.(133) The Jesus of Weisse's view has completed His +development at the time of His appearance; the Jesus of the new +interpretation of Mark continues to develop in the course of His public +ministry. + +There is complete agreement, however, in the rejection of eschatology. For +Holtzmann, Schenkel, and Weizsaecker, as for Weisse, Jesus desires "to +found an inward kingdom of repentance."(134) It was Israel's duty, +according to Schenkel, to believe in the presence of the Kingdom which +Jesus proclaimed. John the Baptist was unable to believe in it, and it was +for this reason that Jesus censured him--for it is in this sense that +Schenkel understands the saying about the greatest among those born of +women who is nevertheless the least in the Kingdom of Heaven. "So near the +light and yet shutting his eyes to its beams--is there not some blame here, +an undeniable lack of spiritual and moral receptivity?" + +Jesus makes Messianic claims only in a spiritual sense. He does not grasp +at super-human glory; it is His purpose to bear the sin of the whole +people, and He undergoes baptism "as a humble member of the national +community." + +His whole teaching consists, when once He Himself has attained to clear +consciousness of His vocation, in a constant struggle to root out from the +hearts of His disciples their theocratic hopes and to effect a +transformation of their traditional Messianic ideas. When, on Simon's +hailing Him as the Messiah, He declares that flesh and blood has not +revealed it to him, He means, according to Schenkel, "that Simon has at +this moment overcome the false Messianic ideas, and has recognised in Him +the ethical and spiritual deliverer of Israel." + +"That Jesus predicted a personal, bodily, Second Coming, in the brightness +of His heavenly splendour and surrounded by the heavenly hosts, to +establish an earthly kingdom, is not only not proved, it is absolutely +impossible." His purpose is to establish a community of which His +disciples are to be the foundation, and by means of this community to +bring about the coming of the Kingdom of God. He can, therefore, only have +spoken of His return as an impersonal return in the Spirit. The later +exponents of the Marcan view were no doubt generally inclined to regard +the return as personal and corporeal. For Schenkel, however, it is +historically certain that the real meaning of the eschatological +discourses is more faithfully preserved in the Fourth Gospel than in the +Synoptics. + +In his anxiety to eliminate any enthusiastic elements from the +representation of Jesus, he ends by drawing a bourgeois Messiah whom he +might have extracted from the old-fashioned rationalistic work of the +worthy Reinhard. He feels bound to save the credit of Jesus by showing +that the entry into Jerusalem was not intended as a provocation to the +government. "It is only by making this supposition," he explains, "that we +avoid casting a slur upon the character of Jesus. It was certainly a +constant trait in His character that He never unnecessarily exposed +Himself to danger, and never, except for the most pressing reasons, did He +give any support to the suspicions which were arising against Him; He +avoided provoking His opponents to drastic measures by any overt act +directed against them." Even the cleansing of the Temple was not an act of +violence but merely an attempt at reform. + +Schenkel is able to give these explanations because he knows the most +secret thoughts of Jesus and is therefore no longer bound to the text. He +knows, for example, that immediately after His baptism He attained to the +knowledge "that the way of the Law was no longer the way of salvation for +His people." Jesus cannot therefore have uttered the saying about the +permanence of the Law in Mark v. 18. In the controversies about the +Sabbath "He proclaims freedom of worship." + +As time went on, He began to take the heathen world into the scope of His +purpose. "The hard saying addressed to the Canaanite woman represents +rather the proud and exclusive spirit of Pharisaism than the spirit of +Jesus." It was a test of faith, the success of which had a decisive +influence upon Jesus' attitude towards the heathen. Henceforth it is +obvious that He is favourably disposed towards them. He travels through +Samaria and establishes a community there. In Jerusalem He openly calls +the heathen to Him. At certain feasts which they had arranged for that +purpose, some of the leaders of the people set a trap for Him, and +betrayed Him into liberal sayings in regard to the Gentiles which sealed +His fate. + +This was the course of development of the Master, who, according to +Schenkel, "saw with a clear eye into the future history of the world," and +knew that the fall of Jerusalem must take place in order to close the +theocratic era and give the Gentiles free access to the universal +community of Christians which He was to found. "This period He described +as the period of His coming, as in a sense His Second Advent upon earth." + +The same general procedure is followed by Weizsaecker in his "Gospel +History," though his work is of a much higher quality than Schenkel's. His +account of the sources is one of the clearest that has ever been written. +In the description of the life of Jesus, however, the unhesitating +combination of material from the Fourth Gospel with that of the Synoptics +rather confuses the picture. And whereas Renan only offers the results of +the completed process, Weizsaecker works out his, it might almost be said, +under the eyes of the reader, which makes the arbitrary character of the +proceeding only the more obvious. But in his attitude towards the sources +Weizsaecker is wholly free from the irresponsible caprice in which Schenkel +indulges. From time to time, too, he gives a hint of unsolved problems in +the background. For example, in treating of the declaration of Jesus to +His judges that He would come as the Son of Man upon the clouds of heaven, +he remarks how surprising it is that Jesus could so often have used the +designation Son of Man on earlier occasions without being accused of +claiming the Messiahship. It is true that this is a mere scraping of the +keel upon a sandbank, by which the steersman does not allow himself to be +turned from his course, for Weizsaecker concludes that the name Son of Man, +in spite of its use in Daniel, "had not become a generally current or +really popular designation of the Messiah." But even this faint suspicion +of the difficulty is a welcome sign. Much emphasis, in fact, in practice +rather too much emphasis, is laid on the principle that in the great +discourses of Jesus the structure is not historical; they are only +collections of sayings formed to meet the needs of the Christian community +in later times. In this Weizsaecker is sometimes not less arbitrary than +Schenkel, who represents the Lord's Prayer as given by Jesus to the +disciples only in the last days at Jerusalem. It was an axiom of the +school that Jesus could not have delivered discourses such as the +Evangelists record. + +If Schenkel's picture of Jesus' character attracted much more attention +than Weizsaecker's work, that is mainly due to the art of lively popular +presentation by which it is distinguished. The writer knows well how to +keep the reader's interest awake by the use of exciting headlines. +Catchwords abound, and arrest the ear, for they are the catchwords about +which the religious controversies of the time revolved. There is never far +to look for the moral of the history, and the Jesus here portrayed can be +imagined plunging into the midst of the debates in any ministerial +conference. The moralising, it must be admitted, sometimes becomes the +occasion of the feeblest ineptitudes. Jesus sent out His disciples two and +two; this is for Schenkel a marvellous exhibition of wisdom. The Lord +designed, thereby, to show that in His opinion "nothing is more inimical +to the interests of the Kingdom of God than individualism, self-will, +self-pleasing." Schenkel entirely fails to recognise the superb irony of +the saying that in this life all that a man gives up for the sake of the +Kingdom of God is repaid a hundredfold in persecutions, in order that in +the Coming Age he may receive eternal life as his reward. He interpreted +it as meaning that the sufferer shall be compensated by love; his fellow- +Christians will endeavour to make it up to him, and will offer him their +own possessions so freely that, in consequence of this brotherly love, he +will soon have, for the house which he has lost, a hundred houses, for the +lost sisters, brothers, and so forth, a hundred sisters, a hundred +brothers, a hundred fathers, a hundred mothers, a hundred farms. Schenkel +forgets to add that, if this is to be the interpretation of the saying, +the persecuted man must also receive through this compensating love, a +hundred wives.(135) + +This want of insight into the largeness, the startling originality, the +self-contradictoriness, and the terrible irony in the thought of Jesus, is +not a peculiarity of Schenkel's; it is characteristic of all the liberal +Lives of Jesus from Strauss's down to Oskar Holtzmann's.(136) How could it +be otherwise? They had to transpose a way of envisaging the world which +belonged to a hero and a dreamer to the plane of thought of a rational +bourgeois religion. But in Schenkel's representation, with its popular +appeal, this banality is particularly obtrusive. + +In the end, however, what made the success of the book was not its popular +characteristics, whether good or bad, but the enmity which it drew down +upon the author. The Basle Privat-Docent who, in his work of 1839, had +congratulated the Zurichers on having rejected Strauss, now, as Professor +and Director of the Seminary at Heidelberg, came very near being adjudged +worthy of the martyr's crown himself. He had been at Heidelberg since +1851, after holding for a short time De Wette's chair at Basle. At his +first coming a mildly reactionary theology might have claimed him as its +own. He gave it a right to do so by the way in which he worked against the +philosopher, Kuno Fischer, in the Higher Consistory. But in the struggles +over the constitution of the Church he changed his position. As a defender +of the rights of the laity he ranged himself on the more liberal side. +After his great victory in the General Synod of 1861, in which the new +constitution of the Church was established, he called a German Protestant +assembly at Frankfort, in order to set on foot a general movement for +Church reform. This assembly met in 1863, and led to the formation of the +Protestant Association. + +When the _Charakterbild Jesu_ appeared, friend and foe were alike +surprised at the thoroughness with which Schenkel advocated the more +liberal views. "Schenkel's book," complained Luthardt, in a lecture at +Leipzig,(137) "has aroused a painful interest. We had learnt to know him +in many aspects; we were not prepared for such an apostasy from his own +past. How long is it since he brought about the dismissal of Kuno Fischer +from Heidelberg because he saw in the pantheism of this philosopher a +danger to Church and State? It is still fresh in our memory that it was he +who in the year 1852 drew up the report of the Theological Faculty of +Heidelberg upon the ecclesiastical controversy raised by Pastor Duelon at +Bremen, in which he denied Duelon's Christianity on the ground that he had +assailed the doctrines of original sin, of justification by faith, of a +living and personal God, of the eternal Divine Sonship of Christ, of the +Kingdom of God, and of the credibility of the holy Scriptures." And now +this same Schenkel was misusing the Life of Jesus as a weapon in "party +polemics"! + +The agitation against him was engineered from Berlin, where his successful +attack upon the illiberal constitution of the Church had not been +forgiven. One hundred and seventeen Baden clerics signed a protest +declaring the author unfitted to hold office as a theological teacher in +the Baden Church. Throughout the whole of Germany the pastors agitated +against him. It was especially demanded that he should be immediately +removed from his post as Director of the Seminary. A counter-protest was +issued by the Durlach Conference in the July of 1864, in which Bluntschli +and Holtzmann vigorously defended him. The Ecclesiastical Council +supported him, and the storm gradually died away, especially when Schenkel +in two "Defences" skilfully softened down the impression made by his work, +and endeavoured to quiet the public mind by pointing out that he had only +attempted to set forth one side of the truth.(138) + +The position of the prospective martyr was not rendered any more easy by +Strauss. In an appendix to his criticism of Schleiermacher's Life of Jesus +he settled accounts with his old antagonist.(139) He recognises no +scientific value whatever in the work. None of the ideas developed in it +are new. One might fairly say, he thinks, "that the conclusions which have +given offence had been carried down the Neckar from Tuebingen to +Heidelberg, and had there been salvaged by Herr Schenkel--in a somewhat +sodden and deteriorated condition, it must be admitted--and incorporated +into the edifice which he was constructing." Further, Strauss censures the +book for its want of frankness, its half-and-half character, which +manifests itself especially in the way in which the author clings to +orthodox phraseology. "Over and over again he gives criticism with one +hand all that it can possibly ask, and then takes back with the other +whatever the interests of faith seem to demand; with the constant result +that what is taken back is far too much for criticism and not nearly +enough for faith." "In the future," he concludes, "it will be said of the +seven hundred Durlachers that they fought like paladins to prevent the +enemy from capturing a standard which was really nothing but a patched +dish-clout." + +Schenkel died in 1885 after severe sufferings. As a critic he lacked +independence, and was, therefore, always inclined to compromises; in +controversy he was vehement. Though he did nothing remarkable in theology, +German Protestantism owes him a vast debt for acting as its tribune in the +'sixties. + +That was the last time that any popular excitement was aroused in +connexion with the critical study of the life of Jesus; and it was a mere +storm in a tea-cup. Moreover, it was the man and not his work that aroused +the excitement. Henceforth public opinion was almost entirely indifferent +to anything which appeared in this department. The great fundamental +question whether historical criticism was to be applied to the life of +Jesus had been decided in connexion with Strauss's first work on the +subject. If here and there indignation aroused by a Life of Jesus brought +inconveniences to the author and profit to the publisher, that was +connected in every case with purely external and incidental circumstances. +Public opinion was not disquieted for a moment by Volkmar and Wrede, +although they are much more extreme than Schenkel. + +Most of the Lives of Jesus which followed had, it is true, nothing very +exciting about them. They were mere variants of the type established +during the 'sixties, variants of which the minute differences were only +discernible by theologians, and which were otherwise exactly alike in +arrangement and result. As a contribution to criticism, Keim's(140) +"History of Jesus of Nazara" was the most important Life of Jesus which +appeared in a long period. + +It is not of much consequence that he believes in the priority of Matthew, +since his presentment of the history follows the general lines of the +Marcan plan, which is preserved also in Matthew. He gives it as his +opinion that the life of Jesus is to be reconstructed from the Synoptics, +whether Matthew has the first place or Mark. He sketches the development +of Jesus in bold lines. As early as his inaugural address at Zurich, +delivered on the 17th of December 1860, which, short as it was, made a +powerful impression upon Holtzmann as well as upon others, he had set up +the thesis that the Synoptics "artlessly, almost against their will, show +us unconsciously in incidental, unobtrusive traits the progressive +development of Jesus as youth and man."(141) His later works are the +development of this sketch. + +His grandiose style gave the keynote for the artistic treatment of the +portrait of Jesus in the 'sixties. His phrases and expressions became +classical. Every one follows him in speaking of the "Galilaean spring- +tide" in the ministry of Jesus. + +On the Johannine question he takes up a clearly defined position, denying +the possibility of using the Fourth Gospel side by side with the Synoptics +as an historical source. He goes very far in finding special significance +in the details of the Synoptists, especially when he is anxious to +discover traces of want of success in the second period of Jesus' +ministry, since the plan of his Life of Jesus depends on the sharp +antithesis between the periods of success and failure. The whole of the +second half of the Galilaean period consists for him in "flights and +retirements." "Beset by constantly renewed alarms and hindrances, Jesus +left the scene of His earlier work, left His dwelling-place at Capernaum, +and accompanied only by a few faithful followers, in the end only by the +Twelve, sought in all directions for places of refuge for longer or +shorter periods, in order to avoid and elude His enemies." Keim frankly +admits, indeed, that there is not a syllable in the Gospels to suggest +that these journeys are the journeys of a fugitive. But instead of +allowing that to shake his conviction, he abuses the narrators and +suggests that they desired to conceal the truth. "These flights," he says, +"were no doubt inconvenient to the Evangelists. Matthew is here the +frankest, but in order to restore the impression of Jesus' greatness he +transfers to this period the greatest miracles. The later Evangelists are +almost completely silent about these retirements, and leave us to suppose +that Jesus made His journeys to Caesarea Philippi and the neighbourhood of +Tyre and Sidon in the middle of winter from mere pleasure in travel, or +for the extension of the Gospel, and that He made His last journey to +Jerusalem without any external necessity, entirely in consequence of His +free decision, even though the expectation of death which they ascribe to +Him goes far to counteract the impression of complete freedom." Why do +they thus correct the history? "The motive was the same difficulty which +draws from us also the question, 'Is it possible that Jesus should +flee?' " Keim answers "Yes." Here the liberal psychology comes clearly to +light. "Jesus fled," he explains, "because He desired to preserve Himself +for God and man, to secure the continuance of His ministry to Israel, to +defeat as long as possible the dark designs of His enemies, to carry His +cause to Jerusalem, and there, while acting, as it was His duty to do, +with prudence and foresight in his relations with men, to recognise +clearly, by the Divine silence or the Divine action, what the Divine +purpose really was, which could not be recognised in a moment. He acts +like a man who knows the duty both of examination and action, who knows +His own worth and what is due to Him and His obligations towards God and +man."(142) + +In regard to the question of eschatology, however, Keim does justice to +the texts.(143) He admits that eschatology, "a Kingdom of God clothed with +material splendours," forms an integral part of the preaching of Jesus +from the first; "that He never rejected it, and therefore never by a so- +called advance transformed the sensuous Messianic idea into a purely +spiritual one." "Jesus does not uproot from the minds of the sons of +Zebedee their belief in the thrones on His right hand and His left; He +does not hesitate to make His entry into Jerusalem in the character of the +Messiah; He acknowledges His Messiahship before the Council without making +any careful reservations; upon the cross His title is The King of the +Jews; He consoles Himself and His followers with the thought of His return +as an earthly ruler, and leaves with His disciples, without making any +attempt to check it, the belief, which long survived, in a future +establishment or restoration of the Kingdom in an Israel delivered from +bondage." Keim remarks with much justice "that Strauss had been wrong in +rejecting his own earlier and more correct formula," which combined the +eschatological and spiritual elements as operating side by side in the +plan of Jesus. + +Keim, however, himself in the end allows the spiritual elements +practically to cancel the eschatological. He admits, it is true, that the +expression Son of Man which Jesus uses designated the Messiah in the sense +of Daniel's prophecy, but he thinks that these pictorial representations +in Daniel did not repel Jesus because He interpreted them spiritually, and +"intended to describe Himself as belonging to mankind even in His +Messianic office." To solve the difficulty Keim assumes a development. +Jesus' consciousness of His vocation had been strengthened both by success +and by disappointment. As time went on He preached the Kingdom not as a +future Kingdom, as at first, but as one which was present in Him and with +Him, and He declares His Messiahship more and more openly before the +world. He thinks of the Kingdom as undergoing development, but not with an +unlimited, infinite horizon as the moderns suppose; the horizon is bounded +by the eschatology. "For however easy it may be to read modern ideas into +the parables of the draught of fishes, the mustard seed and the leaven, +which, taken by themselves, seem to suggest the duration contemplated by +the modern view, it is nevertheless indubitable that Jesus, like Paul, by +no means looks forward to so protracted an earthly development; on the +contrary, nothing appears more clearly from the sources than that He +thought of its term as rapidly approaching, and of His victory as nigh at +hand; and looked to the last decisive events, even to the day of judgment, +as about to occur during the lifetime of the existing generation, +including Himself and His apostles." "It was the overmastering pressure of +circumstances which held Him prisoner within the limitations of this +obsolete belief." When His confidence in the development of His Kingdom +came into collision with barriers which He could not pass, when His belief +in the presence of the Kingdom of God grew dim, the purely eschatological +ideas won the upper hand, "and if we may suppose that it was precisely +this thought of the imminent decisive action of God, taking possession of +His mind with renewed force at this point, which steeled His human +courage, and roused Him to a passion of self-sacrifice with the hope of +saving from the judgment whatever might still be saved, we may welcome His +adoption of these narrower ideas as in accordance with the goodwill of +God, which could only by this means maintain the failing strength of its +human instrument and secure the spoils of the Divine warfare--the souls of +men subdued and conquered by Him." + +The thought which had hovered before the mind of Renan, but which in his +hands had become only the motive of a romance--_une ficelle de roman_ as +the French express it--was realised by Keim. Nothing deeper or more +beautiful has since been written about the development of Jesus. + +Less critical in character is Hase's "History of Jesus,"(144) which +superseded in 1876 the various editions of the Handbook on the Life of +Jesus which had first appeared in 1829. + +The question of the use of John's Gospel side by side with the Synoptics +he leaves in suspense, and speaks his last word on the subject in the form +of a parable. "If I may be allowed to use an avowedly parabolic form of +speech, the relation of Jesus to the two streams of Gospel tradition may +be illustrated as follows. Once there appeared upon earth a heavenly +Being. According to His first three biographers He goes about more or less +incognito, in the long garment of a Rabbi, a forceful popular figure, +somewhat Judaic in speech, only occasionally, almost unmarked by His +biographers, pointing with a smile beyond this brief interlude to His +home. In the description left by His favourite disciple, He has thrown off +the _talar_ of the Rabbi, and stands before us in His native character, +but in bitter and angry strife with those who took offence at His +magnificent simplicity, and then later--it must be confessed, more +attractively--in deep emotion at parting with those whom, during His +pilgrimage on earth, He had made His friends, though they did not rightly +understand His strange, unearthly speech." + +This is Hase's way, always to avoid a final decision. The fifty years of +critical study of the subject which he had witnessed and taken part in had +made him circumspect, sometimes almost sceptical. But his notes of +interrogation do not represent a covert supernaturalism like those in the +Life of Jesus of 1829. Hase had been penetrated by the influence of +Strauss and had adopted from him the belief that the true life of Jesus +lies beyond the reach of criticism. "It is not my business," he says to +his students in an introductory lecture, "to recoil in horror from this or +that thought, or to express it with embarrassment as being dangerous; I +would not forbid even the enthusiasm of doubt and destruction which makes +Strauss so strong and Renan so seductive." + +It is left uncertain whether Jesus' consciousness of His Messiahship +reaches back to the days of His childhood, or whether it arose in the +ethical development of His ripening manhood. The concealment of His +Messianic claims is ascribed, as by Schenkel and others, to paedagogic +motives; it was necessary that Jesus should first educate the people and +the disciples up to a higher ethical view of His office. In the stress +which he lays upon the eschatology Hase has points of affinity with Keim, +for whom he had prepared the way in his Life of Jesus of 1829, in which he +had been the first to assert a development in Jesus in the course of which +He at first fully shared the Jewish eschatological views, but later +advanced to a more spiritual conception. In his Life of Jesus of 1876 he +is prepared to make the eschatology the dominant feature in the last +period also, and does not hesitate to represent Jesus as dying in the +enthusiastic expectation of returning upon the clouds of heaven. He feels +himself driven to this by the eschatological ideas in the last discourses. +"Jesus' clear and definite sayings," he declares, "with the whole context +of the circumstances in which they were spoken and understood, have been +forcing me to this conclusion for years past." + +"That lofty Messianic dream must therefore continue to hold its place, +since Jesus, influenced as much by the idea of the Messianic glories taken +over from the beliefs of His people as by His own religious exaltation, +could not think of the victory of His Kingdom except as closely connected +with His own personal action. But that was only a misunderstanding due to +the unconscious poesy of a high-ranging religious imagination, the ethical +meaning of which could only be realised by a long historical development. +Christ certainly came again as the greatest power on earth, and His power, +along with His word, is constantly judging the world. He faced the +sufferings which lay immediately before Him with His eyes fixed upon this +great future." + + ------------------------------------- + +The chief excellence of Beyschlag's Life of Jesus consists in its +arrangement.(145) He first, in the volume of preliminary investigations, +discusses the problems, so that the narrative is disencumbered of all +explanations, and by virtue of the author's admirable style becomes a pure +work of art, which rivets the interest of the reader and almost causes the +want of a consistent historical conception to be overlooked. The fact is, +however, that in regard to the two decisive questions Beyschlag is +deliberately inconsistent. Although he recognises that the Gospel of John +has not the character of an essentially historical source, "being, rather, +a brilliant subjective portrait," "a didactic, quite as much as an +historical work," he produces his Life of Jesus by "combining and +mortising together Synoptic and Johannine elements." The same uncertainty +prevails in regard to the recognition of the definitely eschatological +character of Jesus' system of ideas. Beyschlag gives a very large place to +eschatology, so that in order to combine the spiritual with the +eschatological view his Jesus has to pass through three stages of +development. In the first He preaches the Kingdom as something future, a +supernatural event which was to be looked forward to, much as the Baptist +preached it. Then the response which was called forth on all hands by His +preaching led Him to believe that the Kingdom was in some sense already +present, "that the Father, while He delays the outward manifestation of +the Kingdom, is causing it to come even now in quiet and unnoticed ways by +a humble gradual growth, and the great thought of His parables, which +dominates the whole middle period of His public life, the resemblance of +the Kingdom to mustard seed or leaven, comes to birth in His mind." As His +failure becomes more and more certain, "the centre of gravity of His +thought is shifted to the world beyond the grave, and the picture of a +glorious return to conquer and to judge the world rises before Him." + +The peculiar interweaving of Synoptic and Johannine ideas leads to the +result that, between the two, Beyschlag in the end forms no clear +conception of the eschatology, and makes Jesus think in a half-Johannine, +half-Synoptic fashion. "It is a consequence of Jesus' profound conception +of the Kingdom of God as something essentially growing that He regards its +final perfection not as a state of rest, but rather as a living movement, +as a process of becoming, and since He regards this process as a cosmic +and supernatural process in which history finds its consummation, and yet +as arising entirely out of the ethical and historical process, He combines +elements from each into the same prophetic conception." An eschatology of +this kind is not matter for history. + +In the acceptance of the "miracles" Beyschlag goes to the utmost limits +allowed by criticism; in considering the possibility of one or another of +the recorded raisings from the dead he even finds himself within the +borders of rationalist territory. + + ------------------------------------- + +Whether Bernhard Weiss's(146) is to be numbered with the liberal Lives of +Jesus is a question to which we may answer "Yes; but along with the faults +of these it has some others in addition." Weiss shares with the authors of +the liberal "Lives" the assumption that Mark designed to set forth a +definite "view of the course of development of the public ministry of +Jesus," and on the strength of that believes himself justified in giving a +very far-reaching significance to the details offered by this Evangelist. +The arbitrariness with which he carries out this theory is quite as +unbounded as Schenkel's, and in his fondness for the "argument from +silence" he even surpasses him. Although Mark never allows a single word +to escape him about the motives of the northern journeys, Weiss is so +clever at reading between the lines that the motives are "quite +sufficiently" clear to him. The object of these journeys was, according to +his explanation, "that the people might have an opportunity, undistracted +by the immediate impression of His words and actions, to make up their +minds in regard to the questions which they had put to Him so pressingly +and inescapably in the last days of His public ministry; they must +themselves draw their own conclusions alike from the declarations and from +the conduct of Jesus. Only by Jesus' removing Himself for a time from +their midst could they come to a clear decision as to their attitude to +Jesus." This modern psychologising, however, is closely combined with a +dialectic which seeks to show that there is no irreconcilable opposition +between the belief in the Son of God and Son of Man which the Church of +Christ has always confessed, and a critical investigation of the question +how far the details of His life have been accurately preserved by +tradition, and how they are to be historically interpreted. That means +that Weiss is going to cover up the difficulties and stumbling-blocks with +the mantle of Christian charity which he has woven out of the most +plausible of the traditional sophistries. As a dialectical performance on +these lines his Life of Jesus rivals in importance any except +Schleiermacher's. On points of detail there are many interesting +historical observations. When all is said, one can only regret that so +much knowledge and so much ability have been expended in the service of so +hopeless a cause. + +What was the net result of these liberal Lives of Jesus? In the first +place the clearing up of the relation between John and the Synoptics. That +seems surprising, since the chief representatives of this school, +Holtzmann, Schenkel, Weizsaecker, and Hase, took up a mediating position on +this question, not to speak of Beyschlag and Weiss, for whom the +possibility of reconciliation between the two lines of tradition is an +accepted datum for ecclesiastical and apologetic reasons. But the very +attempt to hold the position made clear its inherent untenability. The +defence of the combination of the two traditions exhausted itself in the +efforts of these its critical champions, just as the acceptance of the +supernatural in history exhausted itself in the--to judge from the approval +of the many--victorious struggle against Strauss. In the course of time +Weizsaecker, like Holtzmann,(147) advanced to the rejection of any +possibility of reconciliation, and gave up the Fourth Gospel as an +historical source. The second demand of Strauss's first Life of Jesus was +now--at last--conceded by scientific criticism. + +That does not mean, of course, that no further attempts at reconciliation +appeared thenceforward. Was ever a street so closed by a cordon that one +or two isolated individuals did not get through? And to dodge through +needs, after all, no special intelligence, or special courage. Must we +never speak of a victory so long as a single enemy remains alive? +Individual attempts to combine John with the Synoptics which appeared +after this decisive point are in some cases deserving of special +attention, as for example, Wendt's(148) acute study of the "Teaching of +Jesus," which has all the importance of a full treatment of the "Life." +But the very way in which Wendt grapples with his task shows that the main +issue is already decided. All he can do is to fight a skilful and +determined rearguard action. It is not the Fourth Gospel as it stands, but +only a "ground-document" on which it is based, which he, in common with +Weiss, Alexander Schweizer, and Renan, would have to be recognised +"alongside of the Gospel of Mark and the Logia of Matthew as an +historically trustworthy tradition regarding the teaching of Jesus," and +which may be used along with those two writings in forming a picture of +the Life of Jesus. For Wendt there is no longer any question of an +interweaving and working up together of the individual sections of John +and the Synoptists. He takes up much the same standpoint as Holtzmann +occupied in 1863, but he provides a much more comprehensive and well- +tested basis for it. + +In the end there is no such very great difference between Wendt and the +writers who had advanced to the conviction of the irreconcilability of the +two traditions. Wendt refuses to give up the Fourth Gospel altogether; +they, on their part, won only a half victory because they did not as a +matter of fact escape from the Johannine interpretation of the Synoptics. +By means of their psychological interpretation of the first three Gospels +they make for themselves an ideal Fourth Gospel, in the interests of which +they reject the existing Fourth Gospel. They will hear nothing of the +spiritualised Johannine Christ, and refuse to acknowledge even to +themselves that they have only deposed Him in order to put in His place a +spiritualised Synoptic Jesus Christ, that is, a man who claimed to be the +Messiah, but in a spiritual sense. All the development which they discover +in Jesus is in the last analysis only an evidence of the tension between +the Synoptics, in their natural literal sense, and the "Fourth Gospel" +which is extracted from them by an artificial interpretation. + +The fact is, the separation between the Synoptics and the Fourth Gospel is +only the first step to a larger result which necessarily follows from +it--the complete recognition of the fundamentally eschatological character +of the teaching and influence of the Marcan and Matthaean Jesus. Inasmuch +as they suppressed this consequence, Holtzmann, Schenkel, Hase, and +Weizsaecker, even after their critical conversion, still lay under the +spell of the Fourth Gospel, of a modern, ideal Fourth Gospel. It is only +when the eschatological question is decided that the problem of the +relation of John to the Synoptics is finally laid to rest. The liberal +Lives of Jesus grasped their incompatibility only from a literary point of +view, not in its full historical significance. + +There is another result in the acceptance of which the critical school had +stopped half-way. If the Marcan plan be accepted, it follows that, setting +aside the references to the Son of Man in Mark ii. 10 and 28, Jesus had +never, previous to the incident at Caesarea Philippi, given Himself out to +be the Messiah or been recognised as such. The perception of this fact +marks one of the greatest advances in the study of the subject. This +result, once accepted, ought necessarily to have suggested two questions: +in the first place, why Jesus down to that moment had made a secret of His +Messiahship even to His disciples; in the second place, whether at any +time, and, if so, when and how, the people were made acquainted with His +Messianic claims. As a fact, however, by the application of that ill- +starred psychologising both questions were smothered; that is to say, a +sham answer was given to them. It was regarded as self-evident that Jesus +had concealed His Messiahship from His disciples for so long in order in +the meantime to bring them, without their being aware of it, to a higher +spiritual conception of the Messiah; it was regarded as equally self- +evident that in the last weeks the Messianic claims of Jesus could no +longer be hidden from the people, but that He did not openly avow them, +but merely allowed them to be divined, in order to lead up the multitude +to the recognition of the higher spiritual character of the office which +He claimed for Himself. These ingenious psychologists never seemed to +perceive that there is not a word of all this in Mark; but that they had +read it all into some of the most contradictory and inexplicable facts in +the Gospels, and had thus created a Messiah who both wished to be Messiah +and did not wish it, and who in the end, so far as the people were +concerned, both was and was not the Messiah. Thus these writers had only +recognised the importance of the scene at Caesarea Philippi, they had not +ventured to attack the general problem of Jesus' attitude in regard to the +Messiahship, and had not reflected further on the mutually contradictory +facts that Jesus purposed to be the Messiah and yet did not come forward +publicly in that character. + +Thus they had side-tracked the study of the subject, and based all their +hopes of progress on an intensive exegesis of the detail of Mark. They +thought they had nothing to do but to occupy a conquered territory, and +never suspected that along the whole line they had only won a half +victory, never having thought out to the end either the eschatological +question or the fundamental historical question of the attitude of Jesus +to the Messiahship. + +They were not disquieted by the obstinate persistence of the discussion on +the eschatological question. They thought it was merely a skirmish with a +few unorganised guerrillas; in reality it was the advance-guard of the +army with which Reimarus was threatening their flank, and which under the +leadership of Johannes Weiss was to bring them to so dangerous a pass. And +while they were endeavouring to avoid this turning movement they fell into +the ambush which Bruno Bauer had laid in their rear: Wrede held up the +Marcan hypothesis and demanded the pass-word for the theory of the +Messianic consciousness and claims of Jesus to which it was acting as +convoy. + +The eschatological and the literary school, finding themselves thus +opposed to a common enemy, naturally formed an alliance. The object of +their combined attack was not the Marcan outline of the life of Jesus, +which, in fact, they both accept, but the modern "psychological" method of +reading between the lines of the Marcan narrative. Under the cross fire of +these allies that idea of development which had been the strongest +entrenchment of the liberal critical Lives of Jesus, and which they had +been desperately endeavouring to strengthen down to the very last, was +finally blown to atoms. + +But the striking thing about these liberal critical Lives of Jesus was +that they unconsciously prepared the way for a deeper historical view +which could not have been reached apart from them. A deeper understanding +of a subject is only brought to pass when a theory is carried to its +utmost limit and finally proves its own inadequacy. + +There is this in common between rationalism and the liberal critical +method, that each had followed out a theory to its ultimate consequences. +The liberal critical school had carried to its limit the explanation of +the connexion of the actions of Jesus, and of the events of His life, by a +"natural" psychology; and the conclusions to which they had been driven +had prepared the way for the recognition that the natural psychology is +not here the historical psychology, but that the latter must be deduced +from certain historical data. Thus through the meritorious and +magnificently sincere work of the liberal critical school the a priori +"natural" psychology gave way to the eschatological. That is the net +result, from the historical point of view, of the study of the life of +Jesus in the post-Straussian period. + + + + + +XV. THE ESCHATOLOGICAL QUESTION + + + _Timothee Colani._ Jesus-Christ et les croyances messianiques de + son temps. Strassburg, 1864. 255 pp. + + _Gustav Volkmar._ Jesus Nazarenus und die erste christliche Zeit, + mit den beiden ersten Erzaehlern. (Jesus the Nazarene and the + Beginnings of Christianity, with the two earliest narrators of His + life.) Zurich, 1882. 403 pp. + + _Wilhelm Weiffenbach._ Der Wiederkunftsgedanke Jesu. (Jesus' + Conception of His Second Coming.) 1873. 424 pp. + + _W. Baldensperger._ Das Selbstbewusstsein Jesu im Lichte der + messianischen Hoffnungen seiner Zeit. (The Self-consciousness of + Jesus in the Light of the Messianic Hopes of His time.) + Strassburg, 1888. 2nd ed., 1892, 282 pp.; 3rd ed. pt. i. 240 pp. + + _Johannes Weiss._ Die Predigt Jesu vom Reiche Gottes. (The + Preaching of Jesus concerning the Kingdom of God.) 1892. + Goettingen. 67 pp. Second revised and enlarged edition, 1900, 210 + pp. + + +So long as it was merely a question of establishing the distinctive +character of the thought of Jesus as compared with the ancient prophetic +and Danielic conceptions, and so long as the only available storehouse of +Rabbinic and Late-Jewish ideas was Lightfoot's _Horae Hebraicae et +Talmudicae in quatuor Evangelistas_,(149) it was still possible to cherish +the belief that the preaching of Jesus could be conceived as something +which was, in the last analysis, independent of all contemporary ideas. +But after the studies of Hilgenfeld and Dillmann(150) had made known the +Jewish apocalyptic in its fundamental characteristics, and the Jewish +pseudepigrapha were no longer looked on as "forgeries," but as +representative documents of the last stage of Jewish thought, the +necessity of taking account of them in interpreting the thought of Jesus +became more and more emphatic. Almost two decades were to pass, however, +before the full significance of this material was realised. + +It might almost have seemed as if it was to meet this attack by +anticipation that Colani wrote in 1864 his work, _Jesus-Christ et les +croyances messianiques de son temps_. + +Timothee Colani was born in 1824 at Leme (Aisne), studied in Strassburg +and became pastor there in 1851. In the year 1864 he was appointed +Professor of Pastoral Theology in Strassburg in spite of some attempted +opposition to the appointment on the part of the orthodox party in Paris, +which was then growing in strength. The events of the year 1870 left him +without a post. As he had no prospect of being called to a pastorate in +France, he became a merchant. In consequence of some unfortunate business +operations he lost all his property. In 1875 he obtained a post as +librarian at the Sorbonne. He died in 1888. + +How far was Jesus a Jew? That was the starting-point of Colani's study. +According to him there was a complete lack of homogeneity in the Messianic +hopes cherished by the Jewish people in the time of Jesus, since the +prophetic conception, according to which the Kingdom of the Messiah +belonged to the present world-order, and the apocalyptic, which +transferred it to the future age, had not yet been brought into any kind +of unity. The general expectation was focused rather upon the Forerunner +than upon the Messiah. Jesus Himself in the first period of His public +ministry, up to Mark viii., had never designated Himself as the Messiah, +for the expression Son of Man carried no Messianic associations for the +multitude. His fundamental thought was that of perfect communion with God; +only little by little, as the success of the preaching of the Kingdom more +and more impressed His mind, did His consciousness take on a Messianic +colouring. In face of the undisciplined expectations of the people He +constantly repeats in His parables of the growth of the Kingdom, the word +"patience." By revealing Himself as the Lord of this spiritual kingdom He +makes an end of the oscillation between the sensuous and the spiritual in +the current expectations of the future blessedness. He points to mankind +as a whole, not merely to the chosen people, as the people of the Kingdom, +and substitutes for the apocalyptic catastrophe an organic development. By +His interpretation of Psalm cx., in Mark xii. 35-37, He makes known that +the Messiah has nothing whatever to do with the Davidic kingship. It was +only with difficulty that He came to resolve to accept the title of +Messiah; He knew what a weight of national prejudices and national hopes +hung upon it. + +But He is "Messiah the Son of Man"; He created this expression in order +thereby to make known His lowliness. In the moment in which He accepted +the office He registered the resolve to suffer. His purpose is, to be the +suffering, not the triumphant, Messiah. It is to the influence which His +Passion exercises upon the souls of men that He looks for the firm +establishment of His Kingdom. + +This spiritual conception of the Kingdom cannot possibly be combined with +the thought of a glorious Second Coming, for if Jesus had held this latter +view He must necessarily have thought of the present life as only a kind +of prologue to that second existence. Neither the Jewish, nor the Jewish- +Christian eschatology as represented in the eschatological discourses in +the Gospels, can, therefore, in Colani's opinion, belong to the preaching +of Jesus. That He should sometimes have made use of the imagery associated +with the Jewish expectations of the future is, of course, only natural. +But the eschatology occupies far too important a place in the tradition of +the preaching of Jesus to be explained as a mere symbolical mode of +expression. It forms a substantial element of that preaching. A +spiritualisation of it will not meet the case. Therefore, if the +conviction has been arrived at on other grounds that Jesus' preaching did +not follow the lines of Jewish eschatology, there is only one possible way +of dealing with it, and that is by excising it from the text on critical +grounds. + +The only element in the preaching of Jesus which can, in Colani's opinion, +be called in any sense "eschatological" was the conviction that there +would be a wide extension of the Gospel even within the existing +generation, that Gentiles should be admitted to the Kingdom, and that in +consequence of the general want of receptivity towards the message of +salvation, judgment should come upon the nations. + +These views of Colani furnish him with a basis upon which to decide on the +genuineness or otherwise of the eschatological discourses. Among the +sayings put into the mouth of Jesus which must be rejected as impossible +are: the promise, in the discourse at the sending forth of the Twelve, of +the imminent coming of the Son of Man, Matt. x. 23; the promise to the +disciples that they should sit upon twelve thrones judging the tribes of +Israel, Matt. xix. 28; the saying about His return in Matt. xxiii. 39; the +final eschatological saying at the Last Supper, Matt. xxvi. 29, "the +Papias-like Chiliasm of which is unworthy of Jesus"; and the prediction of +His coming on the clouds of heaven with which He closes His Messianic +confession before the Council. The apocalyptic discourses in Mark xiii., +Matt. xxiv., and Luke xxi. are interpolated. A Jewish-Christian apocalypse +of the first century, probably composed before the destruction of +Jerusalem, has been interwoven with a short exhortation which Jesus gave +on the occasion when He predicted the destruction of the temple. + +According to Colani, therefore, Jesus did not expect to come again from +Heaven to complete His work. It was completed by His death, and the +purpose of the coming of the Spirit was to make manifest its completion. +Strauss and Renan had entered upon the path of explaining Jesus' preaching +from the history of the time by the assumption of an intermixture in it of +Jewish ideas, but it was now recognised "that this path is a cul-de-sac, +and that criticism must turn round and get out of it as quickly as +possible." + +The new feature of Colani's view was not so much the uncompromising +rejection of eschatology as the clear recognition that its rejection was +not a matter to be disposed of in a phrase or two, but necessitated a +critical analysis of the text. + +The systematic investigation of the Synoptic apocalypse was a contribution +to criticism of the utmost importance. + + ------------------------------------- + +In the year 1882 Volkmar took up this attempt afresh, at least in its main +features.(151) His construction rests upon two main points of support; +upon his view of the sources and his conception of the eschatology of the +time of Jesus. In his view the sole source for the Life of Jesus is the +Gospel of Mark, which was "probably written exactly in the year 73," five +years after the Johannine apocalypse. + +The other two of the first three Gospels belong to the second century, and +can only be used by way of supplement. Luke dates from the beginning of +the first decade of the century; while Matthew is regarded by Volkmar, as +by Wilke, as being a combination of Mark and Luke, and is relegated to the +end of this first decade. The work is in his opinion a revision of the +Gospel tradition "in the spirit of that primitive Christianity which, +while constantly opposing the tendency of the apostle of the Gentiles to +make light of the Law, was nevertheless so far universalistic that, +starting from the old legal ground, it made the first steps towards a +catholic unity." Once Matthew has been set aside in this way, the literary +elimination of the eschatology follows as a matter of course; the much +smaller element of discourse in Mark can offer no serious resistance. + +As regards the Messianic expectations of the time, they were, in Volkmar's +opinion, such that Jesus could not possibly have come forward with +Messianic claims. The Messianic Son of Man, whose aim was to found a +super-earthly Kingdom, only arose in Judaism under the influence of +Christian dogma. The contemporaries of Jesus knew only the political ideal +of the Messianic King. And woe to any one who conjured up these hopes! The +Baptist had done so by his too fervent preaching about repentance and the +Kingdom, and had been promptly put out of the way by the Tetrarch. The +version found even in Mark, which represents that it was on Herodias' +account, and at her daughter's petition, that John was beheaded, is a +later interpretation which, according to Volkmar, is evidently false on +chronological grounds, since the Baptist was dead before Herod took +Herodias as his wife. Had Jesus desired the Messiahship, He could only +have claimed it in this political sense. The alternative is to suppose +that He did not desire it. + +Volkmar's contribution to the subject consists in the formulating of this +clean-cut alternative. Colani had indeed recognised the alternative, but +had not taken up a consistent attitude in regard to it. Here, that way of +escape from the difficulty is barred, which suggests that Jesus set +Himself up as Messiah, but in another than the popular sense. What may be +called Jesus' Messianic consciousness consisted solely "in knowing Himself +to be first-born among many brethren, the Son of God after the Spirit, and +consequently feeling Himself enabled and impelled to bring about that +regeneration of His people which alone could make it worthy of +deliverance." It is in any case clearly evident from Paul, from the +Apocalypse, and from Mark, "the three documentary witnesses emanating from +the circle of the followers of Jesus during the first century, that it was +only after His crucifixion that Jesus was hailed as the Christ; never +during His earthly life." The elimination of the eschatology thus leads +also to the elimination of the Messiahship of Jesus. + +If we are told in Mark viii. 29 that Simon Peter was the first among men +to hail Jesus as the Messiah, it is to be noticed, Volkmar points out, +that the Evangelist places this confession at a time when Jesus' work was +over and the thought of His Passion first appears; and if we desire fully +to understand the author's purpose we must fix our attention on the Lord's +command not to make known His Messiahship until after His resurrection +(Mark viii. 30, ix. 9 and 10), which is a hint that we are to date Jesus' +Messiahship from His death. For Mark is no mere naive chronicler, but a +conscious artist interpreting the history; sometimes, indeed, a powerful +epic writer in whose work the historical and the poetic are intermingled. + +Thus the conclusion is that Mark, in agreement with Paul, represents Jesus +as becoming the Messiah only as a consequence of His resurrection. He +really appeared, and His first appearance was to Peter. When Peter on that +night of terror fled from Jerusalem to take refuge in Galilee, Jesus, +according to the mystic prediction of Mark xiv. 28 and xvi. 7, went before +him. "He was constantly present to his spirit, until on the third day He +manifested Himself before his eyes, in the heavenly appearance which was +also vouchsafed to the last of the apostles 'as he was in the way'--and +Peter, enraptured, gave expression to the clear conviction with which the +whole life of Jesus had inspired him in the cry 'Thou art the Christ.'" + +The historical Jesus therefore founded a community of followers without +advancing any claims to the Messiahship. He desired only to be a reformer, +the spiritual deliverer of the people of God, to realise upon earth the +Kingdom of God which they were all seeking in the beyond, and to extend +the reign of God over all nations. "The Kingdom of God is doubtless to win +its final and decisive victory by the almighty aid of God; our duty is to +see to its beginnings"--that is, according to Volkmar, the lesson which +Jesus teaches us in the parable of the Sower. The ethic of this Kingdom +was not yet confused by any eschatological ideas. It was only when, as the +years went on, the expectation of the Parousia rose to a high pitch of +intensity that "marriage and the bringing up of children came to be +regarded as superfluous, and were consequently thought of as signs of an +absorption in earthly interests which was out of harmony with the near +approach to the goal of these hopes." Jesus had renewed the foundations on +which "the family" was based and had made it, in turn, a corner stone of +the Kingdom of God, even as He had consecrated the common meal by making +it a love feast. + +In most things Jesus was conservative. The ritual worship of the God of +Israel remained for Him always a sacred thing. But in spite of that He +withdrew more and more from the synagogue, the scene of His earliest +preaching, and taught in the houses of His disciples. "He had learned to +fulfil the law as implicit in one highest commandment and supreme +principle, therefore 'in spirit and in truth'; but He never, as appears +from all the evidence, declared it to be abolished." "We may be equally +certain, however, that Jesus, while He asserted the abiding validity of +the Ten Commandments, never explicitly declared that of the Mosaic Law as +a whole. The absence of any such saying from the tradition regarding Jesus +made it possible for Paul to take his decisive step forward." + +As regards the Gospel discourses about the Parousia, it is easy to +recognise that, even in Mark, these "are one and all the work of the +narrator, whose purpose is edification. He connects his work as closely as +possible with the Apocalypse, which had appeared some five years earlier, +in order to emphasise, in contrast to it, the higher truth." Jesus' own +hope, in all its clearness and complete originality, is recorded in the +parables of the seed growing secretly and the grain of mustard seed, and +in the saying about the immortality of His words. Nothing beyond this is +in any way certain, however remarkable the saying in Mark ix. 1 may be, +that the looked-for consummation is to take place during the lifetime of +the existing generation. + +"It is only the fact that Mark is preceded by 'the book of the Birth (and +History) of Christ according to Matthew'--not only in the Scriptures, but +also in men's minds, which were dominated by it as the 'first +Gospel'--which has caused it to be taken as self-evident that Jesus, +knowing Himself from the first to be the Messiah, expected His Parousia +solely from heaven, and therefore with, or in, the clouds of heaven.... +But since He who was thought of as by birth the Son of God, is now thought +of as the Son of Man, born an Israelite, and becoming the Son of God after +the spirit only at His baptism, the hope that looks to the clouds of +heaven cannot be, or at least ought not to be, any longer explained +otherwise than as an enthusiastic dream." + +If, even at the beginning of the 'eighties, a so extreme theory on the +other side could, without opposition, occupy all the points of vantage, it +is evident that the theory which gave eschatology its due place was making +but slow progress. It was not that any one had been disputing the ground +with it, but that all its operations were characterised by a nervous +timidity. And these hesitations are not to be laid to the account of those +who did not perceive the approach of the decisive conflict, or refused to +accept battle, like the followers of Reuss, for instance, who were +satisfied with the hypothesis that thoughts about the Last Judgment had +forced their way into the authentic discourses of Jesus about the +destruction of the city;(152) even those who like Weiffenbach are fully +convinced that "the eschatological question, and in particular the +question of the Second Coming, which in many quarters has up to the +present been treated as a _noli me tangere_, must sooner or later become +the battle-ground of the greatest and most decisive of theological +controversies"--even those who shared this conviction stopped half-way on +the road on which they had entered. + + ------------------------------------- + +Weiffenbach's(153) work, "Jesus' Conception of His Second Coming," +published in 1873, sums up the results of the previous discussions of the +subject. He names as among those who ascribe the expectation of the +Parousia, in the sensuous form in which it meets us in the documents, to a +misunderstanding of the teaching of Jesus on the part of the disciples and +the writers who were dependent upon them--Schleiermacher, Bleek, Holtzmann, +Schenkel, Colani, Baur, Hase, and Meyer. Among those who maintained that +the Parousia formed an integral part of Jesus' teaching, he cites Keim, +Weizsaecker, Strauss, and Renan. He considers that the readiest way to +advance the discussion will be by undertaking a critical review of the +attempt to analyse the great Synoptic discourse about the future in which +Colani had led the way. + +The question of the Parousia is like, Weiffenbach suggests, a vessel which +has become firmly wedged between rocks. Any attempt to get it afloat again +will be useless until a new channel is found for it. His detailed +discussions are devoted to endeavouring to discover the relation between +the declarations regarding the Second Coming and the predictions of the +Passion. In the course of his analysis of the great prophetic discourse he +rejects the suggestion made by Weisse in his _Evangelienfrage_ of 1856, +that the eschatological character of the discourse results from the way in +which it is put together; that while the sayings in their present mosaic- +like combination certainly have a reference to the last things, each of +them individually in its original context might well bear a natural sense. +In Colani's hypothesis of conflation the suggestion was to be rejected +that it was not "Ur-Markus," but the author of the Synoptic apocalypse who +was responsible for the working in of the "Little Apocalypse."(154) It was +an unsatisfactory feature of Weizsaecker's position(155) that he insisted +on regarding the "Little Apocalypse" as Jewish, not Jewish-Christian; +Pfleiderer had distinguished sharply what belongs to the Evangelist from +the "Little Apocalypse," and had sought to prove that the purpose of the +Evangelist in thus breaking up the latter and working it into a discourse +of Jesus was to tone down the eschatological hopes expressed in the +discourse, because they had remained unfulfilled even at the fall of +Jerusalem, and to retard the rapid development of the apocalyptic process +by inserting between its successive phases passages from a different +discourse.(156) Weiffenbach carries this series of tentative suggestions +to its logical conclusion, advancing the view that the link of connexion +between the Jewish-Christian Apocalypse and the Gospel material in which +it is embedded is the thought of the Second Coming. This was the thought +which gave the impulse from without towards the transmutation of Jewish +into Jewish-Christian eschatology. Jesus must have given expression to the +thought of His near return; and Jewish-Christianity subsequently painted +it over with the colours of Jewish eschatology. + +In developing this theory, Weiffenbach thought that he had succeeded in +solving the problem which had been first critically formulated by Keim, +who is constantly emphasising the idea that the eschatological hopes of +the disciples could not be explained merely from their Judaic pre- +suppositions, but that some incentive to the formation of these hopes must +be sought in the preaching of Jesus; otherwise primitive Christianity and +the life of Jesus would stand side by side unconnected and unexplained, +and in that case we must give up all hope "of distinguishing the sure word +of the Lord from Israel's restless speculations about the future." + +When the Jewish-Christian Apocalypse has been eliminated, we arrive at a +discourse, spoken on the Mount of Olives, in which Jesus exhorted His +disciples to watchfulness, in view of the near, but nevertheless +undefined, hour of the return of "the Master of the House." + +In this discourse, therefore, we have a standard by which criticism may +test all the eschatological sayings and discourses. Weiffenbach has the +merit of having gathered together all the eschatological material of the +Synoptics and examined it in the light of a definite principle. In Colani +the material was incomplete, and instead of a critical principle he +offered only an arbitrary exegesis which permitted him, for example, to +conceive the watchfulness on which the eschatological parables constantly +insist as only a vivid expression for the sense of responsibility "which +weighs upon the life of man." + +And yet the outcome of this attempt of Weiffenbach's, which begins with so +much real promise, is in the end wholly unsatisfactory. The "authentic +thought of the return" which he takes as his standard has for its sole +content the expectation of a visible personal return in the near future +"free from all more or less fantastic apocalyptic and Jewish-Christian +speculations about the future." That is to say, the whole of the +eschatological discourses of Jesus are to be judged by the standard of a +colourless, unreal figment of theology. Whatever cannot be squared with +that is to be declared spurious and cut away! Accordingly the +eschatological closing saying at the Last Supper is stigmatised as a +"Chiliastic-Capernaitic"(157) distortion of a "normal" promise of the +Second Coming; the idea of the {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}, Matt. xix. 28, is said to be +wholly foreign to Jesus' world of thought; it is impossible, too, that +Jesus can have thought of Himself as the Judge of the world, for the +Jewish and Jewish-Christian eschatology does not ascribe the conduct of +the Last Judgment to the Messiah; that is first done by Gentile +Christians, and especially by Paul. It was, therefore, the later +eschatology which set the Son of Man on the throne of His glory and +prepared "the twelve thrones of judgment for the disciples." The historian +ought only to admit such of the sayings about bearing rule in the +Messianic Kingdom as can be interpreted in a spiritual, non-sensuous +fashion. + +In the end Weiffenbach's critical principle proves to be merely a bludgeon +with which he goes seal-hunting and clubs the defenceless Synoptic sayings +right and left. When his work is done you see before you a desert island +strewn with quivering corpses. Nevertheless the slaughter was not aimless, +or at least it was not without result. + +In the first place, it did really appear, as a by-product of the critical +processes, that Jesus' discourses about the future had nothing to do with +an historical prevision of the destruction of Jerusalem, whereas the +supposition that they had, had hitherto been taken as self-evident, the +prediction of the destruction of Jerusalem being regarded as the historic +nucleus of Jesus' discourses regarding the future, to which the idea of +the Last Judgment had subsequently attached itself. + +Here, then, we have the introduction of the converse opinion, which was +subsequently established as correct; namely, that Jesus foresaw, indeed, +the Last Judgment, but not the historical destruction of Jerusalem. + +In the next place, in the course of his critical examination of the +eschatological material, Weiffenbach stumbles upon the discourse at the +sending forth of the Twelve in Matt. x., and finds himself face to face +with the fact that the discourse which he was expected to regard as a +discourse of instruction was really nothing of the kind, but a collection +of eschatological sayings. As he had taken over along with the Marcan +hypothesis the closely connected view of the composite character of the +Synoptic discourses, he does not allow himself to be misled, but regards +this inappropriate charge to the Twelve as nothing else than an impossible +anticipation and a bold anachronism. He knows that he is at one in this +with Holtzmann, Colani, Bleek, Scholten, Meyer, and Keim, who also made +the discourse of instruction end at the point beyond which they find it +impossible to explain it, and regard the predictions of persecution as +only possible in the later period of the life of Jesus. "For these +predictions," to express Weiffenbach's view in the words of Keim, "are too +much at variance with the essentially gracious and happy mood which +suggested the sending forth of the disciples, and reflect instead the +lurid gloom of the fierce conflicts of the later period and the sadness of +the farewell discourses." + +It was a good thing that Bruno Bauer did not hear this chorus. If he had, +he would have asked Weiffenbach and his allies whether the poor fragment +that remained after the critical dissection of the "charge to the Twelve" +was "a discourse of instruction," and if in view of these difficulties +they could not realise why he had refused, thirty years before, to believe +in the "discourse of instruction." But Bruno Bauer heard nothing: and so +their blissful unconsciousness lasted for nearly a generation longer. + +The expectation of His Second Coming, repeatedly expressed by Jesus +towards the close of His life, is on this hypothesis authentic; it was +painted over by the primitive Christian community with the colours of its +own eschatology, in consequence of the delay of the Parousia; and in view +of the mission to the Gentiles a more cautious conception of the nearness +of the time commended itself; nay, when Jerusalem had fallen and the +"signs of the end" which had been supposed to be discovered in the horrors +of the years 68 and 69 had passed without result, the return of Jesus was +relegated to a distant future by the aid of the doctrine that the Gospel +must first be preached to all the heathen. Thus the Parousia, which +according to the Jewish-Christian eschatology belonged to the present age, +was transferred to the future. "With this combination and making +coincident--they were not so at the first--of the Second Coming, the end of +the world, and the final Judgment, the idea of the Second Coming reached +the last and highest stage of its development." + +Weiffenbach's view, as we have seen, empties Jesus' expectation of His +return of almost all its content, and to that is due the fact that his +investigation did not prove so useful as it might have done. His purpose +is, following suggestions thrown out by Schleiermacher and Weisse, to +prove the identity of the predictions of the Second Coming and of the +Resurrection, and he takes as his starting-point the observation that the +conduct of the disciples after the death of Jesus forbids us to suppose +that the Resurrection had been predicted in clear and unambiguous sayings, +and that, on the other hand, the announcement of the Second Coming +coincides in point of time with the predictions of the Resurrection, and +the predictions both of the Second Coming and of the Resurrection stand in +organic connexion with the announcement of His approaching death. The two +are therefore identical. + +It was only after the death of their Master that the disciples +differentiated the thought of the Resurrection from that of the Second +Coming. The Resurrection did not bring them that which the Second Coming +had promised; but it produced the result that the eschatological hopes, +which Jesus had with difficulty succeeded in damping, flamed up again in +the hearts of His disciples. The spiritual presence of the Deliverer who +had manifested Himself to them did not seem to them to be the fulfilment +of the promise of the Second Coming; but the expectation of the latter, +being brought into contact with the flame of eschatological hope with +which their hearts were a-fire, was fused, and cast into a form quite +different from that in which it had been derived from the words of Jesus. + +That is all finely observed. For the first time it had dawned upon +historical criticism that the great question is that concerning the +identity or difference of the Parousia and the Resurrection. But the man +who had been the first to grasp that thought, and who had undertaken his +whole study with the special purpose of working it out, was too much under +the influence of the spiritualised eschatology of Schleiermacher and +Weisse to be able to assign the right values in the solution of his +equation. And, withal, he is too much inclined to play the apologist as a +subsidiary role. He is not content merely to render the history +intelligible; he is, by his own confession, urged on by the hope that +perhaps a way may be found of causing that "error" of Jesus to disappear +and proving it to be an illusion due to the want of a sufficiently close +study of His discourses. But the historian simply must not be an +apologist; he must leave that to those who come after him and he may do so +with a quiet mind, for the apologists, as we learn from the history of the +Lives of Jesus, can get the better of any historical result whatever. It +is, therefore, quite unnecessary that the historian should allow himself +to be led astray by following an apologetic will-o'-the-wisp. + +Technically regarded, the mistake on which Weiffenbach's investigation +made shipwreck was the failure to bring the Jewish apocalyptic material +into relation with the Synoptic data. If he had done this, it would have +been impossible for him to extract an absolutely unreal and unhistorical +conception of the Second Coming out of the discourses of Jesus. + + ------------------------------------- + +The task which Weiffenbach had neglected remained undone--to the detriment +of theology--until Baldensperger(158) repaired the omission. His book, "The +Self-consciousness of Jesus in the Light of the Messianic Hopes of His +Time,"(159) published in 1888, made its impression by reason of the +fullness of its material. Whereas Colani and Volkmar had still been able +to deny the existence of a fully formed Messianic expectation in the time +of Jesus, the genesis of the expectation was now fully traced out, and it +was shown that the world of thought which meets us in Daniel had won the +victory, that the "Son of Man" Messiah of the Similitudes of Enoch was the +last product of the Messianic hope prior to the time of Jesus; and that +therefore the fully developed Danielic scheme with its unbridgeable chasm +between the present and the future world furnished the outline within +which all further and more detailed traits were inserted. The honour of +having effectively pioneered the way for this discovery belongs to +Schuerer.(160) Baldensperger adopts his ideas, but sets them forth in a +much more direct way, because he, in contrast with Schuerer, gives no +_system_ of Messianic expectation--and there never in reality was a +system--but is content to picture its many-sided growth. + +He does not, it is true, escape some minor inconsistencies. For example, +the idea of a "political Messiahship," which is really set aside by his +historical treatment, crops up here and there, as though the author had +not entirely got rid of it himself. But the impression made by the book as +a whole was overpowering. + +Nevertheless this book does not exactly fulfil the promise of its title, +any more than Weiffenbach's. The reader expects that now at last Jesus' +sayings about Himself will be consistently explained in the light of the +Jewish Messianic ideas, but that is not done. For Baldensperger, instead +of tracing down and working out the conception of the Kingdom of God held +by Jesus as a product of the Jewish eschatology, at least by way of trying +whether that method would suffice, takes it over direct from modern +historical theology. He assumes as self-evident that Jesus' conception of +the Kingdom of God had a double character, that the eschatological and +spiritual elements were equally represented in it and mutually conditioned +one another, and that Jesus therefore began, in pursuance of this +conception, to found a spiritual invisible Kingdom, although He expected +its fulfilment to be effected by supernatural means. Consequently there +must also have been a duality in His religious consciousness, in which +these two conceptions had to be combined. Jesus' Messianic consciousness +sprang, according to Baldensperger, "from a religious root"; that is to +say, the Messianic consciousness was a special modification of a self- +consciousness in which a pure, spiritual, unique relation to God was the +fundamental element; and from this arises the possibility of a spiritual +transformation of the Jewish-Messianic self-consciousness. In making these +assumptions, Baldensperger does not ask himself whether it is not possible +that for Jesus the purely Jewish consciousness of a transcendental +Messiahship may itself have been religious, nay even spiritual, just as +well as the Messiahship resting on a vague, indefinite, colourless sense +of union with God which modern theologians arbitrarily attribute to Him. + +Again, instead of arriving at the two conceptions, Kingdom of God and +Messianic consciousness, purely empirically, by an unbiased comparison of +the Synoptic passages with the Late-Jewish conceptions, Baldensperger, in +this following Holtzmann, brings them into his theory in the dual form in +which contemporary theology, now becoming faintly tinged with eschatology, +offered them to him. Consequently, everything has to be adapted to this +duality. Jesus, for example, in applying to Himself the title Son of Man, +thinks not only of the transcendental significance which it has in the +Jewish apocalyptic, but gives it at the same time an ethico-religious +colouring. + +Finally, the duality is explained by an application of the genetic method, +in which the "course of the development of the self-consciousness of +Jesus" is traced out. The historical psychology of the Marcan hypothesis +here shows its power of adapting itself to eschatology. From the first, to +follow the course of Baldensperger's exposition, the eschatological view +influenced Jesus' expectation of the Kingdom and His Messianic +consciousness. In the wilderness, after the dawn of His Messianic +consciousness at His baptism, He had rejected the ideal of the Messianic +king of David's line and put away all warlike thoughts. Then He began to +found the Kingdom of God by preaching. For a time the spiritualised idea +of the Kingdom was dominant in His mind, the Messianic eschatological idea +falling rather into the background. + +But His silence regarding His Messianic office was partly due to +paedagogic reasons, "since He desired to lead His hearers to a more +spiritual conception of the Kingdom and so to obviate a possible political +movement on their part and the consequent intervention of the Roman +government." In addition to this He had also personal reasons for not +revealing Himself which only disappeared in the moment when His death and +Second Coming became part of His plan; previous to that He did not know +how and when the Kingdom was to come. Prior to the confession at Caesarea +Philippi, the disciples "had only a faint and vague suspicion of the +Messianic dignity of their Master." + +This was "rather the preparatory stage of His Messianic work." +Objectively, it may be described "as the period of growing emphasis upon +the spiritual characteristics of the Kingdom, and of resigned waiting and +watching for its outward manifestation in glory; subjectively, from the +point of view of the self-consciousness of Jesus, it may be characterised +as the period of the struggle between His religious conviction of His +Messiahship and the traditional rationalistic Messianic belief." + +This first period opens out into a second in which He had attained to +perfect clearness of vision and complete inner harmony. By the acceptance +of the idea of suffering, Jesus' inner peace is enhanced to the highest +degree conceivable. "By throwing Himself upon the thought of death He +escaped the lingering uncertainty as to when and how God would fulfil His +promise...." "The coming of the Kingdom was fixed down to the Second +Coming of the Messiah. Now He ventured to regard Himself as the Son of Man +who was to be the future Judge of the world, for the suffering and dying +Son of Man was closely associated with the Son of Man surrounded by the +host of heaven. Would the people accept Him as Messiah? He now, in +Jerusalem, put the question to them in all its sharpness and burning +actuality; and the people were moved to enthusiasm. But so soon as they +saw that He whom they had hailed with such acclamation was neither able +nor willing to fulfil their ambitious dreams, a reaction set in." + +Thus, according to Baldensperger, there was an interaction between the +historical and the psychological events. And that is right!--if only the +machinery were not so complicated, and a "development" had not to be +ground out of it at whatever cost. But this, and the whole manner of +treatment in the second part, encumbered as it is with parenthetic +qualifications, was rendered inevitable by the adoption of the two +aforesaid not purely historical conceptions. Sometimes, too, one gets the +impression that the author felt that he owed it to the school to which he +belonged to advance no assertion without adding the limitations which +scientifically secure it against attack. Thus on every page he digs +himself into an entrenched position, with palisades of footnotes--in fact +the book actually ends with a footnote. But the conception which underlay +the whole was so full of vigour that in spite of the thoughts not being +always completely worked out, it produced a powerful impression. +Baldensperger had persuaded theology at least to admit the +hypothesis--whether it took up a positive or negative position in regard to +it--that Jesus possessed a fully-developed eschatology. He thus provided a +new basis for discussion and gave an impulse to the study of the subject +such as it had not received since the 'sixties, at least not in the same +degree of energy. Perhaps the very limitations of the work, due as they +were to its introduction of modern ideas, rendered it better adapted to +the spirit of the age, and consequently more influential, than if it had +been characterised by that rigorous maintenance of a single point of view +which was abstractly requisite for the proper treatment of the subject. It +was precisely the rejection of this rigorous consistency which enabled it +to gain ground for the cause of eschatology. + + ------------------------------------- + +But the consistent treatment from a single point of view was bound to +come; and it came four years later. In passing from Weiffenbach and +Baldensperger to Johannes Weiss(161) the reader feels like an explorer who +after weary wanderings through billowy seas of reed-grass at length +reaches a wooded tract, and instead of swamp feels firm ground beneath his +feet, instead of yielding rushes sees around him the steadfast trees. At +last there is an end of "qualifying clause" theology, of the "and yet," +the "on the other hand," the "notwithstanding"! The reader had to follow +the others step by step, making his way over every footbridge and gang- +plank which they laid down, following all the meanderings in which they +indulged, and must never let go their hands if he wished to come safely +through the labyrinth of spiritual and eschatological ideas which they +supposed to be found in the thought of Jesus. + +In Weiss there are none of these devious paths: "behold the land lies +before thee." + +His "Preaching of Jesus concerning the Kingdom of God,"(162) published in +1892, has, on its own lines, an importance equal to that of Strauss's +first Life of Jesus. He lays down the third great alternative which the +study of the life of Jesus had to meet. The first was laid down by +Strauss: _either_ purely historical _or_ purely supernatural. The second +had been worked out by the Tuebingen school and Holtzmann: _either_ +Synoptic _or_ Johannine. Now came the third: _either_ eschatological _or_ +non-eschatological! + +Progress always consists in taking one or other of two alternatives, in +abandoning the attempt to combine them. The pioneers of progress have +therefore always to reckon with the law of mental inertia which manifests +itself in the majority--who always go on believing that it is possible to +combine that which can no longer be combined, and in fact claim it as a +special merit that they, in contrast with the "one-sided" writers, can do +justice to the other side of the question. One must just let them be, till +their time is over, and resign oneself not to see the end of it, since it +is found by experience that the complete victory of one of two historical +alternatives is a matter of two full theological generations. + +This remark is made in order to explain why the work of Johannes Weiss did +not immediately make an end of the mediating views. Another reason perhaps +was that, according to the usual canons of theological authorship, the +book was much too short--only sixty-seven pages--and too simple to allow its +full significance to be realised. And yet it is precisely this simplicity +which makes it one of the most important works in historical theology. It +seems to break a spell. It closes one epoch and begins another. + +Weiffenbach had failed to solve the problem of the Second Coming, +Baldensperger that of the Messianic consciousness of Jesus, because both +of them allowed a false conception of the Kingdom of God to keep its place +among the data. The general conception of the Kingdom was first rightly +grasped by Johannes Weiss. All modern ideas, he insists, even in their +subtlest forms, must be eliminated from it; when this is done, we arrive +at a Kingdom of God which is wholly future; as is indeed implied by the +petition in the Lord's prayer, "Thy Kingdom come." Being still to come, it +is at present purely supra-mundane. It is present only as a cloud may be +said to be present which throws its shadow upon the earth; its nearness, +that is to say, is recognised by the paralysis of the Kingdom of Satan. In +the fact that Jesus casts out the demons, the Pharisees are bidden to +recognise, according to Matt. xii. 25-28, that the Kingdom of God is +already come upon them. + +This is the only sense in which Jesus thinks of the Kingdom as present. He +does not "establish it," He only proclaims its coming. He exercises no +"Messianic functions," but waits, like others, for God to bring about the +coming of the Kingdom by supernatural means. He does not even know the day +and hour when this shall come to pass. The missionary journey of the +disciples was not designed for the extension of the Kingdom of God, but +only as a means of rapidly and widely making known its nearness. But it +was not so near as Jesus thought. The impenitence and hardness of heart of +a great part of the people, and the implacable enmity of His opponents, at +length convinced Him that the establishment of the Kingdom of God could +not yet take place, that such penitence as had been shown hitherto was not +sufficient, and that a mighty obstacle, the guilt of the people, must +first be put away. It becomes clear to Him that His own death must be the +ransom-price. He dies, not for the community of His followers only, but +for the nation; that is why He always speaks of His atoning death as "for +many," not "for you." After His death He would come again in all the +splendour and glory with which, since the days of Daniel, men's +imaginations had surrounded the Messiah, and He was to come, moreover, +within the lifetime of the generation to which He had proclaimed the +nearness of the Kingdom of God. + +The setting up of the Kingdom was to be preceded by the Day of Judgment. +In describing the Messianic glory Jesus makes use of the traditional +picture, but He does so with modesty, restraint, and sobriety. Therein +consists His greatness. + +With political expectations this Kingdom has nothing whatever to do. "To +hope for the Kingdom of God in the transcendental sense which Jesus +attaches to it, and to raise a revolution, are two things as different as +fire and water." The transcendental character of the expectation consists +precisely in this, that the State and all earthly institutions, +conditions, and benefits, as belonging to the present age, shall either +not exist at all in the coming Kingdom, or shall exist only in a +sublimated form. Hence Jesus cannot preach to men a special ethic of the +Kingdom of God, but only an ethic which in this world makes men free from +the world and prepared to enter unimpeded into the Kingdom. That is why +His ethic is of so completely negative a character; it is, in fact, not so +much an ethic as a penitential discipline. + +The ministry of Jesus is therefore not in principle different from that of +John the Baptist: there can be no question of a founding and development +of the Kingdom within the hearts of men. What distinguishes the work of +Jesus from that of the Baptist is only His consciousness of being the +Messiah. He awoke to this consciousness at His baptism. But the +Messiahship which He claims is not a present office; its exercise belongs +to the future. On earth He is only a man, a prophet, as in the view +implied in the speeches in the Acts of the Apostles. "Son of Man" is +therefore, in the passages where it is authentic, a purely eschatological +designation of the Messiah, though we cannot tell whether His hearers +understood Him as speaking of Himself in His future rank and dignity, or +whether they thought of the Son of Man as a being quite distinct from +Himself, whose coming He was only proclaiming in advance. + +"The sole object of this argument is to prove that the Messianic self- +consciousness of Jesus, as expressed in the title 'Son of Man,' shares in +the transcendental apocalyptic character of Jesus' idea of the Kingdom of +God, and cannot be separated from that idea." The only partially correct +evaluation of the factors in the problem of the Life of Jesus which +Baldensperger had taken over from contemporary theology, and which had +hitherto prevented historical science from obtaining a solution of that +problem, had now been corrected from the history itself, and it was now +only necessary to insert the corrected data into the calculation. + +Here is the point at which it is fitting to recall Reimarus. He was the +first, and indeed, before Johannes Weiss, the only writer who recognised +and pointed out that the preaching of Jesus was purely eschatological. It +is true that his conception of the eschatology was primitive, and that he +applied it not as a constructive, but as a destructive principle of +criticism. But read his statement of the problem "with the signs changed," +and with the necessary deduction for the primitive character of the +eschatology, and you have the view of Weiss. + +Ghillany, too, has a claim to be remembered. When Weiss asserts that the +part played by Jesus was not the active role of establishing the Kingdom, +but the passive role of waiting for the coming of the Kingdom; and that it +was, in a sense, only by the acceptance of His sufferings that He emerged +from that passivity; he is only asserting what Ghillany had maintained +thirty years before with the same arguments and with the same +decisiveness. But Weiss places the assertion on a scientifically +unassailable basis. + + + + + +XVI. THE STRUGGLE AGAINST ESCHATOLOGY + + + _Wilhelm Bousset._ Jesu Predigt in ihrem Gegensatz zum Judentum. + Ein religionsgeschichtlicher Vergleich. (The Antithesis between + Jesus' Preaching and Judaism. A Religious-Historical Comparison.) + Goettingen, 1892. 130 pp. + + _Erich Haupt._ Die eschatologischen Aussagen Jesu in den + synoptischen Evangelien. (The Eschatological Sayings of Jesus in + the Synoptic Gospels.) 1895. 167 pp. + + _Paul Wernle._ Die Anfaenge unserer Religion. Tuebingen-Leipzig, + 1901; 2nd ed., 1904, 410 pp. + + _Emil Schuerer._ Das messianische Selbstbewusstsein Jesu-Christi. + 1903. Akademische Festrede. (The Messianic Self-consciousness of + Jesus Christ.) 24 pp. + + _Wilhelm Brandt._ Die evangelische Geschichte und der Ursprung des + Christentums auf Grund einer Kritik der Berichte ueber das Leiden + und die Auferstehung Jesu. (The Gospel History and the Origin of + Christianity. Based upon a Critical Study of the Narratives of the + Sufferings and Resurrection of Jesus.) Leipzig, 1893. 591 pp. + + _Adolf Juelicher._ Die Gleichnisreden Jesu. (The Parables of + Jesus.) Vol. i., 1888, 291 pp.; vol. ii., 1899, 643 pp. + + +In this period the important books are short. The sixty-seven pages of +Johannes Weiss are answered by Bousset(163) in a bare hundred and thirty. +People began to see that the elaborate Lives of Jesus which had hitherto +held the field, and enjoyed an immortality of revised editions, only +masked the fact that the study of the subject was at a standstill; and +that the tedious re-handling of problems which had been solved so far as +they were capable of solution only served as an excuse for not grappling +with those which still remained unsolved. + +This conviction is expressed by Bousset at the beginning of his work. The +criticism of the sources, he says, is finished, and its results may be +regarded, so far as the Life of Jesus is concerned, as provisionally +complete. The separation between John and the Synoptists has been secured. +For the Synoptists, the two-document hypothesis has been established, +according to which the sources are a primitive form of Mark, and a +collection of "logia." A certain interest might still attach to the +attempt to arrive at the primitive kernel of Mark; but the attempt has a +priori so little prospect of success that it was almost a waste of time to +continue to work at it. It would be a much more important thing to get rid +of the feeling of uncertainty and artificiality in the Lives of Jesus. +What is now chiefly wanted, Bousset thinks, is "a firmly-drawn and life- +like portrait which, with a few bold strokes, should bring out clearly the +originality, the force, the personality of Jesus." + +It is evident that the centre of the problem has now been reached. That is +why the writing becomes so terse. The masses of thought can only be +manoeuvred here in a close formation such as Weiss gives them. The loose +order of discursive exegetical discussions of separate passages is now no +longer in place. The first step towards further progress was the simple +one of marshalling the passages in such a way as to gain a single +consistent impression from them. + +In the first instance Bousset is as ready as Johannes Weiss to admit the +importance for the mind of Jesus of the eschatological "then" and "now." +The realistic school, he thinks, are perfectly right in endeavouring to +relate Jesus, without apologetic or theological inconsistencies, to the +background of contemporary ideas. Later, in 1901, he was to make it a +reproach against Harnack's "What is Christianity?" (_Das Wesen des +Christentums_) that it did not give sufficient importance to the +background of contemporary thought in its account of the preaching of +Jesus.(164) + +He goes on to ask, however, whether the first enthusiasm over the +discovery of this genuinely historical way of looking at things should not +be followed by some "second thoughts" of a deeper character. Accepting the +position laid down by Johannes Weiss, we must ask, he thinks, whether this +purely historical criticism, by the exclusive emphasis which it has laid +upon eschatology, has not allowed the "essential originality and power of +the personality of Jesus to slip through its fingers," and closed its +grasp instead upon contemporary conceptions and imaginations which are +often of a quite special character. + +The Late-Jewish eschatology was, according to Bousset, by no means a +homogeneous system of thought. Realistic and transcendental elements stand +side by side in it, unreconciled. The genuine popular belief of Late +Judaism still clung quite naively to the earthly realistic hopes of former +times, and had never been able to rise to the purely transcendental +regions which are the characteristic habitat of apocalyptic. The rejection +of the world is never carried out consistently; something of the Jewish +national ideal always remains. And for this reason Late Judaism made no +progress towards the overcoming of particularism. + +Probably, Bousset holds, this Apocalyptic thought is not even genuinely +Jewish; as he ably argued in another work, there was a considerable strain +of Persian influence in it.(165) The dualism, the transference to the +transcendental region of the future hope, the conception of the world +which appears in Jewish apocalyptic, are of Iranian rather than Jewish +origin. + +Two thoughts are especially characteristic of Bousset's position; first, +that this transcendentalising of the future implied a spiritualisation of +it; secondly, that in post-exilic Judaism there was always an undercurrent +of a purer and more spontaneous piety, the presence of which is especially +to be traced in the Psalms. + +Into a dead world, where a kind of incubus seems to stifle all naturalness +and spontaneity, there comes a living Man. According to the formulae of +His preaching and the designations which He applies to Himself, He seems +at first sight to identify Himself with this world rather than to oppose +it. But these conceptions and titles, especially the Kingdom of God and +the Son of Man, must be provisionally left in the background, since they, +as being conceptions taken over from the past, conceal rather than reveal +what is most essential in His personality. The primary need is to +discover, behind the phenomenal, the real character of the personality and +preaching of Jesus. The starting-point must therefore be the simple fact +that Jesus came as a living Man into a dead world. He is living, because +in contrast with His contemporaries He has a living idea of God. His faith +in the Fatherhood of God is Jesus' most essential act. It signifies a +breach with the transcendental Jewish idea of God, and an unconscious +inner negation of the Jewish eschatology. Jesus, therefore, walks through +a world which denies His own eschatology like a man who has firm ground +under his feet. + +That which on a superficial view appears to be eschatological preaching +turns out to be essentially a renewal of the old prophetic preaching with +its positive ethical emphasis. Jesus is a manifestation of that ancient +spontaneous piety of which Bousset had shown the existence in Late +Judaism. + +The most characteristic thing in the character of Jesus, according to +Bousset, is His joy in life. It is true that if, in endeavouring to +understand Him, we take primitive Christianity as our starting-point, we +might conceive of this joy in life as the complement of the eschatological +mood, as the extreme expression of indifference to the world, which can as +well enjoy the world as flee it. But the purely eschatological attitude, +though it reappears in early Christianity, does not give the right clue +for the interpretation of the character of Jesus as a whole. His joy in +the world was real, a genuine outcome of His new type of piety. It +prevented the eudaemonistic eschatological idea of reward, which some +think they find in Jesus' preaching, from ever really becoming an element +in it. + +Jesus is best understood by contrasting Him with the Baptist. John was a +preacher of repentance whose eyes were fixed upon the future. Jesus did +not allow the thought of the nearness of the end to rob Him of His +simplicity and spontaneity, and was not crippled by the reflection that +everything was transitory, preparatory, a mere means to an end. His +preaching of repentance was not gloomy and forbidding; it was the +proclamation of a new righteousness, of which the watchword was, "Ye shall +be perfect as your Father in Heaven is perfect." He desires to communicate +this personal piety by personal influence. In contrast with the Baptist He +never aims at influencing masses of men, but rather avoids it. His work +was accomplished mainly among little groups and individuals. He left the +task of carrying the Gospel far and wide as a legacy to the community of +His followers. The mission of the Twelve, conceived as a mission for the +rapid and widespread extension of the Gospel, is not to be used to explain +Jesus' methods of teaching; the narrative of it rests on an "obscure and +unintelligible tradition." + +This genuine joy in life was not unnoticed by the contemporaries of Jesus +who contrasted Him as "a gluttonous man and a wine-bibber," with the +Baptist. They were vaguely conscious that the whole life of Jesus was +"sustained by the feeling of an absolute antithesis between Himself and +His times." He lived not in anxious expectation, but in cheerful gladness, +because by the native strength of His piety He had brought present and +future into one. Free from all extravagant Jewish delusions about the +future, He was not paralysed by the conditions which must be fulfilled to +make this future present. He has a peculiar conviction of its coming which +gives Him courage to "marry" the present with the future. The present as +contrasted with the beyond is for Him no mere shadow, but truth and +reality; life is not for Him a mere illusion, but is charged with a real +and valuable meaning. His own time is the Messianic time, as His answer to +the Baptist's question shows. "And it is among the most certain things in +the Gospel that Jesus in His earthly life acknowledged Himself as Messiah +both to His disciples and to the High-Priest, and made His entry into +Jerusalem as such." + +He can, therefore, fully recognise the worth of the present. It is not +true that He taught that this world's goods were in themselves bad; what +He said was only that they must not be put first. Indeed He gives a new +value to life by teaching that man cannot be righteous in isolation, but +only in the fellowship of love. And as, moreover, the righteousness which +He preaches is one of the goods of the Kingdom of God, He cannot have +thought of the Kingdom as wholly transcendental. The Reign of God begins +for Him in the present era. His consciousness of being able to cast out +demons in the spirit of God because Satan's kingdom on earth is at an end +is only the supernaturalistic expression for something of which He also +possesses an ethical consciousness, namely, that in the new social +righteousness the Kingdom of God is already present. + +This presence of the Kingdom was not, however, clearly explained by Jesus, +but was set forth in paradoxes and parables, especially in the parables of +Mark iv. When we find the Evangelist, in immediate connexion with these +parables, asserting that the aim of the parables was to mystify and +conceal, we may conclude that the basis of this theory is the fact that +these parables concerning the presence of the Kingdom of God were not +understood. + +In effecting this tacit transformation Jesus is acting in accordance with +a tendency of the time. Apocalyptic is itself a spiritualisation of the +ancient Israelitish hopes of the future, and Jesus only carries this +process to its completion. He raises Late Judaism above the limitations in +which it was involved, separates out the remnant of national, political, +and sensuous ideas which still clung to the expectation of the future in +spite of its having been spiritualised by apocalyptic, and breaks with the +Jewish particularism, though without providing a theoretical basis for +this step. + +Thus, in spite of, nay even because of, His opposition to it, Jesus was +the fulfiller of Judaism. In Him were united the ancient and vigorous +prophetic religion and the impulse which Judaism itself had begun to feel +towards the spiritualisation of the future hope. The transcendental and +the actual meet in a unity which is full of life and strength, creative +not reflective, and therefore not needing to set aside the ancient +traditional ideas by didactic explanations, but overcoming them almost +unconsciously by the truth which lies in this paradoxical union. The +historical formula embodied in Bousset's closing sentence runs thus: "The +Gospel develops some of the deeper-lying _motifs_ of the Old Testament, +but it protests against the prevailing tendency of Judaism." + +Such of the underlying assumptions of this construction as invite +challenge lie open to inspection, and do not need to be painfully +disentangled from a web of exegesis; that is one of the merits of the +book. The chief points to be queried are as follows:-- + +Is it the case that the apocalypses mark the introduction of a process of +spiritualisation applied to the ancient Israelitish hopes? A picture of +the future is not spiritualised simply by being projected upon the clouds. +This elevation to the transcendental region signifies, on the contrary, +the transference to a place of safety of the eudaemonistic aspirations +which have not been fulfilled in the present, and which are expected, by +way of compensation, from the other world. The apocalyptic conception is +so far from being a spiritualisation of the future expectations, that it +represents on the contrary the last desperate effort of a strongly +eudaemonistic popular religion to raise to heaven the earthly goods from +which it cannot make up its mind to part. + +Next we must ask: Is it really necessary to assume the existence of so +wide reaching a Persian influence in Jewish eschatology? The Jewish +dualism and the sublimation of its hope have become historical just +because, owing to the fate of the nation, the religious life of the +present and the fair future which was logically bound up with it became +more and more widely separated, temporally and locally, until at last only +its dualism and the sublimation of its hope enabled the nation to survive +its disappointment. + +Again, is it historically permissible to treat the leading ideas of the +preaching of Jesus, which bear so clearly the marks of the contemporary +mould of thought, as of secondary importance for the investigation, and to +endeavour to trace Jesus' thoughts from within outwards and not from +without inwards? + +Further, is there really in Judaism no tendency towards the overcoming of +particularism? Has not its eschatology, as shaped by the deutero-prophetic +literature, a universalistic outlook? Did Jesus overcome particularism in +principle otherwise than it is overcome in Jewish eschatology, that is to +say, with reference to the future? + +What is there to prove that Jesus' distinctive faith in the Fatherhood of +God ever existed independently, and not as an alternative form of the +historically-conditioned Messianic consciousness? In other words, what is +there to show that the "religious attitude" of Jesus and His Messianic +consciousness are anything else than identical, temporally and +conceptually, so that the first must always be understood as conditioned +by the second? + +Again, is the saying about the gluttonous man and wine-bibber a sufficient +basis for the contrast between Jesus and the Baptist? Is not Jesus' +preaching of repentance gloomy as well as the Baptist's? Where do we read +that He, in contrast with the Baptist, avoided dealing with masses of men? +Where did He give "the community of His disciples" marching orders to go +far and wide in the sense required by Bousset's argument? Where is there a +word to tell us that He thought of His work among individuals and little +groups of men as the most important feature of His ministry? Are we not +told the exact contrary, that He "taught" His disciples as little as He +did the people? Is there any justification for characterising the +missionary journey of the Twelve, just because it directly contradicts +this view, as "an obscure and unintelligible tradition?" + +Is it so certain that Jesus made a Messianic entry into Jerusalem, and +that, accordingly, He declared Himself to the disciples and to the High +Priest as Messiah in the present, and not in a purely future sense? + +What are the sayings which justify us in making the attitude of opposition +which He took up towards the Rabbinic legalism into a "sense of the +absolute opposition between Himself and His people"? The very "absolute," +with its ring of Schleiermacher, is suspicious. + +All these, however, are subsidiary positions. The decisive point is: Can +Bousset make good the assertion that Jesus' joy in life was a more or less +unconscious inner protest against the purely eschatological world- +renouncing religious attitude, the primal expression of that "absolute" +antithesis to Judaism? Is it not the case that His attitude towards +earthly goods was wholly conditioned by eschatology? That is to say, were +not earthly goods emptied of any essential value in such a way that joy in +the world and indifference to the world were simply the final expression +of an ironic attitude which had been sublimated into pure serenity. That +is the question upon the answer to which depends the decision whether +Bousset's position is tenable or not. + +It is not in fact tenable, for the opposite view has at its disposal +inexhaustible reserves of world-renouncing, world-contemning sayings, and +the few utterances which might possibly be interpreted as expressing a +purely positive joy in the world, desert and go over to the enemy, because +they textually and logically belong to the other set of sayings. Finally, +the promise of earthly happiness as a reward, to which Bousset had denied +a position in the teaching of Jesus, also falls upon his rear, and that in +the very moment when he is seeking to prove from the saying, "Seek ye +first the Kingdom of God and His righteousness, and all these things shall +be added unto you," that for Jesus this world's goods are not in +themselves evil, but are only to be given a secondary place. Here the +eudaemonism is written on the forehead of the saying, since the receiving +of these things--we must remember, too, the "hundredfold" in another +passage--is future, not present, and will only "come" at the same time as +the Kingdom of God. All present goods, on the other hand, serve only to +support life and render possible an undistracted attitude of waiting in +pious hope for that future, and therefore are not thought of as gains, but +purely as a gift of God, to be cheerfully and freely enjoyed as a +foretaste of those blessings which the elect are to enjoy in the future +Divine dispensation. + +The loss of this position decides the further point that if there is any +suggestion in the teaching of Jesus that the future Kingdom of God is in +some sense present, it is not to be understood as implying an anti- +eschatological acceptance of the world, but merely as a phenomenon +indicative of the extreme tension of the eschatological consciousness, +just in the same way as His joy in the world. Bousset has a kind of +indirect recognition of this in his remark that the presence of the +Kingdom of God is only asserted by Jesus as a kind of paradox. If the +assertion of its presence indicated that acceptance of the world formed +part of Jesus' system of thought, it would be at variance with His +eschatology. But the paradoxical character of the assertion is due +precisely to the fact that His acceptance of the world is but the last +expression of the completeness with which He rejects it. + +But what do critical cavils matter in the case of a book of which the +force, the influence, the greatness, depends upon its spirit? It is great +because it recognises--what is so rarely recognised in theological +works--the point where the main issue really lies; in the question, namely, +whether Jesus preached and worked as Messiah, or whether, as follows if a +prominent place is given to eschatology, as Colani had long ago +recognised, His career, historically regarded, was only the career of a +prophet with an undercurrent of Messianic consciousness. + +As a consequence of grasping the question in its full significance, +Bousset rejects all the little devices by which previous writers had +endeavoured to relate Jesus' ministry to His times, each one prescribing +at what point He was to connect Himself with it, and of course proceeding +in his book to represent Him as connecting Himself with it in precisely +that way. Bousset recognises that the supreme importance of eschatology in +the teaching of Jesus is not to be got rid of by whittling away a little +point here and there, and rubbing it smooth with critical sandpaper until +it is capable of reflecting a different thought, but only by fully +admitting it, while at the same time counteracting it by asserting a +mysterious element of world-acceptance in the thought of Jesus, and +conceiving His whole teaching as a kind of alternating current between +positive and negative poles. + +This is the last possible sincere attempt to limit the exclusive +importance of eschatology in the preaching of Jesus, an attempt so +gallant, so brilliant, that its failure is almost tragic; one could have +wished success to the book, to which Carlyle might have stood sponsor. +That it is inspired by the spirit of Carlyle, that it vindicates the +original force of a great Personality against the attempt to dissolve it +into a congeries of contemporary conceptions, therein lies at once its +greatness and its weakness. Bousset vindicates Jesus, not for history, but +for Protestantism, by making Him the heroic representative of a deeply +religious acceptance of the goods of life amid an apocalyptic world. His +study is not unhistorical, but supra-historical. The spirit of Jesus was +in fact world-accepting in the sense that through the experience of +centuries it advanced historically to the acceptance of the world, since +nothing can appear phenomenally which is not in some sense ideally present +from the first. But the teaching of the historical Jesus was purely and +exclusively world-renouncing. If, therefore, the problem which Bousset has +put on the blackboard for the eschatological school to solve is to be +successfully solved, the solution is to be sought on other, more +objectively historical, lines. + +That the decision of the question whether Jesus' preaching of the Kingdom +of God is wholly eschatological or only partly eschatological, is +primarily to be sought in His ethical teaching, is recognised by all the +critics of Baldensperger and Weiss. They differ only in the importance +which they assign to eschatology. But no other writer has grasped the +problem as clearly as Bousset. + + ------------------------------------- + +The Parisian Ehrhardt emphasises eschatology very strongly in his work +"The Fundamental Character of the Preaching of Jesus in Relation to the +Messianic Hopes of His People and His own Messianic Consciousness."(166) +Nevertheless he asserts the presence of a twofold ethic in Jesus' +teaching: eschatology did not attempt to evacuate everything else of all +value, but allowed the natural and ethical goods of this world to hold +their place, as belonging to a world of thought which resisted its +encroachments. + +A much more negative attitude is taken up by Albert Reville in his _Jesus +de Nazareth_.(167) According to him both Apocalyptic and Messianism are +foreign bodies in the teaching of Jesus which have been forced into it by +the pressure of contemporary thought. Jesus would never of His own motion +have taken up the role of Messiah. + +Wendt, too, in the second edition of his _Lehre Jesu_, which appeared in +1903, held in the main to the fundamental idea of the first, the 1890, +edition; namely, that Jesus in view of His purely religious relation to +God could not do otherwise than transform, from within outwards, the +traditional conceptions, even though they seem to be traceable in their +actual contemporary form on the surface of His teaching. He had already, +in 1893, in the _Christliche Welt_ clearly expounded, and defended against +Weiss, his view of the Kingdom of God as already present for the thought +of Jesus. + +The effect which Baldensperger and Weiss had upon Weiffenbach(168) was to +cause him to bring out in full strength the apologetic aspect which had +been somewhat held in check in his work of 1873 by the thoroughness of his +exegesis. The apocalyptic of this younger school, which was no longer +willing to believe that in the mouth of Jesus the Parousia meant nothing +more than an issuing from death clothed with power, is on all grounds to +be rejected. It assumes, since this expectation was not fulfilled, an +error on the part of Jesus. It is better to rest content with not being +able to see quite clearly. + +Protected by a similar armour, the successive editions of Bernhard Weiss's +Life of Jesus went their way unmolested down to 1902. + +Not with an apologetic purpose, but on the basis of an original religious +view, Titius, in his work on the New Testament doctrine of blessedness, +develops the teaching of Jesus concerning the Kingdom of God as a present +good.(169) + +In the same year, 1895, appeared E. Haupt's work on "The Eschatological +Sayings of Jesus in the Synoptic Gospels."(170) In contradistinction to +Bousset he takes as his starting-point the eschatological passages, +examining each separately and modulating them back to the Johannine key. +It is so delicately and ingeniously done that the reading of the book is +an aesthetic pleasure which makes one in the end quite forget the +apologetic _motif_ in order to surrender oneself completely to the +author's mystical system of religious thought. + +It is, indeed, not the least service of the eschatological school that it +compels modern theology, which is so much preoccupied with history, to +reveal what is its own as its own. Eschatology makes it impossible to +attribute modern ideas to Jesus and then by way of "New Testament +Theology" take them back from Him as a loan, as even Ritschl not so long +ago did with such _naivete_. Johannes Weiss, in cutting himself loose, as +an historian, from Ritschl, and recognising that "the real roots of +Ritschl's ideas are to be found in Kant and the illuminist theology,"(171) +introduced the last decisive phase of the process of separation between +historical and "modern" theology. Before the advent of eschatology, +critical theology was, in the last resort, without a principle of +discrimination, since it possessed no reagent capable of infallibly +separating out modern ideas on the one hand and genuinely ancient New +Testament ideas on the other. The application of the criterion has now +begun. What will be the issue, the future alone can show. + +But even now we can recognise that the separation was not only of +advantage to historical theology; for modern theology, the manifestation +of the modern spirit as it really is, was still more important. Only when +it became conscious of its own inmost essence and of its right to exist, +only when it freed itself from its illegitimate historical justification, +which, leaping over the centuries, appealed directly to an historical +exposition of the New Testament, only then could it unfold its full wealth +of ideas, which had been hitherto root-bound by a false historicity. It +was not by chance that in Bousset's reply a certain affirmation of life, +something expressive of the genius of Protestantism, cries aloud as never +before in any theological work of this generation, or that in Haupt's work +German mysticism interweaves its mysterious harmonies with the Johannine +_motif_. The contribution of Protestantism to the interpretation of the +world had never been made so manifest in any work prior to Weiss's. The +modern spirit is here breaking in wreaths of foam upon the sharp cliffs of +the rock-bound eschatological world-view of Jesus. To put it more +prosaically, modern theology is at last about to become sincere. But this +is so far only a prophecy of the future. + +If we are to speak of the present it must be fully admitted that even +historical science, when it desires to continue the history of +Christianity beyond the life of Jesus, cannot help protesting against the +one-sidedness of the eschatological world of thought of the "Founder." It +finds itself obliged to distinguish in the thought of Jesus "permanent +elements and transitory elements" which, being interpreted, means +eschatological and not essentially eschatological materials; otherwise it +can get no farther. For if Jesus' world of thought was wholly and +exclusively eschatological, there can only have arisen out of it, as +Reimarus long ago maintained, an exclusively eschatological primitive +Christianity. But how a community of that kind could give birth to the +Greek non-eschatological theology no Church history and no history of +dogma has so far shown. Instead of that they all--Harnack, with the most +consummate historical ability--lay down from the very first, alongside of +the main line intended for "contemporary views" traffic, a relief line for +the accommodation of through trains of "non-temporally limited ideas"; and +at the point where primitive Christian eschatology becomes of less +importance they switch off the train to the relief line, after slipping +the carriages which are not intended to go beyond that station. + +This procedure has now been rendered impossible for them by Weiss, who +leaves no place in the teaching of Jesus for anything but the single-line +traffic of eschatology. If, during the last fifteen years, any one had +attempted to carry out in a work on a large scale the plan of Strauss and +Renan, linking up the history of the life of Jesus with the history of +early Christianity, and New Testament theology with the early history of +dogma, the immense difficulties which Weiss had raised without suspecting +it, in the course of his sixty-seven pages, would have become clearly +apparent. The problem of the Hellenisation of Christianity took on quite a +new aspect when the trestle bridge of modern ideas connecting the +eschatological early Christianity with Greek theology broke down under the +weight of the newly-discovered material, and it became necessary to seek +within the history itself an explanation of the way in which an +exclusively eschatological system of ideas came to admit Greek influences, +and--what is much more difficult to explain--how Hellenism, on its part, +found any point of contact with an eschatological sect. + +The new problem is as yet hardly recognised, much less grappled with. The +few who since Weiss's time have sought to pass over from the life of Jesus +to early Christianity, have acted like men who find themselves on an ice- +floe which is slowly dividing into two pieces, and who leap from one to +the other before the cleft grows too wide. Harnack, in his "What is +Christianity?" almost entirely ignores the contemporary limitations of +Jesus' teaching, and starts out with a Gospel which carries him down +without difficulty to the year 1899. The anti-historical violence of this +procedure is, if possible, still more pronounced in Wernle. The +"Beginnings of our Religion"(172) begins by putting the Jewish eschatology +in a convenient posture for the coming operation by urging that the idea +of the Messiah, since there was no appropriate place for it in connexion +with the Kingdom of God or the new Earth, had become obsolete for the Jews +themselves. + +The inadequateness of the Messianic idea for the purposes of Jesus is +therefore self-evident. "His whole life long"--as if we knew any more of it +than the few months of His public ministry!--"He laboured to give a new and +higher content to the Messianic title which He had adopted." In the course +of this endeavour He discarded "the Messiah of the Zealots"--by that is +meant the political non-transcendent Messianic ideal. As if we had any +knowledge of the existence of such an ideal in the time of Jesus! The +statements of Josephus suggest, and the conduct of Pilate at the trial of +Jesus confirms the conclusion, that in none of the risings did a claimant +of the Messiahship come forward, and this should be proof enough that +there did not exist at that time a political eschatology alongside of the +transcendental, and indeed it could not on inner grounds subsist alongside +of it. That was, after all, the thing which Weiss had shown most clearly! + +Jesus, therefore, had dismissed the Messiah of the Zealots; He had now to +turn Himself into the "waiting" Messiah of the Rabbis. Yet He does not +altogether accept this role, for He works actively as Messiah. His +struggle with the Messianic conception could not but end in transforming +it. This transformed conception is introduced by Jesus to the people at +His entry into Jerusalem, since His choice of the ass to bear Him +inscribed as a motto, so to speak, over the demonstration the prophecy of +the Messiah who should be a bringer of peace. A few days later He gives +the Scribes to understand by His enigmatic words with reference to Mark +xii. 37, that His Messiahship has nothing to do with Davidic descent and +all that that implied. + +The Kingdom of God was not, of course, for Him, according to Wernle, a +purely eschatological entity; He saw in many events evidence that it had +already dawned. Wernle's only real concession to the eschatological school +is the admission that the Kingdom always remained for Jesus a supernatural +entity. + +The belief in the presence of the Kingdom was, it seems, only a phase in +the development of Jesus. When confronted with growing opposition He +abandoned this belief again, and the super-earthly future character of the +Kingdom was all that remained. At the end of His career Jesus establishes +a connexion between the Messianic conception, in its final transformation, +and the Kingdom, which had retained its eschatological character; He goes +to His death for the Messiahship in its new significance, but He goes on +believing in His speedy return as the Son of Man. This expectation of His +Parousia as Son of Man, which only emerges immediately before His exit +from the world--when it can no longer embarrass the author in his account +of the preaching of Jesus--is the only point in which Jesus does not +overcome the inadequacy of the Messianic idea with which He had to deal. +"At this point the fantastic conception of Late Judaism, the magically +transformed world of the ancient popular belief, thrusts itself +incongruously into Jesus' great and simple consciousness of His vocation." + +Thus Wernle takes with him only so much of Apocalyptic as he can safely +carry over into early Christianity. Once he has got safely across, he +drags the rest over after him. He shows that in and with the titles and +expressions borrowed from apocalyptic thought, Messiah, Son of God, Son of +Man, which were all at bottom so inappropriate to Jesus, early +Christianity slipped in again "either the old ideas or new ones +misunderstood." In pointing this out he cannot refrain from the customary +sigh of regret--these apocalyptic titles and expressions "were from the +first a misfortune for the new religion." One may well ask how Wernle has +discovered in the preaching of Jesus anything that can be called, +historically, a new religion, and what would have become of this new +religion apart from its apocalyptic hopes and its apocalyptic dogma? We +answer: without its intense eschatological hope the Gospel would have +perished from the earth, crushed by the weight of historic catastrophes. +But, as it was, by the mighty power of evoking faith which lay in it, +eschatology made good in the darkest times Jesus' sayings about the +imperishability of His words, and died as soon as these sayings had +brought forth new life upon a new soil. Why then make such a complaint +against it? + +The tragedy does not consist in the modification of primitive Christianity +by eschatology, but in the fate of eschatology itself, which has preserved +for us all that is most precious in Jesus, but must itself wither, because +He died upon the cross with a loud cry, despairing of bringing in the new +heaven and the new earth--that is the real tragedy. And not a tragedy to be +dismissed with a theologian's sigh, but a liberating and life-giving +influence, like every great tragedy. For in its death-pangs eschatology +bore to the Greek genius a wonder-child, the mystic, sensuous, Early- +Christian doctrine of immortality, and consecrated Christianity as the +religion of immortality to take the place of the slowly dying civilisation +of the ancient world. + +But it is not only those who want to find a way from the preaching of +Jesus to early Christianity who are conscious of the peculiar difficulties +raised by the recognition of its purely Jewish eschatological character, +but also those who wish to reconstruct the connexion backwards from Jesus +to Judaism. For example, Wellhausen and Schuerer repudiate the results +arrived at by the eschatological school, which, on its part, bases itself +upon their researches into Late Judaism. Wellhausen, in his "Israelitish +and Jewish History,"(173) gives a picture of Jesus which lifts Him out of +the Jewish frame altogether. The Kingdom which He desires to found becomes +a present spiritual entity. To the Jewish eschatology His preaching stands +in a quite external relation, for what was in His mind was rather a +fellowship of spiritual men engaged in seeking a higher righteousness. He +did not really desire to be the Messiah, and in His inmost heart had +renounced the hopes of His people. If He called Himself Messiah, it was in +view of a higher Messianic ideal. For the people His acceptance of the +Messiahship denoted the supersession of their own very differently +coloured expectation. The transcendental events become immanent. In regard +to the apocalyptic Judgment of the World, he retains only the sermon +preserved by John about the inward and constant process of separation. + +Although not to the same extent, Schuerer also, in his view of the teaching +of Jesus, is strongly influenced by the Fourth Gospel. In an inaugural +discourse of 1903(174) he declares that in his opinion there is a certain +opposition between Judaism and the preaching of Jesus, since the latter +contains something absolutely new. His Messiahship is only the temporally +limited expression of a unique, generally ethical, consciousness of being +a child of God, which has a certain analogy with the relation of all God's +children to their Heavenly Father. The reason for His reserve in regard to +His Messiahship was, according to Schuerer, Jesus' fear of kindling +"political enthusiasm"; from the same motive He repudiates in Mark xii. 37 +all claim to be the Messiah of David's line. The ideas of the Messiah and +the Kingdom of God at least underwent a transformation in His use of them. +If in His earlier preaching He only announces the Kingdom as something +future, in His later preaching He emphasises the thought that in its +beginnings it is already present. + +That it is precisely the representatives of the study of Late Judaism who +lift Jesus out of the Late-Jewish world of thought, is not in itself a +surprising phenomenon. It is only an expression of the fact that here +something new and creative enters into an uncreative age, and of the clear +consciousness that this Personality cannot be resolved into a complex of +contemporary ideas. The problem of which they are conscious is the same as +Bousset's. But the question cannot be avoided whether the violent +separation of Jesus from Late Judaism is a real solution, or whether the +very essence of Jesus' creative power does not consist, not in taking out +one or other of the parts of the eschatological machinery, but in doing +what no one had previously done, namely, in setting the whole machinery in +motion by the application of an ethico-religious motive power. To perceive +the unsatisfactoriness of the transformation hypothesis it is only +necessary to think of all the conditions which would have to be realised +in order to make it possible to trace, even in general outline, the +evidence of such a transformation in the Gospel narrative. + +All these solutions of the eschatological question start from the teaching +of Jesus, and it was, indeed, from this point of view that Johannes Weiss +had stated the problem. The final decision of the question is not, +however, to be found here, but in the examination of the whole course of +Jesus' life. On which of the two presuppositions, the assumption that His +life was completely dominated by eschatology, or the assumption that He +repudiated it, do we find it easiest to understand the connexion of events +in the life of Jesus, His fate, and the emergence of the expectation of +the Parousia in the community of His disciples? + +The works which in the examination of the connexion of events follow a +critical procedure are few and far between. The average "Life of Jesus" +shows in this respect an inconceivable stupidity. The first, after Bruno +Bauer, to apply critical methods to this point was Volkmar; between +Volkmar and Wrede the only writer who here showed himself critical, that +is sceptical, was W. Brandt. His work on the "Gospel History"(175) +appeared in 1893, a year after Johannes Weiss's work and in the same year +as Bousset's reply. In this book the question of the absolute, or only +partial, dominance of eschatology is answered on the ground of the general +course of Jesus' life. + +Brandt goes to work with a truly Cartesian scepticism. He first examines +all the possibilities that the reported event did not happen in the way in +which it is reported before he is satisfied that it really did happen in +that way. Before he can accept the statement that Jesus died with a loud +outcry, he has to satisfy his critical conscience by the following +consideration: "The statement regarding this cry, is, so far as I can see, +to be best explained by supposing that it was really uttered." The burial +of Jesus owes its acceptance as history to the following reflection. "We +hold Joseph of Arimathea to be an historical person; but the only reason +which the narrative has for preserving his name is that he buried Jesus. +Therefore the name guarantees the fact." + +But the moment the slightest possibility presents itself that the event +happened in a different way, Brandt declines to be held by any seductions +of the text, and makes his own "probably" into an historical fact. For +instance, he thinks it unlikely that Peter was the only one to smite with +the sword; so the history is immediately rectified by the phrase "that +sword-stroke was doubtless not the only one, other disciples also must +have pressed to the front." That Jesus was first condemned by the +Sanhedrin at a night-sitting, and that Pilate in the morning confirmed the +sentence, seems to him on various grounds impossible. It is therefore +decided that we have here to do only with a combination devised by "a +Christian from among the Gentiles." In this way the "must have been's" and +"may have been's" exercise a veritable reign of terror throughout the +book. + +Yet that does not prevent the general contribution of the book to +criticism from being a very remarkable one. Especially in regard to the +trial of Jesus, it brings to light a whole series of previously +unsuspected problems. Brandt is the first writer since Bauer who dares to +assert that it is an historical absurdity to suppose that Pilate, when the +people demanded from him the _condemnation_ of Jesus, answered: "No, but I +will _release_ you another instead of Him." + +As his starting-point he takes the complete contrast between the Johannine +and Synoptic traditions, and the inherent impossibility of the former is +proved in detail. The Synoptic tradition goes back to Mark alone. His +Gospel is, as was also held by Bruno Bauer, and afterwards by Wrede, a +sufficient basis for the whole tradition. But this Gospel is not a purely +historical source, it is also, and in a very much larger degree, poetic +invention. Of the real history of Jesus but little is preserved in the +Gospels. Many of the so-called sayings of the Lord are certainly to be +pronounced spurious, a few are probably to be recognised as genuine. But +the theory of the "poetic invention" of the earliest Evangelist is not +consistently carried out, because Brandt does not take as his criterion, +as Wrede did later, a definite principle on which Mark is supposed to have +constructed his Gospel, but decides each case separately. Consequently the +most important feature of the work lies in the examination of detail. + +Jesus died and was believed to have risen again: this is the only +absolutely certain information that we have regarding His "Life." And +accordingly this is the crucial instance for testing the worth of the +Gospel tradition. It is only on the basis of an elaborate criticism of the +accounts of the suffering and resurrection of Jesus that Brandt undertakes +to give a sketch of the life of Jesus as it really was. + +What was, then, so far as appears from His life, Jesus' attitude towards +eschatology? It was, according to Brandt, a self-contradictory attitude. +"He believed in the near approach of the Kingdom of God, and yet, as +though its time were still far distant, He undertakes the training of +disciples. He was a teacher and yet is said to have held Himself to be the +Messiah." The duality lies not so much in the teaching itself; it is +rather a cleavage between His conviction and consciousness on the one +hand, and His public attitude on the other. + +To this observation we have to add a second, namely, that Jesus cannot +possibly during the last few days at Jerusalem have come forward as +Messiah. Critics, with the exception, of course, of Bruno Bauer, had only +cursorily touched on this question. The course of events in the last few +days in Jerusalem does not at all suggest a Messianic claim on the part of +Jesus, indeed it directly contradicts it. Only imagine what would have +happened if Jesus had come before the people with such claims, or even if +such thoughts had been so much as attributed to Him! On the other side, of +course, we have the report of the Messianic entry, in which Jesus not only +accepted the homage offered to Him as Messiah, but went out of His way to +invite it; and the people must therefore from that point onwards have +regarded him as Messiah. In consequence of this contradiction in the +narrative, all Lives of Jesus slur over the passage, and seem to represent +that the people sometimes suspected Jesus' Messiahship, sometimes did not +suspect it, or they adopt some other similar expedient. Brandt, however, +rigorously drew the logical inference. Since Jesus did not stand and +preach in the temple as Messiah, He cannot have entered Jerusalem as +Messiah. Therefore "the well-known Messianic entry is not historical." +That is also implied by the manner of His arrest. If Jesus had come +forward as a Messianic claimant, He would not simply have been arrested by +the civil police; Pilate would have had to suppress a revolt by military +force. + +This admission implies the surrender of one of the most cherished +prejudices of the anti-eschatological school, namely, that Jesus raised +the thoughts of the people to a higher conception of His Messiahship, and +consequently to a spiritual view of the Kingdom of God, or at least tried +so to raise them. But we cannot assume this to have been His intention, +since He does not allow the multitude to suspect His Messiahship. Thus the +conception of a "transformation" becomes untenable as a means of +reconciling eschatological and non-eschatological elements. And as a +matter of fact--that is the stroke of critical genius in the book--Brandt +lets the two go forward side by side without any attempt at +reconciliation; for the reconciliation which would be possible if one had +only to deal with the teaching of Jesus becomes impossible when one has to +take in His life as well. For Brandt the life of Jesus is the life of a +Galilaean teacher who, in consequence of the eschatology with which the +period was so fully charged, was for a time and to a certain extent set at +variance with Himself and who met His fate for that reason. This +conception is at bottom identical with Renan's. But the stroke of genius +in leaving the gap between eschatological and non-eschatological elements +unbridged sets this work, as regards its critical foundation and +historical presentment, high above the smooth romance of the latter. + +The course of Jesus' life, according to Brandt, was therefore as follows: +Jesus was a teacher; not only so, but He took disciples in order to train +them to be teachers. "This is in itself sufficient to show there was a +period in His life in which His work was not determined by the thought of +the immediate nearness of the decisive moment. He sought men, therefore, +who might become His fellow-workers. He began to train disciples who, if +He did not Himself live to see the Day of the Lord, would be able after +His death to carry on the work of educating the people along the lines +which He had laid down." "Then there occurred in Judaea an event of which +the rumour spread like wildfire throughout Palestine. A prophet arose--a +thing which had not happened for centuries--a man who came forward as an +envoy of God; and this prophet proclaimed the immediate coming of the +reign of God: 'Repent that ye may escape the wrath of God.' " The +Baptist's great sermon on repentance falls, according to Brandt, in the +last period of the life of Jesus. We must assume, he thinks, that before +John came forward in this dramatic fashion he had been a teacher, and at +that period of his life had numbered Jesus among his pupils. Nevertheless +his life previous to his public appearance must have been a rather obscure +one. When he suddenly launched out into this eschatological preaching of +repentance "he seemed like an Elijah who had long ago been rapt away from +the earth and now appeared once more." + +From this point onwards Jesus had to concentrate His activity, for the +time was short. If He desired to effect anything and so far as possible to +make the people, before the coming of the end, obedient to the will of +God, He must make Jerusalem the starting-point of His work. "Only from +this central position, and only with the help of an authority which had at +its disposal the whole synagogal system, could He effect within a short +time much, perhaps all, of what was needful. So He determined on +journeying to Jerusalem with this end in view, and with the fixed resolve +there to carry into effect the will of God." + +The journey to Jerusalem was not therefore a pilgrimage of death. "So long +as we are obliged to take the Gospels as a true reflection of the history +of Jesus we must recognise with Weizsaecker that Jesus did not go to +Jerusalem in order to be put to death there, nor did He go to keep the +Feast. Both suppositions are excluded by the vigour of his action in +Jerusalem, and the bright colours of hope with which the picture of that +period was painted in the recollection of those who had witnessed it." We +cannot therefore regard the predictions of the Passion as historical, or +"at most we might perhaps suppose that Jesus in the consciousness of His +innocence may have said to His disciples: 'If I should die, may God for +the sake of My blood be merciful to you and to the people.'" + +He went to Jerusalem, then, to fulfil the will of God. "It was God's will +that the preaching by which alone the people could be inwardly renewed and +made into a real people of God should be recognised and organised by the +national and religious authorities. To effect this through the existing +authorities, or to realise it in some other way, such was the task which +Jesus felt Himself called on to perform." With his eyes upon this goal, +behind which lay the near approach of the Kingdom of God, He set His face +towards Jerusalem. + +"But nothing could be more natural than that out of the belief that He was +engaged in a work which God had willed, there should arise an ever +stronger belief in His personal vocation." It was thus that the Messianic +consciousness entered into Jesus' thoughts. His conviction of His vocation +had nothing to do with a political Messiahship, it was only gradually from +the development of events that He was able to draw the inference that He +was destined to the Messianic sovereignty, "it may have become more and +more clear to Him, but it did not become a matter of absolute certainty." +It was only amid opposition, in deep dejection, in consequence of a +powerful inner reaction against circumstances, that He came to recognise +Himself with full conviction as the anointed of God. + +When it began to be bruited about that He was the Messiah, the rulers had +Him arrested and handed Him over to the Procurator. Judas the traitor "had +only been a short time among His followers, and only in those unquiet days +at Jerusalem when the Master had scarcely any opportunity for private +intercourse with him and for learning really to know him. He had not been +with Jesus during the Galilaean days, and Jesus was consequently nothing +more to him than the future ruler of the Kingdom of God." + +After His death the disciples "could not, unless something occurred to +restore their faith, continue to believe in His Messiahship." Jesus had +taken away with Him in His death the hopes which they had set upon Him, +especially as He had not foretold His death, much less His resurrection. +"At first, therefore, it would be all in favour of His memory if the +disciples remembered that He Himself had never openly and definitely +declared Himself to be the Messiah." They returned to Galilee. "Simon +Peter, and perhaps the son of Zebedee, who afterwards ranked along with +him as a pillar of the Church, resolved to continue that preparation for +their work which had been interrupted by their journey to Jerusalem. It +seemed to them that if they were once more on Galilaean soil the days +which they had spent in the inhospitable Jerusalem would cease to oppress +their spirits with the leaden weight of sorrowful recollection.... One +might almost say that they had to make up their minds to give up Jesus the +author of the attempt to take Jerusalem by storm; but for Jesus the +gracious gentle Galilaean teacher they kept a warm place in their hearts." +So love watched over the dead until hope was rekindled by the Old +Testament promises and came to reawaken Him. "The first who, in an +enthusiastic vision, saw this wish fulfilled was Simon Peter." This +"resurrection" has nothing to do with the empty grave, which, like the +whole narrative of the Jerusalem appearances, only came into the tradition +later. The first appearances took place in Galilee. It was there that the +Church was founded. + +This attempt to grasp the connexion of events in the life of Jesus from a +purely historical point of view is one of the most important that have +ever been made in this department of study. If it had been put in a purely +constructive form, this criticism would have made an impression unequalled +by any other Life of Jesus since Renan's. But in that case it would have +lost that free play of ideas which the critical recognition of the +unbridged gap admits. The eschatological question is not, it is true, +decided by this investigation. It shows the impossibility of the previous +attempts to establish a present Messiahship of Jesus, but it shows, too, +that the questions, which are really historical questions, concerning the +public attitude of Jesus, are far from being solved by asserting the +exclusively eschatological character of His preaching, but that new +difficulties are always presenting themselves. + +It was perhaps not so much through these general ethico-religious +historical discussions as in consequence of certain exegetical problems +which unexpectedly came to light that theologians became conscious that +the old conception of the teaching of Jesus was not tenable, or was only +tenable by violent means. On the assumption of the modified eschatological +character of His teaching, Jesus is still a teacher; that is to say, He +speaks in order to be understood, in order to explain, and has no secrets. +But if His teaching is throughout eschatological, then He is a prophet, +who points in mysterious speech to a coming age, whose words conceal +secrets and offer enigmas, and are not intended to be understood always +and by everybody. Attention was now turned to a number of passages in +which the question arises whether Jesus had any secrets to keep or not. + +This question presents itself in connexion with the very earliest of the +parables. In Mark iv. 11, 12 it is distinctly stated that the parables +spoken in the immediate context embody the mystery of the Kingdom of God +in an obscure and unintelligible form, in order that those for whom it is +not intended may hear without understanding. But this is not borne out by +the character of the parables themselves, since _we_ at least find in them +the thought of the constant and victorious development of the Kingdom from +small beginnings to its perfect development. After the passage had had to +suffer many things from constantly renewed attempts to weaken down or +explain away the statement, Juelicher, in his work upon the Parables,(176) +released it from these tortures, left Jesus the parables in their natural +meaning, and put down this unintelligible saying about the purpose of the +parabolic form of discourse to the account of the Evangelist. He would +rather, to use his own expression, remove a little stone from the masonry +of tradition than a diamond from the imperishable crown of honour which +belongs to Jesus. Yes, but, for all that, it is an arbitrary assumption +which damages the Marcan hypothesis more than will be readily admitted. +What was the reason, or what was the mistake which led the earliest +Evangelist to form so repellent a theory regarding the purpose of the +parables? Is the progressive exaggeration of the contrast between veiled +and open speech, to which Juelicher often appeals, sufficient to account +for it? How can the Evangelist have invented such a theory, when he +immediately proceeds to invalidate it by the rationalising, rather +commonplace explanation of the parable of the Sower? + +Bernhard Weiss, not being so much under the influence of modern theology +as to feel bound to recognise the paedagogic purpose in Jesus, gives the +text its due, and admits that Jesus intended to use the parabolic form of +discourse as a means of separating receptive from unreceptive hearers. He +does not say, however, what kind of secret, intelligible only to the +predestined, was concealed in these parables which seem clear as daylight. + +That was before Johannes Weiss had stated the eschatological question. +Bousset, in his criticism of the eschatological theory,(177) is obliged to +fall back upon Juelicher's method in order to justify the rationalising +modern way of explaining these parables as pointing to a Kingdom of God +actually present. It is true Juelicher's explanation of the way in which +the theory arose does not satisfy him; he prefers to assume that the basis +of this false theory of Mark's is to be found in the fact that the +parables concerning the presence of the Kingdom remained unintelligible to +the contemporaries of Jesus. But we may fairly ask that he should point +out the connecting link between that failure to understand and the +invention of a saying like this, which implies so very much more! + +If there are no better grounds than that for calling in question Mark's +theory of the parables, then the parables of Mark iv., the only ones from +which it is possible to extract the admission of a present Kingdom of God, +remain what they were before, namely, mysteries. + +The second volume of Juelicher's "Parables"(178) found the eschatological +question already in possession of the field. And, as a matter of fact, +Juelicher does abandon "the heretofore current method of modernising the +parables," which finds in one after another of them only its own favourite +conception of the slow and gradual development of the Kingdom of God. The +Kingdom of Heaven is for Juelicher a completely supernatural idea; it is to +be realised without human help and independently of the attitude of men, +by the sole power of God. The parables of the mustard seed and the leaven +are not intended to teach the disciples the necessity and wisdom of a +development occupying a considerable time, but are designed to make clear +and vivid to them the idea that the period of perfecting and fulfilment +will follow with super-earthly necessity upon that of imperfection. + +But in general the new problem plays no very special part in Juelicher's +exposition. He takes up, it might almost be said, in relation to the +parables, too independent a position as a religious thinker to care to +understand them against the background of a wholly different world-view, +and does not hesitate to exclude from the authentic discourses of Jesus +whatever does not suit him. This is the fate, for instance, of the parable +of the wicked husbandmen in Mark xii. He finds in it traits which read +like _vaticinia ex eventu_, and sees therefore in the whole thing only a +prophetically expressed "view of the history as it presented itself to an +average man who had been present at the crucifixion of Jesus and +nevertheless believed in Him as the Son of God." + +But this absolute method of explanation, independent of any traditional +order of time or events, makes it impossible for the author to draw from +the parables any general system of teaching. He makes no distinction +between the Galilaean mystical parables and the polemical, menacing +Jerusalem parables. For instance, he supposes the parable of the Sower, +which according to Mark was the very first of Jesus' parabolic discourses, +to have been spoken as the result of a melancholy review of a preceding +period of work, and as expressing the conviction, stamped upon His mind by +the facts, "that it was in accordance with higher laws that the word of +God should have to reckon with defeats as well as victories." Accordingly +he adopts in the main the explanation which the Evangelist gives in Mark +iv. 13-20. The parable of the seed growing secretly is turned to account +in favour of the "present" Kingdom of God. + +Juelicher has an incomparable power of striking fire out of every one of +the parables, but the flame is of a different colour from that which it +showed when Jesus pronounced the parables before the enchanted multitude. +The problem posed by Johannes Weiss in connexion with the teaching of +Jesus is treated by Juelicher only so far as it has a direct interest for +the creative independence of his own religious thought. + +Alongside of the parabolic discourses of Mark iv. we have now to place, as +a newly discovered problem, the discourse at the sending out of the Twelve +in Matt. x. Up to the time of Johannes Weiss it had been possible to rest +content with transplanting the gloomy sayings regarding persecutions to +the last period of Jesus' life; but now there was the further difficulty +to be met that while so hasty a proclamation of the Kingdom of God is +quite reconcilable with an exclusively eschatological character of the +preaching of the Kingdom, the moment this is at all minimised it becomes +unintelligible, not to mention the fact that in this case nothing can be +made of the saying about the immediate coming of the Son of Man in Matt. +x. 23. As though he felt the stern eye of old Reimarus upon him, Bousset +hastens in a footnote to throw overboard the whole report of the mission +of the Twelve as an "obscure and unintelligible tradition." Not content +with that, he adds: "Perhaps the whole narrative is merely an expansion of +some direction about missionising given by Jesus to the disciples in view +of a later time." Before, it was only the discourse which was +unhistorical; now it is the whole account of the mission--at least if we +may assume that here, as is usual with theologians of all times, the +author's real opinion is expressed in the footnote, and his most cherished +opinion of all introduced with "perhaps." But how much historical material +will remain to modern theologians in the Gospels if they are forced to +abandon it wholesale from their objection to pure eschatology? If all the +pronouncements of this kind to which the representatives of the Marcan +hypothesis have committed themselves were collected together, they would +make a book which would be much more damaging even than that book of +Wrede's which dropped a bomb into their midst. + +A third problem is offered by the saying in Matt. xi. 12, about "the +violent" who, since the time of John the Baptist, "take the Kingdom of +Heaven by force," which raises fresh difficulties for the exegetical art. +It is true that if art sufficed, we should not have long to wait for the +solution in this case. We should be asked to content ourselves with one or +other of the artificial solutions with which exegetes have been accustomed +from of old to find a way round this difficulty. Usually the saying is +claimed as supporting the "presence" of the Kingdom. This is the line +taken by Wendt, Wernle, and Arnold Meyer.(179) According to the last named +it means: "From the days of John the Baptist it has been possible to get +possession of the Kingdom of God; yea, the righteous are every day earning +it for their own." But no explanation has heretofore succeeded in making +it in any degree intelligible how Jesus could date the presence of the +Kingdom from the Baptist, whom in the same breath He places outside of the +Kingdom, or why, in order to express so simple an idea, He uses such +entirely unnatural and inappropriate expressions as "rape" and "wrest to +themselves." + +The full difficulties of the passage are first exhibited by Johannes +Weiss.(180) He restores it to its natural sense, according to which it +means that since that time the Kingdom suffers, or is subjected to, +violence, and in order to be able to understand it literally he has to +take it in a condemnatory sense. Following Alexander Schweizer,(181) he +sums up his interpretation in the following sentence: Jesus describes, and +in the form of the description shows His condemnation of, a violent +Zealotistic Messianic movement which has been in progress since the days +of the Baptist.(182) But this explanation again makes Jesus express a very +simple meaning in a very obscure phrase. And what indication is there that +the sense is condemnatory? Where do we hear anything more about a Zealotic +Messianic movement, of which the Baptist formed the starting-point? His +preaching certainly offered no incentive to such a movement, and Jesus' +attitude towards the Baptist is elsewhere, even in Jerusalem, entirely one +of approval. Moreover, a condemnatory saying of this kind would not have +been closed with the distinctive formula: "He that hath ears to hear let +him hear" (Matt. xi. 15), which elsewhere, cf. Mark iv. 9, indicates a +mystery. + +We must, therefore, accept the conclusion that we really do not understand +the saying, that we "have not ears to hear it," that we do not know +sufficiently well the essential character of the Kingdom of God, to +understand why Jesus describes the coming of the Kingdom as a doing- +violence-to-it, which has been in progress since the days of the Baptist, +especially as the hearers themselves do not seem to have cared, or been +able, to understand what was the connexion of the coming with the +violence; nor do we know why He expects them to understand how the Baptist +is identical with Elias. + +But the problem which became most prominent of all the new problems raised +by eschatology, was the question concerning the Son of Man. It had become +a dogma of theology that Jesus used the term Son of Man to veil His +Messiahship; that is to say, every theologian found in this term whatever +meaning he attached to the Messiahship of Jesus, the human, humble, +ethical, unpolitical, unapocalyptic, or whatever other character was held +to be appropriate to the orthodox "transformed" Messiahship. The Danielic +Son of Man entered into the conception only so far as it could do so +without endangering the other characteristics. Confronted with the +Similitudes of Enoch, theologians fell back upon the expedient of assuming +them to be spurious, or at least worked-over in a Christian sense in the +Son of Man passages, just as the older history of dogma got rid of the +Ignatian letters, of which it could make nothing, by denying their +genuineness. But once the Jewish eschatology was seriously applied to the +explanation of the Son of Man conception, all was changed. A new dilemma +presented itself; either Jesus used the expression, and used it in a +purely Jewish apocalyptic sense, or He did not use it at all. + +Although Baldensperger did not state the dilemma in its full trenchancy, +Hilgenfeld thought it necessary to defend Jesus against the suspicion of +having borrowed His system of thought and His self-designation from Jewish +Apocalypses.(183) Orello Cone, too, will not admit that the expression Son +of Man has only apocalyptic suggestion in the mouth of Jesus, but will +have it interpreted according to Mark ii. 10 and 28, where His pure +humanity is the idea which is emphasised.(184) Oort holds, more logically, +that Jesus did not use it, but that the disciples took the expression from +"the Gospel" and put it into the mouth of Jesus.(185) + +Johannes Weiss formulated the problem clearly, and proposed that, with the +exception of the two passages where Son of Man means man in general, only +those should be recognised in which the significance attached to the term +in Daniel and the Apocalypses is demanded by the context. By so doing he +set theology a problem calculated to keep it occupied for many years. Not +many indeed at first recognised the problem. Charles, however, meets it in +a bold fashion, proposing to regard the Son of Man, in Jesus' usage of the +title, as a conception in which the Messiah of the Book of Enoch and the +Servant of the Lord in Isaiah are united into one.(186) Most writers, +however, did not free themselves from inconsistencies. They wanted at one +and the same time to make the apocalyptic element dominant in the +expression, and to hold that Jesus could not have taken the conception +over unaltered, but must have transformed it in some way. These +inconsistencies necessarily result from the assumption of Weiss's +opponents that Jesus intended to designate Himself as Messiah in the +actual present. For since the expression Son of Man has in itself only an +apocalyptic sense referring to the future, they had to invent another +sense applicable to the present, which Jesus might have inserted into it. +In all these learned discussions of the title Son of Man this operation is +assumed to have been performed. + +According to Bousset, Jesus created, and embodied in this term, a new form +of the Messianic ideal which united the super-earthly with the human and +lowly. In any case, he thinks, the term has a meaning applicable in this +present world. Jesus uses it at once to conceal and to suggest His +Messianic dignity. How conscious Bousset, nevertheless, is of the +difficulty is evident from the fact that in discussing the meaning of the +title he remarks that the Messianic significance must have been of +subordinate importance in the estimation of Jesus, and cannot have formed +the basis of His actions, otherwise He would have laid more stress upon it +in His preaching. As if the term Son of Man had not meant for His +contemporaries all He needed to say! + +Bousset's essay on Jewish Apocalyptic,(187) published in 1903, seeks the +solution in a rather different direction, by postponing, namely, to the +very last possible moment the adoption of this self-designation. "In all +probability Jesus in a few isolated sayings towards the close of His life +hit upon this title Son of Man as a means of expressing, in the face of +the thought of defeat and death, which forced itself upon Him, His +confidence in the abiding victory of His person and His cause." If this is +so, the emphasis must be principally on the triumphant apocalyptic aspects +of the title. + +Even this belated adoption of the title Son of Man is more than Brandt is +willing to admit, and he holds it to be improbable that Jesus used the +expression at all. It would be more natural, he thinks, to suppose that +the Evangelist Mark introduced this self-designation, as he introduced so +much else, into the Gospel on the ground of the figurative apocalyptic +discourses in the Gospel. + +Just when ingenuity appeared to have exhausted itself in attempts to solve +the most difficult of the problems raised by the eschatological school, +the historical discussion suddenly seemed about to be rendered objectless. +Philology entered a _caveat_. In 1896 appeared Lietzmann's essay upon "The +Son of Man," which consisted of an investigation of the linguistic basis +of the enigmatic self-designation. + + + + + +XVII. QUESTIONS REGARDING THE ARAMAIC LANGUAGE, RABBINIC PARALLELS, AND +BUDDHISTIC INFLUENCE + + + _Arnold Meyer._ Jesu Muttersprache. (The Mother Tongue of Jesus.) + Leipzig, 1896. 166 pp. + + _Hans Lietzmann._ Der Menschensohn. Ein Beitrag zur + neutestamentlichen Theologie. (The Son of Man. A Contribution to + New Testament Theology.) Freiburg, 1896. 95 pp. + + _J. Wellhausen._ Israelitische und juedische Geschichte. (History + of Israel and the Jews.) 3rd ed., 1897; 4th ed., 1901. 394 pp. + + _Gustaf Dalman._ Grammatik des juedisch-palaestinensischen + Aramaeisch. (Grammar of Jewish-Palestinian Aramaic.) Leipzig, 1894. + Die Worte Jesu. Mit Beruecksichtigung des nachkanonischen juedischen + Schrifttums und der aramaeischen Sprache. (The Sayings of Jesus + considered in connexion with the post-canonical Jewish writings + and the Aramaic Language.) I. Introduction and certain leading + conceptions: with an appendix on Messianic texts. Leipzig, 1898. + 309 pp. + + _A. Wuensche._ Neue Beitraege zur Erlaeuterung der Evangelien aus + Talmud und Midrasch. (New Contributions to the Explanation of the + Gospels, from Talmud and Midrash.) Goettingen, 1878. 566 pp. + + _Ferdinand Weber._ System der altsynagogalen palaestinensischen + Theologie. (System of Theology of the Ancient Palestinian + Synagogue.) Leipzig, 1880. 399 pp. 2nd ed., 1897. + + _Rudolf Seydel._ Das Evangelium Jesu in seinen Verhaeltnissen zur + Buddha-Sage und Buddha-Lehre. (The Gospel of Jesus in its + relations to the Buddha-Legend and the Teaching of Buddha.) + Leipzig, 1882. 337 pp. Die Buddha-Legende und das Leben Jesu nach + den Evangelien. Erneute Pruefung ihres gegenseitigen Verhaeltnisses. + (The Buddha-Legend and the Life of Jesus in the Gospels. A New + Examination of their Mutual Relations.) 2nd ed., 1897. 129 pp. + + +Only since the appearance of Dalman's Grammar of Jewish Palestinian +Aramaic in 1894 have we really known what was the dialect in which the +Beatitudes of the Sermon on the Mount were spoken. This work closes a +discussion which had been proceeding for centuries on a line parallel to +that of theology proper, and which, according to the clear description of +Arnold Meyer, ran its course somewhat as follows.(188) + +The question regarding the language spoken by Jesus had been vigorously +discussed in the sixteenth century. Up till that time no one had known +what to make of the tradition recorded by Eusebius that the speech of the +apostles had been "Syrian" since the distinction between Syrian, Hebrew, +and "Chaldee" was not understood and all three designations were used +indiscriminately. Light was first thrown upon the question by Joseph +Justus Scaliger ({~DAGGER~} 1609). In the year 1555, Joh. Alb. Widmanstadt, +Chancellor of Ferdinand I., had published the Syriac translation of the +Bible in fulfilment of the wishes of an old scholar of Bologna, Theseus +Ambrosius, who had left him the manuscript as a sacred legacy. He himself +and his contemporaries believed that in this they had the Gospel in the +mother-tongue of Jesus, until Scaliger, in one of his letters, gave a +clear sketch of the Syrian dialects, distinguished Syriac from Chaldee, +and further drew a distinction between the Babylonian Chaldee and Jewish +Chaldee of the Targums, and in the language of the Targums itself +distinguished an earlier from a later stratum. The apostles spoke, +according to Scaliger, a Galilaean dialect of Chaldaic, or according to +the more correct nomenclature introduced later, following a suggestion of +Scaliger's, a dialect of Aramaic, and, in addition to that, the Syriac of +Antioch. Next, Hugo Grotius put in a strong plea for a distinction between +Jewish and Antiochian Syriac. Into the confusion caused at that time by +the use of the term "Hebrew" some order was introduced by the Leyden +Calvinistic professor Claude Saumaise, who, writing in French, emphasised +the point that the New Testament, and the Early Fathers, when they speak +of Hebrew, mean Syriac, since Hebrew had become completely unknown to the +Jews of that period. Brian Walton, the editor of the London polyglot, +which was completed in 1657, supposed that the dialect of Onkelos and +Jonathan was the language of Jesus, being under the impression that both +these Targums were written in the time of Jesus. + +The growing knowledge of the distinction between Hebrew and Aramaic did +not prevent the Vienna Jesuit Inchofer ({~DAGGER~} 1648) from maintaining that +Jesus spoke--Latin! The Lord cannot have used any other language upon +earth, since this is the language of the saints in heaven. On the +Protestant side, Vossius, opposing Richard Simon, endeavoured to establish +the thesis that Greek was the language of Jesus, being partly inspired by +the apologetic purpose of preventing the authenticity of the discourses +and sayings of Jesus from being weakened by supposing them to have been +translated from Aramaic into Greek, but also rightly recognising the +importance which the Greek language must have assumed at that time in +northern Palestine, through which there passed such important trade +routes. + +This view was brought up again by the Neapolitan legal scholar, Dominicus +Diodati, in his book _De Christo Graece loquente_, 1767, who added some +interesting material concerning the importance of the Greek language at +the period and in the native district of Jesus. But five years later, in +1772, this view was thoroughly refuted by Giambernardo de Rossi,(189) who +argued convincingly that among a people so separate and so conservative as +the Jews the native language cannot possibly have been wholly driven out. +The apostles wrote Greek for the sake of foreign readers. In the year +1792, Johann Adrian Bolten, "first collegiate pastor at the principal +church in Altona" ({~DAGGER~} 1807), made the first attempt to re-translate the +sayings of Jesus into the original tongue.(190) + +The certainly original Greek of the Epistles and the Johannine literature +was a strong argument against the attempt to recognise no language save +Aramaic as known to Jesus and His disciples. Paulus the rationalist, +therefore, sought a middle path, and explained that while the Aramaic +dialect was indeed the native language of Jesus, Greek had become so +generally current among the population of Galilee, and still more of +Jerusalem, that the founders of Christianity could use this language when +they found it needful to do so. His Catholic contemporary, Hug, came to a +similar conclusion. + +In the course of the nineteenth century Aramaic--known down to the time of +Michaelis as "Chaldee"(191)--was more thoroughly studied. The various +branches of this language and the history of its progress became more or +less clearly recognisable. Kautzsch's grammar of Biblical Aramaic(192) +(1884) and Dalman's(193) work embody the result of these studies. "The +Aramaic language," explains Meyer, "is a branch of the North Semitic, the +linguistic stock to which also belong the Assyrio-Babylonian language in +the East, and the Canaanitish languages, including Hebrew, in the West, +while the South Semitic languages--the Arabic and Aethiopic--form a group by +themselves." The users of these languages, the Aramaeans, were seated in +historic times between the Babylonians and Canaanites, the area of their +distribution extending from the foot of Lebanon and Hermon in a north- +easterly direction as far as Mesopotamia, where "Aram of the two rivers" +forms their easternmost province. Their immigration into these regions +forms the third epoch of the Semitic migrations, which probably lasted +from 1600 B.C. down to 600. + +The Aramaic states had no great stability. The most important of them was +the kingdom of Damascus, which at a certain period was so dangerous an +enemy to northern Israel. In the end, however, the Aramaean dynasties were +crushed, like the two Israelitish kingdoms, between the upper and nether +millstones of Babylon and Egypt. In the time of the successors of +Alexander, there arose in these regions the Syrian kingdom; which in turn +gave place to the Roman power. + +But linguistically the Aramaeans conquered the whole of Western Asia. In +the course of the first millennium B.C. Aramaic became the language of +commerce and diplomacy, as Babylonian had been during the second. It was +only the rise of Greek as a universal language which put a term to these +conquests of the Aramaic. + +In the year 701 B.C. Aramaic had not yet penetrated to Judaea. When the +_rabshakeh_ (officer) sent by Sennacherib addressed the envoys of Hezekiah +in Hebrew, they begged him to speak Aramaic in order that the men upon the +wall might not understand.(194) For the post-exilic period the Aramaic +edicts in the Book of Ezra and inscriptions on Persian coins show that +throughout wide districts of the new empire Aramaic had made good its +position as the language of common intercourse. Its domain extended from +the Euxine southwards as far as Egypt, and even into Egypt itself. Samaria +and the Hauran adopted it. Only the Greek towns and Phoenicia resisted. + +The influence of Aramaic upon Jewish literature begins to be noticeable +about the year 600. Jeremiah and Ezekiel, writing in a foreign land in an +Aramaic environment, are the first witnesses to its supremacy. In the +northern part of the country, owing to the immigration of foreign +colonists after the destruction of the northern kingdom, it had already +gained a hold upon the common people. In the Book of Daniel, written in +the year 167 B.C., the Hebrew and Aramaic languages alternate. Perhaps, +indeed, we ought to assume an Aramaic ground-document as the basis of this +work. + +At what time Aramaic became the common popular speech in the post-exilic +community we cannot exactly discover. Under Nehemiah "Judaean," that is to +say, Hebrew, was still spoken in Jerusalem; in the time of the Maccabees +Aramaic seems to have wholly driven out the ancient national language. +Evidence for this is to be found in the occurrence of Aramaic passages in +the Talmud, from which it is evident that the Rabbis used this language in +the religious instruction of the people. The provision that the text, +after being read in Hebrew, should be interpreted to the people, may quite +well reach back into the time of Jesus. The first evidence for the +practice is in the Mishna, about A.D. 150. + +In the time of Jesus three languages met in Galilee--Hebrew, Aramaic, and +Greek. In what relation they stood to each other we do not know, since +Josephus, the only writer who could have told us, fails us in this point, +as he so often does elsewhere. He informs us that when acting as an envoy +of Titus he spoke to the people of Jerusalem in the ancestral language, +and the word he uses is {~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH DASIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER BETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH DIALYTIKA AND OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ZETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}. But the very thing we should like to +know--whether, namely, this language was Aramaic or Hebrew, he does not +tell us. We are left in the same uncertainty by the passage in Acts (xxii. +2) which says that Paul spoke to the people {~GREEK CAPITAL LETTER EPSILON WITH DASIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER BETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH DIALYTIKA AND OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER DELTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER DELTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA WITH YPOGEGRAMMENI~}, thereby +gaining their attention, for there is no indication whether the language +was Aramaic or Hebrew. For the writers of that period "Hebrew" simply +means Jewish. + +We cannot, therefore, be sure in what relation the ancient Hebrew sacred +language and the Aramaic of ordinary intercourse stood to one another as +regards religious writings and religious instruction. Did the ordinary man +merely learn by heart a few verses, prayers, and psalms? Or was Hebrew, as +the language of the cultus, also current in wider circles? + +Dalman gives a number of examples of works written in Hebrew in the +century which witnessed the birth of Christ: "A Hebrew original," he says, +"must be assumed in the case of the main part of the Aethiopic book of +Enoch, the Assumption of Moses, the Apocalypse of Baruch, Fourth Ezra, the +Book of Jubilees, and for the Jewish ground-document of the Testament of +the Twelve Patriarchs, of which M. Gaster has discovered a Hebrew +manuscript." The first Book of Maccabees, too, seems to him to go back to +a Hebrew original. Nevertheless, he holds it to be impossible that +synagogue discourses intended for the people can have been delivered in +Hebrew, or that Jesus taught otherwise than in Aramaic. + +Franz Delitzsch's view, on the other hand, is that Jesus and the disciples +taught in Hebrew; and that is the opinion of Resch also. Adolf +Neubauer,(195) Reader in Rabbinical Hebrew at Oxford, attempted a +compromise. It was certainly the case, he thought, that in the time of +Jesus Aramaic was spoken throughout Palestine; but whereas in Galilee this +language had an exclusive dominance, and the knowledge of Hebrew was +confined to texts learned by heart, in Jerusalem Hebrew had renewed itself +by the adoption of Aramaic elements, and a kind of Neo-Hebraic language +had arisen. This solution at least testifies to the difficulty of the +question. The fact is that from the language of the New Testament it is +often difficult to make out whether the underlying words are Hebrew or +Aramaic. Thus, for instance, Dalman remarks--with reference to the question +whether the statement of Papias refers to a Hebrew or an Aramaic +"primitive Matthew"--that it is difficult "to produce proof of an Aramaic +as distinct from a Hebrew source, because it is often the case in Biblical +Hebrew, and still more often in the idiom of the Mishna, that the same +expressions and forms of phrase are possible as in Aramaic." +Delitzsch's(196) "retranslation" of the New Testament into Hebrew is +therefore historically justified. + +But the question about the language of Jesus must not be confused with the +problem of the original language of the primitive form of Matthew's +Gospel. In reference to the latter, Dalman thinks that the tradition of +the Early Church regarding an earlier Aramaic form of the Gospel must be +considered as lacking confirmation. "It is only in the case of Jesus' own +words that an Aramaic original form is undeniable, and it is only for +these that Early Church tradition asserted the existence of a Semitic +documentary source. It is, therefore, the right and duty of Biblical +scholarship to investigate the form which the sayings of Jesus must have +taken in the original and the sense which in this form they must have +conveyed to Jewish hearers." + +That Jesus spoke Aramaic, Meyer has shown by collecting all the Aramaic +expressions which occur in His preaching.(197) He considers the "Abba" in +Gethsemane decisive, for this means that Jesus prayed in Aramaic in His +hour of bitterest need. Again the cry from the cross was, according to +Mark xv. 34, also Aramaic: {~GREEK CAPITAL LETTER EPSILON WITH DASIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH DIALYTIKA AND OXIA~}, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH DASIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH DIALYTIKA AND OXIA~}, {~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER BETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER CHI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH VARIA~}. The Old Testament +was therefore most familiar to Him in an Aramaic translation, otherwise +this form of the Psalm passage would not have come to His lips at the +moment of death. + +It is a quite independent question whether Jesus could speak, or at least +understand, Greek. According to Josephus the knowledge of Greek in +Palestine at that time, even among educated Jews, can only have been of a +quite elementary character. He himself had to learn it laboriously in +order to be able to write in it. His "Jewish War" was first written in +Aramaic for his fellow-countrymen; the Greek edition was, by his own +avowal, not intended for them. In another passage, it is true, he seems to +imply a knowledge of, and interest in, foreign languages even among people +in humble life.(198) + +An analogy, which is in many respects very close, to the linguistic +conditions in Palestine was offered by Alsace under French rule in the +'sixties of the nineteenth century. Here, too, three languages met in the +same district. The High-German of Luther's translation of the Bible was +the language of the Church, the Alemannic dialect was the usual speech of +the people, while French was the language of culture and of government +administration. This remarkable analogy would be rather in favour--if +analogy can be admitted to have any weight in the question--of Delitzsch +and Resch, since the Biblical High-German, although never spoken in social +intercourse, strongly influenced the Alemannic dialect--although this was, +on the other hand, quite uninfluenced by Modern High-German--but did not +allow it to penetrate into Church or school, there maintaining for itself +an undivided sway. French made some progress, but only in certain circles, +and remained entirely excluded from the religious sphere. The Alsatians of +the poorer classes who could at that time have repeated the Lord's Prayer +or the Beatitudes in French would not have been difficult to count. The +Lutheran translation still holds its own to some extent against the French +translation with the older generation of the Alsatian community in Paris, +which has in other respects become completely French--so strong is the +influence of a former ecclesiastical language even among those who have +left their native home. There is one factor, however, which is not +represented in the analogy; the influence of the Greek-speaking Jews of +the Diaspora, who gathered to the Feasts at Jerusalem, upon the extension +of the Greek language in the mother-country. + +Jesus, then, spoke Galilaean Aramaic, which is known to us as a separate +dialect from writings of the fourth to the seventh century. For the +Judaean dialect we have more and earlier evidence. We have literary +monuments in it from the first to the third century. "It is very +probable," Dalman thinks, "that the popular dialect of Northern Palestine, +after the final fall of the Judaean centre of the Aramaic-Jewish culture, +which followed on the Bar-Cochba rising, spread over almost the whole of +Palestine." + +The retranslations into Aramaic are therefore justified. After J. A. +Bolten's attempt had remained for nearly a hundred years the only one of +its kind, the experiment has been renewed in our own time by J. T. +Marshall, E. Nestle, J. Wellhausen, Arnold Meyer, and Gustaf Dalman; in +the case of Marshall and Nestle with the subsidiary purpose of +endeavouring to prove the existence of an Aramaic documentary source. +These retranslations first attracted their due meed of attention from +theologians in connexion with the Son-of-Man question. Rarely, if ever, +have theologians experienced such a surprise as was sprung upon them by +Hans Lietzmann's essay in 1896.(199) Jesus had never, so ran the thesis of +the Bonn candidate in theology, applied to Himself the title Son of Man, +because in the Aramaic the title did not exist, and on linguistic grounds +could not have existed. In the language which He used, {~HEBREW LETTER BET~}{~HEBREW LETTER FINAL NUN~} {~HEBREW LETTER ALEF~}{~HEBREW LETTER NUN~}{~HEBREW LETTER SHIN~} was merely a +periphrasis for "a man." That Jesus meant Himself when He spoke of the Son +of Man, none of His hearers could have suspected. + +Lietzmann had not been without predecessors.(200) Gilbert Genebrard, who +died Archbishop of Aix as long ago as 1597, had emphasised the point that +the term Son of Man should not be interpreted with reference solely to +Christ, but to the race of mankind. Hugo Grotius maintained the same +position even more emphatically. With a quite modern one-sidedness, Paulus +the rationalist maintained in his commentaries and in his Life of Jesus +that according to Ezek. ii. 1 "Barnash" meant man in general. Jesus, he +thought, whenever He used the expression the Son of Man, pointed to +Himself and thus gave it the sense of "this man." In taking this line he +gives up the general reference to mankind as a whole for which Mark ii. 28 +is generally cited as the classical passage. The suggestion that the term +Son of Man in its apocalyptic signification was first attributed to Jesus +at a later time and that the passages where it occurs in this sense are +therefore suspicious, was first put forward by Fr. Aug. Fritzsche. He +hoped in this way to get rid of Matt. x. 23. De Lagarde, like Paulus, +emphatically asserted that Son of Man only meant man. But instead of the +clumsy explanation of the rationalist he gave another and a more pleasing +one, namely, that Jesus by choosing this title designed to ennoble +mankind. Wellhausen, in his "History of Israel and of the Jews" (1894), +remarked on it as strange that Jesus should have called Himself "the Man." +B. D. Eerdmans, taking the apocalyptic significance of the term as his +starting-point, attempted to carry out consistently the theory of the +later interpolation of this title into the sayings of Jesus.(201) + +Thus Lietzmann had predecessors; but they were not so in any real sense. +They had either started out from the Marcan passage where the Son of Man +is described as the Lord of the Sabbath, and endeavoured arbitrarily to +interpret all the Son-of-Man passages in the same sense; or they assumed +without sufficient grounds that the title Son of Man was a later +interpolation. The new idea consisted in combining the two attempts, and +declaring the passages about the Son of Man to be linguistically and +historically impossible, seeing that, on linguistic grounds, "son of man" +means "man." + +Arnold Meyer and Wellhausen expressed themselves in the same sense as +Lietzmann. The passages where Jesus uses the expression in an unmistakably +Messianic sense are, according to them, to be put down to the account of +Early Christian theology. The only passages which in their opinion are +historically tenable are the two or three in which the expression denotes +man in general, or is equivalent to the simple "I." These latter were felt +to be a difficulty by the Church when it came to think in Greek, since +this way of speaking of oneself was strange to them; consequently the +expression appeared to them deliberately enigmatic and only capable of +being interpreted in the sense which it bears in Daniel. The Son-of-Man +conception, argued Lietzmann, when he again approached the question two +years later, had arisen in a Hellenistic environment,(202) on the basis of +Dan. vii. 13; N. Schmidt,(203) too, saw in the apocalyptic Bar-Nasha +passages which follow the revelation of the Messiahship at Caesarea +Philippi an interpolation from the later apocalyptic theology. On the +other hand, P. Schmiedel still wished to make it a Messianic designation, +and to take it as being historical in this sense even in passages in which +the term man "gave a possible sense."(204) H. Gunkel thought that it was +possible to translate Bar-Nasha simply by "man," and nevertheless hold to +the historicity of the expression as a self-designation of Jesus. Jesus, +he suggests, had borrowed this enigmatic term, which goes back to Dan. +vii. 13, from the mystical apocalyptic literature, meaning thereby to +indicate that He was the Man of God in contrast to the Man of Sin.(205) + +Holtzmann felt a kind of relief in handing over to the philologists the +obstinate problem which since the time of Baldensperger and Weiss had +caused so much trouble to theologians, and wanted to postpone the +historical discussion until the Aramaic experts had settled the linguistic +question. That happened sooner than was expected. In 1898 Dalman declared +in his epoch-making work (_Die Worte Jesu_) that he could not admit the +linguistic objections to the use of the expression Son of Man by Jesus. +"Biblical Aramaic," he says, "does not differ in this respect from Hebrew. +The simple {~HEBREW LETTER ALEF~}{~HEBREW LETTER NUN~}{~HEBREW LETTER SHIN~} and not {~HEBREW LETTER BET~}{~HEBREW LETTER FINAL NUN~} {~HEBREW LETTER ALEF~}{~HEBREW LETTER NUN~}{~HEBREW LETTER SHIN~} is the term for man."... It was only later +that the Jewish-Galilaean dialect, like the Palestinian-Christian dialect, +used {~HEBREW LETTER BET~}{~HEBREW LETTER FINAL NUN~} {~HEBREW LETTER ALEF~}{~HEBREW LETTER NUN~}{~HEBREW LETTER SHIN~} for man, though in both idioms the simple {~HEBREW LETTER ALEF~}{~HEBREW LETTER NUN~}{~HEBREW LETTER SHIN~} occurs in the +sense of "some one." "In view of the whole facts of the case," he +continues, "what has to be said is that Jewish-Palestinian Aramaic of the +earlier period used {~HEBREW LETTER ALEF~}{~HEBREW LETTER NUN~}{~HEBREW LETTER SHIN~} for 'man,' and occasionally to designate a +plurality of men makes use of the expression {~HEBREW LETTER BET~}{~HEBREW LETTER NUN~}{~HEBREW LETTER YOD~} {~HEBREW LETTER ALEF~}{~HEBREW LETTER NUN~}{~HEBREW LETTER SHIN~}{~HEBREW LETTER ALEF~}. The singular {~HEBREW LETTER BET~}{~HEBREW LETTER FINAL NUN~} {~HEBREW LETTER ALEF~}{~HEBREW LETTER NUN~}{~HEBREW LETTER SHIN~} +was not current, and was only used in imitation of the Hebrew text of the +Bible, where {~HEBREW LETTER BET~}{~HEBREW LETTER FINAL NUN~} {~HEBREW LETTER ALEF~}{~HEBREW LETTER DALET~}{~HEBREW LETTER FINAL MEM~} belongs to the poetic diction, and is, moreover, not +of very frequent occurrence." "It is," he says elsewhere, "by no means a +sign of a sound historical method, instead of working patiently at the +solution of the problem, to hasten like Oort and Lietzmann to the +conclusion that the absence of the expression in the New Testament +Epistles is a proof that Jesus did not use it either, but that there was +somewhere or other a Hellenistic community in the Early Church which had a +predilection for this name, and often made Jesus speak of Himself in the +Gospel narrative in the third person, in order to find an opportunity of +bringing it in." + +So the oxen turned back with the ark into the land of the Philistines. It +was a case of returning to the starting-point and deciding on historical +grounds in what sense Jesus had used the expression.(206) But the +possibilities were reduced by the way in which Lietzmann had posed the +problem, since the interpretations according to which Jesus had used it in +a veiled ethical Messianic sense, to indicate the ethical and spiritual +transformation of all the eschatological conceptions, were now manifestly +incapable of offering any convincing argument against the radical denial +of the use of the expression. Baldensperger rightly remarked in a review +of the whole discussion that the question which was ultimately at stake in +the combat over the title Son of Man was the question whether Jesus was +the Messiah or no, and that Dalman, by his proof of its linguistic +possibility, had saved the Messiahship of Jesus.(207) + +But what kind of Messiahship? Is it any other kind than the future +Messiahship of the apocalyptic Son of Man which Johannes Weiss had +asserted? Did Jesus mean anything different by the Son of Man from that +which was meant by the apocalyptic writers? To put it otherwise: behind +the Son-of-Man problem there lies the general question whether Jesus can +have described Himself as a present Messiah; for the fundamental +difficulty is that He, a man upon earth, should give Himself out to be the +Son of Man, and at the same time apparently give to that title a quite +different sense from that which it previously possessed. + +The champion of the linguistic possibility of this self-designation made +the last serious attempt to render the transformation of the conception +historically conceivable. He argues that Jesus cannot have used it as a +mere meaningless expression, a periphrasis for the simple I.(208) On the +other hand, the term cannot have been understood by the disciples as an +exalted title, or at least only in the sense that the title indicative of +exaltation is paradoxically connected with the title indicative of +humility. "We shall be justified in saying, that, for the Synoptic +Evangelists, 'Man's Son' was no title of honour for the Messiah, but--as it +must necessarily appear to a Hellenist--a veiling of His Messiahship under +a name which emphasises the humanity of its bearer." For them it was not +the references to the sufferings of "Man's Son" that were paradoxical, but +the references to His exaltation: that "Man's Son" should be put to death +is not wonderful; what is wonderful is His "coming again upon the clouds +of heaven." + +If Jesus called Himself the Son of Man, the only conclusion which could be +drawn by those that heard Him was, "that for some reason or other He +desired to describe Himself as a Man _par excellence_." There is no reason +to think of the Heavenly Son of Man of the Similitudes of Enoch and Fourth +Ezra; that conception could hardly be present to the minds of His +auditors. + +"How was one who was now walking upon earth, to come from heaven? He would +have needed first to be translated thither. One who had died or been rapt +away from earth might be brought back to earth again in this way, or a +being who had never before been upon earth, might be conceived as +descending thither." + +But if, on the one hand, the title Son of Man was not to be understood +apart from the reference to the passage in Daniel, while on the other +Jesus so designated Himself as a man actually present upon earth, "what +was really implied was that He was the man in whom Daniel's vision of 'one +like unto a Son of Man' was being fulfilled." He could not certainly +expect from His hearers a complete understanding of the self-designation. +"We are doubtless justified in saying that in using it, He intentionally +offered them an enigma which challenged further reflection upon His +Person." + +According to Peter's confession the name was intelligible to the disciples +as coming from Dan. vii. 13, and obviously indicating Him who was destined +to the sovereignty of the world. Jesus calls Himself the Son of Man, "not +as meaning the lowly one, but as a scion of the human race with its human +weakness, whom nevertheless God will make Lord of the world; and it is +very probable that Jesus found the Son of Man of Dan. vii. in Ps. viii. 5 +ff. also." Sayings regarding humiliation and suffering could be attached +to the title just as well as references to exaltation. For since the +"Child of Man" has placed Himself upon the throne of God, He is in reality +no longer a mere man, but ruler over heaven and earth, "the Lord." + +This attempt of Dalman's has the same significance in regard to the +question of the Messiahship as Bousset's had for the ethical question. +Just as in Bousset's view the Kingdom of God was, in a paradoxical way, +after all proclaimed as present, so here the self-designation "Son of Man" +is retained by a paradox as conveying the sense of a present Messiahship. +But the documents do not give any support to this assumption; on the +contrary they contradict it at every point. According to Dalman it was not +the predictions of the passion of the Son of Man which sounded paradoxical +to the disciples, but the predictions of His exaltation. But we are +distinctly told that when He spoke of His passion they did not understand +the saying. The predictions of His exaltation, however, they understood so +well that without troubling themselves further about the predictions of +the sufferings, they began to dispute who should be greatest in the +Kingdom of Heaven, and who should have his throne closest to the Son of +Man. And if it is once admitted that Jesus took the designation from +Daniel, what ground is there for asserting that the purely eschatological +transcendental significance which the term had taken on in the Similitudes +of Enoch and retains in Fourth Ezra had no existence for Jesus? Thus, by a +long round-about, criticism has come back to Johannes Weiss.(209) His +eschatological solution of the Son-of-Man question--the elements of which +are to be found in Strauss's first Life of Jesus--is the only possible one. +Dalman expresses the same idea in the form of a question. "How could one +who was actually walking the earth come down from heaven? He would have +needed first to be translated thither. One who had died or been rapt away +from earth might possibly be brought back to earth in this way." Having +reached this point we have only to observe further that Jesus, from the +"confession of Peter" onwards, always speaks of the Son of Man in +connexion with death and resurrection. That is to say, that once the +disciples know in what relation He stands to the Son of Man, He uses this +title to suggest the manner of His return: as the sequel to His death and +resurrection He will return to the world again as a superhuman +Personality. Thus the purely transcendental use of the term suggested by +Dalman as a possibility turns out to be the historical reality. + +Broadly speaking, therefore, the Son-of-Man problem is both historically +solvable and has been solved. The authentic passages are those in which +the expression is used in that apocalyptic sense which goes back to +Daniel. But we have to distinguish two different uses of the term +according to the degree of knowledge assumed in the hearers. If the secret +of Jesus is unknown to them, then in that case they understand simply that +Jesus is speaking of the "Son of Man" and His coming without having any +suspicion that He and the Son of Man have any connexion. It would be thus, +for instance, when in sending out the disciples in Matt. x. 23, He +announced the imminence of the appearing of the Son of Man; or when He +pictured the judgment which the Son of Man would hold (Matt. xxv. 31-46), +if we may imagine it to have been spoken to the people at Jerusalem. Or, +on the other hand, the secret is known to the hearers. In that case they +understand that the term Son of Man points to the position to which He +Himself is to be exalted when the present era passes into the age to come. +It was thus, no doubt, in the case of the disciples at Caesarea Philippi, +and of the High Priest to whom Jesus, after answering his demand with the +simple "Yea" (Mark xiv. 62), goes on immediately to speak of the +exaltation of the Son of Man to the right hand of God, and of His coming +upon the clouds of heaven. + +Jesus did not, therefore, veil His Messiahship by using the expression Son +of Man, much less did He transform it, but He used the expression to +refer, in the only possible way, to His Messianic office as destined to be +realised at His "coming," and did so in such a manner that only the +initiated understood that He was speaking of His own coming, while others +understood Him as referring to the coming of a Son of Man who was other +than Himself. + +The passages where the title has not this apocalyptic reference, or where, +previous to the incident at Caesarea Philippi, Jesus in speaking to the +disciples equates the Son of Man with His own "ego," are to be explained +as of literary origin. This set of secondary occurrences of the title has +nothing to do with "Early Church theology"; it is merely a question of +phenomena of translation and tradition. In the saying about the Sabbath in +Mark ii. 28, and perhaps also in the saying about the right to forgive +sins in Mark ii. 10, Son of Man doubtless stood in the original in the +general sense of "man," but was later, certainly by our Evangelists, +understood as referring to Jesus as the Son of Man. In other passages +tradition, following the analogy of those passages in which the title is +authentic, put in place of the simple I--expressed in the Aramaic by "the +man"--the self-designation "Son of Man," as we can clearly show by +comparing Matt. xvi. 13, "Who do men say that the Son of Man is?" with +Mark viii. 27, "Who do men say that I am?" + +Three passages call for special discussion. In the statement that a man +may be forgiven for blasphemy against the Son of Man, but not for +blasphemy against the Holy Spirit, in Matt. xii. 32, the "Son of Man" may +be authentic. But of course it would not, even in that case, give any hint +that "Son of Man designates the Messiah in His humiliation" as Dalman +wished to infer from the passage, but would mean that Jesus was speaking +of the Son of Man, here as elsewhere, in the third person without +reference to Himself, and was thinking of a contemptuous denial of the +Parousia such as might have been uttered by a Sadducee. But if we take +into account the parallel in Mark iii. 28 and 29, where blasphemy against +the Holy Ghost is spoken of without any mention of blasphemy against the +Son of Man, it seems more natural to take the mention of the Son of Man as +a secondary interpolation, derived from the same line of tradition, +perhaps from the same hand, as the "Son of Man" in the question to the +disciples at Caesarea Philippi. + +The two other sayings, the one about the Son of Man "who hath not where to +lay His head," Matt. viii. 20, and that about the Son of Man who must +submit to the reproach of being a glutton and a wine-bibber, Matt. xi. 19, +belong together. If we assume it to be possible, in conformity with the +saying about the purpose of the parables in Mark iv. 11 and 12, that Jesus +sometimes spoke words which He did not intend to be understood, we may--if +we are unwilling to accept the supposition of a later periphrasis for the +ego, which would certainly be the most natural explanation--recognise in +these sayings two obscure declarations regarding the Son of Man. They +would then be supposed to have meant in the original form, which is no +longer clearly recognisable, that the Son of Man would in some way justify +the conduct of Jesus of Nazareth. But the way in which this idea is +expressed was not such as to make it easy for His hearers to identify Him +with the Son of Man. Moreover, it was for them a conception impossible to +realise, since Jesus was a natural, and the Son of Man a supernatural, +being; and the eschatological scheme of things had not provided for a man +who at the end of the existing era should hint to others that at the great +transformation of all things He would be manifested as the Son of Man. +This case presented itself only in the course of history, and it created a +preparatory stage of eschatology which does not answer to any traditional +scheme. + +That act of the self-consciousness of Jesus by which He recognised Himself +in His earthly existence as the future Messiah is the act in which +eschatology supremely affirms itself. At the same time, since it brings, +spiritually, that which is to come, into the unaltered present, into the +existing era, it is the end of eschatology. For it is its +"spiritualisation," a spiritualisation of which the ultimate consequence +was to be that all its "supersensuous" elements were to be realised only +spiritually in the present earthly conditions, and all that is affirmed as +supersensuous in the transcendental sense was to be regarded as only the +ruined remains of an eschatological world-view. The Messianic secret of +Jesus is the basis of Christianity, since it involves the de-nationalising +and the spiritualisation of Jewish eschatology. + +Yet more. It is the primal fact, the starting-point, of a process which +manifests itself, indeed, in Christianity, but cannot fully work itself +out even here, of a movement in the direction of inwardness which brings +all religious magnitudes into the one indivisible spiritual present, and +which Christian dogmatic has not ventured to carry to its completion. The +Messianic consciousness of the uniquely great Man of Nazareth sets up a +struggle between the present and the beyond, and introduces that resolute +absorption of the beyond by the present, which in looking back we +recognise as the history of Christianity, and of which we are conscious in +ourselves as the essence of religious progress and experience--a process of +which the end is not yet in sight. + +In this sense Jesus did "accept the world" and did stand in conflict with +Judaism. Protestantism was a step--a step on which hung weighty +consequences--in the progress of that "acceptance of the world" which was +constantly developing itself from within. By a mighty revolution which was +in harmony with the spirit of that great primal act of the consciousness +of Jesus, though in opposition to some of the most certain of His sayings, +ethics became world-accepting. But it will be a mightier revolution still +when the last remaining ruins of the supersensuous other-worldly system of +thought are swept away in order to clear the site for a new spiritual, +purely real and present world. All the inconsistent compromises and +constructions of modern theology are merely an attempt to stave off the +final expulsion of eschatology from religion, an inevitable but a hopeless +attempt. That proleptic Messianic consciousness of Jesus, which was in +reality the only possible actualisation of the Messianic idea, carries +these consequences with it inexorably and unfailingly. At that last cry +upon the cross the whole eschatological supersensuous world fell in upon +itself in ruins, and there remained as a spiritual reality only that +present spiritual world, bound as it is to sense, which Jesus by His all- +powerful word had called into being within the world which He contemned. +That last cry, with its despairing abandonment of the eschatological +future, is His real acceptance of the world. The "Son of Man" was buried +in the ruins of the falling eschatological world; there remained alive +only Jesus "the Man." Thus these two Aramaic synonyms include in +themselves, as in a symbol of reality, all that was to come. + +If theology has found it so hard a task to arrive at an historical +comprehension of the secret of this self-designation, this is due to the +fact that the question is not a purely historical one. In this word there +lies the transformation of a whole system of thought, the inexorable +consequence of the elimination of eschatology from religion. It was only +in this future form, not as actual, that Jesus spoke of His Messiahship. +Modern theology keeps on endeavouring to discover in the title of Son of +Man, which is bound up with the future, a humanised present Messiahship. +It does so in the conviction that the recognition of a purely future +reference in the Messianic consciousness of Jesus would lead in the last +result to a modification of the historic basis of our faith, which has +itself become historical, and therefore true and self-justifying. The +recognition of the claims of eschatology signifies for our dogmatic a +burning of the boats by which it felt itself able to return at any moment +from the time of Jesus direct to the present. + +One point that is worthy of notice in this connexion is the +trustworthiness of the tradition. The Evangelists, writing in Greek, and +the Greek-speaking Early Church, can hardly have retained an understanding +of the purely eschatological character of that self-designation of Jesus. +It had become for them merely an indirect method of self-designation. And +nevertheless the Evangelists, especially Mark, record the sayings of Jesus +in such a way that the original significance and application of the +designation in His mouth is still clearly recognisable, and we are able to +determine with certainty the isolated cases in which this self-designation +in His discourses is of a secondary origin. + +Thus the use of the term Son of Man--which, if we admitted the sweeping +proposal of Lietzmann and Wellhausen to cancel it everywhere as an +interpolation of Greek Early Church theology, would throw doubt on the +whole of the Gospel tradition--becomes a proof of the certainty and +trustworthiness of that tradition. We may, in fact, say that the +progressive recognition of the eschatological character of the teaching +and action of Jesus carries with it a progressive justification of the +Gospel tradition. A series of passages and discourses which had been +endangered because from the modern theological point of view which had +been made the criterion of the tradition they appeared to be without +meaning, are now secured. The stone which the critics rejected has become +the corner-stone of the tradition. + + ------------------------------------- + +If Aramaic scholarship appears in regard to the Son-of-Man question among +the opponents of the thorough-going eschatological view, it takes no other +position in connexion with the retranslations and in the application of +illustrative parallels from the Rabbinic literature. + +In looking at the earlier works in this department, one is struck with the +smallness of the result in proportion to the labour expended. The names +that call for mention here are those of John Lightfoot, Christian +Schoettgen, Joh. Gerh. Meuschen, J. Jak. Wettstein, F. Nork, Franz +Delitzsch, Carl Siegfried, and A. Wuensche.(210) But even a work like F. +Weber's _System der altsynagogalen __ palaestinensischen Theologie_,(211) +which does not confine itself to single sayings and thoughts, but aims at +exhibiting the Rabbinic system of thought as a whole, throws, in the main, +but little light on the thoughts of Jesus. The Rabbinic parables supply, +according to Juelicher, but little of value for the explanation of the +parables of Jesus.(212) In this method of discourse, Jesus is so pre- +eminently original, that any other productions of the Jewish parabolic +literature are like stunted undergrowth beside a great tree; though that +has not prevented His originality from being challenged in this very +department, both in earlier times and at the present. As early as 1648, +Robert Sheringham, of Cambridge,(213) suggested that the parables in Matt. +xx. 1 ff., xxv. 1 ff., and Luke xvi., were derived from Talmudic sources, +an opinion against which J. B. Carpzov, the younger, raised a protest; in +1839, F. Nork asserted, in his work on "Rabbinic Sources and Parallels for +the New Testament Writings," that the best thoughts in the discourses of +Jesus are to be attributed to His Jewish teachers; in 1880 the Dutch +Rabbi, T. Tal, maintained the thesis that the parables of the New +Testament are all borrowed from the Talmud.(214) Theories of this kind +cannot be refuted, because they lack the foundation necessary to any +theory which is to be capable of being rationally discussed--that of plain +common sense.(215) + +We possess, however, really scientific attempts to define more closely the +thoughts of Jesus by the aid of the Rabbinic language and Rabbinic ideas +in the works of Arnold Meyer and Dalman. It cannot indeed be said that the +obscure sayings which form the problem of present-day exegesis are in all +cases made clearer by them, much as we may admire the comprehensive +knowledge of these scholars. Sometimes, indeed, they become more obscure +than before. According to Meyer, for instance, the question of Jesus +whether His disciples can drink of His cup, and be baptized with His +baptism means, if put back into Aramaic, "Can you drink as bitter a drink +as I; can you eat as sharply salted meat as I?"(216) Nor does Dalman's +Aramaic retranslation help us much with the saying about the violent who +take the Kingdom of Heaven by force. According to him, it is not spoken of +the faithful, but of the rulers of this world, and refers to the epoch of +the Divine rule which has been introduced by the imprisonment of the +Baptist. No one can violently possess himself of the Divine reign, and +Jesus can therefore only mean that violence is done to it in the person of +its subjects. + +On this it must be remarked, that if the saying really means this, it is +about as appropriate to its setting as a rock in the sky. Jesus is not +speaking of the imprisonment of the Baptist. By the days of John the +Baptist He means the time of his public ministry. + +It is equally open to question whether in putting that crucial question +regarding the Messiah in Mark xii. 37 He really intended to show, as +Dalman thinks, "that physical descent from David was not of decisive +importance--it did not belong to the essence of the Messiahship." + +But a point in regard to which Dalman's remarks are of great value for the +reconstruction of the life of Jesus is the entry into Jerusalem. Dalman +thinks that the simple "Hosanna, blessed be he that cometh in the name of +the Lord" (Mark xi. 9) was what the people really shouted in acclamation, +and that the additional words in Mark and Matthew are simply an +interpretative expansion. This acclamation did not itself contain any +Messianic reference. This explains "why the entry into Jerusalem was not +made a count in the charge urged against Him before Pilate." The events of +"Palm Sunday" only received their distinctively Messianic colour later. It +was not the Messiah, but the prophet and wonder-worker of Galilee whom the +people hailed with rejoicing and accompanied with invocations of +blessing.(217) + +Generally speaking, the value of Dalman's work lies less in the solutions +which it offers than in the problems which it raises. By its very thorough +discussions it challenges historical theology to test its most cherished +assumptions regarding the teaching of Jesus, and make sure whether they +are really so certain and self-evident. Thus, in opposition to Schuerer, he +denies that the thought of the pre-existence in heaven of all the good +things belonging to the Kingdom of God was at all generally current in the +Late-Jewish world of ideas, and thinks that the occasional references(218) +to a pre-existing Jerusalem, which shall finally be brought down to the +earth, do not suffice to establish the theory. Similarly, he thinks it +doubtful whether Jesus used the terms "this world (age)," "the world (age) +to come" in the eschatological sense which is generally attached to them, +and doubts, on linguistic grounds, whether they can have been used at all. +Even the use of {~HEBREW LETTER AYIN~}{~HEBREW LETTER LAMED~}{~HEBREW LETTER FINAL MEM~} or {~HEBREW LETTER AYIN~}{~HEBREW LETTER VAV~}{~HEBREW LETTER LAMED~}{~HEBREW LETTER FINAL MEM~} for "world" cannot be proved. In the pre- +Christian period there is much reason to doubt its occurrence, though in +later Jewish literature it is frequent. The expression {~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA WITH PERISPOMENI AND YPOGEGRAMMENI~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH YPOGEGRAMMENI~} +in Matt. xix. 28, is specifically Greek and cannot be reproduced in either +Hebrew or Aramaic. It is very strange that the use which Jesus makes of +_Amen_ is unknown in the whole of Jewish literature. According to the +proper idiom of the language "{~HEBREW LETTER ALEF~}{~HEBREW LETTER MEM~}{~HEBREW LETTER FINAL NUN~} is never used to emphasise one's own +speech, but always with reference to the speech, prayer, benediction, +oath, or curse of another." Jesus, therefore, if He used the expression in +this sense, must have given it a new meaning as a formula of asseveration, +in place of the oath which He forbade. + +All these acute observations are marked by the general tendency which was +observable in the interpretation of the term Son of Man, that is, by the +endeavour so to weaken down the eschatological conceptions of the Kingdom +and the Messiah, that the hypothesis of a making-present and +spiritualising of these conceptions in the teaching of Jesus might appear +inherently and linguistically possible and natural. The polemic against +the pre-existent realities of the Kingdom of God is intended to show that +for Jesus the Reign of God is a present benefit, which can be sought +after, given, possessed, and taken. Even before the time of Jesus, +according to Dalman, a tendency had shown itself to lay less emphasis, in +connexion with the hope of the future, upon the national Jewish element. +Jesus forced this element still farther into the background, and gave a +more decided prominence to the purely religious element. "For Him the +reign of God was the Divine power, which from this time onward was +steadily to carry forward the renewal of the world, and also the renewed +world, into which men shall one day enter, which even now offers itself, +and therefore can be grasped and received as a present good." The +supernatural coming of the Kingdom is only the final stage of the coming +which is now being inwardly spiritually brought about by the preaching of +Jesus. Though He may perhaps have spoken of "this" world and the "world to +come," these expressions had in His use of them no very special +importance. It is for Him less a question of an antithesis between "then" +and "now," than of establishing a connexion between them by which the +transition from one to the other is to be effected. + +It is the same in regard to Jesus' consciousness of His Messiahship. "In +Jesus' view," says Dalman, "the period before the commencement of the +Reign of God was organically connected with the actual period of His +Reign." He was the Messiah because He knew Himself to stand in a unique +ethico-religious relation to God. His Messiahship was not something wholly +incomprehensible to those about Him. If redemption was regarded as being +close at hand, the Messiah must be assumed to be in some sense already +present. Therefore Jesus is both directly and indirectly spoken of as +Messiah. + +Thus the most important work in the department of Aramaic scholarship +shows clearly the anti-eschatological tendency which characterised it from +the beginning. The work of Lietzmann, Meyer, Wellhausen, and Dalman, forms +a distinct episode in the general resistance to eschatology. That Aramaic +scholarship should have taken up a hostile attitude towards the +eschatological system of thought of Jesus lies in the nature of things. +The thoughts which it takes as its standard of comparison were only +reduced to writing long after the period of Jesus, and, moreover, in a +lifeless and distorted form, at a time when the apocalyptic temper no +longer existed as the living counterpoise to the legal righteousness, and +this legal righteousness had allowed only so much of Apocalyptic to +survive as could be brought into direct connexion with it. In fact, the +distance between Jesus' world of thought and this form of Judaism is as +great as that which separates it from modern ideas. Thus in Dalman +modernising tendencies and Aramaic scholarship were able to combine in +conducting a criticism of the eschatology in the teaching of Jesus in +which the modern man thought the thoughts and the expert in Aramaic +formulated and supported them, yet without being able in the end to make +any impression upon the well-rounded whole formed by Jesus' eschatological +preaching of the Kingdom. + +Whether Aramaic scholarship will contribute to the investigation of the +life and teaching of Jesus along other lines and in a direct and positive +fashion, only the future can show. But certainly if theologians will give +heed to the question-marks so acutely placed by Dalman, and recognise it +as one of their first duties to test carefully whether a thought or a +connexion of thought is linguistically or inherently Greek, and only +Greek, in character, they will derive a notable advantage from what has +already been done in the department of Aramaic study. + + ------------------------------------- + +But if the service rendered by Aramaic studies has been hitherto mainly +indirect, no success whatever has attended, or seems likely to attend, the +attempt to apply Buddhist ideas to the explanation of the thoughts of +Jesus. It could only indeed appear to have some prospect of success if we +could make up our minds to follow the example of the author of one of the +most recent of fictitious lives of Christ in putting Jesus to school to +the Buddhist priests; in which case the six years which Monsieur Nicolas +Notowitsch allots to this purpose, would certainly be none too much for +the completion of the course.(219) If imagination boggles at this, there +remains no possibility of showing that Buddhist ideas exercised any direct +influence upon Jesus. That Buddhism may have had some kind of influence +upon Late Judaism and thus indirectly upon Jesus is not inherently +impossible, if we are prepared to recognise Buddhistic influence on the +Babylonian and Persian civilisations. But it is unproved, unprovable, and +unthinkable, that Jesus derived the suggestion of the new and creative +ideas which emerge in His teaching from Buddhism. The most that can be +done in this direction is to point to certain analogies. For the parables +of Jesus, Buddhist parallels were suggested by Renan and Havet.(220) + +How little these analogies mean in the eyes of a cautious observer is +evident from the attitude which Max Mueller took up towards the question. +"That there are startling coincidences between Buddhism and Christianity," +he remarks in one passage,(221) "cannot be denied; and it must likewise be +admitted that Buddhism existed at least four hundred years before +Christianity. I go even further and say that I should be extremely +grateful if anybody would point out to me the historical channels through +which Buddhism had influenced early Christianity. I have been looking for +such channels all my life, but hitherto I have found none. What I have +found is that for some of the most startling coincidences there are +historical antecedents on both sides; and if we once know these +antecedents the coincidences become far less startling." + +A year before Max Mueller formulated his impression in these terms, Rudolf +Seydel(222) had endeavoured to explain the analogies which had been +noticed by supposing Christianity to have been influenced by Buddhism. He +distinguishes three distinct classes of analogies: + +1. Those of which the points of resemblance can without difficulty be +explained as due to the influence of similar sources and motives in the +two cases. + +2. Those which show a so special and unexpected agreement that it appears +artificial to explain it from the action of similar causes, and the +dependence of one upon the other commends itself as the most natural +explanation. + +3. Those in which there exists a reason for the occurrence of the idea +only within the sphere of one of the two religions, or in which at least +it can very much more easily be conceived as originating within the one +than within the other, so that the inexplicability of the phenomenon +within the one domain gives ground for seeking its source within the +other. + +This last class demands a literary explanation of the analogy. Seydel +therefore postulates, alongside of primitive forms of Matthew and Luke, a +third source, "a poetic-apocalyptic Gospel of very early date which fitted +its Christian material into the frame of a Buddhist type of Gospel, +transforming, purifying, and ennobling the material taken from the foreign +but related literature by a kind of rebirth inspired by the Christian +Spirit." Matthew and Luke, especially Luke, follow this poetic Gospel up +to the point where historic sources become more abundant, and the +primitive form of Mark begins to dominate their narrative. But even in +later parts the influence of this poetical source, which as an independent +document was subsequently lost, continued to make itself felt. + +The strongest point of support for this hypothesis, if a mere conjecture +can be described as such, is found by Seydel in the introductory +narratives in Luke. Now it is not inherently impossible that Buddhist +legends, which in one form or another were widely current in the East, may +have contributed more or less to the formation of the mythical preliminary +history. Who knows the laws of the formation of legend? Who can follow the +course of the wind which carries the seed over land and sea? But in +general it may be said that Seydel actually refutes the hypothesis which +he is defending. If the material which he brings forward is all that there +is to suggest a relation between Buddhism and Christianity, we are +justified in waiting until new discoveries are made in that quarter before +asserting the necessity of a Buddhist primitive Gospel. That will not +prevent a succession of theosophic Lives of Jesus from finding their +account in Seydel's classical work. Seydel indeed delivered himself into +their hands, because he did not entirely avoid the rash assumption of +theosophic "historical science" that Jewish eschatology can be equated +with Buddhistic. + +Eduard von Hartmann, in the second edition of his work, "The Christianity +of the New Testament,"(223) roundly asserts that there can be no question +of any relation of Jesus to Buddha, nor of any indebtedness either in His +teaching or in the later moulding of the story of His life, but only of a +parallel formation of myth. + + + + + +XVIII. THE POSITION OF THE SUBJECT AT THE CLOSE OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY + + + _Oskar Holtzmann._ Das Leben Jesu. Tuebingen, 1901. 417 pp. + + Das Messianitaetsbewusstsein Jesu und seine neueste Bestreitung. + Vortrag. (The Messianic Consciousness of Jesus and the most recent + denial of it. A Lecture.) 1902. 26 pp. (Against Wrede.) + + War Jesus Ekstatiker? (Was Jesus an ecstatic?) Tuebingen, 1903. 139 + pp. + + _Paul Wilhelm Schmidt._ Die Geschichte Jesu. (The History of + Jesus.) Freiburg. 1899. 175 pp. (4th impression.) + + Die Geschichte Jesu. Erlaeutert. Mit drei Karten von Prof. K. + Furrer (Zuerich). (The History of Jesus. Preliminary Discussions. + With three maps by Prof. K. Furrer of Zurich.) Tuebingen, 1904. 414 + pp. + + _Otto Schmiedel._ Die Hauptprobleme der Leben-Jesu-Forschung. (The + main Problems in the Study of the Life of Jesus.) Tuebingen, 1902. + 71 pp. 2nd ed., 1906. + + _Hermann Freiherr von Soden._ Die wichtigsten Fragen im Leben + Jesu. (The most important Questions about the Life of Jesus.) + Vacation Lectures. Berlin, 1904. 111 pp. + + _Gustav Frenssen._ Hilligenlei. Berlin, 1905, pp. 462-593: "Die + Handschrift." ("The Manuscript"--in which a Life of Jesus, written + by one of the characters of the story, is given in full.) + + _Otto Pfleiderer._ Das Urchristentum, seine Schriften und Lehren + in geschichtlichem Zusammenhang beschrieben. (Primitive + Christianity. Its Documents and Doctrines in their Historical + Context.) 2nd ed. Berlin, 1902. Vol. i., 696 pp. + + Die Entstehung des Urchristentums. (How Primitive Christianity + arose.) Munich, 1905. 255 pp. + + _Albert Kalthoff._ Das Christus-Problem. Grundlinien zu einer + Sozialtheologie. (The Christ-problem. The Ground-plan of a Social + Theology.) Leipzig, 1902. 87 pp. + + Die Entstehung des Christentums. Neue Beitraege zum Christus- + Problem. (How Christianity arose. New contributions to the Christ- + problem.) Leipzig, 1904. 155 pp. + + _Eduard von Hartmann._ Das Christentum des Neuen Testaments. (The + Christianity of the New Testament.) 2nd revised edition of + "Letters on the Christian Religion." Sachsa-in-the-Harz, 1905. 311 + pp. + + _De Jonge._ Jeschua. Der klassische juedische Mann. Zerstoerung des + kirchlichen, Enthuellung des juedischen Jesus-Bildes. Berlin, 1904. + 112 pp. (Jeshua. The Classical Jewish Man. In which the Jewish + picture of Jesus is unveiled, and the ecclesiastical picture + destroyed.) + + _Wolfgang Kirchbach._ Was lehrte Jesus? Zwei Urevangelien. (What + was the teaching of Jesus? Two Primitive Gospels.) Berlin, 1897. + 248 pp. 2nd revised and greatly enlarged edition, 1902, 339 pp. + + _Albert Dulk._ Der Irrgang des Lebens Jesu. In geschichtlicher + Auffassung dargestellt. (The Error of the Life of Jesus. An + Historical View.) 1st part, 1884, 395 pp.; 2nd part, 1885, 302 pp. + + _Paul de Regla._ Jesus von Nazareth. German by A. Just. Leipzig, + 1894. 435 pp. + + _Ernest Bosc._ La Vie esoterique de Jesus de Nazareth et les + origines orientales du christianisme. (The secret Life of Jesus of + Nazareth, and the Oriental Origins of Christianity.) Paris, 1902. + + +The ideal Life of Jesus of the close of the nineteenth century is the Life +which Heinrich Julius Holtzmann did not write--but which can be pieced +together from his commentary on the Synoptic Gospels and his New Testament +Theology.(224) It is ideal because, for one thing, it is unwritten, and +arises only in the idea of the reader by the aid of his own imagination, +and, for another, because it is traced only in the most general outline. +What Holtzmann gives us is a sketch of the public ministry, a critical +examination of details, and a full account of the teaching of Jesus. He +provides, therefore, the plan and the prepared building material, so that +any one can carry out the construction in his own way and on his own +responsibility. The cement and the mortar are not provided by Holtzmann; +every one must decide for himself how he will combine the teaching and the +life, and arrange the details within each. + +We may recall the fact that Weisse, too, the other founder of the Marcan +hypothesis, avoided writing a Life of Jesus, because the difficulty of +fitting the details into the ground-plan appeared to him so great, not to +say insuperable. It is just this modesty which constitutes his greatness +and Holtzmann's. Thus the Marcan hypothesis ends, as it had begun, with a +certain historical scepticism.(225) + +The subordinates, it is true, do not allow themselves to be disturbed by +the change of attitude at head-quarters. They keep busily at work. That is +their right, and therein consists their significance. By keeping on trying +to take the positions, and constantly failing, they furnish a practical +proof that the plan of operations worked out by the general staff is not +capable of being carried out, and show why it is so, and what kind of new +tactics will have to be evolved. + +The credit of having written a life of Christ which is strictly +scientific, in its own way very remarkable, and yet foredoomed to failure, +belongs to Oskar Holtzmann.(226) He has complete confidence in the Marcan +plan, and makes it his task to fit all the sayings of Jesus into this +framework, to show "what can belong to each period of the preaching of +Jesus, and what cannot." His method is to give free play to the magnetic +power of the most important passages in the Marcan text, making other +sayings of similar import detach themselves from their present connexion +and come and group themselves round the main passages. + +For example, the controversy with the scribes at Jerusalem regarding the +charge of doing miracles by the help of Satan (Mark iii. 22-30) belongs, +according to Holtzmann, as regards content and chronology, to the same +period as the controversy, in Mark vii., about the ordinances of men which +results in Jesus being "obliged to take to flight"; the woes pronounced +upon Chorazin, Bethsaida, and Capernaum, which now follow on the eulogy +upon the Baptist (Matt. xi. 21-23), and are accordingly represented as +having been spoken at the time of the sending forth of the Twelve, are +drawn by the same kind of magnetic force into the neighbourhood of Mark +vii., and "express very clearly the attitude of Jesus at the time of His +withdrawal from the scene of His earlier ministry." The saying in Matt. +vii. 6 about not giving that which is holy to the dogs or casting pearls +before swine, does not belong to the Sermon on the Mount, but to the time +when Jesus, after Caesarea Philippi, forbids the disciples to reveal the +secret of His Messiahship to the multitude; Jesus' action in cursing the +fig-tree so that it should henceforth bring no fruit to its owner, who was +perhaps a poor man, is to be brought into relation with the words spoken +on the evening before, with reference to the lavish expenditure involved +in His anointing, "The poor ye have always with you," the point being that +Jesus now, "in the clear consciousness of His approaching death, feels His +own worth," and dismisses "the contingency of even the poor having to lose +something for His sake" with the words "it does not matter."(227) + +All these transpositions and new connexions mean, it is clear, a great +deal of internal and external violence to the text. + +A further service rendered by this very thorough work of Oskar +Holtzmann's, is that of showing how much reading between the lines is +necessary in order to construct a Life of Jesus on the basis of the Marcan +hypothesis in its modern interpretation. It is thus, for instance, that +the author must have acquired the knowledge that the controversy about the +ordinances of purification in Mark vii. forced the people "to choose +between the old and the new religion"--in which case it is no wonder that +many "turned back from following Jesus." + +Where are we told that there was any question of an old and a new +"religion"? The disciples certainly did not think of things in this way, +as is shown by their conduct at the time of His death and the discourses +of Peter in Acts. Where do we read that the people turned away from Jesus? +In Mark vii. 17 and 24 all that is said is, that Jesus left the people, +and in Mark vii. 33 the same multitude is still assembled when Jesus +returns from the "banishment" into which Holtzmann relegates Him. + +Oskar Holtzmann declares that we cannot tell what was the size of the +following which accompanied Jesus in His journey northwards, and is +inclined to assume that others besides the Twelve shared His exile. The +Evangelists, however, say clearly that it was only the {~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~}, that is, +the Twelve, who were with Him. The value which this special knowledge, +independent of the text, has for the author, becomes evident a little +farther on. After Peter's confession Jesus calls the "multitude" to Him +(Mark viii. 34) and speaks to them of His sufferings and of taking up the +cross and following Him. This "multitude" Holtzmann wants to make "the +whole company of Jesus' followers," "to which belonged, not only the +Twelve whom Jesus had formerly sent out to preach, but many others also." +The knowledge drawn from outside the text is therefore required to solve a +difficulty in the text. + +But how did His companions in exile, the remnant of the previous +multitude, themselves become a multitude, the same multitude as before? +Would it not be better to admit that we do not know how, in a Gentile +country, a multitude could suddenly rise out of the ground as it were, +continue with Him until Mark ix. 30, and then disappear into the earth as +suddenly as they came, leaving Him to pursue His journey towards Galilee +and Jerusalem alone? + +Another thing which Oskar Holtzmann knows is that it required a good deal +of courage for Peter to hail Jesus as Messiah, since the "exile wandering +about with his small following in a Gentile country" answered "so badly to +the general picture which people had formed of the coming of the Messiah." +He knows too, that in the moment of Peter's confession, "Christianity was +complete" in the sense that "a community separate from Judaism and +centring about a new ideal, then arose." This "community" frequently +appears from this point onwards. There is nothing about it in the +narratives, which know only the Twelve and the people. + +Oskar Holtzmann's knowledge even extends to dialogues which are not +reported in the Gospels. After the incident at Caesarea Philippi, the +minds of the disciples were, according to him, preoccupied by two +questions. "How did Jesus know that He was the Messiah?" and "What will be +the future fate of this Messiah?" The Lord answered both questions. He +spoke to them of His baptism, and "doubtless in close connexion with that" +He told them the story of His temptation, during which He had laid down +the lines which He was determined to follow as Messiah. + +Of the transfiguration, Oskar Holtzmann can state with confidence, "that +it merely represents the inner experience of the disciples at the moment +of Peter's confession." How is it then that Mark expressly dates that +scene, placing it (ix. 2) six days after the discourse of Jesus about +taking up the cross and following Him? The fact is that the time- +indications of the text are treated as non-existent whenever the Marcan +hypothesis requires an order determined by inner connexion. The statement +of Luke that the transfiguration took place eight days after, is dismissed +in the remark "the motive of this indication of time is doubtless to be +found in the use of the Gospel narratives for reading in public worship; +the idea was that the section about the transfiguration should be read on +the Sunday following that on which the confession of Peter formed the +lesson." Where did Oskar Holtzmann suddenly discover this information +about the order of the "Sunday lessons" at the time when Luke's Gospel was +written? + +It was doubtless from the same private source of information that the +author derived his knowledge regarding the gradual development of the +thought of the Passion in the consciousness of Jesus. "After the +confession of Peter at Caesarea Philippi," he explains, "Jesus' death +became for Him only the necessary point of transition to the glory beyond. +In the discourse of Jesus to which the request of Salome gave occasion, +the death of Jesus already appears as the means of saving many from death, +because His death makes possible the coming of the Kingdom of God. At the +institution of the Supper, Jesus regards His imminent death as the +meritorious deed by which the blessings of the New Covenant, the +forgiveness of sins and victory over sin, are permanently secured to His +'community.' We see Jesus constantly becoming more and more at home with +the idea of His death and constantly giving it a deeper interpretation." + +Any one who is less skilled in reading the thoughts of Jesus, and more +simple and natural in his reading of the text of Mark, cannot fail to +observe that Jesus speaks in Mark x. 45 of His death as an expiation, not +as a means of saving others from death, and that at the Lord's Supper +there was no reference to His "community," but only to the inexplicable +"many," which is also the word in Mark x. 45. We ought to admit freely +that we do not know what the thoughts of Jesus about His death were at the +time of the first prediction of the Passion after Peter's confession; and +to be on our guard against the "original sin" of theology, that of +exalting the argument from silence, when it happens to be useful, to the +rank of positive realities. + +Is there not a certain irony in the fact that the application of "natural" +psychology to the explanation of the thoughts of Jesus compels the +assumption of supra-historical private information such as this? Bahrdt +and Venturini hardly read more subjective interpretations into the text +than many modern Lives of Jesus; and the hypothesis of the secret society, +which after all did recognise and do justice to the inexplicability from +an external standpoint of the relation of events and of the conduct of +Jesus, was in many respects more historical than the psychological links +of connexion which our modernising historians discover without having any +foundation for them in the text. + +In the end this supplementary knowledge destroys the historicity of the +simplest sections. Oskar Holtzmann ventures to conjecture that the healing +of the blind man at Jericho "is to be understood as a symbolical +representation of the conversion of Zacchaeus," which, of course, is found +only in Luke. Here then the defender of the Marcan hypothesis rejects the +incident by which the Evangelist explains the enthusiasm of the entry into +Jerusalem, not to mention that Luke tells us nothing whatever about a +conversion of Zacchaeus, but only that Jesus was invited to his house and +graciously accepted the invitation. + +It would be something if this almost Alexandrian symbolical exegesis +contributed in some way to the removal of difficulties and to the solution +of the main question, that, namely, of the present or future Messiah, the +present or future Kingdom. Oskar Holtzmann lays great stress upon the +eschatological character of the preaching of Jesus regarding the Kingdom, +and assumes that, at least at the beginning, it would not have been +natural for His hearers to understand that Jesus, the herald of the +Messiah, was Himself the Messiah. Nevertheless, he is of opinion that, in +a certain sense, the presence of Jesus implied the presence of the +Kingdom, that Peter and the rest of the disciples, advancing beyond the +ideas of the multitude, recognised Him as Messiah, that this recognition +ought to have been possible for the people also, and, in that case, would +have been "the strongest incentive to abandon evil ways," and "that Jesus +at the time of His entry into Jerusalem seems to have felt that in Isa. +lxii. 11(228) there was a direct command not to withhold the knowledge of +His Messiahship from the inhabitants of Jerusalem." + +But if Jesus made a Messianic entry He must thereafter have given Himself +out as Messiah, and the whole controversy would necessarily have turned +upon this claim. This, however, was not the case. According to Holtzmann, +all that the hearers could make out of that crucial question for the +Messiahship in Mark xii. 35-37 was only "that Jesus clearly showed from +the Scriptures that the Messiah was not in reality the son of David."(229) + +But how was it that the Messianic enthusiasm on the part of the people did +not lead to a Messianic controversy, in spite of the fact that Jesus "from +the first came forward in Jerusalem as Messiah"? This difficulty O. +Holtzmann seems to be trying to provide against when he remarks in a +footnote: "We have no evidence that Jesus, even during the last sojourn in +Jerusalem, was recognised as Messiah except by those who belonged to the +inner circle of disciples. The repetition by the children of the +acclamations of the disciples (Matt. xxi. 15 and 16) can hardly be +considered of much importance in this connexion." According to this, Jesus +entered Jerusalem as Messiah, but except for the disciples and a few +children no one recognised His entry as having a Messianic significance! +But Mark states that many spread their garments upon the way, and others +plucked down branches from the trees and strewed them in the way, and that +those that went before and those that followed after, cried "Hosanna!" The +Marcan narrative must therefore be kept out of sight for the moment in +order that the Life of Jesus as conceived by the modern Marcan hypothesis +may not be endangered. + +We should not, however, regard the evidence of supernatural knowledge and +the self-contradictions of this Life of Jesus as a matter for censure, but +rather as a proof of the merits of O. Holtzmann's work.(230) He has +written the last large-scale Life of Jesus, the only one which the Marcan +hypothesis has produced, and aims at providing a scientific basis for the +assumptions which the general lines of that hypothesis compel him to make; +and in this process it becomes clearly apparent that the connexion of +events can only be carried through at the decisive passages by violent +treatment, or even by rejection of the Marcan text in the interests of the +Marcan hypothesis. + +These merits do not belong in the same measure to the other modern Lives +of Jesus, which follow more or less the same lines. They are short +sketches, in some cases based on lectures, and their brevity makes them +perhaps more lively and convincing than Holtzmann's work; but they take +for granted just what he felt it necessary to prove. P. W. Schmidt's(231) +_Geschichte Jesu_ (1899), which as a work of literary art has few rivals +among theological works of recent years, confines itself to pure +narrative. The volume of prolegomena which appeared in 1904, and is +intended to exhibit the foundations of the narrative, treats of the +sources, of the Kingdom of God, of the Son of Man, and of the Law. It +makes the most of the weakening of the eschatological standpoint which is +manifested in the second edition of Johannes Weiss's "Preaching of Jesus," +but it does not give sufficient prominence to the difficulties of +reconstructing the public ministry of Jesus. + +Neither Otto Schmiedel's "The Principal Problems of the Study of the Life +of Jesus," nor von Soden's "Vacation Lectures" on "The Principal Questions +in the Life of Jesus" fulfils the promise of its title.(232) They both aim +rather at solving new problems proposed by themselves than at restating +the old ones and adding new. They hope to meet the views of Johannes Weiss +by strongly emphasising the eschatology, and think they can escape the +critical scepticism of writers like Volkmar and Brand by assuming an "Ur- +Markus." Their view is, therefore, that with a few modifications dictated +by the eschatological and sceptical school, the traditional conception of +the Life of Jesus is still tenable, whereas it is just the a priori +presuppositions of this conception, hitherto held to be self-evident, +which constitute the main problems. + +"It is self-evident," says von Soden in one passage, "in view of the inner +connexion in which the Kingdom of God and the Messiah stood in the +thoughts of the people ... that in all classes the question must have been +discussed, so that Jesus could not permanently have avoided their +question, 'What of the Messiah? Art thou not He?' " Where, in the +Synoptics, is there a word to show that this is "self-evident"? When the +disciples in Mark viii. tell Jesus "whom men held Him to be," none of them +suggests that any one had been tempted to regard Him as the Messiah. And +that was shortly before Jesus set out for Jerusalem. + +From the day when the envoys of the Scribes from Jerusalem first appeared +in the north, the easily influenced Galilaean multitude began, according +to von Soden, "to waver." How does he know that the Galilaeans were easily +influenced? How does he know they "wavered"? The Gospels tell us neither +one nor the other. The demand for a sign was, to quote von Soden again, a +demand for a proof of His Messiahship. "Yet another indication," adds the +author, "that later Christianity, in putting so high a value on the +miracles of Jesus as a proof of His Messiahship, departed widely from the +thoughts of Jesus." + +Before levelling reproaches of this kind against later Christianity, it +would be well to point to some passage of Mark or Matthew in which there +is mention of a demand for a sign as a proof of His Messiahship. + +When the appearance of Jesus in the south--we are still following von +Soden--aroused the Messianic expectations of the people, as they had +formerly been aroused in His native country, "they once more failed to +understand the correction of them which Jesus had made by the manner of +His entry and His conduct in Jerusalem." They are unable to understand +this "transvaluation of values," and as often as the impression made by +His personality suggested the thought that He was the Messiah, they became +doubtful again. Wherein consisted the correction of the Messianic +expectation given at the triumphal entry? Was it that He rode upon an ass? +Would it not be better if modern historical theology, instead of always +making the people "grow doubtful," were to grow a little doubtful of +itself, and begin to look for the evidence of that "transvaluation of +values" which, according to them, the contemporaries of Jesus were not +able to follow? + +Von Soden also possesses special information about the "peculiar history +of the origin" of the Messianic consciousness of Jesus. He knows that it +was subsidiary to a primary general religious consciousness of Sonship. +The rise of this Messianic consciousness implies, in its turn, the +"transformation of the conception of the Kingdom of God, and explains how +in the mind of Jesus this conception was both present and future." The +greatness of Jesus is, he thinks, to be found in the fact that for Him +this Kingdom of God was only a "limiting conception"--the ultimate goal of +a gradual process of approximation. "To the question whether it was to be +realised here or in the beyond Jesus would have answered, as He answered a +similar question, 'That, no man knoweth; no, not the Son.' " + +As if He had not answered that question in the petition "Thy Kingdom +come"--supposing that such a question could ever have occurred to a +contemporary--in the sense that the Kingdom was to pass from the beyond +into the present! + +This modern historical theology will not allow Jesus to have formed a +"theory" to explain His thoughts about His passion. "For Him the certainty +was amply sufficient; 'My death will effect what My life has not been able +to accomplish.' " + +Is there then no theory implied in the saying about the "ransom for many," +and in that about "My blood which is shed for many for the forgiveness of +sins," although Jesus does not explain it? How does von Soden know what +was "amply sufficient" for Jesus or what was not? + +Otto Schmiedel goes so far as to deny that Jesus gave distinct expression +to an expectation of suffering; the most He can have done--and this is only +a "perhaps"--is to have hinted at it in His discourses. + +In strong contrast with this confidence in committing themselves to +historical conjectures stands the scepticism with which von Soden and +Schmiedel approach the Gospels. "It is at once evident," says Schmiedel, +"that the great groups of discourses in Matthew, such as the Sermon on the +Mount, the Seven Parables of the Kingdom, and so forth, were not arranged +in this order in the source (the _Logia_), still less by Jesus Himself. +The order is, doubtless, due to the Evangelist. But what is the answer to +the question, 'On what grounds is this "at once" clear?' "(233) + +Von Soden's pronouncement is even more radical. "In the composition of the +discourses," he says, "no regard is paid in Matthew, any more than in +John, to the supposed audience, or to the point of time in the life of +Jesus to which they are attributed." As early as the Sermon on the Mount +we find references to persecutions, and warnings against false prophets. +Similarly, in the charge to the Twelve, there are also warnings, which +undoubtedly belong to a later time. Intimate sayings, evidently intended +for the inner circle of disciples, have the widest publicity given to +them. + +But why should whatever is incomprehensible to us be unhistorical? Would +it not be better simply to admit that we do not understand certain +connexions of ideas and turns of expression in the discourses of Jesus? + +But instead even of making an analytical examination of the apparent +connexions, and stating them as problems, the discourses of Jesus and the +sections of the Gospels are tricked out with ingenious headings which have +nothing to do with them. Thus, for instance, von Soden heads the +Beatitudes (Matt. v. 3-12), "What Jesus brings to men," the following +verses (Matt. v. 13-16), "What He makes of men." P. W. Schmidt, in his +"History of Jesus," shows himself a past master in this art. "The rights +of the wife" is the title of the dialogue about divorce, as if the +question at stake had been for Jesus the equality of the sexes, and not +simply and solely the sanctity of marriage. "Sunshine for the children" is +his heading for the scene where Jesus takes the children in His arms--as if +the purpose of Jesus had been to protest against severity in the +upbringing of children. Again, he brings together the stories of the man +who must first bury his father, of the rich young man, of the dispute +about precedence, of Zacchaeus, and others which have equally little +connexion under the heading "Discipline for Jesus' followers." These often +brilliant creations of artificial connexions of thought give a curious +attractiveness to the works of Schmidt and von Soden. The latter's survey +of the Gospels is a really delightful performance. But this kind of thing +is not consistent with pure objective history. + +Disposing in this lofty fashion of the connexion of events, Schmiedel and +von Soden do not find it difficult to distinguish between Mark and "Ur- +Markus"; that is, to retain just so much of the Gospel as will fit in to +their construction. Schmiedel feels sure that Mark was a skilful writer, +and that the redactor was "a Christian of Pauline sympathies." According +to "Ur-Markus," to which Mark iv. 33 belongs, the Lord speaks in parables +in order that the people may understand Him the better; "it was only by +the redactor that the Pauline theory about hardening their hearts (Rom. +ix.-xi.) was interpolated, in Mark iv. 10 ff., and the meaning of Mark iv. +33 was thus obscured." + +It is high time that instead of merely asserting Pauline influences in +Mark some proof of the assertion should be given. What kind of appearance +would Mark have presented if it had really passed through the hands of a +Pauline Christian? + +Von Soden's analysis is no less confident. The three outstanding miracles, +the stilling of the storm, the casting out of the legion of devils, the +overcoming of death (Mark iv. 35-v. 43), the romantically told story of +the death of the Baptist (Mark vi. 17-29), the story of the feeding of the +multitudes in the desert, of Jesus' walking on the water, and of the +transfiguration upon an high mountain, and the healing of the lunatic +boy--all these are dashed in with a broad brush, and offer many analogies +to Old Testament stories, and some suggestions of Pauline conceptions, and +reflections of experiences of individual believers and of the Christian +community. "All these passages were, doubtless, first written down by the +compiler of our Gospel." + +But how can Schmiedel and von Soden fail to see that they are heading +straight for Bruno Bauer's position? They assert that there is no +distinction of principle between the way in which the Johannine and the +Synoptic discourses are composed: the recognition of this was Bruno +Bauer's starting-point. They propose to find experiences of the Christian +community and Pauline teaching reflected in the Gospel of Mark; Bruno +Bauer asserted the same. The only difference is that he was consistent, +and extended his criticism to those portions of the Gospel which do not +present the stumbling-block of the supernatural. Why should these not also +contain the theology and the experiences of the community transformed into +history? Is it only because they remain within the limits of the natural? + +The real difficulty consists in the fact that all the passages which von +Soden ascribes to the redactor stand, in spite of their mythical +colouring, in a closely-knit historical connexion; in fact, the historical +connexion is nowhere so close. How can any one cut out the feeding of the +multitudes and the transfiguration as narratives of secondary origin +without destroying the whole of the historical fabric of the Gospel of +Mark? Or was it the redactor who created the plan of the Gospel of Mark, +as von Soden seems to imply?(234) + +But in that case how can a modern Life of Jesus be founded on the Marcan +plan? How much of Mark is, in the end, historical? Why should not Peter's +confession at Caesarea Philippi have been derived from the theology of the +primitive Church, just as well as the transfiguration? The only difference +is that the incident at Caesarea Philippi is more within the limits of the +possible, whereas the scene upon the mountain has a supernatural +colouring. But is the incident at Philippi so entirely natural? Whence +does Peter know that Jesus is the Messiah? + +This semi-scepticism is therefore quite unjustifiable, since in Mark +natural and supernatural both stand in an equally good and close +historical connexion. Either, then, one must be completely sceptical like +Bruno Bauer, and challenge without exception all the facts and connexions +of events asserted by Mark; or, if one means to found an historical Life +of Jesus upon Mark, one must take the Gospel as a whole because of the +plan which runs right through it, accepting it as historical and then +endeavouring to explain why certain narratives, like the feeding of the +multitude and the transfiguration, are bathed in a supernatural light, and +what is the historical basis which underlies them. A division between the +natural and supernatural in Mark is purely arbitrary, because the +supernatural is an essential part of the history. The mere fact that he +has not adopted the mythical material of the childhood stories and the +post-resurrection scenes ought to have been accepted as evidence that the +supernatural material which he does embody belongs to a category of its +own and cannot be simply rejected as due to the invention of the primitive +Christian community. It must belong in some way to the original tradition. + +Oskar Holtzmann realises that to a certain extent. According to him Mark +is a writer "who embodied the materials which he received from the +tradition more faithfully than discriminatingly." "That which was related +as a symbol of inner events, he takes as history--in the case, for example, +of the temptation, the walking on the sea, the transfiguration of Jesus." +"Again in other cases he has made a remarkable occurrence into a +supernatural miracle, as in the case of the feeding of the multitude, +where Jesus' courageous love and ready organising skill overcame a +momentary difficulty, whereas the Evangelist represents it as an amazing +miracle of Divine omnipotence." + +Oskar Holtzmann is thus more cautious than von Soden. He is inclined to +see in the material which he wishes to exclude from the history, not so +much inventions of the Church as mistaken shaping of history by Mark, and +in this way he gets back to genuine old-fashioned rationalism. In the +feeding of the multitude Jesus showed "the confidence of a courageous +housewife who knows how to provide skilfully for a great crowd of children +from small resources." Perhaps in a future work Oskar Holtzmann will be +less reserved, not for the sake of theology, but of national well-being, +and will inform his contemporaries what kind of domestic economy it was +which made it possible for the Lord to satisfy with five loaves and two +fishes several thousand hungry men. + +Modern historical theology, therefore, with its three-quarters scepticism, +is left at last with only a torn and tattered Gospel of Mark in its hands. +One would naturally suppose that these preliminary operations upon the +source would lead to the production of a Life of Jesus of a similarly +fragmentary character. Nothing of the kind. The outline is still the same +as in Schenkel's day, and the confidence with which the construction is +carried out is not less complete. Only the catch-words with which the +narrative is enlivened have been changed, being now taken in part from +Nietzsche. The liberal Jesus has given place to the Germanic Jesus. This +is a figure which has as little to do with the Marcan hypothesis as the +"liberal" Jesus had which preceded it; otherwise it could not so easily +have survived the downfall of the Gospel of Mark as an historical source. +It is evident, therefore, that this professedly historical Jesus is not a +purely historical figure, but one which has been artificially transplanted +into history. As formerly in Renan the romantic spirit created the +personality of Jesus in its own image, so at the present day the Germanic +spirit is making a Jesus after its own likeness. What is admitted as +historic is just what the Spirit of the time can take out of the records +in order to assimilate it to itself and bring out of it a living form. + +Frenssen betrays the secret of his teachers when in _Hilligenlei_ he +confidently superscribes the narrative drawn from the "latest critical +investigations" with the title "The Life of the Saviour portrayed +according to German research as the basis for a spiritual re-birth of the +German nation."(235) + +As a matter of fact the Life of Jesus of the "Manuscript"(236) is +unsatisfactory both scientifically and artistically, just because it aims +at being at once scientific and artistic. If only Frenssen, with his +strongly life-accepting instinct, which gives to his thinking, at least in +his earliest writings where he reveals himself without artificiality, such +a wonderful simplicity and force, had dared to read his Jesus boldly from +the original records, without following modern historical theology in all +its meanderings! He would have been able to force his way through the +underwood well enough if only he had been content to break the branches +that got in his way, instead of always waiting until some one went in +front to disentwine them for him. The dependence to which he surrenders +himself is really distressing. In reading almost every paragraph one can +tell whether Kai Jans was looking, as he wrote it, into Oskar Holtzmann or +P. W. Schmidt or von Soden. Frenssen resigns the dramatic scene of the +healing of the blind man at Jericho. Why? Because at this point he was +listening to Holtzmann, who proposes to regard the healing of the blind +man as only a symbolical representation of the "conversion of Zacchaeus." +Frenssen's masters have robbed him of all creative spontaneity. He does +not permit himself to discover _motifs_ for himself, but confines himself +to working over and treating in cruder colours those which he finds in his +teachers. + +And since he cannot veil his assumptions in the cautious, carefully +modulated language of the theologians, the faults of the modern treatment +of the life of Jesus appear in him exaggerated an hundredfold. The violent +dislocation of narratives from their connexion, and the forcing upon them +of a modern interpretation, becomes a mania with the writer and a torture +to the reader. The range of knowledge not drawn from the text is +infinitely increased. Kai Jans sees Jesus after the temptation cowering +beneath the brow of the hill "a poor lonely man, torn by fearful doubts, a +man in the deepest distress." He knows too that there was often great +danger that Jesus would "betray the 'Father in heaven' and go back to His +village to take up His handicraft again, but now as a man with a torn and +distracted soul and a conscience tortured by the gnawings of remorse." + +The pupil is not content, as his teachers had been, merely to make the +people sometimes believe in Jesus and sometimes doubt Him; he makes the +enthusiastic earthly Messianic belief of the people "tug and tear" at +Jesus Himself. Sometimes one is tempted to ask whether the author in his +zeal "to use conscientiously the results of the whole range of scientific +criticism" has not forgotten the main thing, the study of the Gospels +themselves. + +And is all this science supposed to be new?(237) Is this picture of Jesus +really the outcome of the latest criticism? Has it not been in existence +since the beginning of the 'forties, since Weisse's criticism of the +Gospel history? Is it not in principle the same as Renan's, only that +Germanic lapses of taste here take the place of Gallic, and "German art +for German people,"(238) here quite out of place, has done its best to +remove from the picture every trace of fidelity? + +Kai Jans' "Manuscript" represents the limit of the process of diminishing +the personality of Jesus. Weisse left Him still some greatness, something +unexplained, and did not venture to apply to everything the petty +standards of inquisitive modern psychology. In the 'sixties psychology +became more confident and Jesus smaller; at the close of the century the +confidence of psychology is at its greatest and the figure of Jesus at its +smallest--so small, that Frenssen ventures to let His life be projected and +written by one who is in the midst of a love affair! + +This human life of Jesus is to be "heart-stirring" from beginning to end, +and "in no respect to go beyond human standards"! And this Jesus who +"racks His brains and shapes His plans" is to contribute to bring about a +re-birth of the German people. How could He? He is Himself only a phantom +created by the Germanic mind in pursuit of a religious will-o'-the-wisp. + +It is possible, however, to do injustice to Frenssen's presentation, and +to the whole of the confident, unconsciously modernising criticism of +which he here acts as the mouthpiece. These writers have the great merit +of having brought certain cultured circles nearer to Jesus and made them +more sympathetic towards Him. Their fault lies in their confidence, which +has blinded them to what Jesus is and is not, what He can and cannot do, +so that in the end they fail to understand "the signs of the times" either +as historians or as men of the present. + +If the Jesus who owes His birth to the Marcan hypothesis and modern +psychology were capable of regenerating the world He would have done it +long ago, for He is nearly sixty years old and his latest portraits are +much less life-like than those drawn by Weisse, Schenkel, and Renan, or by +Keim, the most brilliant painter of them all. + +For the last ten years modern historical theology has more and more +adapted itself to the needs of the man in the street. More and more, even +in the best class of works, it makes use of attractive head-lines as a +means of presenting its results in a lively form to the masses. +Intoxicated with its own ingenuity in inventing these, it becomes more and +more confident in its cause, and has come to believe that the world's +salvation depends in no small measure upon the spreading of its own +"assured results" broad-cast among the people. It is time that it should +begin to doubt itself, to doubt its "historical" Jesus, to doubt the +confidence with which it has looked to its own construction for the moral +and religious regeneration of our time. Its Jesus is not alive, however +Germanic they may make Him. + +It was no accident that the chief priest of "German art for German people" +found himself at one with the modern theologians and offered them his +alliance. Since the 'sixties the critical study of the Life of Jesus in +Germany has been unconsciously under the influence of an imposing modern- +religious nationalism in art. It has been deflected by it as by an +underground magnetic current. It was in vain that a few purely historical +investigators uplifted their voices in protest. The process had to work +itself out. For historical criticism had become, in the hands of most of +those who practised it, a secret struggle to reconcile the Germanic +religious spirit with the Spirit of Jesus of Nazareth.(239) It was +concerned for the religious interests of the present. Therefore its error +had a kind of greatness, it was in fact the greatest thing about it; and +the severity with which the pure historian treats it is in proportion to +his respect for its spirit. For this German critical study of the Life of +Jesus is an essential part of German religion. As of old Jacob wrestled +with the angel, so German theology wrestles with Jesus of Nazareth and +will not let Him go until He bless it--that is, until He will consent to +serve it and will suffer Himself to be drawn by the Germanic spirit into +the midst of our time and our civilisation. But when the day breaks, the +wrestler must let Him go. He will not cross the ford with us. Jesus of +Nazareth will not suffer Himself to be modernised. As an historic figure +He refuses to be detached from His own time. He has no answer for the +question, "Tell us Thy name in our speech and for our day!" But He does +bless those who have wrestled with Him, so that, though they cannot take +Him with them, yet, like men who have seen God face to face and received +strength in their souls, they go on their way with renewed courage, ready +to do battle with the world and its powers. + +But the historic Jesus and the Germanic spirit cannot be brought together +except by an act of historic violence which in the end injures both +religion and history. A time will come when our theology, with its pride +in its historical character, will get rid of its rationalistic bias. This +bias leads it to project back into history what belongs to our own time, +the eager struggle of the modern religious spirit with the Spirit of +Jesus, and seek in history justification and authority for its beginning. +The consequence is that it creates the historical Jesus in its own image, +so that it is not the modern spirit influenced by the Spirit of Jesus, but +the Jesus of Nazareth constructed by modern historical theology, that is +set to work upon our race. + +Therefore both the theology and its picture of Jesus are poor and weak. +Its Jesus, because He has been measured by the petty standard of the +modern man, at variance with himself, not to say of the modern candidate +in theology who has made shipwreck; the theologians themselves, because +instead of seeking, for themselves and others, how they may best bring the +Spirit of Jesus in living power into our world, they keep continually +forging new portraits of the historical Jesus, and think they have +accomplished something great when they have drawn an Oh! of astonishment +from the multitude, such as the crowds of a great city emit on catching +sight of a new advertisement in coloured lights. + +Anyone who, admiring the force and authority of genuine rationalism, has +got rid of the naive self-satisfaction of modern theology, which is in +essence only the degenerate offspring of rationalism with a tincture of +history, rejoices in the feebleness and smallness of its professedly +historical Jesus, rejoices in all those who are beginning to doubt the +truth of this portrait, rejoices in the over-severity with which it is +attacked, rejoices to take a share in its destruction. + +Those who have begun to doubt are many, but most of them only make known +their doubts by their silence. There is one, however, who has spoken out, +and one of the greatest--Otto Pfleiderer.(240) + +In the first edition of his _Urchristentum_, published in 1887, he still +shared the current conceptions and constructions, except that he held the +credibility of Mark to be more affected than was usually supposed by +hypothetical Pauline influences. In the second edition(241) his positive +knowledge has been ground down in the struggle with the sceptics--it is +Brandt who has especially affected him--and with the partisans of +eschatology. This is the first advance-guard action of modern theology +coming into touch with the troops of Reimarus and Bruno Bauer. + +Pfleiderer accepts the purely eschatological conception of the Kingdom of +God and holds also that the ethics of Jesus were wholly conditioned by +eschatology. But in regard to the question of the Messiahship of Jesus he +takes his stand with the sceptics. He rejects the hypothesis of a Messiah +who, as being a "spiritual Messiah," conceals His claim, but on the other +hand, he cannot accept the eschatological Son-of-Man Messiahship having +reference to the future, which the eschatological school finds in the +utterances of Jesus, since it implies prophecies of His suffering, death, +and resurrection which criticism cannot admit. "Instead of finding the +explanation of how the Messianic title arose in the reflections of Jesus +about the death which lay before Him," he is inclined to find it "rather +in the reflection of the Christian community upon the catastrophic death +and exaltation of its Lord after this had actually taken place." + +Even the Marcan narrative is not history. The scepticism in regard to the +main source, with which writers like Oskar Holtzmann, Schmiedel, and von +Soden conduct a kind of intellectual flirtation, is here erected into a +principle. "It must be recognised," says Pfleiderer, "that in respect of +the recasting of the history under theological influences, the whole of +our Gospels stand in principle on the same footing. The distinction +between Mark, the other two Synoptists, and John is only relative--a +distinction of degree corresponding to different stages of theological +reflection and the development of the ecclesiastical consciousness." If +only Bruno Bauer could have lived to see this triumph of his opinions! + +Pfleiderer, however, is conscious that scepticism, too, has its +difficulties. He wishes, indeed, to reject the confession of Jesus before +the Sanhedrin "because its historicity is not well established (none of +the disciples were present to hear it, and the apocalyptic prophecy which +is added, Mark xiv. 62, is certainly derived from the ideas of the +primitive Church)"; on the other hand, he is inclined to admit as +possibilities--though marking them with a note of interrogation--that Jesus +may have accepted the homage of the Passover pilgrims, and that the +controversy with the Scribes about the Son of David had some kind of +reference to Jesus Himself. + +On the other hand, he takes it for granted that Jesus did not prophesy His +death, on the ground that the arrest, trial, and betrayal must have lain +outside all possibility of calculation even for Him. All these, he thinks, +came upon Jesus quite unexpectedly. The only thing that He might have +apprehended was "an attack by hired assassins," and it is to this that He +refers in the saying about the two swords in Luke xxii. 36 and 38, seeing +that two swords would have sufficed as a protection against such an attack +as that, though hardly for anything further. When, however, he remarks in +this connexion that "this has been constantly overlooked" in the romances +dealing with the Life of Jesus, he does injustice to Bahrdt and Venturini, +since according to them the chief concern of the secret society in the +later period of the life of Jesus was to protect Jesus from the +assassination with which He was menaced, and to secure His formal arrest +and trial by the Sanhedrin. Their view of the historical situation is +therefore identical with Pfleiderer's, viz. that assassination was +possible, but that administrative action was unexpected and is +inexplicable. + +But how is this Jesus to be connected with primitive Christianity? How did +the primitive Church's belief in the Messiahship of Jesus arise? To that +question Pfleiderer can give no other answer than that of Volkmar and +Brandt, that is to say, none. He laboriously brings together wood, straw, +and stubble, but where he gets the fire from to kindle the whole into the +ardent faith of primitive Christianity he is unable to make clear. + + ------------------------------------- + +According to Albert Kalthoff,(242) the fire lighted itself--Christianity +arose--by spontaneous combustion, when the inflammable material, religious +and social, which had collected together in the Roman Empire, came in +contact with the Jewish Messianic expectations. Jesus of Nazareth never +existed; and even supposing He had been one of the numerous Jewish +Messiahs who were put to death by crucifixion, He certainly did not found +Christianity. The story of Jesus which lies before us in the Gospels is in +reality only the story of the way in which the picture of Christ arose, +that is to say, the story of the growth of the Christian community. There +is therefore no problem of the Life of Jesus, but only a problem of the +Christ. + +Kalthoff has not indeed always been so negative. When in the year 1880 he +gave a series of lectures on the Life of Jesus he felt himself justified +"in taking as his basis without further argument the generally accepted +results of modern theology." Afterwards he became so completely doubtful +about the Christ after the flesh whom he had at that time depicted before +his hearers that he wished to exclude Him even from the register of +theological literature, and omitted to enter these lectures in the list of +his writings, although they had appeared in print.(243) + +His quarrel with the historical Jesus of modern theology was that he could +find no connecting link between the Life of Jesus constructed by the +latter and primitive Christianity. Modern theology, he remarks in one +passage, with great justice, finds itself obliged to assume, at the point +where the history of the Church begins, "an immediate declension from, and +falsification of, a pure original principle," and that in so doing "it is +deserting the recognised methods of historical science." If then we cannot +trace the path from its beginning onwards, we had better try to work +backwards, endeavouring first to define in the theology of the primitive +Church the values which we shall look to find again in the Life of Jesus. + +In that he is right. Modern historical theology will not have refuted him +until it has explained how Christianity arose out of the life of Jesus +without calling in that theory of an initial "Fall" of which Harnack, +Wernle, and all the rest make use. Until this modern theology has made it +in some measure intelligible how, under the influence of the Jewish +Messiah-sect, in the twinkling of an eye, in every direction at once, +Graeco-Roman popular Christianity arose; until at least it has described +the popular Christianity of the first three generations, it must concede +to all hypotheses which fairly face this problem and endeavour to solve it +their formal right of existence. + +The criticism which Kalthoff directs against the "positive" accounts of +the Life of Jesus is, in part, very much to the point. "Jesus," he says in +one place, "has been made the receptacle into which every theologian pours +his own ideas." He rightly remarks that if we follow "the Christ" +backwards from the Epistles and Gospels of the New Testament right to the +apocalyptic vision of Daniel, we always find in Him superhuman traits +alongside of the human. "Never and nowhere," he insists, "is He that which +critical theology has endeavoured to make out of Him, a purely natural +man, an indivisible historical unit." "The title of 'Christ' had been +raised by the Messianic apocalyptic writings so completely into the sphere +of the heroic that it had become impossible to apply it to a mere +historical man." Bruno Bauer had urged the same considerations upon the +theology of his time, declaring it to be unthinkable that a man could have +arisen among the Jews and declared "I am the Messiah." + +But the unfortunate thing is that Kalthoff has not worked through Bruno +Bauer's criticism, and does not appear to assume it as a basis, but +remains standing half-way instead of thinking the questions through to the +end as that keen critic did. According to Kalthoff it would appear that, +year in year out, there was a constant succession of Messianic +disturbances among the Jews and of crucified claimants of the Messiahship. +"There had been many a 'Christ,'" he says in one place, "before there was +any question of a Jesus in connexion with this title." + +How does Kalthoff know that? If he had fairly considered and felt the +force of Bruno Bauer's arguments, he would never have ventured on this +assertion; he would have learned that it is not only historically +unproved, but intrinsically impossible. + +But Kalthoff was in far too great a hurry to present to his readers a +description of the growth of Christianity, and therewith of the picture of +the Christ, to absorb thoroughly the criticism of his great predecessor. +He soon leads his reader away from the high road of criticism into a +morass of speculation, in order to arrive by a short cut at Graeco-Roman +primitive Christianity. But the trouble is that while the guide walks +lightly and safely, the ordinary man, weighed down by the pressure of +historical considerations, sinks to rise no more. + +The conjectural argument which Kalthoff follows out is in itself acute, +and forms a suitable pendant to Bauer's reconstruction of the course of +events. Bauer proposed to derive Christianity from the Graeco-Roman +philosophy; Kalthoff, recognising that the origin of popular Christianity +constitutes the main question, takes as his starting-point the social +movements of the time. + +In the Roman Empire, so runs his argument, among the oppressed masses of +the slaves and the populace, eruptive forces were concentrated under high +tension. A communistic movement arose, to which the influence of the +Jewish element in the proletariat gave a Messianic-Apocalyptic colouring. +The Jewish synagogue influenced Roman social conditions so that "the crude +social ferment at work in the Roman Empire amalgamated itself with the +religious and philosophical forces of the time to form the new Christian +social movement." Early Christian writers had learned in the synagogue to +construct "personifications." The whole Late-Jewish literature rests upon +this principle. Thus "the Christ" became the ideal hero of the Christian +community, "from the socio-religious standpoint the figure of Christ is +the sublimated religious expression for the sum of the social and ethical +forces which were at work at a certain period." The Lord's Supper was the +memorial feast of this ideal hero. + +"As the Christ to whose Parousia the community looks forward this Hero-god +of the community bears within Himself the capacity for expansion into the +God of the universe, into the Christ of the Church, who is identical in +essential nature with God the Father. Thus the belief in the Christ +brought the Messianic hope of the future into the minds of the masses, who +had already a certain organisation, and by directing their thoughts +towards the future it won all those who were sick of the past and +despairing about the present." + +The death and resurrection of Jesus represent experiences of the +community. "For a Jew crucified under Pontius Pilate there was certainly +no resurrection. All that is possible is a vague hypothesis of a vision +lacking all historical reality, or an escape into the vaguenesses of +theological phraseology. But for the Christian community the resurrection +was something real, a matter of fact. For the community as such was not +annihilated in that persecution: it drew from it, rather, new strength and +life." + +But what about the foundations of this imposing structure? + +For what he has to tell us about the condition of the Roman Empire and the +social organisation of the proletariat in the time of Trajan--for it was +then that the Church first came out into the light--we may leave the +responsibility with Kalthoff. But we must inquire more closely how he +brings the Jewish apocalyptic into contact with the Roman proletariat. + +Communism, he says, was common to both. It was the bond which united the +apocalyptic "other-worldliness" with reality. The only difficulty is that +Kalthoff omits to produce any proof out of the Jewish apocalypses that +communism was "the fundamental economic idea of the apocalyptic writers." +He operates from the first with a special preparation of apocalyptic +thought, of a socialistic or Hellenistic character. Messianism is supposed +to have taken its rise from the Deuteronomic reform as "a social theory +which strives to realise itself in practice." The apocalyptic of Daniel +arose, according to him, under Platonic influence. "The figure of the +Messiah thus became a human figure; it lost its specifically Jewish +traits." He is the heavenly proto-typal ideal man. Along with this +thought, and similarly derived from Plato, the conception of immortality +makes its appearance in apocalyptic.(244) This Platonic apocalyptic never +had any existence, or at least, to speak with the utmost possible caution, +its existence must not be asserted in the absence of all proof. + +But, supposing it were admitted that Jewish apocalyptic had some affinity +for the Hellenic world, that it was Platonic and communistic, how are we +to explain the fact that the Gospels, which describe the genesis of Christ +and Christianity, imply a Galilaean and not a Roman environment? + +As a matter of fact, Kalthoff says, they do imply a Roman environment. The +scene of the Gospel history is laid in Palestine, but it is drawn in Rome. +The agrarian conditions implied in the narratives and parables are Roman. +A vineyard with a wine-press of its own could only be found, according to +Kalthoff, on the large Roman estates. So, too, the legal conditions. The +right of the creditor to sell the debtor, with his wife and children, is a +feature of Roman, not of Jewish law. + +Peter everywhere symbolises the Church at Rome. The confession of Peter +had to be transferred to Caesarea Philippi because this town, "as the seat +of the Roman administration," symbolised for Palestine the political +presence of Rome. + +The woman with the issue was perhaps Poppaea Sabina, the wife of Nero, +"who in view of her strong leaning towards Judaism might well be described +in the symbolical style of the apocalyptic writings as the woman who +touched the hem of Jesus' garment." + +The story of the unfaithful steward alludes to Pope Callixtus, who, when +the slave of a Christian in high position, was condemned to the mines for +the crime of embezzlement; that of the woman who was a sinner refers to +Marcia, the powerful mistress of Commodus, at whose intercession Callixtus +was released, to be advanced soon afterwards to the bishopric of Rome. +"These two narratives, therefore," Kalthoff suggests, "which very clearly +allude to events well known at that time, and doubtless much discussed in +the Christian community, were admitted into the Gospel to express the +views of the Church regarding the life-story of a Roman bishop which had +run its course under the eyes of the community, and thereby to give to the +events themselves the Church's sanction and interpretation." + +Kalthoff does not, unfortunately, mention whether this is a case of +simple, ingenuous, or of conscious, didactic, Early Christian imagination. + +That kind of criticism is a casting out of Satan by the aid of Beelzebub. +If he was going to invent on this scale, Kalthoff need not have found any +difficulty in accepting the figure of Jesus evolved by modern theology. +One feels annoyed with him because, while his thesis is ingenious, and, as +against "modern theology" has a considerable measure of justification, he +has worked it out in so uninteresting a fashion. He has no one but himself +to blame for the fact that instead of leading to the right explanation, it +only introduced a wearisome and unproductive controversy.(245) + +In the end there remains scarcely a shade of distinction between Kalthoff +and his opponents. They want to bring their "historical Jesus" into the +midst of our time. He wants to do the same with his "Christ." "A +secularised Christ," he says, "as the type of the self-determined man who +amid strife and suffering carries through victoriously, and fully +realises, His own personality in order to give the infinite fullness of +love which He bears within Himself as a blessing to mankind--a Christ such +as that can awaken to new life the antique Christ-type of the Church. He +is no longer the Christ of the scholar, of the abstract theological +thinker with his scholastic rules and methods. He is the people's Christ, +the Christ of the ordinary man, the figure in which all those powers of +the human soul which are most natural and simple--and therefore most +exalted and divine--find an expression at once sensible and spiritual." But +that is precisely the description of the Jesus of modern historical +theology; why, then, make this long roundabout through scepticism? The +Christ of Kalthoff is nothing else than the Jesus of those whom he combats +in such a lofty fashion; the only difference is that he draws his figure +of Christ in red ink on blotting-paper, and because it is red in colour +and smudgy in outline, wants to make out that it is something new. + + ------------------------------------- + +It is on ethical grounds that Eduard von Hartmann(246) refuses to accept +the Jesus of modern theology. He finds fault with it because in its +anxiety to retain a personality which would be of value to religion it +does not sufficiently distinguish between the authentic and the +"historical" Jesus. When criticism has removed the paintings-over and +retouchings to which this authentic portrait of Jesus has been subjected, +it reaches, according to him, an unrecognisable painting below, in which +it is impossible to discover any clear likeness, least of all one of any +religious use and value. + +Were it not for the tenacity and the simple fidelity of the epic +tradition, nothing whatever would have remained of the historic Jesus. +What has remained is merely of historical and psychological interest. + +At His first appearance the historic Jesus was, according to Eduard von +Hartmann, almost "an impersonal being," since He regarded Himself so +exclusively as the vehicle of His message that His personality hardly came +into the question. As time went on, however, He developed a taste for +glory and for wonderful deeds, and fell at last into a condition of +"abnormal exaltation of personality." In the end He declares Himself to +His disciples and before the council as Messiah. "When He felt His death +drawing nigh He struck the balance of His life, found His mission a +failure, His person and His cause abandoned by God, and died with the +unanswered question on His lips, 'My God, why hast thou forsaken me?' " + +It is significant that Eduard von Hartmann has not fallen into the mistake +of Schopenhauer and many other philosophers, of identifying the pessimism +of Jesus with the Indian speculative pessimism of Buddha. The pessimism of +Jesus, he says, is not metaphysical, it is "a pessimism of indignation," +born of the intolerable social and political conditions of the time. Von +Hartmann also clearly recognises the significance of eschatology, but he +does not define its character quite correctly, since he bases his +impressions solely on the Talmud, hardly making any use of the Old +Testament, of Enoch, the Psalms of Solomon, Baruch, or Fourth Ezra. He has +an irritating way of still using the name "Jehovah." + +Like Reimarus--von Hartmann's positions are simply modernised Reimarus--he +is anxious to show that Christian theology has lost the right "to treat +the ideal Kingdom of God as belonging to itself." Jesus and His teaching, +so far as they have been preserved, belong to Judaism. His ethic is for us +strange and full of stumbling-blocks. He despises work, property, and the +duties of family life. His gospel is fundamentally plebeian, and +completely excludes the idea of any aristocracy except in so far as it +consents to plebeianise itself, and this is true not only as regards the +aristocracy of rank, property, and fortune, but also the aristocracy of +intellect. Von Hartmann cannot resist the temptation to accuse Jesus of +"Semitic harshness," finding the evidence of this chiefly in Mark iv. 12, +where Jesus declares that the purpose of His parables was to obscure His +teaching and cause the hearts of the people to be hardened. + +His judgment upon Jesus is: "He had no genius, but a certain talent which, +in the complete absence of any sound education, produced in general only +moderate results, and was not sufficient to preserve Him from numerous +weaknesses and serious errors; at heart a fanatic and a transcendental +enthusiast, who in spite of an inborn kindliness of disposition hates and +despises the world and everything it contains, and holds any interest in +it to be injurious to the sole true, transcendental interest; an amiable +and modest youth who, through a remarkable concatenation of circumstances +arrived at the idea, which was at that time epidemic,(247) that He was +Himself the expected Messiah, and in consequence of this met His fate." + +It is to be regretted that a mind like Eduard von Hartmann's should not +have got beyond the externals of the history, and made an effort to grasp +the simple and impressive greatness of the figure of Jesus in its +eschatological setting; and that he should imagine he has disposed of the +strangeness which he finds in Jesus when he has made it as small as +possible. And yet in another respect there is something satisfactory about +his book. It is the open struggle of the Germanic spirit with Jesus. In +this battle the victory will rest with true greatness. Others wanted to +make peace before the struggle, or thought that theologians could fight +the battle alone, and spare their contemporaries the doubts about the +historical Jesus through which it was necessary to pass in order to reach +the eternal Jesus--and to this end they kept preaching reconciliation while +fighting the battle. They could only preach it on a basis of postulates, +and postulates make poor preaching! Thus, Juelicher, for example, in his +latest sketches of the Life of Jesus(248) distinguishes between "Jewish +and supra-Jewish" in Jesus, and holds that Jesus transferred the ideal of +the Kingdom of God "to the solid ground of the present, bringing it into +the course of historical events," and further "associated with the Kingdom +of God" the idea of development which was utterly opposed to all Jewish +ideas about the Kingdom. Juelicher also desires to raise "the strongest +protest against the poor little definition of His preaching which makes it +consist in nothing further than an announcement of the nearness of the +Kingdom, and an exhortation to the repentance necessary as a condition for +attaining the Kingdom." + +But when has a protest against the pure truth of history ever been of any +avail? Why proclaim peace where there is no peace, and attempt to put back +the clock of time? Is it not enough that Schleiermacher and Ritschl +succeeded again and again in making theology send on earth peace instead +of a sword, and does not the weakness of Christian thought as compared +with the general culture of our time result from the fact that it did not +face the battle when it ought to have faced it, but persisted in appealing +to a court of arbitration on which all the sciences were represented, but +which it had successfully bribed in advance? + + ------------------------------------- + +Now there comes to join the philosophers a jurist. Herr Doctor jur. De +Jonge lends his aid to Eduard von Hartmann in "destroying the +ecclesiastical," and "unveiling the Jewish picture of Jesus."(249) + +De Jonge is a Jew by birth, baptized in 1889, who on the 22nd of November +1902 again separated himself from the Christian communion and was desirous +of being received back "with certain evangelical reservations" into the +Jewish community. In spite of his faithful observance of the Law, this was +refused. Now he is waiting "until in the Synagogue of the twentieth +century a freedom of conscience is accorded to him equal to that which in +the first century was enjoyed by John, the beloved disciple of Jeschua of +Nazareth." In the meantime he beguiles the period of waiting by describing +Jesus and His earliest followers in the character of pattern Jews, and +sets them to work in the interest of his "Jewish views with evangelical +reservations." + +It is the colourless, characterless Jesus of the Superintendents and +Konsistorialrats which especially arouses his enmity. With this figure he +contrasts his own Jesus, the man of holy anger, the man of holy calm, the +man of holy melancholy, the master of dialectic, the imperious ruler, the +man of high gifts and practical ability, the man of inexorable consistency +and reforming vigour. + +Jesus was, according to De Jonge, a pupil of Hillel. He demanded voluntary +poverty only in special cases, not as a general principle. In the case of +the rich young man, He knew "that the property which he had inherited was +derived in this particular case from impure sources which must be cut off +at once and for ever." + +But how does De Jonge know that Jesus knew this? + +A writer who is attacking the common theological picture of Jesus, and who +displays in the process, as De Jonge does, not only wit and address, but +historical intuition, ought not to fall into the error of the theology +with which he is at feud; he ought to use sober history as his weapon +against the supplementary knowledge which his opponents seem to find +between the lines, instead of meeting it with an esoteric historical +knowledge of his own. + +De Jonge knows that Jesus possessed property inherited from His father: +"One proof may serve where many might be given--the hasty flight into Egypt +with his whole family to escape from Herod, and the long sojourn in that +country." + +De Jonge knows--he is here, however, following the Gospel of John, to which +he everywhere gives the preference--that Jesus was between forty and fifty +years old at the time of His first coming forward publicly. The statement +in Luke iii. 23, that He was {~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA WITH DASIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~} thirty years old, can only mislead those +who do not remember that Luke was a portrait painter and only meant that +"Jeschua, in consequence of His glorious beauty and His ever-youthful +appearance, looked ten years younger than He really was." + + ------------------------------------- + +De Jonge knows also that Jesus, at the time when He first emerged from +obscurity, was a widower and had a little son--the "lad" of John vi. 9, who +had the five barley loaves and two fishes, was in fact His son. This and +many other things the author finds in "the glorious John." According to De +Jonge too we ought to think of Jesus as the aristocratic Jew, more +accustomed to a dress coat than to a workman's blouse, something of an +expert, as appears from some of the parables, in matters of the table, and +conning the menu with interest when He dined with "privy-finance- +councillor" Zacchaeus. + +But this is to modernise more distressingly than even the theologians! + +De Jonge's one-sided preference for the Fourth Gospel is shared by +Kirchbach's book, "What did Jesus teach?"(250) but here everything, +instead of being judaised, is spiritualised. Kirchbach does not seem to +have been acquainted with Noack's "History of Jesus," otherwise he would +hardly have ventured to repeat the same experiment without the latter's +touch of genius and with much less skill and knowledge. + +The teaching of Jesus is interpreted on the lines of the Kantian +philosophy. The saying, "No man hath seen God at any time," is to be +understood as if it were derived from the same system of thought as the +"Critique of Pure Reason." Jesus always used the words "death" and "life" +in a purely metaphorical sense. Eternal life is for Him not a life in +another world, but in the present. He speaks of Himself as the Son of God, +not as the Jewish Messiah. Son of Man is only the ethical explanation of +Son of God. The only reason why a Son-of-Man problem has arisen, is +because Matthew translated the ancient term Son of Man in the original +collection of Logia "with extreme literality." + +The great discourse of Matt. xxiii. with its warnings and threatenings is, +according to Kirchbach, merely "a patriotic oration in which Jesus gives +expression in moving words to His opposition to the Pharisees and His +inborn love of His native land." + +The teaching of Jesus is not ascetic, it closely resembles the real +teaching of Epicurus, "that is, the rejection of all false metaphysics, +and the resulting condition of blessedness, of _makaria_." The only +purpose of the demand addressed to the rich young man was to try him. "If +the youth, instead of slinking away dejectedly because he was called upon +to sell all his goods, had replied, confident in the possession of a rich +fund of courage, energy, ability, and knowledge, 'Right gladly. It will +not go to my heart to part with my little bit of property; if I'm not to +have it, why then I can do without it,' the Rabbi would probably in that +case not have taken him at his word, but would have said, 'Young man, I +like you. You have a good chance before you, you may do something in the +Kingdom of God, and in any case for My sake you may attach yourself to Me +by way of trial. We can talk about your stocks and bonds later.' " + +Finally, Kirchbach succeeds, though only, it must be admitted, by the aid +of some rather awkward phraseology, in spiritualising John vi. "It is not +the body," he explains, "of the long departed thinker, who apparently +attached no importance whatever to the question of personal survival, that +we, who understand Him in the right Greek sense, 'eat'; in the sense which +He intended, we eat and drink, and absorb into ourselves, His teaching, +His spirit, His sublime conception of life, by constantly recalling them +in connexion with the symbol of bread and flesh, the symbol of blood, the +symbol of water."(251) + +Worthless as Kirchbach's Life of Jesus is from an historical point of +view, it is quite comprehensible as a phase in the struggle between the +modern view of the world and Jesus. The aim of the work is to retain His +significance for a metaphysical and non-ascetic time; and since it is not +possible to do this in the case of the historical Jesus, the author denies +His existence in favour of an apocryphal Jesus. + +It is, in fact, the characteristic feature of the Life-of-Jesus literature +on the threshold of the new century even in the productions of professedly +historical and scientific theology, to subordinate the historical interest +to the interest of the general world-view. And those who "wrest the +Kingdom of Heaven" are beginning to wrest Jesus Himself along with it. Men +who have no qualifications for the task, whose ignorance is nothing less +than criminal, who loftily anathematise scientific theology instead of +making themselves in some measure acquainted with the researches which it +has carried out, feel impelled to write a Life of Jesus, in order to set +forth their general religious view in a portrait of Jesus which has not +the faintest claim to be historical, and the most far-fetched of these +find favour, and are eagerly absorbed by the multitude. + +It would be something to be thankful for if all these Lives of Jesus were +based on as definite an idea and as acute historical observation as we +find in Albert Dulk's "The Error of the Life of Jesus."(252) In Dulk the +story of the fate of Jesus is also the story of the fate of religion. The +Galilaean teacher, whose true character was marked by deep religious +inwardness, was doomed to destruction from the moment when He set Himself +upon the dizzy heights of the divine sonship and the eschatological +expectation. He died in despair, having vainly expected, down to the very +last, a "telegram from heaven." Religion as a whole can only avoid the +same fate by renouncing all transcendental elements. + + ------------------------------------- + +The vast numbers of imaginative Lives of Jesus shrink into remarkably +small compass on a close examination. When one knows two or three of them, +one knows them all. They have scarcely altered since Venturini's time, +except that some of the cures performed by Jesus are handled in the modern +Lives from the point of view of the recent investigations in hypnotism and +suggestion.(253) + +According to Paul de Regla(254) Jesus was born out of wedlock. Joseph, +however, gave shelter and protection to the mother. De Regla dwells on the +beauty of the child. "His eyes were not exceptionally large, but were +well-opened, and were shaded by long, silky, dark-brown eyelashes, and +rather deep-set. They were of a blue-grey colour, which changed with +changing emotions, taking on various shades, especially blue and brownish- +grey." + +He and His disciples were Essenes, as was also the Baptist. That implies +that He was no longer a Jew in the strict sense. His preaching dealt with +the rights of man, and put forward socialistic and communistic demands: +His religion in the pure consciousness of communion with God. With +eschatology He had nothing whatever to do, it was first interpolated into +His teaching by Matthew. + +The miracles are all to be explained by suggestion and hypnotism. At the +marriage at Cana, Jesus noticed that the guests were taking too much, and +therefore secretly bade the servants pour out water instead of wine while +He Himself said, "Drink, this is better wine." In this way He succeeded in +suggesting to a part of the company that they were really drinking wine. +The feeding of the multitude is explained by striking out a couple of +noughts from the numbers; the raising of Lazarus by supposing it a case of +premature burial. Jesus Himself when taken down from the cross was not +dead, and the Essenes succeeded in reanimating Him. His work is inspired +with hatred against Catholicism, but with a real reverence for Jesus. + +Another mere variant of the plan of Venturini is the fictitious Life of +Jesus of Pierre Nahor.(255) The sentimental descriptions of nature and the +long dialogues characteristic of the Lives of Jesus of a hundred years ago +are here again in full force. After John had already begun to preach in +the neighbourhood of the Dead Sea, Jesus, in company with a distinguished +Brahmin who possessed property at Nazareth and had an influential +following in Jerusalem, made a journey to Egypt and was there +indoctrinated into all kinds of Egyptian, Essene, and Indian philosophy, +thus giving the author, or rather the authoress, an opportunity to develop +her ideas on the philosophy of religion in didactic dialogues. When He +soon afterwards begins to work in Galilee the young teacher is much aided +by the fact that, at the instance of His fellow-traveller, He had acquired +from Egyptian mendicants a practical acquaintance with the secrets of +hypnotism. By His skill He healed Mary of Magdala, a distinguished +courtesan of Tiberias. They had met before at Alexandria. After being +cured she left Tiberias and went to live in a small house, inherited from +her mother, at Magdala. + +Jesus Himself never went to Tiberias, but the social world of that place +took an interest in Him, and often had itself rowed to the beach when He +was preaching. Rich and pious ladies used to inquire of Him where He +thought of preaching to the people on a given day, and sent baskets of +bread and dried fish to the spot which He indicated, that the multitude +might not suffer hunger. This is the explanation of the stories about the +feeding of the multitudes; the people had no idea whence Jesus suddenly +obtained the supplies which He caused His disciples to distribute. + +When he became aware that the priests had resolved upon His death, He made +His friend Joseph of Arimathea, a leading man among the Essenes, promise +that he would take Him down from the cross as soon as possible and lay Him +in the grave without other witnesses. Only Nicodemus was to be present. On +the cross He put Himself into a cataleptic trance; He was taken down from +the cross seemingly dead, and came to Himself again in the grave. After +appearing several times to His disciples he set out for Nazareth and +dragged His way painfully thither. With a last effort He reaches the house +of His mysterious old Indian teacher. At the door He falls helpless, just +as the morning dawns. The old slave-woman recognises Him and carries Him +into the house, where He dies. "The serene solemn night withdrew and day +broke in blinding splendour behind Tiberias." + +Nikolas Notowitsch(256) finds in Luke i. 80 ("And the child grew ... and +was in the deserts until the day of his shewing unto Israel") a "gap in +the life of Jesus," in spite of the fact that this passage refers to the +Baptist, and proposes to fill it by putting Jesus to school with the +Brahmins and Buddhists from His thirteenth to His twenty-ninth year. As +evidence for this he refers to statements about Buddhist worship of a +certain Issa which he professes to have found in the monasteries of Little +Thibet. The whole thing is, as was shown by the experts, a barefaced +swindle and an impudent invention. + + ------------------------------------- + +To the fictitious Lives of Jesus belong also in the main the theosophical +"Lives," which equally play fast and loose with the history, though here +with a view to proving that Jesus had absorbed the Egyptian and Indian +theosophy, and had been indoctrinated with "occult science." The +theosophists, however, have the advantage of escaping the dilemma between +reanimation after a trance and resurrection, since they are convinced that +it was possible for Jesus to reassume His body after He had really died. +But in the touching up and embellishment of the Gospel narratives they +out-do even the romancers. + +Ernest Bosc,(257) writing as a theosophist, makes it the chief aim of his +work to describe the oriental origin of Christianity, and ventures to +assert that Jesus was not a Semite, but an Aryan. The Fourth Gospel is, of +course, the basis of his representation. He does not hesitate, however, to +appeal also to the anonymous "Revelations" published in 1849, which are a +mere plagiarism from Venturini. + +A work which is written with some ability and with much out-of-the-way +learning is "Did Jesus live 100 B.C.?"(258) The author compares the +Christian tradition with the Jewish, and finds in the latter a +reminiscence of a Jesus who lived in the time of Alexander Jannaeus +(104-76 B.C.). This person was transferred by the earliest Evangelist to +the later period, the attempt being facilitated by the fact that during +the procuratorship of Pilate a false prophet had attracted some attention. +The author, however, only professes to offer it as a hypothesis, and +apologises in advance for the offence which it is likely to cause. + + + + + +XIX. THOROUGHGOING SCEPTICISM AND THOROUGHGOING ESCHATOLOGY + + + _W. Wrede._ Das Messiasgeheimnis in den Evangelien. Zugleich ein + Beitrag zum Verstaendnis des Markusevangeliums. (The Messianic + Secret in the Gospels. Forming a contribution also to the + understanding of the Gospel of Mark.) Goettingen, 1901. 286 pp. + + _Albert Schweitzer._ Das Messianitaets- und Leidensgeheimnis. Eine + Skizze des Lebens Jesu. (The Secret of the Messiahship and the + Passion. A Sketch of the Life of Jesus.) Tuebingen and Leipzig, + 1901. 109 pp. + + +The coincidence between the work of Wrede(259) and the "Sketch of the Life +of Jesus" is not more surprising in regard to the time of their appearance +than in regard to the character of their contents. They appeared upon the +self-same day, their titles are almost identical, and their agreement in +the criticism of the modern historical conception of the life of Jesus +extends sometimes to the very phraseology. And yet they are written from +quite different standpoints, one from the point of view of literary +criticism, the other from that of the historical recognition of +eschatology. It seems to be the fate of the Marcan hypothesis that at the +decisive periods its problems should always be attacked simultaneously and +independently from the literary and the historical sides, and the results +declared in two different forms which corroborate each other. So it was in +the case of Weisse and Wilke; so it is again now, when, retaining the +assumption of the priority of Mark, the historicity of the hitherto +accepted view of the life of Jesus, based upon the Marcan narrative, is +called in question. + +The meaning of that is that the literary and the eschatological view, +which have hitherto been marching parallel, on either flank, to the +advance of modern theology, have now united their forces, brought theology +to a halt, surrounded it, and compelled it to give battle. + +That in the last three or four years so much has been written in which +this enveloping movement has been ignored does not alter the real position +of modern historical theology in the least. The fact is deserving of +notice that during this period the study of the subject has not made a +step in advance, but has kept moving to and fro upon the old lines with +wearisome iteration, and has thrown itself with excessive zeal into the +work of popularisation, simply because it was incapable of advancing. + +And even if it professes gratitude to Wrede for the very interesting +historical point which he has brought into the discussion, and is also +willing to admit that thoroughgoing eschatology has advanced the solution +of many problems, these are mere demonstrations which are quite inadequate +to raise the blockade of modern theology by the allied forces. Supposing +that only a half--nay, only a third--of the critical arguments which are +common to Wrede and the "Sketch of the Life of Jesus" are sound, then the +modern historical view of the history is wholly ruined. + +The reader of Wrede's book cannot help feeling that here no quarter is +given; and any one who goes carefully through the present writer's +"Sketch" must come to see that between the modern historical and the +eschatological Life of Jesus no compromise is possible. + +Thoroughgoing scepticism and thoroughgoing eschatology may, in their +union, either destroy, or be destroyed by modern historical theology; but +they cannot combine with it and enable it to advance, any more than they +can be advanced by it. + +We are confronted with a decisive issue. As with Strauss's "Life of +Jesus," so with the surprising agreement in the critical basis of these +two schools--we are not here considering the respective solutions which +they offer--there has entered into the domain of the theology of the day a +force with which it cannot possibly ally itself. Its whole territory is +threatened. It must either reconquer it step by step or else surrender it. +It has no longer the right to advance a single assertion until it has +taken up a definite position in regard to the fundamental questions raised +by the new criticism. + +Modern historical theology is no doubt still far from recognising this. It +is warned that the dyke is letting in water and sends a couple of masons +to repair the leak; as if the leak did not mean that the whole masonry is +undermined, and must be rebuilt from the foundation. + +To vary the metaphor, theology comes home to find the broker's marks on +all the furniture and goes on as before quite comfortably, ignoring the +fact it will lose everything if it does not pay its debts. + +The critical objections which Wrede and the "Sketch" agree in bringing +against the modern treatment of the subject are as follows. + +In order to find in Mark the Life of Jesus of which it is in search, +modern theology is obliged to read between the lines a whole host of +things, and those often the most important, and then to foist them upon +the text by means of psychological conjecture. It is determined to find +evidence in Mark of a development of Jesus, a development of the +disciples, and a development of the outer circumstances; and professes in +so doing to be only reproducing the views and indications of the +Evangelist. In reality, however, there is not a word of all this in the +Evangelist, and when his interpreters are asked what are the hints and +indications on which they base their assertions they have nothing to offer +save _argumenta e silentio_. + +Mark knows nothing of any development in Jesus; he knows nothing of any +paedagogic considerations which are supposed to have determined the +conduct of Jesus towards the disciples and the people; he knows nothing of +any conflict in the mind of Jesus between a spiritual and a popular, +political Messianic ideal; he does not know, either, that in this respect +there was any difference between the view of Jesus and that of the people; +he knows nothing of the idea that the use of the ass at the triumphal +entry symbolised a non-political Messiahship; he knows nothing of the idea +that the question about the Messiah's being the Son of David had something +to do with this alternative between political and non-political; he does +not know, either, that Jesus explained the secret of the passion to the +disciples, nor that they had any understanding of it; he only knows that +from first to last they were in all respects equally wanting in +understanding; he does not know that the first period was a period of +success and the second a period of failure; he represents the Pharisees +and Herodians as (from iii. 6 onwards) resolved upon the death of Jesus, +while the people, down to the very last day when He preached in the +temple, are enthusiastically loyal to Him. + +All these things of which the Evangelist says nothing--and they are the +foundations of the modern view--should first be proved, if proved they can +be; they ought not to be simply read into the text as something self- +evident. For it is just those things which appear so self-evident to the +prevailing critical temper which are in reality the least evident of all. + +Another hitherto self-evident point--the "historical kernel" which it has +been customary to extract from the narratives--must be given up, until it +is proved, if it is capable of proof, that we can and ought to distinguish +between the kernel and the husk. We may take all that is reported as +either historical or unhistorical, but, in respect of the definite +predictions of the passion, death, and resurrection, we ought to give up +taking the reference to the passion as historical and letting the rest go; +we may accept the idea of the atoning death, or we may reject it, but we +ought not to ascribe to Jesus a feeble, anaemic version of this idea, +while setting down to the account of the Pauline theology the +interpretation of the passion which we actually find in Mark. + +Whatever the results obtained by the aid of the historical kernel, the +method pursued is the same; "it is detached from its context and +transformed into something different." "It finally comes to this," says +Wrede, "that each critic retains whatever portion of the traditional +sayings can be fitted into his construction of the facts and his +conception of historical possibility and rejects the rest." The +psychological explanation of motive, and the psychological connexion of +the events and actions which such critics have proposed to find in Mark, +simply do not exist. That being so, nothing is to be made out of his +account by the application of a priori psychology. A vast quantity of +treasures of scholarship and erudition, of art and artifice, which the +Marcan hypothesis has gathered into its storehouse in the two generations +of its existence to aid it in constructing its life of Jesus has become +worthless, and can be of no further service to true historical research. +Theology has been simplified. What would become of it if that did not +happen every hundred years or so? And the simplification was badly needed, +for no one since Strauss had cleared away its impedimenta. + +Thoroughgoing scepticism and thoroughgoing eschatology, between them, are +compelling theology to read the Marcan text again with simplicity of mind. +The simplicity consists in dispensing with the connecting links which it +has been accustomed to discover between the sections of the narrative +(_pericopes_), in looking at each one separately, and recognising that it +is difficult to pass from one to the other. + +The material with which it has hitherto been usual to solder the sections +together into a life of Jesus will not stand the temperature test. Exposed +to the cold air of critical scepticism it cracks; when the furnace of +eschatology is heated to a certain point the solderings melt. In both +cases the sections all fall apart. + +Formerly it was possible to book through-tickets at the supplementary- +psychological-knowledge office which enabled those travelling in the +interests of Life-of-Jesus construction to use express trains, thus +avoiding the inconvenience of having to stop at every little station, +change, and run the risk of missing their connexion. This ticket office is +now closed. There is a station at the end of each section of the +narrative, and the connexions are not guaranteed. + +The fact is, it is not simply that there is no very obvious psychological +connexion between the sections; in almost every case there is a positive +break in the connexion. And there is a great deal in the Marcan narrative +which is inexplicable and even self-contradictory. + +In their statement of the problems raised by this want of connexion Wrede +and the "Sketch" are in the most exact agreement. That these difficulties +are not artificially constructed has been shown by our survey of the +history of the attempts to write the Life of Jesus, in the course of which +these problems emerge one after another, after Bruno Bauer had by +anticipation grasped them all in their complexity. + +How do the demoniacs know that Jesus is the Son of God? Why does the blind +man at Jericho address Him as the Son of David, when no one else knows His +Messianic dignity? How was it that these occurrences did not give a new +direction to the thoughts of the people in regard to Jesus? How did the +Messianic entry come about? How was it possible without provoking the +interference of the Roman garrison of occupation? Why is it as completely +ignored in the subsequent controversies as if had never taken place? Why +was it not brought up at the trial of Jesus? "The Messianic acclamation at +the entry into Jerusalem," says Wrede, "is in Mark quite an isolated +incident. It has no sequel, neither is there any preparation for it +beforehand." + +Why does Jesus in Mark iv. 10-12 speak of the parabolic form of discourse +as designed to conceal the mystery of the Kingdom of God, whereas the +explanation which He proceeds to give to the disciples has nothing +mysterious about it? What is the mystery of the Kingdom of God? Why does +Jesus forbid His miracles to be made known even in cases where there is no +apparent purpose for the prohibition? Why is His Messiahship a secret and +yet no secret, since it is known, not only to the disciples, but to the +demoniacs, the blind man at Jericho, the multitude at Jerusalem--which +must, as Bruno Bauer expresses it, "have fallen from heaven"--and to the +High Priest? + +Why does Jesus first reveal His Messiahship to the disciples at Caesarea +Philippi, not at the moment when He sends them forth to preach? How does +Peter know without having been told by Jesus that the Messiahship belongs +to his Master? Why must it remain a secret until the "resurrection"? Why +does Jesus indicate His Messiahship only by the title Son of Man? And why +is it that this title is so far from prominent in primitive Christian +theology? + +What is the meaning of the statement that Jesus at Jerusalem discovered a +difficulty in the fact that the Messiah was described as at once David's +son and David's Lord? How are we to explain the fact that Jesus had to +open the eyes of the people to the greatness of the Baptist's office, +subsequently to the mission of the Twelve, and to enlighten the disciples +themselves in regard to it during the descent from the mount of +transfiguration? Why should this be described in Matt. xi. 14 and 15 as a +mystery difficult to grasp ("If ye can receive it" ... "He that hath ears +to hear, let him hear")? What is the meaning of the saying that he that is +least in the Kingdom of Heaven is greater than the Baptist? Does the +Baptist, then, not enter into the Kingdom of Heaven? How is the Kingdom of +Heaven subjected to violence since the days of the Baptist? Who are the +violent? What is the Baptist intended to understand from the answer of +Jesus? + +What importance was attached to the miracles by Jesus Himself? What office +must they have caused the people to attribute to Him? Why is the discourse +at the sending out of the Twelve filled with predictions of persecutions +which experience had given no reason to anticipate, and which did not, as +a matter of fact, occur? What is the meaning of the saying in Matt. x. 23 +about the imminent coming of the Son of Man, seeing that the disciples +after all returned to Jesus without its being fulfilled? Why does Jesus +leave the people just when His work among them is most successful, and +journey northwards? Why had He, immediately after the sending forth of the +Twelve, manifested a desire to withdraw Himself from the multitude who +were longing for salvation? + +How does the multitude mentioned in Mark viii. 34 suddenly appear at +Caesarea Philippi? Why is its presence no longer implied in Mark ix. 30? +How could Jesus possibly have travelled unrecognised through Galilee, and +how could He have avoided being thronged in Capernaum although He stayed +at "the house"? + +How came He so suddenly to speak to His disciples of His suffering and +dying and rising again, without, moreover, explaining to them either the +natural or the moral "wherefore"? "There is no trace of any attempt on the +part of Jesus," says Wrede, "to break this strange thought gradually to +His disciples ... the prediction is always flung down before the disciples +without preparation, it is, in fact, a characteristic feature of these +sayings that all attempt to aid the understanding of the disciples is +lacking." + +Did Jesus journey to Jerusalem with the purpose of working there, or of +dying there? How comes it that in Mark x. 39, He holds out to the sons of +Zebedee the prospect of drinking His cup and being baptized with His +baptism? And how can He, after speaking so decidedly of the necessity of +His death, think it possible in Gethsemane that the cup might yet pass +from Him? Who are the undefined "many," for whom, according to Mark x. 45 +and xiv. 24, His death shall serve as a ransom?(260) + +How came it that Jesus alone was arrested? Why were no witnesses called at +His trial to testify that He had given Himself out to be the Messiah? How +is it that on the morning after His arrest the temper of the multitude +seems to be completely changed, so that no one stirs a finger to help Him? + +In what form does Jesus conceive the resurrection, which He promises to +His disciples, to be combined with the coming on the clouds of heaven, to +which He points His judge? In what relation do these predictions stand to +the prospect held out at the time of the sending forth of the Twelve, but +not realized, of the immediate appearance of the Son of Man? + +What is the meaning of the further prediction on the way to Gethsemane +(Mark xiv. 28) that after His resurrection He will go before the disciples +into Galilee? How is the other version of this saying (Mark xvi. 7) to be +explained, according to which it means, as spoken by the angel, that the +disciples are to journey to Galilee to have their first meeting with the +risen Jesus there, whereas, on the lips of Jesus, it betokened that, just +as now as a sufferer He was going before them from Galilee to Jerusalem, +so, after His resurrection, He would go before them from Jerusalem to +Galilee? And what was to happen there? + +These problems were covered up by the naturalistic psychology as by a +light snow-drift. The snow has melted, and they now stand out from the +narratives like black points of rock. It is no longer allowable to avoid +these questions, or to solve them, each by itself, by softening them down +and giving them an interpretation by which the reported facts acquire a +quite different significance from that which they bear for the Evangelist. +Either the Marcan text as it stands is historical, and therefore to be +retained, or it is not, and then it should be given up. What is really +unhistorical is any softening down of the wording, and the meaning which +it naturally bears. + +The sceptical and eschatological schools, however, go still farther in +company. If the connexion in Mark is really no connexion, it is important +to try to discover whether any principle can be discovered in this want of +connexion. Can any order be brought into the chaos? To this the answer is +in the affirmative. + +The complete want of connexion, with all its self-contradictions, is +ultimately due to the fact that two representations of the life of Jesus, +or, to speak more accurately, of His public ministry, are here crushed +into one; a natural and a deliberately supernatural representation. A +dogmatic element has intruded itself into the description of this +Life--something which has no concern with the events which form the outward +course of that Life. This dogmatic element is the Messianic secret of +Jesus and all the secrets and concealments which go along with it. + +Hence the irrational and self-contradictory features of the presentation +of Jesus, out of which a rational psychology can make only something which +is unhistorical and does violence to the text, since it must necessarily +get rid of the constant want of connexion and self-contradiction which +belongs to the essence of the narrative, and portray a Jesus who was the +Messiah, not one who at once was and was not Messiah, as the Evangelist +depicts Him. When rational psychology conceives Him as one who was +Messiah, but not in the sense expected by the people, that is a concession +to the self-contradictions of the Marcan representation; which, however, +does justice neither to the text nor to the history which it records, +since the Gospel does not contain the faintest hint that the contradiction +was of this nature. + +Up to this point--up to the complete reconstruction of the system which +runs through the disconnectedness, and the tracing back of the dogmatic +element to the Messianic secret--there extends a close agreement between +thoroughgoing scepticism and thoroughgoing eschatology. The critical +arguments are identical, the construction is analogous and based on the +same principle. The defenders of the modern psychological view cannot, +therefore, play off one school against the other, as one of them proposed +to do, but must deal with them both at once. They differ only when they +explain whence the system that runs through the disconnectedness comes. +Here the ways divide, as Bauer saw long ago. The inconsistency between the +public life of Jesus and His Messianic claim lies either in the nature of +the Jewish Messianic conception, or in the representation of the +Evangelist. There is, on the one hand, the eschatological solution, which +at one stroke raises the Marcan account as it stands, with all its +disconnectedness and inconsistencies, into genuine history; and there is, +on the other hand, the literary solution, which regards the incongruous +dogmatic element as interpolated by the earliest Evangelist into the +tradition and therefore strikes out the Messianic claim altogether from +the historical Life of Jesus. _Tertium non datur._ + +But in some respects it really hardly matters which of the two "solutions" +one adopts. They are both merely wooden towers erected upon the solid main +building of the consentient critical induction which offers the enigmas +detailed above to modern historical theology. It is interesting in this +connexion that Wrede's scepticism is just as constructive as the +eschatological outline of the Life of Jesus in the "Sketch." + +Bruno Bauer chose the literary solution because he thought that we had no +evidence for an eschatological expectation existing in the time of Christ. +Wrede, though he follows Johannes Weiss in assuming the existence of a +Jewish eschatological Messianic expectation, finds in the Gospel only the +Christian conception of the Messiah. "If Jesus," he thinks, "really knew +Himself to be the Messiah and designated Himself as such, the genuine +tradition is so closely interwoven with later accretions that it is not +easy to recognise it." In any case, Jesus cannot, according to Wrede, have +spoken of His Messianic Coming in the way which the Synoptists report. The +Messiahship of Jesus, as we find it in the Gospels, is a product of Early +Christian theology correcting history according to its own conceptions. + +It is therefore necessary to distinguish in Mark between the reported +events which constitute the outward course of the history of Jesus, and +the dogmatic idea which claims to lay down the lines of its inward course. +The principle of division is found in the contradictions. + +The recorded events form, according to Wrede, the following picture. Jesus +came forward as a teacher,(261) first and principally in Galilee. He was +surrounded by a company of disciples, went about with them, and gave them +instruction. To some of them He accorded a special confidence. A larger +multitude sometimes attached itself to Him, in addition to the disciples. +He is fond of discoursing in parables. Besides the teaching there are the +miracles. These make a stir, and He is thronged by the multitudes. He +gives special attention to the cases of demoniacs. He is in such close +touch with the people that He does not hesitate to associate even with +publicans and sinners. Towards the Law He takes up an attitude of some +freedom. He encounters the opposition of the Pharisees and the Jewish +authorities. They set traps for Him and endeavour to bring about His fall. +Finally they succeed, when He ventures to show Himself not only on Judaean +soil, but in Jerusalem. He remains passive and is condemned to death. The +Roman administration supports the Jewish authorities. + +"The texture of the Marcan narrative as we know it," continues Wrede, "is +not complete until to the warp of these general historical notions there +is added a strong weft of ideas of a dogmatic character," the substance of +which is that "Jesus, the bearer of a special office to which He was +appointed by God," becomes "a higher, superhuman being." If this is the +case, however, then the motives of His conduct are not derived from human +characteristics, human aims and necessities. "The one motive which runs +throughout is rather a Divine decree which lies beyond human +understanding. This He seeks to fulfil alike in His actions and His +sufferings. The teaching of Jesus is accordingly supernatural." On this +assumption the want of understanding of the disciples to whom He +communicates, without commentary, unconnected portions of this +supernatural knowledge becomes natural and explicable. The people are, +moreover, essentially "non-receptive of revelation." + +"It is these _motifs_ and not those which are inherently historical which +give movement and direction to the Marcan narrative. It is they that give +the general colour. On them naturally depends the main interest, it is to +them that the thought of the writer is really directed. The consequence is +that the general picture offered by the Gospel is not an historical +representation of the Life of Jesus. Only some faded remnants of such an +impression have been taken over into a supra-historical religious view. In +this sense the Gospel of Mark belongs to the history of dogma." + +The two conceptions of the Life of Jesus, the natural and the +supernatural, are brought, not without inconsistencies, into a kind of +harmony by means of the idea of intentional secrecy. The Messiahship of +Jesus is concealed in His life as in a closed dark lantern, which, +however, is not quite closed--otherwise one could not see that it was +there--and allows a few bright beams to escape. + +The idea of a secret which must remain a secret until the resurrection of +Jesus could only arise at a time when nothing was known of a Messianic +claim of Jesus during His life upon earth: that is to say, at a time when +the Messiahship of Jesus was thought of as beginning with the +resurrection. But that is a weighty piece of indirect historical evidence +that Jesus did not really profess to be the Messiah at all. + +The positive fact which is to be inferred from this is that the +appearances of the risen Jesus produced a sudden revolution in His +disciples' conception of Him. "The resurrection" is for Wrede the real +Messianic event in the Life of Jesus. + +Who is responsible, then, for introducing this singular feature, so +destructive of the real historical connexion, into the life of Jesus, +which was in reality that of a teacher? It is quite impossible, Wrede +argues, that the idea of the Messianic secret is the invention of Mark. "A +thing like that is not done by a single individual. It must, therefore, +have been a view which was current in certain circles, and was held by a +considerable number, though not necessarily perhaps by a very great number +of persons. To say this is not to deny that Mark had a share and perhaps a +considerable share in the creation of the view which he sets forth ... the +_motifs_ themselves are doubtless not, in part at least, peculiar to the +Evangelist, but the concrete embodiment of them is certainly his own work; +and to this extent we may speak of a special Marcan point of view which +manifests itself here and there. Where the line is to be drawn between +what is traditional and what is individual cannot always be determined +even by a careful examination directed to this end. We must leave it +commingled, as we find it." + +The Marcan narrative has therefore arisen from the impulse to give a +Messianic form to the earthly life of Jesus. This impulse was, however, +restrained by the impression and tradition of the non-Messianic character +of the life of Jesus, which were still strong and vivid, and it was +therefore not able wholly to recast the material, but could only bore its +way into it and force it apart, as the roots of the bramble disintegrate a +rock. In the Gospel literature which arose on the basis of Mark the +Messianic secret becomes gradually of more subordinate importance and the +life of Jesus more Messianic in character, until in the Fourth Gospel He +openly comes before the people with Messianic claims. + +In estimating the value of this construction we must not attach too much +importance to its a priori assumptions and difficulties. In this respect +Wrede's position is much more precarious than that of his precursor Bruno +Bauer. According to the latter the interpolation of the Messianic secret +is the personal, absolutely original act of the Evangelist. Wrede thinks +of it as a collective act, representing the new conception as moulded by +the tradition before it was fixed by the Evangelist. That is very much +more difficult to carry through. Tradition alters its materials in a +different way from that in which we find them altered in Mark. Tradition +transforms from without. Mark's way of drawing secret threads of a +different material through the texture of the tradition, without otherwise +altering it, is purely literary, and could only be the work of an +individual person. + +A creative tradition would have carried out the theory of the Messianic +secret in the life of Jesus much more boldly and logically, that is to +say, at once more arbitrarily and more consistently. + +The only alternative is to distinguish two stages of tradition in early +Christianity, a naive, freely-working, earlier stage, and a more +artificial later stage confined to a smaller circle of a more literary +character. Wrede does, as a matter of fact, propose to find in Mark traces +of a simpler and bolder transformation which, leaving aside the Messianic +secret, makes Jesus an openly-professed Messiah, and is therefore of a +distinct origin from the conception of the secret Christ. To this +tradition may belong, he thinks, the entry into Jerusalem and the +confession before the High Priest, since these narratives "naively" imply +an openly avowed Messiahship. + +The word "naively" is out of place here; a really naive tradition which +intended to represent the entry of Jesus as Messianic would have done so +in quite a different way from Mark, and would not have stultified itself +so curiously as we find done even in Matthew, where the Galilaean Passover +pilgrims, after the "Messianic entry," answer the question of the people +of Jerusalem as to who it was whom they were acclaiming, with the words +"This is the Prophet Jesus from Nazareth of Galilee" (Matt. xxi. 11). + +The tradition, too, which makes Jesus acknowledge His Messiahship before +His judges is not "naive" in Wrede's sense, for, if it were, it would not +represent the High Priest's knowledge of Jesus' Messiahship as something +so extraordinary and peculiar to himself that he can cite witnesses only +for the saying about the Temple, not with reference to Jesus' Messianic +claim, and bases his condemnation only on the fact that Jesus in answer to +his question acknowledges Himself as Messiah--and Jesus does so, it should +be remarked, as in other passages, with an appeal to a future +justification of His claim. The confession before the council is therefore +anything but a "naive representation of an openly avowed Messiahship." + +The Messianic statements in these two passages present precisely the same +remarkable character as in all the other cases to which Wrede draws +attention. We have not here to do with a different tradition, with a clear +Messianic light streaming in through the window-pane, but, just as +elsewhere, with the rays of a dark lantern. The real point is that Wrede +cannot bring these two passages within the lines of the theory of secrecy, +and practically admits this by assuming the existence of a second and +rather divergent line of tradition. What concerns us is to note that this +theory does not suffice to explain the two facts in question, the +knowledge of Jesus' Messiahship shown by the Galilaean Passover pilgrims +at the time of the entry into Jerusalem, and the knowledge of the High +Priest at His trial. + +We can only touch on the question whether any one who wished to date back +in some way or other the Messiahship into the life of Jesus could not have +done it much more simply by making Jesus give His closest followers some +hints regarding it. Why does the re-moulder of the history, instead of +doing that, have recourse to a supernatural knowledge on the part of the +demoniacs and the disciples? For Wrede rightly remarks, as Bruno Bauer and +the "Sketch" also do, that the incident of Caesarea Philippi, as +represented by Mark, involves a miracle, since Jesus does not, as is +generally supposed, reveal His Messiahship to Peter; it is Peter who +reveals it to Jesus (Mark viii. 29). This fact, however, makes nonsense of +the whole theory about the disciples' want of understanding. It will not +therefore fit into the concealment theory, and Wrede, as a matter of fact, +feels obliged to give up that theory as regards this incident. "This +scene," he remarks, "can hardly have been created by Mark himself." It +also, therefore, belongs to another tradition. + +Here, then, is a third Messianic fact which cannot be brought within the +lines of Wrede's "literary" theory of the Messianic secret. And these +three facts are precisely the most important of all: Peter's confession, +the Entry into Jerusalem, and the High Priest's knowledge of Jesus' +Messiahship! In each case Wrede finds himself obliged to refer these to +tradition instead of to the literary conception of Mark.(262) This +tradition undermines his literary hypothesis, for the conception of a +tradition always involves the possibility of genuine historical elements. + +How greatly this inescapable intrusion of tradition weakens the theory of +the literary interpolation of the Messiahship into the history, becomes +evident when we consider the story of the passion. The representation that +Jesus was publicly put to death as Messiah because He had publicly +acknowledged Himself to be so, must, like the High Priest's knowledge of +His claim, be referred to the other tradition which has nothing to do with +the Messianic secret, but boldly antedates the Messiahship without +employing any finesse of that kind. But that strongly tends to confirm the +historicity of this tradition, and throws the burden of proof upon those +who deny it. It is wholly independent of the hypothesis of secrecy, and in +fact directly opposed to it. If, on the other hand, in spite of all the +difficulties, the representation that Jesus was condemned to death on +account of His Messianic claims is dragged by main force into the theory +of secrecy, the question arises: What interest had the persons who set up +the literary theory of secrecy, in representing Jesus as having been +openly put to death as Messiah and in consequence of His Messianic claims? +And the answer is: "None whatever: quite the contrary." For in doing so +the theory of secrecy stultifies itself. As though one were to develop a +photographic plate with painful care and, just when one had finished, +fling open the shutters, so, on this hypothesis, the natural Messianic +light suddenly shines into the room which ought to be lighted only by the +rays of the dark lantern. + +Here, therefore, the theory of secrecy abandoned the method which it had +hitherto followed in regard to the traditional material. For if Jesus was +not condemned and crucified at Jerusalem as Messiah, a tradition must have +existed which preserved the truth about the last conflicts, and the +motives of the condemnation. This is supposed to have been here completely +set aside by the theory of the secret Messiahship, which, instead of +drawing its delicate threads through the older tradition, has simply +substituted its own representation of events. But in that case why not do +away with the remainder of the public ministry? Why not at least get rid +of the public appearance at Jerusalem? How can the crudeness of method +shown in the case of the passion be harmonised with the skilful +conservatism towards the non-Messianic tradition which it is obvious that +the "Marcan circle" has scrupulously observed elsewhere? + +If according to the original tradition, of which Wrede admits the +existence, Jesus went to Jerusalem not to die, but to work there, the +dogmatic view, according to which He went to Jerusalem to die, must have +struck out the whole account of His sojourn in Jerusalem and His death, in +order to put something else in its place. What we now read in the Gospels +concerning those last days in Jerusalem cannot be derived from the +original tradition, for one who came to work, and, according to Wrede, "to +work with decisive effect," would not have cast all His preaching into the +form of obscure parables of judgment and minatory discourses. That is a +style of speech which could be adopted only by one who was determined to +force his adversaries to put him to death. Therefore the narrative of the +last days of Jesus must be, from beginning to end, a creation of the +dogmatic idea. And, as a matter of fact, Wrede, here in agreement with +Weisse, "sees grounds for asserting that the sojourn at Jerusalem is +presented to us in the Gospels in a very much abridged and weakened +version." That is a euphemistic expression, for if it was really the +dogmatic idea which was responsible for representing Jesus as being +condemned as Messiah, it is not a mere case of "abridging and weakening +down," but of displacing the tradition in favour of a new one. + +But if Jesus was not condemned as Messiah, on what grounds was He +condemned? And, again, what interest had those whose concern was to make +the Messiahship a secret of His earthly life, in making Him die as +Messiah, contrary to the received tradition? And what interest could the +tradition have had in falsifying history in that way? Even admitting that +the prediction of the passion to the disciples is of a dogmatic character, +and is to be regarded as a creation of primitive Christian theology, the +historic fact that He died would have been a sufficient fulfilment of +those sayings. That He was publicly condemned and crucified as Messiah has +nothing to do with the fulfilment of those predictions, and goes far +beyond it. + +To take a more general point: what interest had primitive theology in +dating back the Messiahship of Jesus to the time of His earthly ministry? +None whatever. Paul shows us with what complete indifference the earthly +life of Jesus was regarded by primitive Christianity. The discourses in +Acts show an equal indifference, since in them also Jesus first becomes +the Messiah by virtue of His exaltation. To date the Messiahship earlier +was not an undertaking which offered any advantage to primitive theology, +in fact it would only have raised difficulties for it, since it involved +the hypothesis of a dual Messiahship, one of earthly humiliation and one +of future glory. The fact is, if one reads through the early literature +one becomes aware that so long as theology had an eschatological +orientation and was dominated by the expectation of the Parousia the +question of how Jesus of Nazareth "had been" the Messiah not only did not +exist, but was impossible. Primitive theology is simply a theology of the +future, with no interest in history! It was only with the decline of +eschatological interest and the change in the orientation of Christianity +which was connected therewith that an interest in the life of Jesus and +the "historical Messiahship" arose. + +That is to say, the Gnostics, who were the first to assert the Messiahship +of the historical Jesus, and who were obliged to assert it precisely +because they denied the eschatological conceptions, forced this view upon +the theology of the Early Church, and compelled it to create in the Logos +Christology an un-Gnostic mould in which to cast the speculative +conception of the historical Messiahship of Jesus; and that is what we +find in the Fourth Gospel. Prior to the anti-Gnostic controversies we find +in the early Christian literature no conscious dating back of the +Messiahship of Jesus to His earthly life, and no theological interest at +work upon the dogmatic recasting of His history.(263) It is therefore +difficult to suppose that the Messianic secret in Mark, that is to say, in +the very earliest tradition, was derived from primitive theology. The +assertion of the Messiahship of Jesus was wholly independent of the +latter. The instinct which led Bruno Bauer to explain the Messianic secret +as the literary invention of Mark himself was therefore quite correct. +Once suppose that tradition and primitive theology have anything to do +with the matter, and the theory of the interpolation of the Messiahship +into the history becomes almost impossible to carry through. But Wrede's +greatness consists precisely in the fact that he was compelled by his +acute perception of the significance of the critical data to set aside the +purely literary version of the hypothesis and make Mark, so to speak, the +instrument of the literary realisation of the ideas of a definite +intellectual circle within the sphere of primitive theology. + +The positive difficulty which confronts the sceptical theory is to explain +how the Messianic beliefs of the first generation arose, if Jesus, +throughout His life, was for all, even for the disciples, merely a +"teacher," and gave even His intimates no hint of the dignity which He +claimed for Himself. It is difficult to eliminate the Messiahship from the +"Life of Jesus," especially from the narrative of the passion; it is more +difficult still, as Keim saw long ago, to bring it back again after its +elimination from the "Life" into the theology of the primitive Church. In +Wrede's acute and logical thinking this difficulty seems to leap to light. + +Since the Messianic secret in Mark is always connected with the +resurrection, the date at which the Messianic belief of the disciples +arose must be the resurrection of Jesus. "But the idea of dating the +Messiahship from the resurrection is certainly not a thought of Jesus, but +of the primitive Church. It presupposes the Church's experience of the +appearance of the risen Jesus." + +The psychologist will say that the "resurrection experiences," however +they may be conceived, are only intelligible as based upon the expectation +of the resurrection, and this again as based on references of Jesus to the +resurrection. But leaving psychology aside, let us accept the resurrection +experiences of the disciples as a pure psychological miracle. Even so, how +can the appearances of the risen Jesus have suggested to the disciples the +idea that Jesus, the crucified teacher, was the Messiah? Apart from any +expectations, how can this conclusion have resulted for them from the mere +"fact of the resurrection"? The fact of the appearance did not by any +means imply it. In certain circles, indeed, according to Mark vi. 14-16, +in the very highest quarters, the resurrection of the Baptist was believed +in; but that did not make John the Baptist the Messiah. The inexplicable +thing is that, according to Wrede, the disciples began at once to assert +confidently and unanimously that He was the Messiah and would before long +appear in glory. + +But how did the appearance of the risen Jesus suddenly become for them a +proof of His Messiahship and the basis of their eschatology? That Wrede +fails to explain, and so makes this "event" an "historical" miracle which +in reality is harder to believe than the supernatural event. + +Any one who holds "historical" miracles to be just as impossible as any +other kind, even when they occur in a critical and sceptical work, will be +forced to the conclusion that the Messianic eschatological significance +attached to the "resurrection experience" by the disciples implies some +kind of Messianic eschatological references on the part of the historical +Jesus which gave to the "resurrection" its Messianic eschatological +significance. Here Wrede himself, though without admitting it, postulates +some Messianic hints on the part of Jesus, since he conceives the judgment +of the disciples upon the resurrection to have been not analytical, but +synthetic, inasmuch as they add something to it, and that, indeed, the +main thing, which was not implied in the conception of the event as such. + +Here again the merit of Wrede's contribution to criticism consists in the +fact that he takes the position as it is and does not try to improve it +artificially. Bruno Bauer and others supposed that the belief in the +Messiahship of Jesus had slowly solidified out of a kind of gaseous state, +or had been forced into primitive theology by the literary invention of +Mark. Wrede, however, feels himself obliged to base it upon an historical +fact, and, moreover, the same historical fact which is pointed to by the +sayings in the Synoptics and the Pauline theology. But in so doing he +creates an almost insurmountable difficulty for his hypothesis. + +We can only briefly refer to the question what form the accounts of the +resurrection must have taken if the historic fact which underlay them was +the first surprised apprehension and recognition of the Messiahship of +Jesus on the part of the disciples. The Messianic teaching would +necessarily in that case have been somehow or other put into the mouth of +the risen Jesus. It is, however, completely absent, because it was already +contained in the teaching of Jesus during His earthly life. The theory of +Messianic secrecy must therefore have re-moulded not merely the story of +the passion, but also that of the resurrection, removing the revelation of +the Messiahship to the disciples from the latter in order to insert it +into the public ministry! + +Wrede, moreover, will only take account of the Marcan text as it stands, +not of the historical possibility that the "futuristic Messiahship" which +meets us in the mysterious utterances of Jesus goes back in some form to a +sound tradition. Further he does not take the eschatological character of +the teaching of Jesus into his calculations, but works on the false +assumption that he can analyse the Marcan text in and by itself and so +discover the principle on which it is composed. He carries out experiments +on the law of crystallisation of the narrative material in this Gospel, +but instead of doing so in the natural and historical atmosphere he does +it in an atmosphere artificially neutralised, which contains no trace of +contemporary conceptions.(264) Consequently the conclusion based on the +sum of his observations has in it something arbitrary. Everything which +conflicts with the rational construction of the course of the history is +referred directly to the theory of the concealment of the Messianic +secret. But in the carrying out of that theory a number of self- +contradictions, without which it could not subsist, must be recognised and +noted. + +Thus, for example, all the prohibitions,(265) whatever they may refer to, +even including the command not to make known His miracles, are referred to +the same category as the injunction not to reveal the Messianic secret. +But what justification is there for that? It presupposes that according to +Mark the miracles could be taken as proofs of the Messiahship, an idea of +which there is no hint whatever in Mark. "The miracles," Wrede argues, +"are certainly used by the earliest Christians as evidence of the nature +and significance of Christ.... I need hardly point to the fact that Mark, +not less than Matthew, Luke, and John, must have held the opinion that the +miracles of Jesus encountered a widespread and ardent Messianic +expectation." + +In John this Messianic significance of the miracles is certainly assumed; +but then the really eschatological view of things has here fallen into the +background. It seems indeed as if genuine eschatology excluded the +Messianic interpretation of the miracles. In Matthew the miracles of Jesus +have nothing whatever to do with the proof of the Messiahship, but, as is +evident from the saying about Chorazin and Bethsaida, Matt. xi. 20-24, are +only an exhibition of mercy intended to awaken repentance, or, according +to Matt. xii. 28, an indication of the nearness of the Kingdom of God. +They have as little to do with the Messianic office as in the Acts of the +Apostles.(266) In Mark, from first to last, there is not a single syllable +to suggest that the miracles have a Messianic significance. Even admitting +the possibility that the "miracles of Jesus encountered an ardent +Messianic expectation," that does not necessarily imply a Messianic +significance in them. To justify that conclusion requires the pre- +supposition that the Messiah was expected to be some kind of an earthly +man who should do miracles. This is presupposed by Wrede, by Bruno Bauer, +and by modern theology in general, but it has not been proved, and it is +at variance with eschatology, which pictured the Messiah to itself as a +heavenly being in a world which was already being transformed into +something supra-mundane. + +The assumption that the clue to the explanation of the command not to make +known the miracles is to be found in the necessity of guarding the secret +of the Messiahship is, therefore, not justified. The miracles are +connected with the Kingdom and the nearness of the Kingdom, not with the +Messiah. But Wrede is obliged to refer everything to the Messianic secret, +because he leaves the preaching of the Kingdom out of account. + +The same process is repeated in the discussion of the veiling of the +mystery of the Kingdom of God in the parables of Mark iv. The mystery of +the Kingdom is for Wrede the secret of Jesus' Messiahship. "We have +learned in the meantime," he says, "that one main element in this mystery +is that Jesus is the Messiah, the Son of God. If Jesus, according to Mark, +conceals his Messiahship, we are justified in interpreting the {~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} +{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA WITH PERISPOMENI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER BETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH PERISPOMENI~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH PERISPOMENI~} in the light of this fact." + +That is one of the weakest points in Wrede's whole theory. Where is there +any hint of this in these parables? And why should the secret of the +Kingdom of God contain within it as one of its principal features the +secret of the Messiahship of Jesus? + +"Mark's account of Jesus' parabolic teaching," he concludes, "is +completely unhistorical," because it is directly opposed to the essential +nature of the parables. The ultimate reason, according to Wrede, why this +whole view of the parables arose, was simply "because the general opinion +was already in existence that Jesus had revealed Himself to the disciples, +but concealed Himself from the multitude." + +Instead of simply admitting that we are unable to discover what the +mystery of the Kingdom in Mark iv. is, any more than we can understand why +it must be veiled, and numbering it among the unsolved problems of Jesus' +preaching of the Kingdom, Wrede forces this chapter inside the lines of +his theory of the veiled Messiahship. + +The desire of Jesus to be alone, too, and remain unrecognised (Mark vii. +24 and ix. 30 ff.) is supposed to have some kind of connexion with the +veiling of the Messiahship. He even brings the multitude, which in Mark x. +47 ff. rebukes the blind beggar at Jericho who cried out to Jesus, into +the service of his theory ... on the ground that the beggar had addressed +Him as Son of David. But all the narrative says is that they told him to +hold his peace--to cease making an outcry--not that they did so because of +his addressing Jesus as "Son of David." + +In an equally arbitrary fashion the surprising introduction of the +"multitude" in Mark viii. 34, after the incident of Caesarea Philippi, is +dragged into the theory of secrecy.(267) Wrede does not feel the +possibility or impossibility of the sudden appearance of the multitude in +this locality as an historical problem, any more than he grasps the sudden +withdrawal of Jesus from His public ministry as primarily an historical +question. Mark is for him a writer who is to be judged from a pathological +point of view, a writer who, dominated by the fixed idea of introducing +everywhere the Messianic secret of Jesus, is always creating mysterious +and unintelligible situations, even when these do not directly serve the +interests of his theory, and who in some of his descriptions, writes in a +rather "fairy-tale" style. When all is said, his treatment of the history +scarcely differs from that of the fourth Evangelist. + +The absence of historical prepossessions which Wrede skilfully assumes in +his examination of the connexion in Mark is not really complete. He is +bound to refer everything inexplicable to the principle of the concealment +of the Messiahship, which is the only principle that he recognises in the +dogmatic stratum of the narrative, and is consequently obliged to deny the +historicity of such passages, whereas in reality the veiling of the +Messiahship is only involved in a few places and is there indicated in +clear and simple words. He is unwilling to recognise that there is a +second, wider circle of mystery which has to do, not with Jesus' +Messiahship, but with His preaching of the Kingdom, with the mystery of +the Kingdom of God in the wider sense, and that within this second circle +there lie a number of historical problems, above all the mission of the +Twelve and the inexplicable abandonment of public activity on the part of +Jesus which followed soon afterwards. His mistake consists in endeavouring +by violent methods to subsume the more general, the mystery of the Kingdom +of God, under the more special, the mystery of the Messiahship, instead of +inserting the latter as the smaller circle, within the wider, the secret +of the Kingdom of God. + +As he does not deal with the teaching of Jesus, he has no occasion to take +account of the secret of the Kingdom of God. That is the more remarkable +because corresponding to one fundamental idea of the Messianic secret +there is a parallel, more general dogmatic conception in Jesus' preaching +of the Kingdom. For if Jesus in Matt. x. gives the disciples nothing to +take with them on their mission but predictions of suffering; if at the +very beginning of His ministry He closes the Beatitudes with a blessing +upon the persecuted; if in Mark viii. 34 ff. He warns the people that they +will have to choose between life and life, between death and death; if, in +short, from the first, He loses no opportunity of preaching about +suffering and following Him in His sufferings; that is just as much a +matter of dogma as His own sufferings and predictions of sufferings. For +in both cases the necessity of suffering, the necessity of facing death, +is not "a necessity of the historical situation," not a necessity which +arises out of the circumstances; it is an assertion put forth without +empirical basis, a prophecy of storm while the sky is blue, since neither +Jesus nor the people to whom He spoke were undergoing any persecution; and +when His fate overtook Him not even the disciples were involved in it. It +is distinctly remarkable that, except for a few meagre references, the +enigmatic character of Jesus' constant predictions of suffering has not +been discussed in the Life-of-Jesus literature.(268) + +What has now to be done, therefore, is, in contradistinction to Wrede, to +make a critical examination of the dogmatic element in the life of Jesus +on the assumption that the atmosphere of the time was saturated with +eschatology, that is, to keep in even closer touch with the facts than +Wrede does, and moreover, to proceed, not from the particular to the +general, but from the general to the particular, carefully considering +whether the dogmatic element is not precisely the historical element. For, +after all, why should not Jesus think in terms of doctrine, and make +history in action, just as well as a poor Evangelist can do it on paper, +under the pressure of the theological interests of the primitive +community. + +Once again, however, we must repeat that the critical analysis and the +assertion of a system running through the disorder are the same in the +eschatological as in the sceptical hypothesis, only that in the +eschatological analysis a number of problems come more clearly to light. +The two constructions are related like the bones and cartilage of the +body. The general structure is the same, only that in the case of the one +a solid substance, lime, is distributed even in the minutest portions, +giving it firmness and solidity, while in the other case this is lacking. +This reinforcing substance is the eschatological world-view. + +How is it to be explained that Wrede, in spite of the eschatological +school, in spite of Johannes Weiss, could, in critically investigating the +connecting principle of the life of Jesus, simply leave eschatology out of +account? The blame rests with the eschatological school itself, for it +applied the eschatological explanation only to the preaching of Jesus, and +not even to the whole of this, but only to the Messianic secret, instead +of using it also to throw light upon the whole public work of Jesus, the +connexion and want of connexion between the events. It represented Jesus +as thinking and speaking eschatologically in some of the most important +passages of His teaching, but for the rest gave as uneschatological a +presentation of His life as modern historical theology had done. The +teaching of Jesus and the history of Jesus were set in different keys. +Instead of destroying the modern-historical scheme of the life of Jesus, +or subjecting it to a rigorous examination, and thereby undertaking the +performance of a highly valuable service to criticism, the eschatological +theory confined itself within the limits of New Testament Theology, and +left it to Wrede to reveal one after another by a laborious purely +critical method the difficulties which from its point of view it might +have grasped historically at a single glance. It inevitably follows that +Wrede is unjust to Johannes Weiss and Johannes Weiss towards Wrede.(269) + +It is quite inexplicable that the eschatological school, with its clear +perception of the eschatological element in the preaching of the Kingdom +of God, did not also hit upon the thought of the "dogmatic" element in the +history of Jesus. Eschatology is simply "dogmatic history"--history as +moulded by theological beliefs--which breaks in upon the natural course of +history and abrogates. it. Is it not even a priori the only conceivable +view that the conduct of one who looked forward to His Messianic +"Parousia" in the near future should be determined, not by the natural +course of events, but by that expectation? The chaotic confusion of the +narratives ought to have suggested the thought that the events had been +thrown into this confusion by the volcanic force of an incalculable +personality, not by some kind of carelessness or freak of the tradition. + +A very little consideration suffices to show that there is something quite +incomprehensible in the public ministry of Jesus taken as a whole. +According to Mark it lasted less than a year, for since he speaks of only +one Passover-journey we may conclude that no other Passover fell within +the period of Jesus' activity as a teacher. If it is proposed to assume +that He allowed a Passover to go by without going up to Jerusalem, His +adversaries, who took Him to task about hand-washings and about rubbing +the ears of corn on the Sabbath, would certainly have made a most serious +matter of this, and we should have to suppose that the Evangelist for some +reason or other thought fit to suppress the fact. That is to say, the +burden of proof lies upon those who assert a longer duration for the +ministry of Jesus. + +Until they have succeeded in proving it, we may assume something like the +following course of events. Jesus, in going up to a Passover, came in +contact with the movement initiated by John the Baptist in Judaea, and, +after the lapse of a little time--if we bring into the reckoning the forty +days' sojourn in the wilderness mentioned in Mark i. 13, a few weeks +later--appeared in Galilee proclaiming the near approach of the Kingdom of +God. According to Mark He had known Himself since His baptism to be the +Messiah, but from the historical point of view that does not matter, since +history is concerned with the first announcement of the Messiahship, not +with inward psychological processes.(270) + +This work of preaching the Kingdom was continued until the sending forth +of the Twelve; that is to say, at the most for a few weeks. Perhaps in the +saying "the harvest is great but the labourers are few," with which Jesus +closes His work prior to sending forth the disciples, there lies an +allusion to the actual state of the natural fields. The flocking of the +people to Him after the Mission of the Twelve, when a great multitude +thronged about Him for several days during His journey along the northern +shore of the lake, can be more naturally explained if the harvest had just +been brought in. + +However that may be, it is certain that Jesus, in the midst of His initial +success, left Galilee, journeyed northwards, and only resumed His work as +a teacher in Judaea on the way to Jerusalem! Of His "public ministry," +therefore, a large section falls out, being cancelled by a period of +inexplicable concealment; it dwindles to a few weeks of preaching here and +there in Galilee and the few days of His sojourn in Jerusalem.(271) + +But in that case the public life of Jesus becomes practically +unintelligible. The explanation that His cause in Galilee was lost, and +that He was obliged to flee, has not the slightest foundation in the +text.(272) That was recognised even by Keim, the inventor of the +successful and unsuccessful periods in the life of Jesus, as is shown by +his suggestion that the Evangelists had intentionally removed the traces +of failure from the decisive period which led up to the northern journey. +The controversy over the washing of hands in Mark vii. 1-23, to which +appeal is always made, is really a defeat for the Pharisees. The theory of +the "desertion of the Galilaeans," which appears with more or less +artistic variations in all modern Lives of Jesus, owes its existence not +to any other confirmatory fact, but simply to the circumstance that Mark +makes the simple statement: "And Jesus departed and went into the region +of Tyre" (vii. 24) without offering any explanation of this decision. + +The only conclusion which the text warrants is that Mark mentioned no +reason because he knew of none. The decision of Jesus did not rest upon +the recorded facts, since it ignores these, but upon considerations lying +outside the history. His life at this period was dominated by a "dogmatic +idea" which rendered Him indifferent to all else ... even to the happy and +successful work as a teacher which was opening before Him. How could Jesus +the "teacher" abandon at that moment a people so anxious to learn and so +eager for salvation? His action suggests a doubt whether He really felt +Himself to be a "teacher." If all the controversial discourses and sayings +and answers to questions, which were so to speak wrung from Him, were +subtracted from the sum of His utterances, how much of the didactic +preaching of Jesus would be left over? + +But even the supposed didactic preaching is not really that of a +"teacher," since the purpose of His parables was, according to Mark iv. +10-12, not to reveal, but to conceal, and of the Kingdom of God He spoke +only in parables (Mark iv. 34). + +Perhaps, however, we are not justified in extending the theory of +concealment, simply because it is mentioned in connexion with the first +parable, to all the parables which He ever spoke, for it is never +mentioned again. It could hardly indeed be applied to the parables with a +moral, like that, for instance, of the pearl of great price. It is equally +inapplicable to the parables of coming judgment uttered at Jerusalem, in +which He explicitly exhorts the people to be prepared and watchful in view +of the coming of judgment and of the Kingdom. But here too it is deserving +of notice that Jesus, whenever He desires to make known anything further +concerning the Kingdom of God than just its near approach, seems to be +confined, as it were by a higher law, to the parabolic form of discourse. +It is as though, for reasons which we cannot grasp, His teaching lay under +certain limitations. It appears as a kind of accessory aspect of His +vocation. Thus it was possible for Him to give up His work as a teacher +even at the moment when it promised the greatest success. + +Accordingly the fact of His always speaking in parables and of His taking +this inexplicable resolution both point back to a mysterious pre- +supposition which greatly reduces the importance of Jesus' work as a +teacher. + +One reason for this limitation is distinctly stated in Mark iv. 10-12, +viz. predestination! Jesus knows that the truth which He offers is +exclusively for those who have been definitely chosen, that the general +and public announcement of His message could only thwart the plans of God, +since the chosen are already winning their salvation from God. Only the +phrase, "Repent for the Kingdom of God is at hand" and its variants belong +to the public preaching. And this, therefore, is the only message which He +commits to His disciples when sending them forth. What this repentance, +supplementary to the law, the special ethic of the interval before the +coming of the Kingdom (_Interimsethik_) is, in its positive acceptation, +He explains in the Sermon on the Mount. But all that goes beyond that +simple phrase must be publicly presented only in parables, in order that +those only, who are shown to possess predestination by having the initial +knowledge which enables them to understand the parables, may receive a +more advanced knowledge, which is imparted to them in a measure +corresponding to their original degree of knowledge: "Unto him that hath +shall be given, and from him that hath not shall be taken away even that +which he hath" (Mark iv. 24-25). + +The predestinarian view goes along with the eschatology. It is pushed to +its utmost consequences in the closing incident of the parable of the +marriage of the King's son (Matt. xxii. 1-14) where the man who, in +response to a publicly issued invitation, sits down at the table of the +King, but is recognised from his appearance as not called, is thrown out +into perdition. "Many are called but few are chosen." The ethical idea of +salvation and the predestinarian limitation of acceptance to the elect are +constantly in conflict in the mind of Jesus. In one case, however, He +finds relief in the thought of predestination. When the rich young man +turned away, not having strength to give up his possessions for the sake +of following Jesus as he had been commanded to do, Jesus and His disciples +were forced to draw the conclusion that he, like other rich men, was lost, +and could not enter into the Kingdom of God. But immediately afterwards +Jesus makes the suggestion, "With men it is impossible, but not with God, +for with God all things are possible" (Mark x. 17-27). That is, He will +not give up the hope that the young man, in spite of appearances, which +are against him, will be found to have belonged to the Kingdom of God, +solely in virtue of the secret all-powerful will of God. Of a "conversion" +of the young man there is no question. + +In the Beatitudes, on the other hand, the argument is reversed; the +predestination is inferred from its outward manifestation. It may seem to +us inconceivable, but they are really predestinarian in form. Blessed are +the poor in spirit! Blessed are the meek! Blessed are the +peacemakers!--that does not mean that by virtue of their being poor in +spirit, meek, peace-loving, they deserve the Kingdom. Jesus does not +intend the saying as an injunction or exhortation, but as a simple +statement of fact: in their being poor in spirit, in their meekness, in +their love of peace, it is made manifest that they are predestined to the +Kingdom. By the possession of these qualities they are marked as belonging +to it. In the case of others (Matt. v. 10-12) the predestination to the +Kingdom is made manifest by the persecutions which befall them in this +world. These are the light of the world, which already shines among men +for the glory of God (Matt. v. 14-15). + +The kingdom cannot be "earned"; what happens is that men are called to it, +and show themselves to be called to it. On careful examination it appears +that the idea of reward in the sayings of Jesus is not really an idea of +reward, because it is relieved against a background of predestination. For +the present it is sufficient to note the fact that the eschatologico- +predestinarian view brings a mysterious element of dogma not merely into +the teaching, but also into the public ministry of Jesus. + +To take another point, what is the mystery of the Kingdom of God? It must +consist of something more than merely its near approach, and something of +extreme importance; otherwise Jesus would be here indulging in mere +mystery-mongering. The saying about the candle which He puts upon the +stand, in order that what was hidden may be revealed to those who have +ears to hear, implies that He is making a tremendous revelation to those +who understand the parables about the growth of the seed. The mystery must +therefore contain the explanation why the Kingdom must now come, and how +men are to know how near it is. For the general fact that it is very near +had already been openly proclaimed both by the Baptist and by Jesus. The +mystery, therefore, must consist of something more than that. + +In these parables it is not the idea of development, but of the apparent +absence of causation which occupies the foremost place. The description +aims at suggesting the question, how, and by what power, incomparably +great and glorious results can be infallibly produced by an insignificant +fact without human aid. A man sowed seed. Much of it was lost, but the +little that fell into good ground brought forth a harvest--thirty, sixty, +an hundredfold--which left no trace of the loss in the sowing. How did that +come about? + +A man sows seed and does not trouble any further about it--cannot indeed do +anything to help it, but he knows that after a definite time the glorious +harvest which arises out of the seed will stand before him. By what power +is that effected? + +An extremely minute grain of mustard seed is planted in the earth and +there necessarily arises out of it a great bush, which cannot certainly +have been contained in the grain of seed. How was that? + +What the parables emphasise is, therefore, so to speak, the in itself +negative, inadequate, character of the initial fact, upon which, as by a +miracle, there follows in the appointed time, through the power of God, +some great thing. They lay stress not upon the natural, but upon the +miraculous character of such occurrences. + +But what is the initial fact of the parables? It is the sowing. + +It is not said that by the man who sows the seed Jesus means Himself. The +man has no importance. In the parable of the mustard seed he is not even +mentioned. All that is asserted is that the initial fact is already +present, as certainly present as the time of the sowing is past at the +moment when Jesus speaks. That being so, the Kingdom of God must follow as +certainly as harvest follows seed-sowing. As a man believes in the +harvest, without being able to explain it, simply because the seed has +been sown; so with the same absolute confidence he may believe in the +Kingdom of God. + +And the initial fact which is symbolised? Jesus can only mean a fact which +was actually in existence--the movement of repentance evoked by the Baptist +and now intensified by His own preaching. That necessarily involves the +bringing in of the Kingdom by the power of God; as man's sowing +necessitates the giving of the harvest by the same Infinite Power. Any one +who knows this sees with different eyes the corn growing in the fields and +the harvest ripening, for he sees the one fact in the other, and awaits +along with the earthly harvest the heavenly, the revelation of the Kingdom +of God. + +If we look into the thought more closely we see that the coming of the +Kingdom of God is not only symbolically or analogically, but also really +and temporally connected with the harvest. The harvest ripening upon earth +is the last! With it comes also the Kingdom of God which brings in the new +age. When the reapers are sent into the fields, the Lord in Heaven will +cause His harvest to be reaped by the holy angels. + +If the three parables of Mark iv. contain the mystery of the Kingdom of +God, and are therefore capable of being summed up in a single formula, +this can be nothing else than the joyful exhortation: "Ye who have eyes to +see, read, in the harvest which is ripening upon earth, what is being +prepared in heaven!" The eager eschatological hope was to regard the +natural process as the last of its kind, and to see in it a special +significance in view of the event of which it was to give the signal. + +The analogical and temporal parallelism becomes complete if we assume that +the movement initiated by the Baptist began in the spring, and notice that +Jesus, according to Matt. ix. 37 and 38, before sending out the disciples +to make a speedy proclamation of the nearness of the Kingdom of God, +uttered the remarkable saying about the rich harvest. It seems like a +final expression of the thought contained in the parables about the seed +and its promise, and finds its most natural explanation in the supposition +that the harvest was actually at hand. + +Whatever may be thought of this attempt to divine historically the secret +of the Kingdom of God, there is one thing that cannot be got away from, +viz. that the initial fact to which Jesus points, under the figure of the +sowing, is somehow or other connected with the eschatological preaching of +repentance, which had been begun by the Baptist. + +That may be the more confidently asserted because Jesus in another +mysterious saying describes the days of the Baptist as a time which makes +preparation for the coming of the Kingdom of God. "From the days of John +the Baptist," He says in Matt. xi. 12, "even until now, the Kingdom of +Heaven is subjected to violence, and the violent wrest it to themselves." +The saying has nothing to do with the entering of individuals into the +Kingdom; it simply asserts, that since the coming of the Baptist a certain +number of persons are engaged in forcing on and compelling the coming of +the Kingdom. Jesus' expectation of the Kingdom is an expectation based +upon a fact which exercises an active influence upon the Kingdom of God. +It was not He, and not the Baptist who "were working at the coming of the +Kingdom"; it is the host of penitents which is wringing it from God, so +that it may now come at any moment. + +The eschatological insight of Johannes Weiss made an end of the modern +view that Jesus founded the Kingdom. It did away with all activity, as +exercised upon the Kingdom of God, and made the part of Jesus purely a +waiting one. Now the activity comes back into the preaching of the +Kingdom, but this time eschatologically conditioned. The secret of the +Kingdom of God which Jesus unveils in the parables about confident +expectation in Mark iv., and declares in so many words in the eulogy on +the Baptist (Matt. xi.), amounts to this, that in the movement to which +the Baptist gave the first impulse, and which still continued, there was +an initial fact which was drawing after it the coming of the Kingdom, in a +fashion which was miraculous, unintelligible, but unfailingly certain, +since the sufficient cause for it lay in the power and purpose of God. + +It should be observed that Jesus in these parables, as well as in the +related saying at the sending forth of the Twelve, uses the formula, "He +that hath ears to hear, let him hear" (Mark iv. 23 and Matt. xi. 15), +thereby signifying that in this utterance there lies concealed a +supernatural knowledge concerning the plans of God, which only those who +have ears to hear--that is, the foreordained--can detect. For others these +sayings are unintelligible. + +If this genuinely "historical" interpretation of the mystery of the +Kingdom of God is correct, Jesus must have expected the coming of the +Kingdom at harvest time. And that is just what He did expect. It is for +that reason that He sends out His disciples to make known in Israel, as +speedily as may be, what is about to happen. That in this He is actuated +by a dogmatic idea, becomes clear when we notice that, according to Mark, +the mission of the Twelve followed immediately on the rejection at +Nazareth. The unreceptiveness of the Nazarenes had made no impression upon +Him; He was only astonished at their unbelief (Mark vi. 6). This passage +is often interpreted to mean that He was astonished to find His miracle- +working power fail Him. There is no hint of that in the text. What He is +astonished at is, that in His native town there were so few believers, +that is, elect, knowing as He does that the Kingdom of God may appear at +any moment. But that fact makes no difference whatever to the nearness of +the coming of the Kingdom. + +The Evangelist, therefore, places the rejection at Nazareth and the +mission of the Twelve side by side, simply because he found them in this +temporal connexion in the tradition. If he had been working by +"association of ideas," he would not have arrived at this order. The want +of connexion, the impossibility of applying any natural explanation, is +just what is historical, because the course of the history was determined, +not by outward events, but by the decisions of Jesus, and these were +determined by dogmatic, eschatological considerations. + +To how great an extent this was the case in regard to the mission of the +Twelve is clearly seen from the "charge" which Jesus gave them. He tells +them in plain words (Matt. x. 23), that He does not expect to see them +back in the present age. The Parousia of the Son of Man, which is +logically and temporally identical with the dawn of the Kingdom, will take +place before they shall have completed a hasty journey through the cities +of Israel to announce it. That the words mean this and nothing else, that +they ought not to be in any way weakened down, should be sufficiently +evident. This is the form in which Jesus reveals to them the secret of the +Kingdom of God. A few days later, He utters the saying about the violent +who, since the days of John the Baptist, are forcing on the coming of the +Kingdom. + +It is equally clear, and here the dogmatic considerations which guided the +resolutions of Jesus become still more prominent, that this prediction was +not fulfilled. The disciples returned to Him; and the appearing of the Son +of Man had not taken place. The actual history disavowed the dogmatic +history on which the action of Jesus had been based. An event of +supernatural history which must take place, and must take place at that +particular point of time, failed to come about. That was for Jesus, who +lived wholly in the dogmatic history, the first "historical" occurrence, +the central event which closed the former period of His activity and gave +the coming period a new character. To this extent modern theology is +justified when it distinguishes two periods in the Life of Jesus; an +earlier, in which He is surrounded by the people, a later in which He is +"deserted" by them, and travels about with the Twelve only. It is a sound +observation that the two periods are sharply distinguished by the attitude +of Jesus. To explain this difference of attitude, which they thought +themselves bound to account for on natural historical grounds, theologians +of the modern historical school invented the theory of growing opposition +and waning support. Weisse, no doubt, had expressed himself in direct +opposition to this theory.(273) Keim, who gave it its place in theology, +was aware that in setting it up he was going against the plain sense of +the texts. Later writers lost this consciousness, just as in the first and +third Gospel the significance of the Messianic secret in Mark gradually +faded away; they imagined that they could find the basis of fact for the +theory in the texts, and did not realise that they only believed in the +desertion of the multitude and the "flights and retirements" of Jesus +because they could not otherwise explain historically the alteration in +His conduct, His withdrawal from public work, and His resolve to die. + +The thoroughgoing eschatological school makes better work of it. They +recognise in the non-occurrence of the Parousia promised in Matt. x. 23, +the "historic fact," in the estimation of Jesus, which in some way +determined the alteration in His plans, and His attitude towards the +multitude. + +The whole history of "Christianity" down to the present day, that is to +say, the real inner history of it, is based on the delay of the Parousia, +the non-occurrence of the Parousia, the abandonment of eschatology, the +progress and completion of the "de-eschatologising" of religion which has +been connected therewith. It should be noted that the non-fulfilment of +Matt. x. 23 is the first postponement of the Parousia. We have therefore +here the first significant date in the "history of Christianity"; it gives +to the work of Jesus a new direction, otherwise inexplicable. + +Here we recognise also why the Marcan hypothesis, in constructing its view +of the Life of Jesus, found itself obliged to have recourse more and more +to the help of modern psychology, and thus necessarily became more and +more unhistorical. The fact which alone makes possible an understanding of +the whole, is lacking in this Gospel. Without Matt. x. and xi. everything +remains enigmatic. For this reason Bruno Bauer and Wrede are in their own +way the only consistent representatives of the Marcan hypothesis from the +point of view of historical criticism, when they arrive at the result that +the Marcan account is inherently unintelligible. Keim, with his strong +sense of historical reality, rightly felt that the plan of the Life of +Jesus should not be constructed exclusively on the basis of Mark. + +The recognition that Mark alone gives an inadequate basis, is more +important than any "Ur-Markus" theories, for which it is impossible to +discover a literary foundation, or find an historical use. A simple +induction from the "facts" takes us beyond Mark. In the discourse-material +of Matthew, which the modern-historical school thought they could sift in +here and there, wherever there seemed to be room for it, there lie hidden +certain facts--facts which never happened but are all the more important +for that. + +Why Mark describes the events and discourses in the neighbourhood of the +mission of the Twelve with such careful authentication is a literary +question which the historical study of the life of Jesus may leave open; +the more so since, even as a literary question, it is insoluble. + +The prediction of the Parousia of the Son of Man is not the only one which +remained unfulfilled. There is the prediction of sufferings which is +connected with it. To put it more accurately, the prediction of the +appearing of the Son of Man in Matt. x. 23 runs up into a prediction of +sufferings, which, working up to a climax, forms the remainder of the +discourse at the sending forth of the disciples. This prediction of +sufferings has as little to do with objective history as the prediction of +the Parousia. Consequently, none of the Lives of Jesus, which follow the +lines of a natural psychology, from Weisse down to Oskar Holtzmann, can +make anything of it.(274) They either strike it out, or transfer it to the +last "gloomy epoch" of the life of Jesus, regard it as an unintelligible +anticipation, or put it down to the account of "primitive theology," which +serves as a scrap-heap for everything for which they cannot find a place +in the "historical life of Jesus." + +In the texts it is quite evident that Jesus is not speaking of sufferings +after His death, but of sufferings which will befall them as soon as they +have gone forth from Him. The death of Jesus is not here pre-supposed, but +only the Parousia of the Son of Man, and it is implied that this will +occur just after these sufferings and bring them to a close. If the +theology of the primitive Church had remoulded the tradition, as is always +being asserted, it would have made Jesus give His followers directions for +their conduct after His death. That we do not find anything of this kind +is the best proof that there can be no question of a remoulding of the +Life of Jesus by primitive theology. How easy it would have been for the +Early Church to scatter here and there through the discourses of Jesus +directions which were only to be applied after His death! But the simple +fact is that it did not do so. + +The sufferings of which the prospect is held out at the sending forth are +doubly, trebly, nay four times over, unhistorical. In the first place--and +this is the only point which modern historical theology has +noticed--because there is not a shadow of a suggestion in the outward +circumstances of anything which could form a natural occasion for such +predictions of, and exhortations relating to, sufferings. In the second +place--and this has been overlooked by modern theology because it had +already declared them to be unhistorical in its own characteristic +fashion, viz. by striking them out--because they were not fulfilled. In the +third place--and this has not entered into the mind of modern theology at +all--because these sayings were spoken in the closest connexion with the +promise of the Parousia and are placed in the closest connexion with that +event. In the fourth place, because the description of that which is to +befall the disciples is quite without any basis in experience. A time of +general dissension will begin, in which brothers will rise up against +brothers, and fathers against sons and children against their parents to +cause them to be put to death (Matt. x. 21). And the disciples "shall be +hated of all men for His name's sake." Let them strive to hold out to the +"end," that is, to the coming of the Son of Man, in order that they may be +saved (Matt. x. 22). + +But why should they suddenly be hated and persecuted for the name of +Jesus, seeing that this name played no part whatever in their preaching? +That is simply inconceivable. The relation of Jesus to the Son of Man, the +fact, that is to say, that it is He who is to be manifested as Son of Man, +must therefore in some way or other become known in the interval; not, +however, through the disciples, but by some other means of revelation. A +kind of supernatural illumination will suddenly make known all that Jesus +has been keeping secret regarding the Kingdom of God and His position in +the Kingdom. This illumination will arise as suddenly and without +preparation as the spirit of strife. + +And as a matter of fact Jesus predicts to the disciples in the same +discourse that to their own surprise a supernatural wisdom will suddenly +speak from their lips, so that it will be not they but the Spirit of God +who will answer the great ones of the earth. As the Spirit is for Jesus +and early Christian theology something concrete which is to descend upon +the elect among mankind only in consequence of a definite event--the +outpouring of the Spirit which, according to the prophecy of Joel, should +precede the day of judgment--Jesus must have anticipated that this would +occur during the absence of the disciples, in the midst of the time of +strife and confusion. + +To put it differently; the whole of the discourse at the sending forth of +the Twelve, taken in the clear sense of the words, is a prediction of the +events of the "time of the end," events which are immediately at hand, in +which the supernatural eschatological course of history will break through +into the natural course. The expectation of sufferings is therefore +doctrinal and unhistorical, as is, precisely in the same way, the +expectation of the pouring forth of the Spirit uttered at the same time. +The Parousia of the Son of Man is to be preceded according to the +Messianic dogma by a time of strife and confusion--as it were, the birth- +throes of the Messiah--and the outpouring of the Spirit. It should be +noticed that according to Joel iii. and iv. the outpouring of the Spirit, +along with the miraculous signs, forms the prelude to the judgment; and +also, that in the same context, Joel iii. 13, the judgment is described as +the harvest-day of God.(275) Here we have a remarkable parallel to the +saying about the harvest in Matt. ix. 38, which forms the introduction to +the discourse at the sending forth of the disciples. + +There is only one point in which the predicted course of eschatological +events is incomplete: the appearance of Elias is not mentioned. + +Jesus could not prophesy to the disciples the Parousia of the Son of Man +without pointing them, at the same time, to the pre-eschatological events +which must first occur. He must open to them a part of the secret of the +Kingdom of God, viz. the nearness of the harvest, that they might not be +taken by surprise and caused to doubt by these events. + +Thus this discourse is historical as a whole and down to the smallest +detail precisely because, according to the view of modern theology, it +must be judged unhistorical. It is, in fact, full of eschatological dogma. +Jesus had no need to instruct the disciples as to what they were to teach; +for they had only to utter a cry. But concerning the events which should +supervene, it was necessary that He should give them information. +Therefore the discourse does not consist of instruction, but of +predictions of sufferings and of the Parousia. + +That being so, we may judge with what right the modern psychological +theology dismisses the great Matthaean discourses off-hand as mere +"composite structures." Just let any one try to show how the Evangelist +when he was racking his brains over the task of making a "discourse at the +sending forth of the disciples," half by the method of piecing it together +out of traditional sayings and "primitive theology," and half by inventing +it, lighted on the curious idea of making Jesus speak entirely of +inopportune and unpractical matters; and of then going on to provide the +evidence that they never happened. + +The foretelling of the sufferings that belong to the eschatological +distress is part and parcel of the preaching of the approach of the +Kingdom of God, it embodies the secret of the Kingdom. It is for that +reason that the thought of suffering appears at the end of the Beatitudes +and in the closing petition of the Lord's Prayer. For the {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} which +is there in view is not an individual psychological temptation, but the +general eschatological time of tribulation, from which God is besought to +exempt those who pray so earnestly for the coming of the Kingdom, and not +to expose them to that tribulation by way of putting them to the test. + +There followed neither the sufferings, nor the outpouring of the Spirit, +nor the Parousia of the Son of Man. The disciples returned safe and sound +and full of a proud satisfaction; for one promise had been realised--the +power which had been given them over the demons. + +But from the moment when they rejoined Him, all His thoughts and efforts +were devoted to getting rid of the people in order to be alone with them +(Mark vi. 30-33). Previously, during their absence, He had, almost in open +speech, taught the multitude concerning the Baptist, concerning that which +was to precede the coming of the Kingdom, and concerning the judgment +which should come upon the impenitent, even upon whole towns of them +(Matt. xi. 20-24), because, in spite of the miracles which they had +witnessed, they had not recognised the day of grace and diligently used it +for repentance. At the same time He had rejoiced before them over all +those whom God had enlightened that they might see what was going forward; +and had called them to His side (Matt. xi. 25-30). + +And now suddenly, the moment the disciples return, His one thought is to +get away from the people. They, however, follow Him and overtake Him on +the shores of the lake. He puts the Jordan between Himself and them by +crossing to Bethsaida. They also come to Bethsaida. He returns to +Capernaum. They do the same. Since in Galilee it is impossible for Him to +be alone, and He absolutely must be alone, He "slips away" to the north. +Once more modern theology was right: He really does flee; not, however, +from hostile Scribes, but from the people, who dog His footsteps in order +to await in His company the appearing of the Kingdom of God and of the Son +of Man--to await it in vain.(276) + +In Strauss's first Life of Jesus the question is thrown out whether, in +view of Matt. x. 23, Jesus did not think of His Parousia as a +transformation which should take place during His lifetime. Ghillany bases +his work on this possibility as on an established historical fact. Dalman +takes this hypothesis to be the necessary correlative of the +interpretation of the self-designation Son of Man on the basis of Daniel +and the Apocalypses. + +If Jesus, he argues, designated Himself in this futuristic sense as the +Son of Man who comes from Heaven, He must have assumed that He would first +be transported thither. "A man who had died or been rapt away from the +earth might perhaps be brought into the world again in this way, or one +who had never been on earth might so descend thither." But as this +conception of transformation and removal seems to Dalman untenable in the +case of Jesus, he treats it as a _reductio ad absurdum_ of the +eschatological interpretation of the title. + +But why? If Jesus as a man walking in a natural body upon earth, predicts +to His disciples the Parousia of the Son of Man in the immediate future, +with the secret conviction that He Himself was to be revealed as the Son +of Man, He must have made precisely this assumption that He would first be +supernaturally removed and transformed. He thought of Himself as any one +must who believes in the immediate coming of the last things, as living in +two different conditions: the present, and the future condition into which +He is to be transferred at the coming of the new supernatural world. We +learn later that the disciples on the way up to Jerusalem were entirely +possessed by the thought of what they should be when this transformation +took place. They contend as to who shall have the highest position (Mark +ix. 33); James and John wish Jesus to promise them in advance the thrones +on His right hand and on His left (Mark x. 35-37). + +He, moreover, does not rebuke them for indulging such thoughts, but only +tells them how much, in the present age, of service, humiliation, and +suffering is necessary to constitute a claim to such places in the future +age, and that it does not in the last resort belong to Him to allot the +places on His left and on His right, but that they shall be given to those +for whom they are prepared; therefore, perhaps not to any of the disciples +(Mark x. 40). At this point, therefore, the knowledge and will of Jesus +are thwarted and limited by the predestinarianism which is bound up with +eschatology. + +It is quite mistaken, however, to speak as modern theology does, of the +"service" here required as belonging to the "new ethic of the Kingdom of +God." There is for Jesus no ethic of the Kingdom of God, for in the +Kingdom of God all natural relationships, even, for example, the +distinction of sex (Mark xii. 25 and 26), are abolished. Temptation and +sin no longer exist. All is "reign," a "reign" which has gradations--Jesus +speaks of the "least in the Kingdom of God"--according as it has been +determined in each individual case from all eternity, and according as +each by his self-humiliation and refusal to rule in the present age has +proved his fitness for bearing rule in the future Kingdom. + +For the loftier stations, however, it is necessary to have proved oneself +in persecution and suffering. Accordingly, Jesus asks the sons of Zebedee +whether, since they claim these thrones on His right hand and on His left, +they feel themselves strong enough to drink of His cup and be baptized +with His baptism (Mark x. 38). To serve, to humble oneself, to incur +persecution and death, belong to "the ethic of the interim" just as much +as does penitence. They are indeed only a higher form of penitence. + +A vivid eschatological expectation is therefore impossible to conceive +apart from the idea of a metamorphosis. The resurrection is only a special +case of this metamorphosis, the form in which the new condition of things +is realised in the case of those who are already dead. The resurrection, +the metamorphosis, and the Parousia of the Son of Man take place +simultaneously, and are one and the same act.(277) It is therefore quite +indifferent whether a man loses his life shortly before the Parousia in +order to "find his life," if that is what is ordained for him; that +signifies only that he will undergo the eschatological metamorphosis with +the dead instead of with the living. + +The Pauline eschatology recognises both conceptions side by side, in such +a way, however, that the resurrection is subordinated to the +metamorphosis. "Behold, I shew you a mystery," he says in 1 Cor. xv. 51 +ff.; "we shall not all sleep, but we shall all be changed. In a moment, in +the twinkling of an eye, at the last trump: for the trumpet shall sound, +and the dead shall be raised incorruptible, and we shall be changed." + +The apostle himself desires to be one of those who live to experience the +metamorphosis and to be clothed with the heavenly mode of existence (2 +Cor. v. 1 ff.). The metamorphosis, however, and the resurrection are, for +those who are "in Christ," connected with a being caught up into the +clouds of heaven (1 Thess. iv. 15 ff.). Therefore Paul also makes one and +the same event of the metamorphosis, resurrection, and translation. + +In seeking clues to the eschatology of Jesus, scholars have passed over +the eschatology which lies closest to it, that of Paul. But why? Is it not +identical with that of Jesus, at least in so far that both are "Jewish +eschatology"? Did not Reimarus long ago declare that the eschatology of +the primitive Christian community was identical with the Jewish, and only +went beyond it in claiming a definite knowledge on a single point which +was unessential to the nature and course of the expected events, in +knowing, that is, who the Son of Man should be? That Christians drew no +distinction between their own eschatology and the Jewish is evident from +the whole character of the earlier apocalyptic literature, and not least +from the Apocalypse of John! After all, what alteration did the belief +that Jesus was the Son of Man who was to be revealed make in the general +scheme of the course of apocalyptic events? + +From the Rabbinic literature little help is to be derived towards the +understanding of the world of thought in which Jesus lived, and His view +of His own Person. The latest researches may be said to have made that +clear. A few moral maxims, a few halting parables--that is all that can be +produced in the way of parallels. Even the conception which is there +suggested of the hidden coming and work of the Messiah is of little +importance. We find the same ideas in the mouth of Trypho in Justin's +dialogue, and that makes their Jewish character doubtful. That Jesus of +Nazareth knew Himself to be the Son of Man who was to be revealed is for +us the great fact of His self-consciousness, which is not to be further +explained, whether there had been any kind of preparation for it in +contemporary theology or not. + +The self-consciousness of Jesus cannot in fact be illustrated or +explained; all that can be explained is the eschatological view, in which +the Man who possessed that self-consciousness saw reflected in advance the +coming events, both those of a more general character, and those which +especially related to Himself.(278) + +The eschatology of Jesus can therefore only be interpreted by the aid of +the curiously intermittent Jewish apocalyptic literature of the period +between Daniel and the Bar-Cochba rising. What else, indeed, are the +Synoptic Gospels, the Pauline letters, the Christian apocalypses than +products of Jewish apocalyptic, belonging, moreover, to its greatest and +most flourishing period? Historically regarded, the Baptist, Jesus, and +Paul are simply the culminating manifestations of Jewish apocalyptic +thought. The usual representation is the exact converse of the truth. +Writers describe Jewish eschatology in order to illustrate the ideas of +Jesus. But what is this "Jewish eschatology" after all? It is an +eschatology with a great gap in it, because the culminating period, with +the documents which relate to it, has been left out. The true historian +will describe the eschatology of the Baptist, of Jesus, and of Paul in +order to explain Jewish eschatology. It is nothing less than a misfortune +for the science of New Testament Theology that no real attempt has +hitherto been made to write the history of Jewish eschatology as it really +was; that is, with the inclusion of the Baptist, of Jesus, and of +Paul.(279) + +All this has had to be said in order to justify the apparently self- +evident assertion that Mark, Matthew, and Paul are the best sources for +the Jewish eschatology of the time of Jesus. They represent a phase, which +even in detail is self-explanatory, of that Jewish apocalyptic hope which +manifested itself from time to time. We are, therefore, justified in first +reconstructing the Jewish apocalyptic of the time independently out of +these documents, that is to say, in bringing the details of the discourses +of Jesus into an eschatological system, and then on the basis of this +system endeavouring to explain the apparently disconnected events in the +history of His public life. + +The lines of connection which run backwards towards the Psalms of Solomon, +Enoch, and Daniel, and forwards towards the apocalypses of Baruch and +Enoch, are extremely important for the understanding of certain general +conceptions. On the other hand, it is impossible to over-emphasise the +uniqueness of the point of view from which the eschatology of the time of +the Baptist, of Jesus, and of Paul presents itself to us. + +In the first place, men feel themselves so close to the coming events that +they only see what lies nearest to them, the imaginative development of +detail entirely ceases. In the second place, it appears to us as though +seen, so to speak, from within, passed through the medium of powerful +minds like those of the Baptist and Jesus. That is why it is so great and +simple. On the other hand, a certain complication arises from the fact +that it now intersects actual history. All these are original features of +it, which are not found in the Jewish apocalyptic writings of the +preceding and following periods, and that is why these documents give us +so little help in regard to the characteristic detail of the eschatology +of Jesus and His contemporaries. + +A further point to be noticed is that the eschatology of the time of Jesus +shows the influence of the eschatology of the ancient prophets in a way +which is not paralleled either before or after. Compare the Synoptic +eschatology with that of the Psalms of Solomon. In place of the legal +righteousness, which, since the return from the exile, had formed the link +of connexion between the present and the future, we find the prophetic +ethic, the demand for a general repentance, even in the case of the +Baptist. In the Apocalypses of Baruch and Ezra we see, especially in the +theological character of the latter, the persistent traces of this ethical +deepening of apocalyptic. + +But even in individual conceptions the apocalyptic of the Baptist, and of +the period which he introduces, reaches back to the eschatology of the +prophetic writings. The pouring forth of the spirit, and the figure of +Elias, who comes again to earth, play a great role in it. The difficulty +is, indeed, consciously felt of combining the two eschatologies, and +bringing the prophetic within the Danielic. How, it is asked, can the Son +of David be at the same time the Danielic Son-of-Man Messiah, at once +David's son and David's Lord? + +It is inadequate to speak of a synthesis of the two eschatologies. What +has happened is nothing less than the remoulding, the elevation, of the +Daniel-Enoch apocalyptic by the spirit and conceptions belonging to the +ancient prophetic hope. + +A great simplification and deepening of eschatology begins to show itself +even in the Psalms of Solomon. The conception of righteousness which the +writer applies is, in spite of its legal aspect, of an ethical, prophetic +character. It is an eschatology associated with great historical events, +the eschatology of a Pharisaism which is fighting for a cause, and has +therefore a certain inward greatness.(280) Between the Psalms of Solomon +and the appearance of the Baptist there lies the decadence of Pharisaism. +At this point there suddenly appears an eschatological movement detached +from Pharisaism, which was declining into an external legalism, a movement +resting on a basis of its own, and thoroughly penetrated with the spirit +of the ancient prophets. + +The ultimate _differentia_ of this eschatology is that it was not, like +the other apocalyptic movements, called into existence by historical +events. The Apocalypse of Daniel was called forth by the religious +oppression of Antiochus;(281) the Psalms of Solomon by the civil strife at +Jerusalem and the first appearance of the Roman power under Pompey;(282) +Fourth Ezra and Baruch by the destruction of Jerusalem.(283) The +apocalyptic movement in the time of Jesus is not connected with any +historical event. It cannot be said, as Bruno Bauer rightly perceived, +that we know anything about the Messianic expectations of the Jewish +people at that time.(284) On the contrary, the indifference shown by the +Roman administration towards the movement proves that the Romans knew +nothing of a condition of great and general Messianic excitement among the +Jewish people. The conduct of the Pharisaic party also, and the +indifference of the great mass of the people, show that there can have +been no question at that time of a national movement. What is really +remarkable about this wave of apocalyptic enthusiasm is the fact that it +was called forth not by external events, but solely by the appearance of +two great personalities, and subsides with their disappearance, without +leaving among the people generally any trace, except a feeling of hatred +towards the new sect. + +The Baptist and Jesus are not, therefore, borne upon the current of a +general eschatological movement. The period offers no events calculated to +give an impulse to eschatological enthusiasm. They themselves set the +times in motion by acting, by creating eschatological facts. It is this +mighty creative force which constitutes the difficulty in grasping +historically the eschatology of Jesus and the Baptist. Instead of literary +artifice speaking out of a distant imaginary past, there now enter into +the field of eschatology men, living, acting men. It was the only time +when that ever happened in Jewish eschatology. + +There is silence all around. The Baptist appears, and cries: "Repent, for +the Kingdom of Heaven is at hand." Soon after that comes Jesus, and in the +knowledge that He is the coming Son of Man lays hold of the wheel of the +world to set it moving on that last revolution which is to bring all +ordinary history to a close. It refuses to turn, and He throws Himself +upon it. Then it does turn; and crushes Him. Instead of bringing in the +eschatological conditions, He has destroyed them. The wheel rolls onward, +and the mangled body of the one immeasurably great Man, who was strong +enough to think of Himself as the spiritual ruler of mankind and to bend +history to His purpose, is hanging upon it still. That is His victory and +His reign. + +These considerations regarding the distinctive character of the Synoptic +eschatology were necessary in order to explain the significance of the +sending forth of the disciples and the discourse which Jesus uttered upon +that occasion. Jesus' purpose is to set in motion the eschatological +development of history, to let loose the final woes, the confusion and +strife, from which shall issue the Parousia, and so to introduce the +supra-mundane phase of the eschatological drama. That is His task, for +which He has authority here below. That is why He says in the same +discourse, "Think not that I am come to send peace on the earth; I am not +come to send peace, but a sword" (Matt. x. 34). + +It was with a view to this initial movement that He chose His disciples. +They are not His helpers in the work of teaching; we never see them in +that capacity, and He did not prepare them to carry on that work after His +death. The very fact that He chooses just twelve shows that it is a +dogmatic idea which He has in mind. He chooses them as those who are +destined to hurl the firebrand into the world, and are afterwards, as +those who have been the comrades of the unrecognised Messiah, before He +came to His Kingdom, to be His associates in ruling and judging it.(285) + +But what was to be the fate of the future Son of Man during the Messianic +woes of the last times? It appears as if it was appointed for Him to share +the persecution and the suffering. He says that those who shall be saved +must take their cross and follow Him (Matt. x. 38), that His followers +must be willing to lose their lives for His sake, and that only those who +in this time of terror confess their allegiance to Him, shall be confessed +by Him before His heavenly Father (Matt. x. 32). Similarly, in the last of +the Beatitudes, He had pronounced those blessed who were despised and +persecuted for His sake (Matt. v. 11, 12). As the future bearer of the +supreme rule He must go through the deepest humiliation. There is danger +that His followers may doubt Him. Therefore, the last words of His message +to the Baptist, just at the time when He had sent forth the Twelve, is, +"Blessed is he whosoever shall not be offended in me" (Matt. xi. 6). + +If He makes a point of familiarising others with the thought that in the +time of tribulation they may even lose their lives, He must have +recognised that this possibility was still more strongly present in His +own case. It is possible that in the enigmatic saying about the disciples +fasting "when the bridegroom is taken away from them" (Mark ii. 20), there +is a hint of what Jesus expected. In that case suffering, death, and +resurrection must have been closely united in the Messianic consciousness +from the first. So much, however, is certain, viz. that the thought of +suffering formed part, at the time of the sending forth the disciples, of +the mystery of the Kingdom of God and of the Messiahship of Jesus, and +that in the form that Jesus and all the elect were to be brought low in +the {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} at the time of the death-struggle against the evil world- +power which would arise against them; brought down, it might be, even to +death. It mattered as little in His own case as in that of others whether +at the time of the Parousia He should be one of those who should be +metamorphosed, or one who had died and risen again. The question arises, +however, how this self-consciousness of Jesus could remain concealed. It +is true the miracles had nothing to do with the Messiahship, since no one +expected the Messiah to come as an earthly miracle-worker in the present +age. On the contrary, it would have been the greatest of miracles if any +one had recognised the Messiah in an earthly miracle-worker. How far the +cries of the demoniacs who addressed Him as Messiah were intelligible by +the people must remain an open question. What is clear is that His +Messiahship did not become known in this way even to His disciples. + +And yet in all His speech and action the Messianic consciousness shines +forth. One might, indeed, speak of the acts of His Messianic +consciousness. The Beatitudes, nay, the whole of the Sermon on the Mount, +with the authoritative "I" for ever breaking through, bear witness to the +high dignity which He ascribed to Himself. Did not this "I" set the people +thinking? + +What must they have thought when, at the close of this discourse, He spoke +of people who, at the Day of Judgment, would call upon Him as Lord, and +appeal to the works that they had done in His name, and who yet were +destined to be rejected because He would not recognise them (Matt. vii. +21-23)? + +What must they have thought of Him when He pronounced those blessed who +were persecuted and despised for His sake (Matt. v. 11, 12)? By what +authority did this man forgive sins (Mark ii. 5 ff.)? + +In the discourse at the sending forth of the disciples the "I" is still +more prominent. He demands of men that in the trials to come they shall +confess Him, that they shall love Him more than father or mother, bear +their cross after Him, and follow Him to the death, since it is only for +such that He can entreat His Heavenly Father (Matt. x. 32 ff.). Admitting +that the expression "Heavenly Father" contained no riddle for the +listening disciples, since He had taught them to pray "Our Father which +art in Heaven," we have still to ask who was He whose yea or nay should +prevail with God to determine the fate of men at the Judgment? + +And yet they found it hard, nay impossible, to think of Him as Messiah. +They guessed Him to be a prophet; some thought of Elias, some of John the +Baptist risen from the dead, as appears clearly from the answer of the +disciples at Caesarea Philippi.(286) The Messiah was a supernatural +personality who was to appear in the last times, and who was not expected +upon earth before that. + +At this point a difficulty presents itself. How could Jesus be Elias for +the people? Did they not hold John the Baptist to be Elias? Not in the +least! Jesus was the first and the only person who attributed this office +to him. And, moreover, He declares it to the people as something +mysterious, difficult to understand--"If ye can receive it, this is Elias, +which was for to come. He that hath ears to hear, let him hear" (Matt. xi. +14, 15). In making this revelation He is communicating to them a piece of +supernatural knowledge, opening up a part of the mystery of the Kingdom of +God. Therefore He uses the same formula of emphasis as when making known +in parables the mystery of the Kingdom of God (Mark iv.). + +The disciples were not with Him at this time, and therefore did not learn +what was the role of John the Baptist. When a little later, in descending +from the mount of transfiguration He predicted to the three who formed the +inner circle of His followers the resurrection of the Son of Man, they +came to Him with difficulties about the rising from the dead--how could +this be possible when, according to the Pharisees and Scribes, Elias must +first come?--whereupon Jesus explains to them that the preacher of +repentance whom Herod had put to death had been Elias (Mark ix. 11-13). + +Why did not the people take the Baptist to be Elias? In the first place no +doubt because he did not describe himself as such. In the next place +because he did no miracle! He was only a natural man without any evidence +of supernatural power, only a prophet. In the third place, and that was +the decisive point, he had himself pointed forward to the coming of Elias. +He who was to come, he whom he preached, was not the Messiah, but Elias. + +He describes him, not as a supernatural personality, not as a judge, not +as one who will be manifested at the unveiling of the heavenly world, but +as one who in his work shall resemble himself, only much greater--one who, +like himself, baptizes, though with the Holy Spirit. Had it ever been +represented as the work of the Messiah to baptize? + +Before the Last Judgment, so it was inferred from Joel, the great +outpouring of the Spirit was to take place; before the Last Judgment, so +taught Malachi, Elias was to come. Until these events had occurred the +manifestation of the Son of Man was not to be looked for. Men's thoughts +were fixed, therefore, not on the Messiah, but upon Elias and the +outpouring of the Spirit.(287) The Baptist in his preaching combines both +ideas, and predicts the coming of the Great One who shall "baptize with +the Holy Spirit," _i.e._ who brings about the outpouring of the Spirit. +His own preaching was only designed to secure that at His coming that +Great One should find a community sanctified and prepared to receive the +Spirit. + +When he heard in the prison of one who did great wonders and signs, he +desired to learn with certainty whether this was "he who was to come." If +this question is taken as referring to the Messiahship the whole narrative +loses its meaning, and it upsets the theory of the Messianic secret, since +in this case at least one person had become aware, independently, of the +office which belonged to Jesus, not to mention all the ineptitudes +involved in making the Baptist here speak in doubt and confusion. +Moreover, on this false interpretation of the question the point of Jesus' +discourse is lost, for in this case it is not clear why He says to the +people afterwards, "If ye can receive it, John himself is Elias." This +revelation presupposes that Jesus and the people, who had heard the +question which had been addressed to Him, also gave it its only natural +meaning, referring it to Jesus as the bearer of the office of Elias. + +That even the first Evangelist gives the episode a Messianic setting by +introducing it with the words "When John heard in the prison of the works +of the Christ" does not alter the facts of the body of the narrative. The +sequel directly contradicts the introduction. And this interpretation +fully explains the evasive answer of Jesus, in which exegesis has always +recognised a certain reserve without ever being able to make it +intelligible why Jesus did not simply send him the message, "Yes, I am +he"--whereto, however, according to modern theology, He would have needed +to add, "but another kind of Messiah from him whom you expect." + +The fact was, the Baptist had put Him in an extremely difficult position. +He could not answer that He was Elias if He held Himself to be the +Messiah; on the other hand He could not, and would not, disclose to him, +and still less to the messengers and the listening multitude, the secret +of His Messiahship. Therefore He sends this obscure message, which only +contains a confirmation of the facts which John had already heard and +closes with a warning, come what may, not to be offended in Him. Of this +the Baptist was to make what he could. + +It mattered, in fact, little how John understood the message. The time was +much more advanced than he supposed; the hammer of the world's clock had +risen to strike the last hour. All that he needed to know was that he had +no cause to doubt. + +In revealing to the people the true office of the Baptist, Jesus unveiled +to them almost the whole mystery of the Kingdom of God, and nearly +disclosed the secret of His Messiahship. For if Elias was already present, +was not the coming of the Kingdom close at hand? And if John was Elias, +who was Jesus?... There could only be one answer: the Messiah. But this +seemed impossible, because Messiah was expected as a supernatural +personality. The eulogy on the Baptist is, historically regarded, +identical in content with the prediction of the Parousia in the discourse +at the sending forth of the disciples. For after the coming of Elias there +must follow immediately the judgment and the other events belonging to the +last time. Now we can understand why in the enumeration of the events of +the last time in the discourse to the Twelve the coming of Elias is not +mentioned. + +We see here, too, how, in the thought of Jesus, Messianic doctrine forces +its way into history and simply abolishes the historic aspect of the +events. The Baptist had not held himself to be Elias, the people had not +thought of attributing this office to him; the description of Elias did +not fit him at all, since he had done none of those things which Elias was +to do: and yet Jesus makes him Elias, simply because He expected His own +manifestation as Son of Man, and before that it was necessary that Elias +must first have come. And even when John was dead Jesus still told the +disciples that in him Elias had come, although the death of Elias was not +contemplated in the eschatological doctrine, and was in fact unthinkable, +But Jesus must somehow drag or force the eschatological events into the +framework of the actual occurrences. + +Thus the conception of the "dogmatic element" in the narrative widens in +an unsuspected fashion. And even what before seemed natural becomes on a +closer examination doctrinal. The Baptist is made into Elias solely by the +force of Jesus' Messianic consciousness. + +A short time afterwards, immediately upon the return of the disciples, He +spoke and acted before their eyes in a way which presupposed the Messianic +secret. The people had been dogging his steps; at a lonely spot on the +shores of the lake they surrounded Him, and He "taught them about many +things" (Mark vi. 30-34). The day was drawing to a close, but they held +closely to Him without troubling about food. In the evening, before +sending them away, He fed them. + +Weisse, long ago, had constantly emphasised the fact that the feeding of +the multitude was one of the greatest historical problems, because this +narrative, like that of the transfiguration, is very firmly riveted to its +historical setting and, therefore, imperatively demands explanation. How +is the historical element in it to be got at? Certainly not by seeking to +explain the apparently miraculous in it on natural lines, by representing +that at the bidding of Jesus people brought out the baskets of provisions +which they had been concealing, and, thus importing into the tradition a +natural fact which, so far from being hinted at in the narrative, is +actually excluded by it. + +Our solution is that the whole is historical, except the closing remark +that they were all filled. Jesus distributed the provisions which He and +His disciples had with them among the multitude so that each received a +very little, after He had first offered thanks. The significance lies in +the giving of thanks and in the fact that they had received from Him +consecrated food. Because He is the future Messiah, this meal becomes +without their knowledge the Messianic feast. With the morsel of bread +which He gives His disciples to distribute to the people He consecrates +them as partakers in the coming Messianic feast, and gives them the +guarantee that they, who had shared His table in the time of His +obscurity, would also share it in the time of His glory. In the prayer He +gave thanks not only for the food, but also for the coming Kingdom and all +its blessings. It is the counterpart of the Lord's prayer, where He so +strangely inserts the petition for daily bread between the petitions for +the coming of the Kingdom and for deliverance from the {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~}. + +The feeding of the multitude was more than a love-feast, a fellowship- +meal. It was from the point of view of Jesus a sacrament of salvation. + +We never realise sufficiently that in a period when the judgment and the +glory were expected as close at hand, one thought arising out of this +expectation must have acquired special prominence--how, namely, in the +present time a man could obtain a guarantee of coming scatheless through +the judgment, of being saved and received into the Kingdom, of being +signed and sealed for deliverance amid the coming trial, as the Chosen +People in Egypt had a sign revealed to them from God by means of which +they might be manifest as those who were to be spared. But once we do +realise this, we can understand why the thought of signing and sealing +runs through the whole of the apocalyptic literature. It is found as early +as the ninth chapter of Ezekiel. There, God is making preparation for +judgment. The day of visitation of the city is at hand. But first the Lord +calls unto "the man clothed with linen who had the writer's ink-horn by +his side" and said unto him, "Go through the midst of the city, through +the midst of Jerusalem, and set a mark upon the foreheads of the men that +sigh and that cry for all the abominations that be done in the midst +thereof." Only after that does He give command to those who are charged +with the judgment to begin, adding, "But come not near any man upon whom +is the mark" (Ezek. ix. 4 and 6). + +In the fifteenth of the Psalms of Solomon,(288) the last eschatological +writing before the movement initiated by the Baptist, it is expressly said +in the description of the judgment that "the saints of God bear a sign +upon them which saves them." + +In the Pauline theology very striking prominence is given to the thought +of being sealed unto salvation. The apostle is conscious of bearing about +with him in his body "the marks of Jesus" (Gal. vi. 17), the "dying" of +Jesus (2 Cor. iv. 10). This sign is received in baptism, since it is a +baptism "into the death of Christ"; in this act the recipient is in a +certain sense really buried with Him, and thenceforth walks among men as +one who belongs, even here below, to risen humanity (Rom. vi. 1 ff.). +Baptism is the seal, the earnest of the spirit, the pledge of that which +is to come (2 Cor i. 22; Eph. i. 13, 14, iv. 30). + +This conception of baptism as a "salvation" in view of that which was to +come goes down through the whole of ancient theology. Its preaching might +really be summed up in the words, "Keep your baptism holy and without +blemish." + +In the Shepherd of Hermas even the spirits of the men of the past must +receive "the seal, which is the water" in order that they may "bear the +name of God upon them." That is why the tower is built over the water, and +the stones which are brought up out of the deep are rolled through the +water (Vis. iii. and Sim. ix. 16). + +In the Apocalypse of John the thought of the sealing stands prominently in +the foreground. The locusts receive power to hurt those only who have not +the seal of God on their foreheads (Rev. ix. 4, 5). The beast (Rev. xiii. +16 ff.) compels men to bear his mark; only those who will not accept it +are to reign with Christ (Rev. xx. 4). The chosen hundred and forty-four +thousand bear the name of God and the name of the Lamb upon their +foreheads (Rev. xiv. 1). + +"Assurance of salvation" in a time of eschatological expectation demanded +some kind of security for the future of which the earnest could be +possessed in the present. And with this the predestinarian thought of +election was in complete accord. If we find the thought of being sealed +unto salvation previously in the Psalms of Solomon, and subsequently in +the same signification in Paul, in the Apocalypse of John, and down to the +Shepherd of Hermas, it may be assumed in advance that it will be found in +some form or other in the so strongly eschatological teaching of Jesus and +the Baptist. + +It may be said, indeed, to dominate completely the eschatological +preaching of the Baptist, for this preaching does not confine itself to +the declaration of the nearness of the Kingdom, and the demand for +repentance, but leads up to an act to which it gives a special reference +in relation to the forgiveness of sins and the outpouring of the spirit. +It is a mistake to regard baptism with water as a "symbolic act" in the +modern sense, and make the Baptist decry his own wares by saying, "I +baptize only with water, but the other can baptize with the Holy Spirit." +He is not contrasting the two baptisms, but connecting them--he who is +baptized by him has the certainty that he will share in the outpouring of +the Spirit which shall precede the judgment, and at the judgment shall +receive forgiveness of sins, as one who is signed with the mark of +repentance. The object of being baptized by him is to secure baptism with +the Spirit later. The forgiveness of sins associated with baptism is +proleptic; it is to be realised at the judgment. The Baptist himself did +not forgive sin.(289) If he had done so, how could such offence have been +taken when Jesus claimed for Himself the right to forgive sins in the +present (Mark ii. 10). + +The baptism of John was therefore an eschatological sacrament pointing +forward to the pouring forth of the spirit and to the judgment, a +provision for "salvation." Hence the wrath of the Baptist when he saw +Pharisees and Sadducees crowding to his baptism: "Ye generation of vipers, +who hath warned you to flee from the wrath to come? Bring forth now fruits +meet for repentance" (Matt. iii. 7, 8). By the reception of baptism, that +is, they are saved from the judgment. + +As a cleansing unto salvation it is a divine institution, a revealed means +of grace. That is why the question of Jesus, whether the baptism of John +was from heaven or from men, placed the Scribes at Jerusalem in so awkward +a dilemma (Mark xi. 30). + +The authority of Jesus, however, goes farther than that of the Baptist. As +the Messiah who is to come He can give even here below to those who gather +about Him a right to partake in the Messianic feast, by this distribution +of food to them; only, they do not know what is happening to them and He +cannot solve the riddle for them. The supper at the Lake of Gennesareth +was a veiled eschatological sacrament. Neither the disciples nor the +multitude understood what was happening, since they did not know who He +was who thus made them His guests.(290) This meal must have been +transformed by tradition into a miracle, a result which may have been in +part due to the references to the wonders of the Messianic feast which +were doubtless contained in the prayers, not to speak of the +eschatological enthusiasm which then prevailed universally. Did not the +disciples believe that on the same evening, when they had been commanded +to take Jesus into their ship at the mouth of the Jordan, to which point +He had walked along the shore--did they not believe that they saw Him come +walking towards them upon the waves of the sea? The impulse to the +introduction of the miraculous into the narrative came from the +unintelligible element with which the men who surrounded Jesus were at +this time confronted.(291) + +The Last Supper at Jerusalem had the same sacramental significance as that +at the lake. Towards the end of the meal Jesus, after giving thanks, +distributes the bread and wine. This had as little to do with the +satisfaction of hunger as the distribution to the Galilaean believers. The +act of Jesus is an end in itself, and the significance of the celebration +consists in the fact that it is He Himself who makes the distribution. In +Jerusalem, however, they understood what was meant, and He explained it to +them explicitly by telling them that He would drink no more of the fruit +of the vine until He drank it new in the Kingdom of God. The mysterious +images which He used at the time of the distribution concerning the +atoning significance of His death do not touch the essence of the +celebration, they are only discourses accompanying it. + +On this interpretation, therefore, we may think of Baptism and the Lord's +Supper as from the first eschatological sacraments in the eschatological +movement which later detached itself from Judaism under the name of +Christianity. That explains why we find them both in Paul and in the +earliest theology as sacramental acts, not as symbolic ceremonies, and +find them dominating the whole Christian doctrine. Apart from the +assumption of the eschatological sacraments, we can only make the history +of dogma begin with a "fall" from the earlier purer theology into the +sacramental magical, without being able to adduce a single syllable in +support of the idea that after the death of Jesus Baptism and the Lord's +Supper existed even for an hour as symbolical actions--Paul, indeed, makes +this supposition wholly impossible. + +In any case the adoption of the baptism of John in Christian practice +cannot be explained except on the assumption that it was the sacrament of +the eschatological community, a revealed means of securing "salvation" +which was not altered in the slightest by the Messiahship of Jesus. How +else could we explain the fact that baptism, without any commandment of +Jesus, and without Jesus' ever having baptized, was taken over, as a +matter of course, into Christianity, and was given a special reference to +the receiving of the Spirit? + +It is no use proposing to explain it as having been instituted as a +symbolical repetition of the baptism of Jesus, thought of as "an anointing +to the Messiahship." There is not a single passage in ancient theology to +support such a theory. And we may point also to the fact that Paul never +refers to the baptism of Jesus in explaining the character of Christian +baptism, never, in fact, makes any distinct reference to it. And how could +baptism, if it had been a symbolical repetition of the baptism of Jesus, +ever have acquired this magic-sacramental sense of "salvation"? + +Nothing shows more clearly than the dual character of ancient baptism, +which makes it the guarantee both of the reception of the Spirit and of +deliverance from the judgment, that it is nothing else than the +eschatological baptism of John with a single difference. Baptism with +water and baptism with the Spirit are now connected not only logically, +but also in point of time, seeing that since the day of Pentecost the +period of the outpouring of the Spirit is present. The two portions of the +eschatological sacrament which in the Baptist's preaching were +distinguished in point of time--because he did not expect the outpouring of +the Spirit until some future period--are now brought together, since one +eschatological condition--the baptism with the Spirit--is now present. The +"Christianising" of baptism consisted in this and in nothing else; though +Paul carried it a stage farther when he formed the conception of baptism +as a mystic partaking in the death and resurrection of Jesus. + +Thus the thoroughgoing eschatological interpretation of the Life of Jesus +puts into the hands of those who are reconstructing the history of dogma +in the earliest times an explanation of the conception of the sacraments, +of which they had been able hitherto only to note the presence as an _x_ +of which the origin was undiscoverable, and for which they possessed no +equation by which it could be evaluated. If Christianity as the religion +of historically revealed mysteries was able to lay hold upon Hellenism and +overcome it, the reason of this was that it was already in its purely +eschatological beginnings a religion of sacraments, a religion of +eschatological sacraments, since Jesus had recognised a Divine institution +in the baptism of John, and had Himself performed a sacramental action in +the distribution of food at the Lake of Gennesareth and at the Last +Supper. + +This being so, the feeding of the multitude also belongs to the dogmatic +element in the history. But no one had previously recognised it as what it +really was, an indirect disclosure of the Messianic secret, just as no one +had understood the full significance of Jesus' description of the Baptist +as Elias. + +But how does Peter at Caesarea Philippi know the secret of his Master? +What he there declares is not a conviction which had gradually dawned on +him, and slowly grown through various stages of probability and certainty. + +The real character of this incident has been interpreted with remarkable +penetration by Wrede. The incident itself, he says, is to be understood in +quite as supernatural a fashion in Mark as in Matthew. But on the other +hand one does not receive the impression that the writer intends to +represent the confession as a merit or a discovery of Peter. "For +according to the text of Mark, Jesus shows no trace of joy or surprise at +this confession. His only answer consists of the command to say nothing +about His Messiahship." Keim, whom Wrede quotes, had received a similar +impression from the Marcan account, and had supposed that Jesus had +actually found the confession of Peter inopportune. + +How is all this to be explained--the supernatural knowledge of Peter and +the rather curt fashion in which Jesus receives his declaration? + +It might be worth while to put the story of the transfiguration side by +side with the incident at Caesarea Philippi, since there the Divine +Sonship of Jesus is "a second time" revealed to the "three," Peter, James, +and John, and the revelation is made supernaturally by a voice from +heaven. It is rather striking that Mark does not seem to be conscious that +he is reporting something which the disciples knew already. At the +beginning of the actual transfiguration Peter still addresses Jesus simply +as Rabbi (Mark ix. 5). And what does it mean when Jesus, during the +descent from the mountain, forbids them to speak to any man concerning +that which they have seen until after the resurrection of the Son of Man? +That would exclude even the other disciples who knew only the secret of +His Messiahship. But why should they not be told of the Divine +confirmation of that which Peter had declared at Caesarea Philippi and +Jesus had "admitted"? + +What has the transfiguration to do with the resurrection of the dead? And +why are the thoughts of the disciples suddenly busied, not with what they +have seen, not with the fact that the Son of Man shall rise from the dead, +but simply with the possibility of the rising from the dead, the +difficulty being that Elias was not yet present? Those who see in the +transfiguration a projection backwards of the Pauline theology into the +Gospel history do not realise what are the principal points and +difficulties of the narrative. The problem lies in the conversation during +the descent. Against the Messiahship of Jesus, against His rising from the +dead, they have only one objection to suggest: Elias had not yet come. + +We see here, in the first place, the importance of the revelation which +Jesus had made to the people in declaring to them the secret that the +Baptist is Elias. From the standpoint of the eschatological expectation no +one could recognise Elias in the Baptist, unless he knew of the +Messiahship of Jesus. And no one could believe in the Messiahship and +"resurrection" of Jesus, that is, in His Parousia, without presupposing +that Elias had in some way or other already come. This was therefore the +primary difficulty of the disciples, the stumbling-block which Jesus must +remove for them by making the same revelation concerning the Baptist to +them as to the people. It is also once more abundantly clear that +expectation was directed at that time primarily to the coming of +Elias.(292) But since the whole eschatological movement arose out of the +Baptist's preaching, the natural conclusion is that by "him who was to +come after" and baptize with the Holy Spirit John meant, not the Messiah, +but Elias. + +But if the non-appearance of Elias was the primary difficulty of the +disciples in connexion with the Messiahship of Jesus and all that it +implied, why does it only strike the "three," and moreover, all three of +them together, now, and not at Caesarea Philippi?(293) How could Peter +there have declared it and here be still labouring with the rest over the +difficulty which stood in the way of his own declaration? To make the +narrative coherent, the transfiguration, as being a revelation of the +Messiahship, ought to precede the incident at Caesarea Philippi. Now let +us look at the connexion in which it actually occurs. It falls in that +inexplicable section Mark viii. 34-ix. 30 in which the multitude suddenly +appears in the company of Jesus who is sojourning in a Gentile district, +only to disappear again, equally enigmatically, afterwards, when He sets +out for Galilee, instead of accompanying Him back to their own country. + +In this section everything points to the situation during the days at +Bethsaida after the return of the disciples from their mission. Jesus is +surrounded by the people, while what He desires is to be alone with His +immediate followers. The disciples make use of the healing powers which He +had bestowed upon them when sending them forth, and have the experience of +finding that they are not in all cases adequate (Mark ix. 14-29). The +mountain to which He takes the "three" is not a mountain in the north, or +as some have suggested, an imaginary mountain of the Evangelist, but the +same to which Jesus went up to pray and to be alone on the evening of the +feeding of the multitude (Mark vi. 46 and ix. 2). The house to which He +goes after His return from the transfiguration is therefore to be placed +at Bethsaida. + +Another thing which points to a sojourn at Bethsaida after the feeding of +the multitude is the story of the healing of the blind man at Bethsaida +(Mark viii. 22-26). + +The circumstances, therefore, which we have to presuppose are that Jesus +is surrounded and thronged by the people at Bethsaida. In order to be +alone He once more puts the Jordan between Himself and the multitude, and +goes with the "three" to the mountain where He had prayed after the +feeding of the five thousand. This is the only way in which we can +understand how the people failed to follow Him, and He was able really to +carry out His plan. + +But how could this story be torn out of its natural context and its scene +removed to Caesarea Philippi, where it is both on external and internal +grounds impossible? What we need to notice is the Marcan account of the +events which followed the sending forth of the disciples. We have two +stories of the feeding of the multitude with a crossing of the lake after +each (Mark vi. 31-56, Mark viii. 1-22), two stories of Jesus going away +towards the north with the same motive, that of being alone and +unrecognised. The first time, after the controversy about the washing of +hands, His course is directed towards Tyre (Mark vii. 24-30), the second +time, after the demand for a sign, he goes into the district of Caesarea +Philippi (Mark viii. 27). The scene of the controversy about the washing +of hands is some locality in the plain of Gennesareth (Mark vi. 53 ff); +Dalmanutha is named as the place where the sign was demanded (Mark viii. +10 ff.). + +The most natural conclusion is to identify the two cases of feeding the +multitude, and the two journeys northwards. In that case we should have in +the section Mark vi. 31-ix. 30, two sets of narratives worked into one +another, both recounting how Jesus, after the disciples came back to Him, +went with them from Capernaum to the northern shore of the lake, was there +surprised by the multitude, and after the meal which He gave them, crossed +the Jordan by boat to Bethsaida, stayed there for a while, and then +returned again by ship to the country of Gennesareth, and was there again +overtaken and surrounded by the people; then after some controversial +encounters with the Scribes, who at the report of His miracles had come +down from Jerusalem (Mark vii. 1), left Galilee and again went +northwards.(294) + +The seams at the joining of the narratives can be recognised in Mark vii. +31, where Jesus is suddenly transferred from the north to Decapolis, and +in the saying in Mark viii. 14 ff., which makes explicit reference to the +two miracles of feeding the multitude. Whether the Evangelist himself +worked these two sets of narratives together, or whether he found them +already united, cannot be determined, and is not of any direct historical +interest. The disorder is in any case so complete that we cannot fully +reconstruct each of the separate sets of narratives. + +The external reasons why the narratives of Mark viii. 34-ix. 30, of which +the scene is on the northern shore of the lake, are placed in this way +after the incident of Caesarea Philippi are not difficult to grasp. The +section contains an impressive discourse to the people on following Jesus +in His sufferings, crucifixion, and death (Mark viii. 34-ix. 1). For this +reason the whole series of scenes is attached to the revelation of the +secret of the suffering of the Son of Man; and the redactor did not stop +to think how the people could suddenly appear, and as suddenly disappear +again. The statement, too, "He called the people with the disciples" (Mark +viii. 34), helped to mislead him into inserting the section at this point, +although this very remark points to the circumstances of the time just +after the return of the disciples, when Jesus was sometimes alone with the +disciples, and sometimes calls the eager multitude about Him. + +The whole scene belongs, therefore, to the days which He spent at +Bethsaida, and originally followed immediately upon the crossing of the +lake, after the feeding of the multitude. It was after Jesus had been six +days surrounded by the people, not six days after the revelation at +Caesarea Philippi, that the "transfiguration" took place (Mark ix. 2). On +this assumption, all the difficulties of the incident at Caesarea Philippi +are cleared up in a moment; there is no longer anything strange in the +fact that Peter declares to Jesus who He really is, while Jesus appears +neither surprised nor especially rejoiced at the insight of His disciple. +The transfiguration had, in fact, been the revelation of the secret of the +Messiahship to the three who constituted the inner circle of the +disciples.(295) And Jesus had not Himself revealed it to them; what had +happened was, that in a state of rapture common to them all, in which they +had seen the Master in a glorious transfiguration, they had seen Him +talking with Moses and Elias and had heard a voice from heaven saying, +"This is my beloved Son, hear ye Him." + +We must always make a fresh effort to realise to ourselves, that Jesus and +His immediate followers were, at that time, in an enthusiastic state of +intense eschatological expectation. We must picture them among the people, +who were filled with penitence for their sins, and with faith in the +Kingdom, hourly expecting the coming of the Kingdom, and the revelation of +Jesus as the Son of Man, seeing in the eager multitude itself a sign that +their reckoning of the time was correct; thus the psychological conditions +were present for a common ecstatic experience such as is described in the +account of the transfiguration. + +In this ecstasy the "three" heard the voice from heaven saying who He was. +Therefore, the Matthaean report, according to which Jesus praises Simon +"because flesh and blood have not revealed it to him, but the Father who +is in heaven," is not really at variance with the briefer Marcan account, +since it rightly indicates the source of Peter's knowledge. + +Nevertheless Jesus was astonished. For Peter here disregarded the command +given during the descent from the mount of transfiguration. He had +"betrayed" to the Twelve Jesus' consciousness of His Messiahship. One +receives the impression that Jesus did not put the question to the +disciples in order to reveal Himself to them as Messiah, and that by the +impulsive speech of Peter, upon whose silence He had counted because of +His command, and to whom He had not specially addressed the question, He +was forced to take a different line of action in regard to the Twelve from +what He had intended. It is probable that He had never had the intention +of revealing the secret of His Messiahship to the disciples. Otherwise He +would not have kept it from them at the time of their mission, when He did +not expect them to return before the Parousia. Even at the transfiguration +the "three" do not learn it from His lips, but in a state of ecstasy, an +ecstasy which He shared with them. At Caesarea Philippi it is not He, but +Peter, who reveals His Messiahship. We may say, therefore, that Jesus did +not voluntarily give up His Messianic secret; it was wrung from Him by the +pressure of events. + +However that may be, from Caesarea Philippi onwards it was known to the +other disciples through Peter; what Jesus Himself revealed to them, was +the secret of his sufferings. + +Pfleiderer and Wrede were quite right in pointing to the clear and +definite predictions of the suffering, death, and resurrection as the +historically inexplicable element in our reports, since the necessity of +Jesus' death, by which modern theology endeavours to make His resolve and +His predictions intelligible, is not a necessity which arises out of the +historical course of events. There was not present any natural ground for +such a resolve on the part of Jesus. Had He returned to Galilee, He would +immediately have had the multitudes flocking after Him again. + +In order to make the historical possibility of the resolve to suffer and +the prediction of the sufferings in some measure intelligible, modern +theology has to ignore the prediction of the resurrection which is bound +up with them, for this is "dogmatic." That is, however, not permissible. +We must, as Wrede insists, take the words as they are, and must not even +indulge in ingenious explanations of the "three days." Therefore, the +resolve to suffer and to die are dogmatic; therefore, according to him, +they are unhistorical, and only to be explained by a literary hypothesis. + +But the thoroughgoing eschatological school says they are dogmatic, and +therefore historical; because they find their explanation in +eschatological conceptions. + +Wrede held that the Messianic conception implied in the Marcan narrative +is not the Jewish Messianic conception, just because of the thought of +suffering and death which it involves. No stress must be laid on the fact +that in Fourth Ezra vii. 29 the Christ dies and rises again, because His +death takes place at the end of the Messianic Kingdom.(296) The Jewish +Messiah is essentially a glorious being who shall appear in the last time. +True, but the case in which the Messiah should be present, prior to the +Parousia, should cause the final tribulations to come upon the earth, and +should Himself undergo them, does not arise in the Jewish eschatology as +described from without. It first arises with the self-consciousness of +Jesus. Therefore, the Jewish conception of the Messiah has no information +to give us upon this point. + +In order to understand Jesus' resolve to suffer, we must first recognise +that the mystery of this suffering is involved in the mystery of the +Kingdom of God, since the Kingdom cannot come until the {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} has +taken place. This certainty of suffering is quite independent of the +historic circumstances, as the beatitude on the persecuted in the sermon +on the mount, and the predictions in the discourse at the sending forth of +the Twelve, clearly show. Jesus' prediction of His own sufferings at +Caesarea Philippi is precisely as unintelligible, precisely as dogmatic, +and therefore precisely as historical as the prediction to the disciples +at the time of their mission. The "must be" of the sufferings is the +same--the coming of the Kingdom, and of the Parousia, which are dependent +upon the {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} having first taken place. + +In the first period Jesus' thoughts concerning His own sufferings were +included in the more general thought of the sufferings which formed part +of the mystery of the Kingdom of God. The exhortations to hold steadfastly +to Him in the time of trial, and not to lose faith in Him, certainly +tended to suggest that He thought of Himself as the central point amid +these conflicts and confusions, and reckoned on the possibility of His own +death as much as on that of others. Upon this point nothing more definite +can be said, since the mystery of Jesus' own sufferings does not detach +itself from the mystery of the sufferings connected with the Kingdom of +God until after the Messianic secret is made known at Caesarea Philippi. +What is certain is that, for Him, suffering was always associated with the +Messianic secret, since He placed His Parousia at the end of the pre- +Messianic tribulations in which He was to have His part. + +The suffering, death, and resurrection of which the secret was revealed at +Caesarea Philippi are not therefore in themselves new or surprising.(297) +The novelty lies in the form in which they are conceived. The tribulation, +so far as Jesus is concerned, is now connected with an historic event: He +will go to Jerusalem, there to suffer death at the hands of the +authorities. + +For the future, however, He no longer speaks of the general tribulation +which He is to bring upon the earth, nor of the sufferings which await His +followers, nor of the sufferings in which they must rally round Him. In +the predictions of the passion there is no word of that; at Jerusalem +there is no word of that. This thought disappears once for all. + +In the secret of His passion which Jesus reveals to the disciples at +Caesarea Philippi the pre-Messianic tribulation is for others set aside, +abolished, concentrated upon Himself alone, and that in the form that they +are fulfilled in His own passion and death at Jerusalem. That was the new +conviction that had dawned upon Him. He must suffer for others ... that +the Kingdom might come. + +This change was due to the non-fulfilment of the promises made in the +discourse at the sending forth of the Twelve. He had thought then to let +loose the final tribulation and so compel the coming of the Kingdom. And +the cataclysm had not occurred. He had expected it also after the return +of the disciples. In Bethsaida, in speaking to the multitude which He had +consecrated by the foretaste of the Messianic feast, as also to the +disciples at the time of their mission, He had turned their thoughts to +things to come and had adjured them to be prepared to suffer with Him, to +give up their lives, not to be ashamed of Him in His humiliation, since +otherwise the Son of Man would be ashamed of them when He came in glory +(Mark viii. 34-ix. 1).(298) + +In leaving Galilee He abandoned the hope that the final tribulation would +begin of itself. If it delays, that means that there is still something to +be done, and yet another of the violent must lay violent hands upon the +Kingdom of God. The movement of repentance had not been sufficient. When, +in accordance with His commission, by sending forth the disciples with +their message, he hurled the fire-brand which should kindle the fiery +trials of the Last Time, the flame went out. He had not succeeded in +sending the sword on earth and stirring up the conflict. And until the +time of trial had come, the coming of the Kingdom and His own +manifestation as Son of Man were impossible. + +That meant--not that the Kingdom was not near at hand--but that God had +appointed otherwise in regard to the time of trial. He had heard the +Lord's Prayer in which Jesus and His followers prayed for the coming of +the Kingdom--and at the same time, for deliverance from the {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~}. The +time of trial was not come; therefore God in His mercy and omnipotence had +eliminated it from the series of eschatological events, and appointed to +Him whose commission had been to bring it about, instead to accomplish it +in His own person. As He who was to rule over the members of the Kingdom +in the future age, He was appointed to serve them in the present, to give +His life for them, the many (Mark x. 45 and xiv. 24), and to make in His +own blood the atonement which they would have had to render in the +tribulation. + +The Kingdom could not come until the debt which weighed upon the world was +discharged. Until then, not only the now living believers, but the chosen +of all generations since the beginning of the world wait for their +manifestation in glory--Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob and all the countless +unknown who should come from the East and from the West to sit at tables +with them at the Messianic feast (Matt. viii. 11). The enigmatic {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH OXIA~} +for whom Jesus dies are those predestined to the Kingdom, since His death +must at last compel the Coming of the Kingdom.(299) + +This thought Jesus found in the prophecies of Isaiah, which spoke of the +suffering Servant of the Lord. The mysterious description of Him who in +His humiliation was despised and misunderstood, who, nevertheless bears +the guilt of others and afterwards is made manifest in what He has done +for them, points, He feels, to Himself. + +And since He found it there set down that He must suffer unrecognised, and +that those for whom He suffered should doubt Him, His suffering should, +nay must, remain a mystery. In that case those who doubted Him would not +bring condemnation upon themselves. He no longer needs to adjure them for +their own sakes to be faithful to Him and to stand by Him even amid +reproach and humiliation; He can calmly predict to His disciples that they +shall all be offended in Him and shall flee (Mark xiv. 26, 27); He can +tell Peter, who boasts that he will die with Him, that before the dawn he +shall deny Him thrice (Mark xiv. 29-31); all that is so set down in the +Scripture. They must doubt Him. But now they shall not lose their +blessedness, for He bears all sins and transgressions. That, too, is +buried in the atonement which He offers. + +Therefore, also, there is no need for them to understand His secret. He +spoke of it to them without any explanation. It is sufficient that they +should know why He goes up to Jerusalem. They, on their part, are thinking +only of the coming transformation of all things, as their conversation +shows. The prospect which He has opened up to them is clear enough; the +only thing that they do not understand is why He must first die at +Jerusalem. The first time that Peter ventured to speak to Him about it, He +had turned on him with cruel harshness, had almost cursed him (Mark viii. +32, 33); from that time forward they no longer dared to ask Him anything +about it. The new thought of His own passion has its basis therefore in +the authority with which Jesus was armed to bring about the beginning of +the final tribulation. Ethically regarded, His taking the suffering upon +Himself is an act of mercy and compassion towards those who would +otherwise have had to bear these tribulations, and perhaps would not have +stood the test. Historically regarded, the thought of His sufferings +involves the same lofty treatment both of history and eschatology as was +manifested in the identification of the Baptist with Elias. For now He +identifies His condemnation and execution, which are to take place on +natural lines, with the predicted pre-Messianic tribulations. This +imperious forcing of eschatology into history is also its destruction; its +assertion and abandonment at the same time. + +Towards Passover, therefore, Jesus sets out for Jerusalem, solely in order +to die there.(300) "It is," says Wrede, "beyond question the opinion of +Mark that Jesus went to Jerusalem because He had decided to die; that is +obvious even from the details of the story." It is therefore a mistake to +speak of Jesus as "teaching" in Jerusalem. He has no intention of doing +so. As a prophet He foretells in veiled parabolic form the offence which +must come (Mark xii. 1-12), exhorts men to watch for the Parousia, +pictures the nature of the judgment which the Son of Man shall hold, and, +for the rest, thinks only how He can so provoke the Pharisees and the +rulers that they will be compelled to get rid of Him. That is why He +violently cleanses the Temple, and attacks the Pharisees, in the presence +of the people, with passionate invective. + +From the revelation at Caesarea Philippi onward, all that belongs to the +history of Jesus, in the strict sense, are the events which lead up to His +death; or, to put it more accurately, the events in which He Himself is +the sole actor. The other things which happen, the questions which are +laid before Him for decision, the episodic incidents which occur in those +days, have nothing to do with the real "Life of Jesus," since they +contribute nothing to the decisive issue, but merely form the anecdotic +fringes of the real outward and inward event, the deliberate bringing down +of death upon Himself. + +It is in truth surprising that He succeeded in transforming into history +this resolve which had its roots in dogma, and really dying alone. Is it +not almost unintelligible that His disciples were not involved in His +fate? Not even the disciple who smote with the sword was arrested along +with Him (Mark xiv. 47); Peter, recognised in the courtyard of the High +Priest's house as one who had been with Jesus the Nazarene, is allowed to +go free. + +For a moment indeed, Jesus believes that the "three" are destined to share +His fate, not from any outward necessity, but because they had professed +themselves able to suffer the last extremities with Him. The sons of +Zebedee, when He asked them whether, in order to sit at His right hand and +His left, they are prepared to drink His cup and be baptized with His +baptism, had declared that they were, and thereupon He had predicted that +they should do so (Mark x. 38, 39). Peter again had that very night, in +spite of the warning of Jesus, sworn that he would go even unto death with +Him (Mark xiv. 30, 31). Hence He is conscious of a higher possibility that +these three are to go through the trial with Him. He takes them with Him +to Gethsemane and bids them remain near Him and watch with Him. And since +they do not perceive the danger of the hour, He adjures them to watch and +pray. They are to pray that they may not have to pass through the trial +({~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH DASIA AND OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON WITH PSILI AND OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER LAMDA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}) since, though the spirit is willing, the +flesh is weak. Amid His own sore distress He is anxious about them and +their capacity to share His trial as they had declared their willingness +to do.(301) + +Here also it is once more made clear that for Jesus the necessity of His +death is grounded in dogma, not in external historical facts. Above the +dogmatic eschatological necessity, however, there stands the omnipotence +of God, which is bound by no limitations. As Jesus in the Lord's Prayer +had taught His followers to pray for deliverance from the {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~}, and +as in His fears for the three He bids them pray for the same thing, so now +He Himself prays for deliverance, even in this last moment when He knows +that the armed band which is coming to arrest Him is already on the way. +Literal history does not exist for Him, only the will of God; and this is +exalted even above eschatological necessity. + +But how did this exact agreement between the fate of Jesus and His +predictions come about? Why did the authorities strike at Him only, not at +His whole following, not even at the disciples? He was arrested and +condemned on account of His Messianic claims. But how did the High Priest +know that Jesus claimed to be the Messiah? And why does he put the +accusation as a direct question without calling witnesses in support of +it? Why was the attempt first made to bring up a saying about the Temple +which could be interpreted as blasphemy in order to condemn Him on this +ground (Mark xiv. 57-59)? Before that again, as is evident from Mark's +account, they had brought up a whole crowd of witnesses in the hope of +securing evidence sufficient to justify His condemnation; and the attempt +had not succeeded. + +It was only after all these attempts had failed that the High Priest +brought his accusation concerning the Messianic claim, and he did so +without citing the three necessary witnesses. Why so? Because he had not +got them. The condemnation of Jesus depended on His own admission. That +was why they had endeavoured to convict Him upon other charges.(302) + +This wholly unintelligible feature of the trial confirms what is evident +also from the discourses and attitude of Jesus at Jerusalem, viz. that He +had not been held by the multitude to be the Messiah, that the idea of His +making such claims had not for a moment occurred to them--lay in fact for +them quite beyond the range of possibility. Therefore He cannot have made +a Messianic entry. + +According to Havet, Brandt, Wellhausen, Dalman, and Wrede the ovation at +the entry had no Messianic character whatever. It is wholly mistaken, as +Wrede quite rightly remarks, to represent matters as if the Messianic +ovation was forced upon Jesus--that He accepted it with inner repugnance +and in silent passivity. For that would involve the supposition that the +people had for a moment regarded Him as Messiah and then afterwards had +shown themselves as completely without any suspicion of His Messiahship as +though they had in the interval drunk of the waters of Lethe. The exact +opposite is true: Jesus Himself made the preparations for the Messianic +entry. Its Messianic features were due to His arrangements. He made a +point of riding upon the ass, not because He was weary, but because He +desired that the Messianic prophecy of Zech. ix. 9 should be secretly +fulfilled. + +The entry is therefore a Messianic act on the part of Jesus, an action in +which His consciousness of His office breaks through, as it did at the +sending forth of the disciples, in the explanation that the Baptist was +Elias, and in the feeding of the multitude. But others can have had no +suspicion of the Messianic significance of that which was going on before +their eyes. The entry into Jerusalem was therefore Messianic for Jesus, +but not Messianic for the people. + +But what was He for the people? Here Wrede's theory that He was a teacher +again refutes itself. In the triumphal entry there is more than the +ovation offered to a teacher. The jubilations have reference to "Him who +is to come"; it is to Him that the acclamations are offered and because of +Him that the people rejoice in the nearness of the Kingdom, as in Mark, +the cries of jubilation show; for here, as Dalman rightly remarks, there +is actually no mention of the Messiah. + +Jesus therefore made His entry into Jerusalem as the Prophet, as Elias. +That is confirmed by Matthew (xxi. 11), although Matthew gives a Messianic +colouring to the entry itself by bringing in the acclamation in which He +was designated the Son of David, just as, conversely, he reports the +Baptist's question rightly, and introduces it wrongly, by making the +Baptist hear of the "works of the Christ." + +Was Mark conscious, one wonders, that it was not a Messianic entry that he +was reporting? We do not know. It is not inherently impossible that, as +Wrede asserts, "he had no real view concerning the historical life of +Jesus," did not know whether Jesus was recognised as Messiah, and took no +interest in the question from an historical point of view. Fortunately for +us! For that is why he simply hands on tradition and does not write a Life +of Jesus. + +The Marcan hypothesis went astray in conceiving this Gospel as a Life of +Jesus written with either complete or partial historical consciousness, +and interpreting it on these lines, on the sole ground that it only brings +in the name Son of Man twice prior to the incident at Caesarea Philippi. +The Life of Jesus cannot be arrived at by following the arrangement of a +single Gospel, but only on the basis of the tradition which is preserved +more or less faithfully in the earliest pair of Synoptic Gospels. + +Questions of literary priority, indeed literary questions in general, have +in the last resort, as Keim remarked long ago, nothing to do with the +gaining of a clear idea of the course of events, since the Evangelists had +not themselves a clear idea of it before their minds; it can only be +arrived at hypothetically by an experimental reconstruction based on the +necessary inner connexion of the incidents. + +But who could possibly have had in early times a clear conception of the +Life of Jesus? Even its most critical moments were totally unintelligible +to the disciples who had themselves shared in the experiences, and who +were the only sources for the tradition. + +They were simply swept through these events by the momentum of the purpose +of Jesus. That is why the tradition is incoherent. The reality had been +incoherent too, since it was only the secret Messianic self-consciousness +of Jesus which created alike the events and their connexion. Every Life of +Jesus remains therefore a reconstruction on the basis of a more or less +accurate insight into the nature of the dynamic self-consciousness of +Jesus which created the history. + +The people, whatever Mark may have thought, did not offer Jesus a +Messianic ovation at all; it was He who, in the conviction that they were +wholly unable to recognise it, played with His Messianic self- +consciousness before their eyes, just as He did at the time after the +sending forth of the disciples, when, as now, He thought the end at hand. +It was in the same way, too, that He closed the invective against the +Pharisees with the words "I say unto you, ye shall see me no more until ye +shall say, Blessed is he that cometh in the name of the Lord" (Matt. +xxiii. 39). This saying implies His Parousia. + +Similarly He is playing with His secret in that crucial question regarding +the Messiahship in Mark xii. 35-37. There is no question of dissociating +the Davidic Sonship from the Messiahship.(303) He asks only how can the +Christ in virtue of His descent from David be, as his son, inferior to +David, and yet be addressed by David in the Psalm as his Lord? The answer +is; by reason of the metamorphosis and Parousia in which natural +relationships are abolished and the scion of David's line who is the +predestined Son of Man shall take possession of His unique glory. + +Far from rejecting the Davidic Sonship in this saying, Jesus, on the +contrary, presupposes His possession of it. That raises the question +whether He did not really during His lifetime regard Himself as a +descendant of David and whether He was not regarded as such. Paul, who +otherwise shows no interest in the earthly phase of the existence of the +Lord, certainly implies His descent from David. + +The blind man at Jericho, too, cries out to the Nazarene prophet as "Son +of David" (Mark x. 47). But in doing so he does not mean to address Jesus +as Messiah, for afterwards, when he is brought to Him he simply calls Him +"Rabbi" (Mark x. 51). And the people thought nothing further about what he +had said. When the expectant people bid him keep silence they do not do so +because the expression Son of David offends them, but because his clamour +annoys them. Jesus, however, was struck by this cry, stood still and +caused him, as he was standing timidly behind the eager multitude, to be +brought to Him. It is possible, of course, that this address is a mere +mistake in the tradition, the same tradition which unsuspectingly brought +in the expression Son of Man at the wrong place. + +So much, however, is certain: the people were not made aware of the +Messiahship of Jesus by the cry of the blind man any more than by the +outcries of the demoniacs. The entry into Jerusalem was not a Messianic +ovation. All that history is concerned with is that this fact should be +admitted on all hands. Except Jesus and the disciples, therefore, no one +knew the secret of His Messiahship even in those days at Jerusalem. But +the High Priest suddenly showed himself in possession of it. How? Through +the betrayal of Judas. + +For a hundred and fifty years the question has been historically discussed +why Judas betrayed his Master. That the main question for history was +_what he betrayed_ was suspected by few and they touched on it only in a +timid kind of way--indeed the problems of the trial of Jesus may be said to +have been non-existent for criticism. + +The traitorous act of Judas cannot have consisted in informing the +Sanhedrin where Jesus was to be found at a suitable place for an arrest. +They could have had that information more cheaply by causing Jesus to be +watched by spies. But Mark expressly says that Judas when he betrayed +Jesus did not yet know of a favourable opportunity for the arrest, but was +seeking such an opportunity. Mark xiv. 10, 11, "And Judas Iscariot, one of +the twelve, went unto the chief priests, to betray him unto them. And when +they heard it, they were glad, and promised to give him money. And he +sought how he might conveniently betray him." + +In the betrayal, therefore, there were two points, a more general and a +more special: the general fact by which he gave Jesus into their power, +and the undertaking to let them know of the next opportunity when they +could arrest Him quietly, without publicity. The betrayal by which he +brought his Master to death, in consequence of which the rulers decided +upon the arrest, knowing that their cause was safe in any case, was the +betrayal of the Messianic secret. Jesus died because two of His disciples +had broken His command of silence: Peter when he made known the secret of +the Messiahship to the Twelve at Caesarea Philippi; Judas Iscariot by +communicating it to the High Priest. But the difficulty was that Judas was +the sole witness. Therefore the betrayal was useless so far as the actual +trial was concerned unless Jesus admitted the charge. So they first tried +to secure His condemnation on other grounds, and only when these attempts +broke down did the High Priest put, in the form of a question, the charge +in support of which he could have brought no witnesses. + +But Jesus immediately admitted it, and strengthened the admission by an +allusion to His Parousia in the near future as Son of Man. + +The betrayal and the trial can only be rightly understood when it is +realised that the public knew nothing whatever of the secret of the +Messiahship.(304) + +It is the same in regard to the scene in the presence of Pilate. The +people on that morning knew nothing of the trial of Jesus, but came to +Pilate with the sole object of asking the release of a prisoner, as was +the custom at the feast (Mark xv. 6-8). The idea then occurs to Pilate, +who was just about to hand over, willingly enough, this troublesome fellow +and prophet to the priestly faction, to play off the people against the +priests and work on the multitude to petition for the release of Jesus. In +this way he would have secured himself on both sides. He would have +condemned Jesus to please the priests, and after condemning Him would have +released Him to please the people. The priests are greatly embarrassed by +the presence of the multitude. They had done everything so quickly and +quietly that they might well have hoped to get Jesus crucified before any +one knew what was happening or had had time to wonder at His non- +appearance in the Temple. + +The priests therefore go among the people and induce them not to agree to +the Procurator's proposal. How? By telling them why He was condemned, by +revealing to them the Messianic secret. That makes Him at once from a +prophet worthy of honour into a deluded enthusiast and blasphemer. That +was the explanation of the "fickleness" of the Jerusalem mob which is +always so eloquently described, without any evidence for it except this +single inexplicable case. + +At midday of the same day--it was the 14th Nisan, and in the evening the +Paschal lamb would be eaten--Jesus cried aloud and expired. He had chosen +to remain fully conscious to the last. + + + + + +XX. RESULTS + + +Those who are fond of talking about negative theology can find their +account here. There is nothing more negative than the result of the +critical study of the Life of Jesus. + +The Jesus of Nazareth who came forward publicly as the Messiah, who +preached the ethic of the Kingdom of God, who founded the Kingdom of +Heaven upon earth, and died to give His work its final consecration, never +had any existence. He is a figure designed by rationalism, endowed with +life by liberalism, and clothed by modern theology in an historical garb. + +This image has not been destroyed from without, it has fallen to pieces, +cleft and disintegrated by the concrete historical problems which came to +the surface one after another, and in spite of all the artifice, art, +artificiality, and violence which was applied to them, refused to be +planed down to fit the design on which the Jesus of the theology of the +last hundred and thirty years had been constructed, and were no sooner +covered over than they appeared again in a new form. The thoroughgoing +sceptical and the thoroughgoing eschatological school have only completed +the work of destruction by linking the problems into a system and so +making an end of the _Divide et impera_ of modern theology, which +undertook to solve each of them separately, that is, in a less difficult +form. Henceforth it is no longer permissible to take one problem out of +the series and dispose of it by itself, since the weight of the whole +hangs upon each. + +Whatever the ultimate solution may be, the historical Jesus of whom the +criticism of the future, taking as its starting-point the problems which +have been recognised and admitted, will draw the portrait, can never +render modern theology the services which it claimed from its own half- +historical, half-modern, Jesus. He will be a Jesus, who was Messiah, and +lived as such, either on the ground of a literary fiction of the earliest +Evangelist, or on the ground of a purely eschatological Messianic +conception. + +In either case, He will not be a Jesus Christ to whom the religion of the +present can ascribe, according to its long-cherished custom, its own +thoughts and ideas, as it did with the Jesus of its own making. Nor will +He be a figure which can be made by a popular historical treatment so +sympathetic and universally intelligible to the multitude. The historical +Jesus will be to our time a stranger and an enigma. + +The study of the Life of Jesus has had a curious history. It set out in +quest of the historical Jesus, believing that when it had found Him it +could bring Him straight into our time as a Teacher and Saviour. It loosed +the bands by which He had been riveted for centuries to the stony rocks of +ecclesiastical doctrine, and rejoiced to see life and movement coming into +the figure once more, and the historical Jesus advancing, as it seemed, to +meet it. But He does not stay; He passes by our time and returns to His +own. What surprised and dismayed the theology of the last forty years was +that, despite all forced and arbitrary interpretations, it could not keep +Him in our time, but had to let Him go. He returned to His own time, not +owing to the application of any historical ingenuity, but by the same +inevitable necessity by which the liberated pendulum returns to its +original position. + +The historical foundation of Christianity as built up by rationalistic, by +liberal, and by modern theology no longer exists; but that does not mean +that Christianity has lost its historical foundation. The work which +historical theology thought itself bound to carry out, and which fell to +pieces just as it was nearing completion, was only the brick facing of the +real immovable historical foundation which is independent of any +historical confirmation or justification. + +Jesus means something to our world because a mighty spiritual force +streams forth from Him and flows through our time also. This fact can +neither be shaken nor confirmed by any historical discovery. It is the +solid foundation of Christianity. + +The mistake was to suppose that Jesus could come to mean more to our time +by entering into it as a man like ourselves. That is not possible. First +because such a Jesus never existed. Secondly because, although historical +knowledge can no doubt introduce greater clearness into an existing +spiritual life, it cannot call spiritual life into existence. History can +destroy the present; it can reconcile the present with the past; can even +to a certain extent transport the present into the past; but to contribute +to the making of the present is not given unto it. + +But it is impossible to over-estimate the value of what German research +upon the Life of Jesus has accomplished. It is a uniquely great expression +of sincerity, one of the most significant events in the whole mental and +spiritual life of humanity. What has been done for the religious life of +the present and the immediate future by scholars such as P. W. Schmidt, +Bousset, Juelicher, Weinel, Wernle--and their pupil Frenssen--and the others +who have been called to the task of bringing to the knowledge of wider +circles, in a form which is popular without being superficial, the results +of religious-historical study, only becomes evident when one examines the +literature and social culture of the Latin nations, who have been scarcely +if at all touched by the influence of these thinkers. + +And yet the time of doubt was bound to come. We modern theologians are too +proud of our historical method, too proud of our historical Jesus, too +confident in our belief in the spiritual gains which our historical +theology can bring to the world. The thought that we could build up by the +increase of historical knowledge a new and vigorous Christianity and set +free new spiritual forces, rules us like a fixed idea, and prevents us +from seeing that the task which we have grappled with and in some measure +discharged is only one of the intellectual preliminaries of the great +religious task. We thought that it was for us to lead our time by a +roundabout way through the historical Jesus, as we understood Him, in +order to bring it to the Jesus who is a spiritual power in the present. +This roundabout way has now been closed by genuine history. + +There was a danger of our thrusting ourselves between men and the Gospels, +and refusing to leave the individual man alone with the sayings of Jesus. + +There was a danger that we should offer them a Jesus who was too small, +because we had forced Him into conformity with our human standards and +human psychology. To see that, one need only read the Lives of Jesus +written since the 'sixties, and notice what they have made of the great +imperious sayings of the Lord, how they have weakened down His imperative +world-contemning demands upon individuals, that He might not come into +conflict with our ethical ideals, and might tune His denial of the world +to our acceptance of it. Many of the greatest sayings are found lying in a +corner like explosive shells from which the charges have been removed. No +small portion of elemental religious power needed to be drawn off from His +sayings to prevent them from conflicting with our system of religious +world-acceptance. We have made Jesus hold another language with our time +from that which He really held. + +In the process we ourselves have been enfeebled, and have robbed our own +thoughts of their vigour in order to project them back into history and +make them speak to us out of the past. It is nothing less than a +misfortune for modern theology that it mixes history with everything and +ends by being proud of the skill with which it finds its own thoughts--even +to its beggarly pseudo-metaphysic with which it has banished genuine +speculative metaphysic from the sphere of religion--in Jesus, and +represents Him as expressing them. It had almost deserved the reproach: +"he who putteth his hand to the plough, and looketh back, is not fit for +the Kingdom of God." + +It was no small matter, therefore, that in the course of the critical +study of the Life of Jesus, after a resistance lasting for two +generations, during which first one expedient was tried and then another, +theology was forced by genuine history to begin to doubt the artificial +history with which it had thought to give new life to our Christianity, +and to yield to the facts, which, as Wrede strikingly said, are sometimes +the most radical critics of all. History will force it to find a way to +transcend history, and to fight for the lordship and rule of Jesus over +this world with weapons tempered in a different forge. + +We are experiencing what Paul experienced. In the very moment when we were +coming nearer to the historical Jesus than men had ever come before, and +were already stretching out our hands to draw Him into our own time, we +have been obliged to give up the attempt and acknowledge our failure in +that paradoxical saying: "If we have known Christ after the flesh yet +henceforth know we Him no more." And further we must be prepared to find +that the historical knowledge of the personality and life of Jesus will +not be a help, but perhaps even an offence to religion. + +But the truth is, it is not Jesus as historically known, but Jesus as +spiritually arisen within men, who is significant for our time and can +help it. Not the historical Jesus, but the spirit which goes forth from +Him and in the spirits of men strives for new influence and rule, is that +which overcomes the world. + +It is not given to history to disengage that which is abiding and eternal +in the being of Jesus from the historical forms in which it worked itself +out, and to introduce it into our world as a living influence. It has +toiled in vain at this undertaking. As a water-plant is beautiful so long +as it is growing in the water, but once torn from its roots, withers and +becomes unrecognisable, so it is with the historical Jesus when He is +wrenched loose from the soil of eschatology, and the attempt is made to +conceive Him "historically" as a Being not subject to temporal conditions. +The abiding and eternal in Jesus is absolutely independent of historical +knowledge and can only be understood by contact with His spirit which is +still at work in the world. In proportion as we have the Spirit of Jesus +we have the true knowledge of Jesus. + +Jesus as a concrete historical personality remains a stranger to our time, +but His spirit, which lies hidden in His words, is known in simplicity, +and its influence is direct. Every saying contains in its own way the +whole Jesus. The very strangeness and unconditionedness in which He stands +before us makes it easier for individuals to find their own personal +standpoint in regard to Him. + +Men feared that to admit the claims of eschatology would abolish the +significance of His words for our time; and hence there was a feverish +eagerness to discover in them any elements that might be considered not +eschatologically conditioned. When any sayings were found of which the +wording did not absolutely imply an eschatological connexion there was +great jubilation--these at least had been saved uninjured from the coming +_debacle_. + +But in reality that which is eternal in the words of Jesus is due to the +very fact that they are based on an eschatological world-view, and contain +the expression of a mind for which the contemporary world with its +historical and social circumstances no longer had any existence. They are +appropriate, therefore, to any world, for in every world they raise the +man who dares to meet their challenge, and does not turn and twist them +into meaninglessness, above his world and his time, making him inwardly +free, so that he is fitted to be, in his own world and in his own time, a +simple channel of the power of Jesus. + +Modern Lives of Jesus are too general in their scope. They aim at +influencing, by giving a complete impression of the life of Jesus, a whole +community. But the historical Jesus, as He is depicted in the Gospels, +influenced individuals by the individual word. They understood Him so far +as it was necessary for them to understand, without forming any conception +of His life as a whole, since this in its ultimate aims remained a mystery +even for the disciples. + +Because it is thus preoccupied with the general, the universal, modern +theology is determined to find its world-accepting ethic in the teaching +of Jesus. Therein lies its weakness. The world affirms itself +automatically; the modern spirit cannot but affirm it. But why on that +account abolish the conflict between modern life, with the world-affirming +spirit which inspires it as a whole, and the world-negating spirit of +Jesus? Why spare the spirit of the individual man its appointed task of +fighting its way through the world-negation of Jesus, of contending with +Him at every step over the value of material and intellectual goods--a +conflict in which it may never rest? For the general, for the institutions +of society, the rule is: affirmation of the world, in conscious opposition +to the view of Jesus, on the ground that the world has affirmed itself! +This general affirmation of the world, however, if it is to be Christian, +must in the individual spirit be Christianised and transfigured by the +personal rejection of the world which is preached in the sayings of Jesus. +It is only by means of the tension thus set up that religious energy can +be communicated to our time. There was a danger that modern theology, for +the sake of peace, would deny the world-negation in the sayings of Jesus, +with which Protestantism was out of sympathy, and thus unstring the bow +and make Protestantism a mere sociological instead of a religious force. +There was perhaps also a danger of inward insincerity, in the fact that it +refused to admit to itself and others that it maintained its affirmation +of the world in opposition to the sayings of Jesus, simply because it +could not do otherwise. + +For that reason it is a good thing that the true historical Jesus should +overthrow the modern Jesus, should rise up against the modern spirit and +send upon earth, not peace, but a sword. He was not teacher, not a +casuist; He was an imperious ruler. It was because He was so in His inmost +being that He could think of Himself as the Son of Man. That was only the +temporally conditioned expression of the fact that He was an authoritative +ruler. The names in which men expressed their recognition of Him as such, +Messiah, Son of Man, Son of God, have become for us historical parables. +We can find no designation which expresses what He is for us. + +He comes to us as One unknown, without a name, as of old, by the lake- +side, He came to those men who knew Him not. He speaks to us the same +word: "Follow thou me!" and sets us to the tasks which He has to fulfil +for our time. He commands. And to those who obey Him, whether they be wise +or simple, He will reveal Himself in the toils, the conflicts, the +sufferings which they shall pass through in His fellowship, and, as an +ineffable mystery, they shall learn in their own experience Who He is. + + + + + +INDEX OF AUTHORS AND WORKS + + +(Including Reference To English Translations) + +Ammon, Christoph Friedrich von. Fortbildung des Christentums (Leipzig, + 1840); + Die Geschichte des Lebens Jesu mit steter Ruecksicht auf die vorhandenen + Quellen (1842-1847), 11, 97, 104 f., 117 f. + +Anonymous Works-- + Das Leben Napoleons kritisch geprueft. Aus dem Englischen (see under + Whateley) nebst einigen Nutzanwendungen auf das Leben-Jesu + von Strauss (1836), 112 + + Did Jesus live 100 B.C.? (London and Benares, Theosophical Publishing + Society, 1903), 327 + + Dr. Strauss und die Zuericher Kirche (Basle, 1839), 103 + + Wichtige Enthuellungen ueber die wirkliche Todesart Jesu (5th ed., + Leipzig, 1849); + Historische Enthuellungen ueber die wirklichen Ereignisse der Geburt und + Jugend Jesu (2nd ed., Leipzig, 1849), 161 f. + + Zwei Gespraeche ueber die Ansicht des Herrn Dr. Strauss von der + evangelischen Geschichte (Jena, 1839), 100 + +Baader, Franz. Ueber das Leben-Jesu von Strauss (Munich, 1836), 100 + +Bahrdt, Karl Friedrich. Briefe ueber die Bibel im Volkston (1782); + Ausfuehrung des Plans und Zwecks Jesu (1784-1792); + Die saemtlichen Reden Jesu aus den Evangelien ausgezogen (1786), 4, 5, + 38, 39 f., 46, 53, 59, 299, 313 + +Baldensperger, Wilhelm. Das Selbstbewusstsein Jesu im Lichte der + messianischen Hoffnungen seiner Zeit (Strassburg, 1888, 2nd + ed. 1892, 3rd ed. pt. i. 1903), 12, 233-237, 250, 266, 278 f., + 365, 366 + +Barth, Fritz. Die Hauptprobleme des Lebens Jesu (1st ed. 1899, 2nd ed. + 1903), 301 + +Bauer, Bruno. Kritik der evangelischen Geschichte des Johannes (Bremen, + 1840); + Kritik der evangelischen Geschichte der Synoptiker (Leipzig, 1841-1842); + Kritik der Evangelien und Geschichte ihres Ursprungs (Berlin, + 1850-1851); + Kritik der Apostelgeschichte (1850); + Kritik der Paulinischen Briefe (Berlin, 1850-1852); + Philo, Strauss, Renan und das Urchristentum (Berlin, 1874); + Christus und die Caesaren (Berlin, 1877); + Die gute Sache der Freiheit und meine eigene Angelegenheit (Zurich, + 1843), 5, 9, 10, 12, 137-160, 186 f., 221, 231, 256-258, 305 + f., 312, 315, 328, 332, 335 f., 338, 342, 346, 358, 368, 388 + +Baumer, Friedrich. Schwarz, Strauss, Renan (Leipzig, 1864), 191 + +Baur, Ferdinand Christian. Kritische Untersuchungen ueber die kanonischen + Evangelien (Tuebingen, 1847), 25, 58, 68, 87, 89, 124, 182, + 195, 201, 229 + +Bergh van Eysinga, Van den. Indische Einfluesse auf evangelische + Erzaehlungen (Goettingen, 1904), 290 + +Bernhard ter Haar (Utrecht). Zehn Vorlesungen ueber Renans "Leben-Jesu" + (German by H. Doermer, Gotha, 1864), 191 + +Beyschlag, Willibald. Ueber das Leben-Jesu von Renan (Berlin, 1864); + Das Leben-Jesu (pt. i. 1885, pt. ii. 1886, 2nd ed. 1887-1888), 6, 10, + 190, 215 f., 218 + +Binder, 68, 69 + +Bleby, H. W. The Trial of Jesus of Nazareth considered as a Judicial Act + (1880), 391 + +Bleek, 229, 231 + +Boeklen, E. Die Verwandtschaft der juedisch-christlichen und der parsischen + Eschatologie (1902), 287 + +Bolten, Johann Adrian. Der Bericht des Matthaeus von Jesu dem Messias + (Altona, 1792), 271, 276 + +Bosc, Ernest. La Vie esoterique de Jesus de Nazareth et les origines + orientales du christianisme (Paris, 1902), 294, 327 + +Bousset, Wilhelm. Jesu Predigt in ihrem Gegensatz zum Judentum. Ein + religionsgeschichtlicher Vergleich (Goettingen, 1892); + Die juedische Apokalyptik in ihrer religionsgeschichtlichen Herkunft und + ihrer Bedeutung fuer das Neue Testament (Berlin, 1903); + Die Religion des Judentums im neutestamentlichen Zeitalter (1902); + Was wissen wir von Jesus? Vortraege im Protestantenverein zu Bremen + (Halle, 1904); + Jesus (Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbuecher, herausgegeben von Schiele, + Halle, 1904) (English translation, _Jesus_, by J. P. + Trevelyan, London, 1906), 241-249, 255 f., 262, 264, 267, + 280, 300, 359, 398 + +Brandt, Wilhelm. Die evangelische Geschichte und der Ursprung des + Christentums auf Grund einer Kritik der Berichte ueber das + Leiden und die Auferstehung Jesu (Leipzig, 1893), 241, + 256-261, 267, 301, 309, 312, 313, 391 + +Bretschneider, Karl Gottlob, 85, 118 + +Brunner, Sebastian. Der Atheist Renan und sein Evangelium (Regensburg, + 1864), 190 + +Bugge, Chr. A. Die Hauptparabeln Jesu. (From the Norwegian) (Giessen, + 1903), 263 + +Bunsen, Christian Karl Josias, Ritter von. Das Leben Jesu, vol. ix. of + Bunsen's "Bibelwerk" (published by Holtzmann, 1865), 200 + +Cairns, John. Falsche Christi und der wahre Christus, oder Verteidigung + der evangelischen Geschichte gegen Strauss und Renan. Aus dem + Englischen uebersetzt (Hamburg, 1864) (_False Christ and the + True_, A sermon delivered before the National Bible Society of + Scotland, Edinburgh, 1864), 191 + +Capitaine, W. Jesus von Nazareth (Regensburg, 1905), 294 + +Cassel, Paulus. Bericht ueber Renans Leben-Jesu (Berlin, 1864), 191 + +"Casuar." Das Leben Luthers kritisch bearbeitet. Herausgegeben von Jul. + Ferd. Wurm ("Mexiko, 2836"), 112 + +Chamberlain, H. S. Worte Christi (1901), 310 + +Charles, R. H. "The Son of Man" (Expos. Times, 1893), 267 + +Colani, Timothee. Examen de la vie de Jesus de M. Renan (Strassburg, + 1864); + Jesus-Christ et les croyances messianiques de son temps (Strassburg, + 1864), 182, 189, 209, 221 f., 226, 229, 233, 248, 372 + +Cone, Orello. "Jesus' Self-designation in the Synoptic Gospels" (The New + World, 1893), 266 + +Coquerel, Athanase (jun.), 189, 209 + +Credner, 89 + +Dalman, Gustaf. Grammatik des juedisch-palaestinensischen Aramaeisch + (Leipzig, 1894); + Die Worte Jesu. Mit Beruecksichtigung des nachkanonischen Schrifttums und + der aramaeischen Sprache, I. (Leipzig, 1898) (authorised + English translation by D. M. Kay, _The Words of Jesus_, + Edinburgh, 1902), 269, 271, 273-275, 278, 279-281, 286-289, + 363, 391 f. + +Darboy, Georges. Lettre pastorale de Monseigneur l'Archeveque de Paris sur + la divinite de Jesus-Christ, et mandement pour le careme de + 1864, 188 + +Delff, Hugo. Geschichte des Rabbi Jesus von Nazareth (Leipzig, 1889), 11, + 323 + +Delitzsch, Franz, 273, 285 + +Deutlinger, Martin. Renan und das Wunder. Ein Beitrag zur christlichen + Apologetik (Munich, 1864), 190 + +Didon, Le Pere, de l'ordre des freres precheurs. Jesus Christ (Paris, + 1891, 2 vols., German, 1895) (English translation, _Jesus + Christ_, 2 vols., 1891), 295 + +Dieu, Louis de, 14 + +Dillmann, 223 + +Diodati, Dominicus, 271 + +Doederlein. Fragmente und Antifragmente (Nuremberg, 1778), 25 + +Dulk, Albert. Der Irrgang des Lebens Jesu. In geschichtlicher Auffassung + dargestellt (pt. i. 1884, pt. ii. 1885), 294, 324 + +Dupanloup, Felix Antoine Philibert, Eveque d'Orleans. Avertissement a la + jeunesse et aux peres de famille sur les attaques dirigees + contre la religion par quelques ecrivains de nos jours (Paris, + 1864), 188 + +Ebrard, August. Wissenschaftliche Kritik der evangelischen Geschichte + (Frankfort, 1842), 97, 116 f. + +Edersheim, Alfred. The Life and Times of Jesus the Messiah (London, 1st + ed. 1883, 3rd ed. 1886, 2 vols.), 233 + +Eerdmanns, B. E. "De Oorsprong van de uitdrukking 'Zoon des Menschen' als + evangelische Messiastitel" (Theol. Tijdschr., 1894), 276 + +Ehrhardt. Der Grundcharakter der Ethik Jesu in Verhaeltnis zu den + messianischen Hoffnungen seines Volkes und zu seinem eigenen + Messiasbewusstsein (Freiburg, 1895); + Le Principe de la morale de Jesus (Paris, 1896), 249 + +Eichhorn, Johann Gottfried, 78, 89 + +Emmerich, Anna Katharina. Das bittere Leiden unseres Herrn Jesu Christi. + Herausgegeben von Brentano (1858-1860, new ed. 1895) (English + translation, _The Dolorous Passion of Our Lord Jesus Christ_, + London, 1862); + Das Leben Jesu, 3 vols. (1858-1860), 109 f., 295 + +Ewald, Georg Heinrich August. "Geschichte Christus' und seiner Zeit," vol. + v. of the "Geschichte des Volkes Israel" (Goettingen, 1855, 2nd + ed. 1857), English translation of the _Life of Jesus Christ_, + by Octavius Glover (London, 1865); + Die drei ersten Evangelien (1850), 97, 117, 124, 135 + +Fiebig, Paul. Der Menschensohn (Tuebingen, 1901); + Altjuedische Gleichnisse und die Gleichnisse Jesu (Tuebingen, 1904), 278, + 286 + +Frantzen, Wilhelm. Die "Leben-Jesu-" Bewegung seit Strauss (Dorpat, 1898), + 12 + +Frenssen, Gustav. Hilligenlei (Berlin, 1905), pp. 462-593: "Die + Handschrift" (English translation, _Holy Land_, by M. A. + Hamilton, London, 1906), 293, 307-309, 398 + +Freppel, Charles Emile. Examen critique de la vie de Jesus de M. Renan + (Paris, 1864) (German by Kollmus, Vienna, 1864), 188, 190 + +Frick, Otto. Mythus und Evangelium (Heilbronn, 1879), 112 + +Furrer, Konrad. Vortraege ueber das Leben Jesu Christi (1902), 301 + +Gabler, 78 + +Gardner, P. Exploratio Evangelica. A Brief Examination of the Basis and + Origin of Christian Belief (1899, 2nd ed. 1907), 217 + +Gerlach, Hermann. Gegen Renans Leben-Jesu 1864 (Berlin), 191 + +Gfroerer, August Friedrich. Kritische Geschichte des Urchristentums (vol. + i. 1st ed. 1831, 2nd ed. 1835, vol. ii. 1838), 161, 163-166, + 195 + +Ghillany, Friedrich Wilhelm ("Richard von der Alm"). Theologische Briefe + an die Gebildeten der deutschen Nation (3 vols. 1863); + Die Urteile heidnischer und christlicher Schriftsteller der vier ersten + christlichen Jahrhunderte ueber Jesus (1864), 161, 166-172, + 240, 363 + +Godet, F. Das Leben Jesu vor seinem oeffentlichen Auftreten (German by M. + Reineck, Hanover, 1897), 217 + +Gratz, 89 + +Greiling. Das Leben Jesu von Nazareth (1813), 50 + +Gressman, Hugo, 234 + +Griesbach, Johann Jakob, 13, 89 + +Grimm, Eduard. Die Ethik Jesu (Hamburg, 1903), 320 + +Grimm, Joseph. Das Leben Jesu (Wuerzburg, 6 vols., 2nd ed. 1890-1903), 294 + +Grotius, Hugo, 270 + +Gunkel, Hermann, 277 + +Hagel, Maurus. Dr. Strauss' Leben-Jesu aus dens Standpunkt des + Katholicismus betrachtet (1839), 108 + +Hahn, Werner. Leben-Jesu (Berlin, 1844), 118 + +Haneberg, Daniel Bonifacius. Ernest Renans Leben-Jesu (Regensburg, 1864), + 190 + +Hanson, Sir Richard. The Jesus of History (1869), 202 + +Harless, Adolf. Die kritische Bearbeitung des Lebens Jesu von David + Friedrich Strauss nach ihrem wissenschaftlichen Werte + beleuchtet (Erlangen, 1836), 98 f. + +Harnack, Adolf, 242, 252, 314 + +Hartmann, Eduard von. Das Christentum des Neuen Testaments, 2nd ed. of the + "Briefe ueber die christliche Religion" (Sachsa-in-the-Harz, + 1905), 292, 318-320 + +Hartmann, Julius. Leben Jesu (2 vols., 1837-1839), 101 + +Hase, Karl August von. Das Leben Jesu (1st ed. 1829); + Geschichte Jesu (Leipzig, 1876), 4, 5, 10, 11, 12, 28, 58 f., 65, 72, + 81, 88, 99, 106, 116, 120, 162, 193, 214 f., 218, 220, 229 + +Haupt, Erich. Die eschatologischen Aussagen Jesu in den synoptischen + Evangelien (1895), 241, 250 f. + +Hausrath, Adolf. Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte (1st ed., Munich, 1868 + ff., 3rd ed., vol. i. 1879) (English translation, _A History + of the __ New Testament Times, The Time of Jesus_, by C. T. + Poynting and P. Quenzer, London, 1878), 214 + +Havet, Ernest. Jesus dans l'histoire. Examen de la vie de Jesus par M. + Renan. Extrait de la Revue des deux mondes (Paris, 1863); + Le Christianisme et ses origines, 3me ptie, Le Nouveau Testament (1884), + 189, 290, 328, 391 + +Hegel, Georg Friedrich Wilhelm, 49, 68 f., 79 f., 107, 111, 114 f., 122, + 137, 163, 165, 194 + +Hengstenberg, Ernst Wilhelm, 106 f., 111, 115, 143 + +Hennell, Charles Christian. An Inquiry concerning the Origin of + Christianity (London, 1838) (Untersuchungen ueber den Ursprung + des Christentums. Vorrede von David Friedrich Strauss, 1840), + 161 + +Herder, Johann Gottfried. Vom Erloeser der Menschen. Nach unsern drei + ersten Evangelien (1796); + Von Gottes Sohn, der Welt Heiland. Nach Johannes Evangelium (1797), 27, + 29, 34, 89, 203 + +Hess, Johann Jakob. Geschichte der drei letzten Lebensjahre Jesu (1768 + ff.), 4, 14, 27-31 + +Hilgenfeld, Adolf, 124, 222, 266 + +Hoekstra. "De Christologie van het canonieke Marcus-Evangelie, vergeleken + met die van de beide andere synoptische Evangelien" (Theol. + Tijdschrift, v., 1871), 328 + +Hoffmann, Wilhelm. Das Leben-Jesu kritisch bearbeitet von Dr. David Fried. + Strauss. Geprueft fuer Theologen und Nicht-Theologen (1836), 99 + +Holtzmann, Heinrich Julius, 10, 61, 125, 195, 200, 202-205, 209, 218, 220, + 229, 231, 235, 237, 277, 294 + +Holtzmann, Oskar. Das Leben Jesu, (1901) (English translation, _The Life + of Jesus_, by J. T. Bealby and Maurice A. Canney, London, + 1904); + Das Messianitaetsbewusstsein Jesu und seine neueste Bestreitung. Vortrag + (1902); + War Jesus Ekstatiker? (Tuebingen, 1903), 208, 293, 295-300, 306 f., 308, + 312, 359 + +Hug, Leonhard. Gutachten ueber das Leben-Jesu, kritisch bearbeitet von D. + Fr. Strauss (Freiburg, 1840), 97, 108, 109, 271 + +Ingraham, J. H. The Prince of the House of David (London, 1859) (Der Fuerst + aus Davids Hause, new ed., 1896, Brunswick), 326 + +Inchofer, 270 + +Issel, 237 + +Jacobi, Johann Adolf. Die Geschichte Jesu fuer denkende und gemuetvolle + Leser (1816), 27, 34 + +Jonge, De. Jeschua. Der klassische juedische Mann. Zerstoerung des + kirchlichen, Enthuellung des juedischen Jesus-Bildes (Berlin, + 1904), 293, 321 f. + +Juelicher, Adolf. Die Gleichnisreden Jesu (pt. i. 1888, pt. ii. 1899); + Die Kultur der Gegenwart (Teubner, Berlin, 1905), pp. 40-69; + "Jesus," 241, 262-264, 286, 290, 320, 398 + +Kalthoff, Albert. Das Christus-Problem. Grundlinien zu einer + Sozialtheologie (Leipzig, 1902); + Die Entstehung des Christentums. Neue Beitraege zum Christus-Problem + (Leipzig, 1904) (English translation, _The Rise of + Christianity_, by Joseph M'Cabe, London, 1907); + Das Leben Jesu. Reden gehalten im prot. Reformverein zu Berlin (1880); + Was wissen wir von Jesus? Eine Abrechnung mit Professor Bousset in + Goettingen (Berlin, 1904), 293, 314-318 + +Kant, Emmanuel, 50, 105, 322 + +Kapp, W. Das Christus-und Christentum-Problem bei Kalthoff (Strassburg, + 1905), 318 + +Kautzsch, Emil Friedrich, 271 + +Keim, Theodor. Die Geschichte Jesu von Nazara (3 vols., Zurich, pt. i. + 1867, pt. ii. 1871, pt. iii. 1872); + Die Geschichte Jesu. Nach den Ergebnissen heutiger Wissenschaft fuer + weitere Kreise uebersichtlich erzaehlt (Zurich, 1872) (English + translation of the larger work, _The History of Jesus of + Nazara_, by E. M. Geldart and A. Ransom, 6 vols., London, + 1873-1883), 11, 61, 193, 200, 209, 211-214, 231 f., 310, + 343, 351, 357, 380, 392 + +Kienlen, 228 + +Kirchbach, Wolfgang. Was lehrte Jesus? (Berlin, 1897, 2nd ed. 1902); + Das Buch Jesus (Berlin, 1897), 294, 322-324 + +Koppe, 89 + +Koestlin, Karl Reinhold, 124 + +Krabbe. Vorlesungen ueber das Leben Jesu fuer Theologen und Nicht-Theologen + (Hamburg, 1839), 100 + +Kralik, Richard von. Jesu Leben und Werk (Kempten-Nuernberg, 1904), 294 + +Krauss, S. Das Leben Jesu nach juedischen Quellen (1902), 327 + +Krueger-Velthusen, W. Leben Jesu. (Elberfeld, 1872), 217 + +Kuhn, Johannes von. Leben Jesu (Tuebingen, 1840), 108 + +Kunz, K. Christus medicus (Freiburg, 1905), 325 + +Lachmann, 89 + +Lamy. Renans Leben-Jesu vor dem Richterstuhle der Kritik. Uebersetzt von + Aug. Rohling (Muenster, 1864), 190 + +Lange, Johann Peter. Das Leben Jesu, 5 vols. (1844-1847) (English + translation, _The Life of the Lord Jesus Christ_, by Sophia + Taylor, Edinburgh, 1864), 117 + +Laengin, G. Der Christus der Geschichte und sein Christentum (2 vols., + 1897-1898), 217 + +Langsdorf, Karl von. Wohlgepruefte Darstellung des Lebens Jesu (Mannheim, + 1831), 162 + +Lasserre, Henri. L'Evangile selon Renan (1864, 12 editions, German, + Munich, 1864), 188, 190 + +Lehmann. Renan wider Renan (Zwickau, 1864), 191 + +Lessing, Gotthold Ephraim, 5, 14-16, 75 + +Levi, Giuseppe. Parabeln, Legenden und Gedanken aus Talmud und Midrasch + (2nd ed., Leipzig, 1877), 286 + +Lichtenstein, Wilhelm Jakob. Leben des Herrn Jesu Christi (Erlangen, + 1856), 101 + +Lietzmann, Hans. Der Menschensohn (Freiburg, 1896); + Zur Menschensohnfrage (1898), 265, 276 f., 285, 289 + +Lightfoot, John. Horae Hebraicae et Talmudicae in quatuor Evangelistas. + Herausgegeben von J. B. Carpzov (Leipzig, 1684), 222, 285 + +Lillie, A. The Influence of Buddhism on Primitive Christianity (London, + 1893), 326 + +Littre, M., 181 + +Loisy, Alfred. Le Quatrieme Evangile (Paris, 1903); + Les Evangiles synoptiques, 2 vols. (Paris, 1907); + L'Evangile et l'Eglise (Paris, 1903) (translated by C. Home, _The Gospel + and the Church_, new ed. with a preface by G. Tyrrell, + 1908), 295 + +Luecke, 106 + +Luthardt, Christoph Ernst. Die modernen Darstellungen des Lebens Jesu. + Vortrag (Leipzig, 1864), 191, 209 + +Luther, 13 + +Mack, Joseph. Bericht ueber des Herrn Dr. Strauss' historische Bearbeitung + des Lebens Jesu (1837), 108 + +Manen, van, 286 + +Marius, Emmanuel. Die Persoenlichkeit Jesu mit besonderer Ruecksicht auf die + Mythologien und Mysterien der alten Voelker (Leipzig, 1879), + 112 + +Meinhold, J. Jesus und das Alte Testament (1896), 255 + +Meuschen, Johann Gerhardt, 285 + +Meyer, Arnold. Jesu Muttersprache (Leipzig, 1896), 229, 231, 265, 269, + 271, 274, 276, 286, 287, 289 + +Michaelis, 49, 271 + +Michelis. Renans Roman vom Leben-Jesu (Muenster, 1864), 190 + +Mueller, A. Jesus ein Arier (Leipzig, 1904), 327 + +Mueller, Max, 290 + +Mussard, Eugene. Du systeme mythique applique a l'histoire de la vie de + Jesus (1838), 112 + +Nahor, Pierre (Emilie Lerou), Jesus. (German by Walther Bloch, Berlin, + 1905), 325 + +Neander, August Wilhelm. Das Leben Jesu Christi (Hamburg, 1837) (English + translation, _The Life of Jesus Christ_, by J. M'Clintock and + C. E. Blumenthal, London, 1851); + Gutachten ueber das Buch des Dr. Strauss', Leben-Jesu (1836), 72, 97, + 101-103, 116, 139 + +Nestle, 276 + +Neubauer, Adolf, 273 + +Neumann, Arno. Jesus wie er geschichtlich war (Freiburg, 1904), 320 + +Nicolas, Amadee. Renan et sa vie de Jesus sous les rapports moral, legal + et litteraire (Paris-Marseille, 1864), 188 + +Nippold, Friedrich. Der Entwicklungsgang des Lebens Jesu im Wortlaut der + drei ersten Evangelien (Hamburg, 1895); + Die psychiatrische Seite der Heilstaetigkeit Jesu (1889), 301, 324 + +Noack, Ludwig. Die Geschichte Jesu (2nd ed., Mannheim, 1876); + Aus der Jordanwiege nach Golgatha (1870-1871), 161 f., 172-179, 185, 322 + +Nork, J., 285, 286 + +Notowitsch, Nicolas. La Vie inconnue de Jesus-Christ (Paris, 1894) + (German, Stuttgart, 1894), 290, 326 + +Oort, H. L. Die Uitdrukking {~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH DASIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH DASIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH VARIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH PERISPOMENI~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~} in het Nieuwe Testament + (Leiden, 1893), 266, 278, 286 + +Opitz, Ernst August. Geschichte und Characterzuege Jesu (1812), 27, 34 + +Osiander, Andreas, 13 + +Osiander, Johann Ernst. Apologie des Lebens Jesu gegenueber dem neuesten + Versuch, es in Mythen aufzuloesen (1837), 100 + +Osterzee, J. J. van (Utrecht). Geschichte oder Roman? Das Leben-Jesu von + Ernest Renan vorlaeufig beleuchtet. (From the Dutch) (Hamburg, + 1864), 191 + +Otto, Rudolf. Leben und Wirken Jesu nach historisch-kritischer Auffassung. + Vortrag (Goettingen, 1902), 301 + +Paul, Ludwig. Die Vorstellung vom Messias und vom Gottesreich bei den + Synoptikern (Bonn, 1895), 265 + +Paulus, Heinrich Eberhard Gottlob. Das Leben Jesu als Grundlage einer + reinen Geschichte des Urchristentums (1828), 4, 28, 37, 48 f., + 104, 271, 276, 303 + +Pfleiderer, Otto. Das Urchristentum, seine Schriften und Lehren in + geschichtlichem Zusammenhang beschrieben (2nd ed., Berlin, + 1902, 2 vols.) (English translation, _Primitive Christianity_, + vols. i. and ii. (vol. i. of original), London, 1906, 1909); + Die Entstehung des Urchristentums (Munich, 1905) (English translation, + _Christian Origins_, by D. A. Huebsch, London, 1905), 229, + 293, 309, 311-313, 384 + +Plank. Geschichte des Christentums (Goettingen, 1818), 34 + +Pressel, Theodor. Leben Jesu Christi (1857), 101 + +Pressense, Edmond Dehoult de. Jesus-Christ, son temps, sa vie, son oeuvre + (Paris, 1865) (English translation, _Jesus Christ, His Times, + His Life, His Work_, by A. Harwood, 3rd ed., London, 1869); + L'Ecole critique et Jesus-Christ, a propos de la vie de Jesus de M. + Renan, 180, 189 + +Quinet, Edgar, 108 + +Rauch, C. Jeschua ben Joseph (Deichert, 1899), 326 + +Regla, Paul de. Jesus von Nazareth, (German by A. Just, Leipzig, 1894), + 294, 325 + +Reimarus, Hermann Samuel. Von dem Zwecke Jesu und seiner Juenger (published + by Lessing, Brunswick, 1778) (English translation, _The Object + of Jesus and His disciples, as seen in the New Testament_, + edited by A. Voysey, 1879), 4, 9, 10, 13-26, 75, 94, 107, 120, + 159, 166, 172, 221, 239, 264, 303, 312, 319, 345, 365 + +Reinhard, Franz Volkmar. Versuch ueber den Plan, welchen der Stifter der + christlichen Religion zum Besten der Menschheit entwarf + (1798), 4, 31 f., 48, 206 + +Renan, Ernest. La Vie de Jesus (Paris, 1863), German, 1895 (English + translation, _The Life of Jesus_, London, 1864; translated + with an introduction by W. G. Hutchison, London, 1898), 11, + 75, 108, 180-192, 193 f., 197, 200, 207, 213 f., 219, 225, + 229, 252, 259, 290, 295, 303, 309, 310 + +Resch, 273 + +Reuss, Eduard, 124, 182, 189, 228 + +Reville, Albert. La Vie de Jesus de Renan devant les orthodoxes et devant + la critique (1864), 125, 189, 249 + +Ritschl, Albrecht, 1, 124 f., 250, 320 + +Robertson, J. M. Christianity and Mythology (London, 1900), 290 f. + +Rogers, A. K. The Life and Teachings of Jesus: a critical analysis, etc. + (London and New York, 1894), 249 + +Rosegger, Peter. Frohe Botschaft eines armen Suenders (Leipzig, 1906), 326 + +Rossi, Giambernardo de. Dissertazione della lingua propria di Christo e + degli Ebrei nazionali della Palestina da' tempi de' Maccabei + in disamina del sentimento di un recente scrittore italiano + (Parma, 1772), 271 + +Salvator. Jesus-Christ et sa doctrine (Paris, 1838, 2 vols.), 162 + +Sanday, 90 + +Saumaise, Claude, 270 + +Scaliger, Justus, 270 + +Schegg, Peter. Sechs Buecher des Lebens Jesu (Freiburg, 1874-1875), 294 + +Schell, Hermann. Christus (Mainz, 1903), 294 f. + +Schenkel, Daniel. Das Charakterbild Jesu (Wiesbaden, 1st and 2nd ed. 1864, + 4th ed. 1873) (English translation, _A Sketch of the Character + of Jesus_, London, 1869), 11, 103, 131, 193, 200, 203, + 205-210, 215, 218, 220, 229, 310 + +Scherer, Edmond, 189, 191, 209 + +Scherer, Edmond, und Athanase Coquerel (jun.). Zwei franzoesische Stimmen + ueber Renans Leben-Jesu (Regensburg, 1864), 189 + +Schleiermacher, Friedrich Ernst Daniel. Das Leben Jesu (1864), 49, 58, 62 + f., 70, 73, 80, 81, 85, 88, 89, 101 f., 108, 116, 127, 139, + 195, 197, 218, 233, 320 + +Schmiedel, Otto. Die Hauptprobleme der Leben-Jesu-Forschung (Tuebingen, + 1902), 12, 22, 293, 301, 303, 305, 312 + +Schmiedel, P., 277 + +Schmidt, N. "Was {~HEBREW LETTER BET~}{~HEBREW LETTER FINAL NUN~} {~HEBREW LETTER NUN~}{~HEBREW LETTER SHIN~}{~HEBREW LETTER ALEF~} a Messianic Title?" (Journal of the Society for + Biblical Literature, xv., 1896), 277 + +Schmidt, Paul Wilhelm. Die Geschichte Jesu, i. (Freiburg, 1899), ii. + (Tuebingen, 1904), 265, 278, 293, 301, 304, 308, 398 + +Schmoller. Ueber die Lehre vom Reiche Gottes im Neuen Testament, 237 + +Scholten, 231 + +Schoettgen, Christian, 285 + +Schuerer, Emil. Geschichte des juedischen Volkes ins Zeitalter Jesu Christi + (2nd ed., 2nd pt., 1886) (English translation, _History of + Jewish People in time of Jesus Christ_, Edinburgh, 1885); + Das messianische Selbstbewusstsein Jesu Christi (1903), 234, 241, 254 + f., 287 + +Schwartzkoppf. Die Weissagungen Jesu Christi von seinem Tode, seiner + Auferstehung und Wiederkunft und ihre Erfuellung (1895), 267 + +Schweitzer, Albert. Das Messianitaetsund Leidensgeheimnis. Eine Skizze des + Lebens Jesu (Tuebingen, 1901), 281, 287, 328-330, 332 f., 336, + 339 f., 351, 382 f. + +Schweizer, Alexander, 118, 127 f., 200, 219, 265 + +Semler, Johann Salomo. Beantwortung der Fragmente eines Ungenannten, + insbesondere vom Zweck Jesu und seiner Juenger (Halle, 1779), + 13, 15, 25 f., 49 + +Sepp, Johann Nepomuk. Das Leben Jesu Christi (Regensburg, 7 vols., 1st ed. + 1843-1846, 2nd ed. 1853-1862), 108, 294 + +Seydel, Rudolf. Das Evangelium Jesu in seinen Verhaeltnissen zur Buddha- + Saga und Buddha-Lehre (Leipzig, 1882); + Die Buddha-Legende und das Leben Jesu nach den Evangelien (2nd ed. + 1897); + Buddha und Christus (Breslau, 1884), 269, 290-292 + +Siegfried, Carl, 285 + +Simon, Richard, 270 + +Soden, Hermann Freiherr von. Die wichtigsten Fragen im Leben Jesu (Berlin, + 1904), 12, 293, 301-308, 312 + +Stalker, J. The Life of Jesus Christ (Edinburgh, 1880) (German, Tuebingen, + 1898), 217 + +Stapfer, E. La Vie de Jesus (pt. i. 1896, pt. ii. 1897, pt. iii. 1898) + (English translation, _Jesus Christ before His Ministry_, by + L. S. Houghton, 1897, _Jesus Christ during His Ministry_, by + L. S. Houghton, 1897), 217 + +Stave, 243 + +Storr, 89 + +Strauss, David Friedrich. Der Christus des Glaubens und der Jesus der + Geschichte. Eine Kritik des Schleiermacher'schen Lebens Jesu + (Berlin, 1865); + Das Leben Jesu (1st ed. 1835 and 1836, 2 vols., 3rd ed., revised, 1838 + and 1839, 4th ed. 1840) (_The Life of Jesus Critically + Examined_, translated from the 4th German ed. by George + Eliot, London, 1846, 3rd ed. with a preface by Otto + Pfleiderer, 1898); + Das Leben Jesu fuer das deutsche Volk bearbeitet (Leipzig, 1864, 8th ed.) + (English translation, _A New Life of Jesus_, London, 1865), + 4, 5, 10, 11, 12, 14, 24, 28, 35-37, 58, 60, 62, 65, 79 f., + 97 f., 68-121, 125, 129 f., 136, 138, 140, 145, 151, 153, + 158, 159, 161, 162, 163, 166, 171, 173, 180 f., 182, 185, + 188, 190, 193-199, 200, 201, 209 f., 214, 218, 221, 225, + 229, 237, 252, 281, 294, 303, 309, 329, 331, 363 + +Stricker. Jesus von Nazareth (1868), 202 + +Tal, T., 286 + +Tholuck, August. Die Glaubwuerdigkeit der evangelischen Geschichte, + zugleich eine Kritik des Lebens Jesu von Strauss (Hamburg, + 1837) (English translation, _The Credibility of the + Evangelical History, illustrated with reference to the + __"__Leben-Jesu__"__ of Dr. Strauss_, London, 1844), 70, 97, + 100 f., 116, 119, 122, 139 + +Titius, Arthur, 250 + +Uhlhorn, Johann Gerhard Wilhelm. Das Leben Jesu in seinen neueren + Darstellungen. Vortraege (1892), 5, 11 + +Ullmann, 100 + +Usteri, 78 + +Venturini, Karl Heinrich. Natuerliche Geschichte des grossen Propheten von + Nazareth (1st ed. 1800-1802, 2nd ed. 1806), 4, 38, 44, 45, 50, + 59, 82, 162, 170, 299, 303, 313, 325, 327 + +Veuillot, Louis. La Vie de notre Seigneur Jesus-Christ (Paris, 1863), + (German by Waldener, Koeln-Neuss, 1864), 295 + +Volkmar, Gustav. Jesus Nazarenus und die erste christliche Zeit, mit den + beiden ersten Erzaehlern (Zurich, 1882), 11, 210, 225-228, 233, + 256, 301, 309, 313, 328 + +Volz, Paul. Die juedische Eschatologie von Daniel bis Akiba (Tuebingen, + 1903), 234 + +Vossius, 270 + +Wallon, H. Vie de notre Seigneur Jesus-Christ (Paris, 1865), 295 + +Walton, Brian, 270 + +Weber, Ferdinand. System der altsynagogalen palaestinensischen Theologie + (Leipzig, 1880, 2nd ed. 1897), 269, 285 f. + +Weiffenbach, Wilhelm. Der Wiederkunftsgedanke Jesu (1873), 222, 228-233, + 237, 250 + +Weinel, Heinrich. Jesus im neunzehnten Jahrhundert (1904), 12, 398 + +Weiss, Bernhard. Das Leben Jesu (1st ed. 2 vols. 1882, 2nd ed. 1884) + (English translation, _The Life of Jesus_, by J. W. Hope, + Edinburgh, 1883), 10, 193, 216-218, 250, 262 + +Weiss, Johannes. Die Predigt Jesu vom Reiche Gottes (1st ed. 1892, 2nd ed. + 1900), 9, 10, 11, 23, 61, 91, 92, 136, 221, 222, 237-240, 249 + f., 256, 262, 265-267, 278, 301, 309, 336, 349, 383, 388 + +Weisse, Christian Hermann. Die evangelische Geschichte kritisch und + philosophisch bearbeitet (2 vols., Leipzig, 1838); + Die Evangelienfrage in ihrem gegenwaertigen Stadium (Leipzig, 1856), 12, + 118, 120, 121-136, 140, 162, 195, 198, 200, 204 f., 218, + 229, 232, 294, 309, 328, 341, 357, 374, 378, 389 + +Weitbrecht, M. G. Das Leben Jesu nach den vier Evangelien (1881), 217 + +Weizsaecker, Karl Heinrich. Untersuchungen ueber die evangelische + Geschichte, ihre Quellen und den Gang ihrer Entwicklung + (Gotha, 1864), 190, 193, 200-202, 205, 207, 218, 229, 259 + +Wellhausen, Julius. Israelitische und juedische Geschichte (3rd ed. 1897, + 4th ed. 1902); + Das Evangelium Marci (1903); + Das Evangelium Matthaei (1904); + Das Evangelium Lucae (1904); + Skizzen und Vorarbeiten (1899), 254, 269, 276, 277, 285, 287, 289, 391 + +Wendt, Hans Heinrich. Die Lehre Jesu (Goettingen, pt. i. 1886, pt. ii. + 1890) (English translation, _The Teaching of Jesus_, by J. + Wilson, Edinburgh, 1892) (2nd German ed. 1902, 3rd ed. 1903), + 219, 249, 265 + +Wernle, Paul. Die Anfaenge unserer Religion (Tuebingen-Leipzig, 1901, 2nd + ed. 1904) (English translation, _The Beginnings of + Christianity_, by G. A. Bienemann, London, 1903); + Die Reichgotteshoffnung in den aeltesten christlichen Dokumenten und bei + Jesus (1903), 241, 252-254, 265, 267, 314, 398 + +Wette, Wilhelm Martin Leberecht de, 72, 78, 86, 103, 119, 208 + +Wettstein, Johann Jakob, 285 + +Whateley, Richard. Historic Doubts relative to Napoleon Bonaparte (London, + 1819) (adapted as Das Leben Napoleons kritisch geprueft), 112 + +Wieseler, Karl Georg. Chronologische Synopse der vier Evangelien (Hamburg, + 1843), 117 + +Wiesinger, Albert. Aphorismen gegen Renans Leben-Jesu (Vienna, 1864), 117, + 190 + +Widmanstadt, Joh. Alb., 270 + +Wilke, Christian Gottlob. Tradition und Mythe (Leipzig, 1837); + Der Urevangelist (Dresden and Leipzig, 1838), 97, 112-114, 119, 121, + 124, 140 f., 148, 195, 202, 225, 328 + +Wittichen, Karl. Leben Jesu (Jena, 1876), 218 + +Wrede, Wilhelm. Das Messiasgeheimnis in den Evangelien (Goettingen, 1901), + 9, 11, 25, 131, 210, 221, 256, 257, 264, 309, 328-349, 350, + 358, 380, 384 f., 389, 391 f., 399 + +Wuensche, August. Neue Beitraege zur Erlaeuterung der Evangelien aus Talmud + und Midrasch (Goettingen, 1878); + Jesus in seiner Stellung zu den Frauen (1876), 269, 285 f. + +Xavier, Hieronymus. Historia Christi persice conscripta (Lugd. 1639), 14 + +Ziegler, Heinrich. Der geschichtliche Christus (1891), 217 + +Ziegler, Theobald, 69 + + + + + + +FOOTNOTES + + + 1 _Quoted by Dr. Inge in the Hibbert Journal for Jan. 1910, p. 438 + (from __"__Jesus or Christ,__"__ p. 32)._ + + 2 _"__Quest,__"__ p. 4._ + + 3 An order founded in 1776 by Professor Adam Weishaupt of Ingolstadt + in Bavaria. Its aim was the furtherance of rational religion as + opposed to orthodox dogma; its organisation was largely modelled on + that of the Jesuits. At its most flourishing period it numbered over + 2000 members, including the rulers of several German + States.--TRANSLATOR. + + 4 D. Fr. Strauss, _Gespraeche von Ulrich von Hutten_. Leipzig, 1860. + + 5 W. Wrede, _Das Messiasgeheimnis in den Evangelien_. (The Messianic + Secret in the Gospels.) Goettingen, 1901, pp. 280-282. + + 6 In the author's usage "the Marcan hypothesis" means the theory that + the Gospel of Mark is not only the earliest and most valuable source + for the facts, but differs from the other Gospels in embodying a + more or less clear and historically intelligible view of the + connexion of events. See Chaps. X. and XIV. below.--TRANSLATOR. + + 7 Dr. Christoph Friedrich von Ammon, _Fortbildung des Christentums_, + Leipzig, 1840, vol. iv. p. 156 ff. + + 8 Hase, _Geschichte Jesu_, Leipzig, 1876, pp. 110-162. The second + edition, published in 1891, carries the survey no further than the + first. + + 9 _Das Leben Jesu in seinen neueren Darstellungen_, 1892, five + lectures. + + 10 W. Frantzen, _Die __"__Leben-Jesu__"__ Bewegung seit Strauss_, + Dorpat, 1898. + + 11 _Theol. Rundschau_, ii. 59-67 (1899); iii. 9-19 (1900). + + 12 Von Soden's study, _Die wichtigsten Fragen im Leben Jesu_, 1904, + belongs here only in a very limited sense, since it does not seek to + show how the problems have gradually emerged in the various Lives of + Jesus. + + 13 Hase, _Geschichte Jesu_, 1876, pp. 112, 113. + + 14 _Historia Christi persice conscripta simulque multis modis + contaminata a Hieronymo Xavier, lat. reddita et animadd, notata a + Ludovico de Dieu._ Lugd. 1639. + + 15 Johann Jakob Hess, _Geschichte der drei letzten Lebensjahre Jesu_. + (History of the Last Three Years of the Life of Jesus.) 3 vols. 1768 + ff. + + 16 D. F. Strauss, _Hermann Samuel Reimarus und seine Schutzschrift fuer + die vernuenftigen Verehrer Gottes_. (Reimarus and his Apology for the + Rational Worshippers of God.) 1862. + + 17 The quotations inserted without special introduction are, of course, + from Reimarus. It is Dr. Schweitzer's method to lead up by a + paragraph of exposition to one of these characteristic + phrases.--TRANSLATOR. + + 18 Otto Schmiedel, _Die Hauptprobleme der Leben-Jesu-Forschung_. + Tuebingen, 1902. + + 19 Doederlein also wrote a defence of Jesus against the Fragmentist: + _Fragmente und Antifragmente_. Nuremberg, 1778. + + 20 This is perhaps the place to mention the account of the life of + Jesus which is given in the first part of Plank's _Geschichte des + Christentums_. Goettingen, 1818. + + 21 _Briefe das Studium der Theologie betreffend_, 1st ed., 1780-1781; + 2nd ed., 1785-1786; _Werke_, ed. Suphan, vol. x. + + 22 A Life of Jesus which is completely dependent on the Commentaries of + Paulus is that of Greiling, superintendent at Aschersleben, _Das + Leben Jesu von Nazareth Ein religioeses Handbuch fuer Geist und Herz + der Freunde Jesu unter den Gebildeten._ (The Life of Jesus of + Nazareth, a religious Handbook for the Minds and Hearts of the + Friends of Jesus among the Cultured.) Halle, 1813. + + 23 Paulus prided himself on a very exact acquaintance with the physical + and geographical conditions of Palestine. He had a wide knowledge of + the literature of Eastern travel.--TRANSLATOR. + + 24 This interpretation, it ought to be remarked, seems to be implied by + the ancient reading. "Few things are needful, or one," given in the + margin of the Revised Version.--TRANSLATOR. + + 25 Associations of students, at that time of a political + character.--TRANSLATOR. + + 26 The ground of the inference is that, according to this theory, they + did not attach much importance to the keeping of the Feasts at + Jerusalem. Dr. Schweitzer reminds us in a footnote that a certain + want of clearness is due to the fact of this work having been + compiled from lecture-notes. + + 27 See Theobald Ziegler, "Zur Biographie von David Friedrich Strauss" + (Materials for the Biography of D. F. S.), in the _Deutsche Revue_, + May, June, July 1905. The hitherto unpublished letters to Binder + throw some light on the development of Strauss during the formative + years before the publication of the Life of Jesus. + + Binder, later Director of the Board of Studies at Stuttgart, was the + friend who delivered the funeral allocution at the grave of Strauss. + This last act of friendship exposed him to enmity and calumny of all + kinds. For the text of his short address, see the _Deutsche Revue_, + 1905, p. 107. + + 28 _Deutsche Revue_, May 1905, p. 199. + + 29 _Ibid._ p. 201. + + 30 _Deutsche Revue_, p. 203. + + 31 Assistant lecturer. + + 32 _Ibid._, June 1905, p. 343 ff. + + 33 See Hase, _Leben Jesu_, 1876, p. 124. The "text-book" referred to is + Hase's first Life of Jesus. + + 34 He to whom my plaint is + Knows I shed no tear; + She to whom I say this + Feels I have no fear. + + Time has come for fading, + Like a glimmering ray, + Or a sense-evading + Strain that floats away. + + May, though fainter, dimmer, + Only, clear and pure, + To the last the glimmer + And the strain endure. + + The persons alluded to in the first verse are his son, who, as a + physician, attended him in his illness, and to whom he was deeply + attached, and a very old friend to whom the verses were + addressed.--TRANSLATOR. + + 35 2 Kings iv. 42-44. + + 36 _Probabilia de evangelii et epistolarum Ioannis Apostoli indole et + origine eruditorum iudiciis modeste subjecit C. Th. Bretschneider._ + Leipzig, 1820. + + 37 Dr. Fr. Schleiermacher, _Ueber die Schriften des Lukas. Ein + kritischer Versuch._ (The Writings of Luke. A critical essay.) C. + Reimer, Berlin, 1817. + + 38 Koppe, _Marcus non epitomator Matthaei_, 1782. + + 39 Storr, _De Fontibus Evangeliorum Mt. et Lc._, 1794. + + 40 Gratz, _Neuer Versuch, die Entstehung der drei ersten Evangelien zu + erklaeren_, 1812. + + 41 _V. sup._ p. 35 f. For the earlier history of the question see F. C. + Baur, _Krit. Untersuch. ueber die kanonischen Evangelien_, Tuebingen, + 1847, pp. 1-76. + + 42 So called because largely based on the reference in Luke i. 1, to + the "many" who had "taken in hand to draw up a narrative + ({~GREEK SMALL LETTER DELTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~})."--TRANSLATOR. + + 43 We take the translation of this striking image from Sanday's "Survey + of the Synoptic Question," _The Expositor_, 4th ser. vol. 3, p. 307. + + 44 For general title see above. First part: "Herr Dr. Steudel, or the + Self-deception of the Intellectual Supernaturalism of our Time." 182 + pp. Second part: "Die Herren Eschenmayer und Menzel." 247 pp. Third + part: "_Die evangelische Kirchenzeitung_, _die Jahrbuecher fuer + wissenschaftliche Kritik_ und _Die theologischen Studien und + Kritiken_ in ihrer Stellung zu meiner Kritik des Lebens Jesu." (The + attitude taken up by ... in regard to my critical Life of Jesus.) + 179 pp. In the _Studien und Kritiken_ two reviews had appeared: a + critical review by Dr. Ullmann (vol. for 1836, pp. 770-816) and that + of Mueller, written from the standpoint of the "common faith" (vol. + for 1836, pp. 816-890). In the _Evangelische Kirchenzeitung_ the + articles referred to are the following: _Vorwort_ (Editorial + Survey), 1836, pp. 1-6, 9-14, 17-23, 25-31, 33-38, 41-45; "The + Future of our Theology" (1836, pp. 281 ff.); "Thoughts suggested by + Dr. Strauss's essay on 'The Relation of Theological Criticism and + Speculation to the Church' " (1836, pp. 382 ff.); Strauss's essay + had appeared in the _Allgemeine Kirchenzeitung_ for 1836, No. 39. + "_Die kritische Bearbeitung des Lebens Jesu von D. F. Strauss nach + ihrem wissenschaftlichen Werte beleuchtet_" (An Inquiry into the + Scientific Value of D. F. Strauss's Critical Study of the Life of + Jesus.) By Prof. Dr. Harless. Erlangen, 1836. + + 45 "Everything turns to the advantage of the elect, even to the + obscurities of scripture, for they treat them with reverence because + of its perspicuities; everything turns to the disadvantage of the + reprobate, even to the perspicuities of scripture, for they + blaspheme them because they cannot understand its obscurities." For + the title of Harless's essay, see end of previous note. + + 46 _Das Leben-Jesu kritisch bearbeitet von Dr. D. F. Strauss. Geprueft + fuer Theologen und Nicht-Theologen_, von Wilhelm Hoffmann. 1836. + (Strauss's Critical Study of the Life of Jesus examined for the + Benefit of Theologians and non-Theologians.) + + 47 _Apologie des Lebens Jesu gegenueber dem neuesten Versuch, es in + Mythen aufzuloesen._ (Defence of the Life of Jesus against the latest + attempt to resolve it into myth.) By Joh. Ernst Osiander, Professor + at the Evangelical Seminary at Maulbronn. + + 48 _Ueber das Leben-Jesu von Strauss_, von Franz Baader, 1836. Here may + be mentioned also the lectures which Krabbe (subsequently Professor + at Rostock) delivered against Strauss: _Vorlesungen ueber das Leben- + Jesu fuer Theologen und Nicht-Theologen_ (Lectures on the Life of + Jesus for Theologians and non-Theologians), Hamburg, 1839. They are + more tolerable to non-theologians than to theologians. The author at + a later period distinguished himself by the fanatical zeal with + which he urged on the deposition of his colleague, Michael + Baumgarten, whose _Geschichte Jesu_, published in 1859, though fully + accepting the miracles, was weighed in the balance by Krabbe and + found light-weight by the Rostock standard. + + 49 For the title, see head of chapter. Tholuck was born in 1799 at + Breslau, and became in 1826 Professor at Halle, where he worked + until his death in 1877. With the possible exception of Neander, he + was the most distinguished representative of the mediating theology. + His piety was deep and his learning was wide, but his judgment went + astray in the effort to steer his freight of pietism safely between + the rocks of rationalism and the shoals of orthodoxy. + + 50 _Stud. u. Krit._, 1836, p. 777. In his "Open letter to Dr. Ullmann," + Strauss examines this suggestion in a serious and dignified fashion, + and shows that nothing would be gained by such + expedients.--_Streitschriften_, 3rd pt., p. 129 ff. + + 51 _Das Leben Jesu-Christi._ Hamburg, 1837. Aug. Wilhelm Neander was + born in 1789 at Goettingen, of Jewish parents, his real name being + David Mendel. He was baptized in 1806, studied theology, and in 1813 + was appointed to a professorship in Berlin, where he displayed a + many-sided activity and exercised a beneficent influence. He died in + 1850. The best-known of his writings is the _Geschichte der + Pflanzung und Leitung der christlichen Kirche durch die Apostel_ + (History of the Propagation and Administration of the Christian + Church by the Apostles), Hamburg, 1832-1833, of which a reprint + appeared as late as 1890. Neander was a man not only of deep piety, + but also of great solidity of character. + + Strauss, in his Life of Jesus of 1864, passes the following judgment + upon Neander's work: "A book such as in these circumstances + Neander's Life of Jesus was bound to be calls forth our sympathy; + the author himself acknowledges in his preface that it bears upon it + only too clearly the marks of the time of crisis, division, pain, + and distress in which it was produced." + + Of the innumerable "positive" Lives of Jesus which appeared about + the end of the 'thirties we may mention that of Julius Hartmann (2 + vols., 1837-1839). Among the later Lives of Jesus of the mediating + theology may be mentioned that of Theodore Pressel of Tuebingen, + which was much read at the time of its appearance (1857, 592 pp.). + It aims primarily at edification. We may also mention the _Leben des + Herrn Jesu Christi_ by Wil. Jak. Lichtenstein (Erlangen, 1856), + which reflects the ideas of von Hofmann. + + 52 For title see head of chapter. + + 53 _Aphorismen zur Apologie des Dr. Strauss und seines Werkes._ Grimma, + 1838. + + 54 From the _Xame Xenien_, p. 259 of Goethe's Works, ed. Hempel. + + 55 _Die Wissenschaft und die Kirche. Zur Verstaendigung ueber die + Straussische Angelegenheit._ (A contribution to the adjustment of + opinion regarding the Strauss affair.) By Daniel Schenkel, + Licentiate in Theology and Privat-Docent of the University of Basle, + with a dedicatory letter to Herr Dr. Luecke, Konsistorialrat. Basle, + 1839. + + 56 _Dr. Strauss und die Zuericher Kirche. Eine Stimme aus + Norddeutschland. Mit einer Vorrede von Dr. W. M. L. de Wette._ (A + voice from North Germany. With an introduction by Dr. W. M. L. de + Wette.) Basle, 1839. + + 57 _Ueber theologische Lehrfreiheit und Lehrerwahl fuer Hochschulen._ + Zurich, 1839. + + 58 For full title see head of chapter. Reference may also be made to + the same author's _Fortbildung des Christentums zur Weltreligion_. + (Development of Christianity into a World-religion.) Leipzig, + 1833-1835. 4 vols. Ammon was born in 1766 at Bayreuth; became + Professor of theology at Erlangen in 1790; was Professor in + Goettingen from 1794 to 1804, and, after being back in Erlangen in + the meantime, became in 1813 Senior Court Chaplain and + "Oberkonsistorialrat" at Dresden, where he died in 1850. He was the + most distinguished representative of historico-critical rationalism. + + 59 He is at one with Strauss in rejecting the explanation of this + miracle on the analogy of an expedited natural process, to which + Hase had pointed, and which was first suggested by Augustine in + _Tract viii. in Ioann._: "That Christ changed water into wine is + nothing wonderful to those who consider the works of God. What was + there done in the water-pots, God does yearly in the vine." + [Augustine's words are: Miraculum quidem Domini nostri Jesu Christi, + quo de aqua vinum fecit, non est mirum eis qui noverunt quia Deus + fecit (_i.e._ that He who did it was God). Ipse enim fecit vinum + illo die ... in sex hydriis, qui omni anno facit hoc in vitibus.] + Nevertheless the poorest naturalistic explanation is at least better + than the resignation of Luecke, who is content to wait "until it + please God through the further progress of Christian thought and + life to bring about the solution of this riddle in its natural and + historical aspects." Luecke, _Johannes-Kommentar_, p. 474 ff. + + 60 Ernst Wilhelm Hengstenberg was born in 1802 at Froendenberg in the + "county" (_Grafschaft_) of Mark, became Professor of Theology in + Berlin in 1826, and died there in 1869. He founded the _Evangelische + Kirchenzeitung_ in 1827. + + 61 _Bericht ueber des Herrn Dr. Strauss' historische Bearbeitung des + Lebens Jesu._ + + 62 _Dr. Strauss' Leben-Jesu aus dem Standpunkt des Catholicismus + betrachtet._ + + 63 Johann Leonhard Hug was born in 1765 at Constance, and had been + since 1791 Professor of New Testament Theology at Freiburg, where he + died in 1846. He had a wide knowledge of his own department of + theology, and his Introduction to the New Testament Writings won him + some reputation among Protestant theologians also. + + 64 Among the Catholic "Leben-Jesu," of which the authors found their + incentive in the desire to oppose Strauss, the first place belongs + to that of Kuhn of Tuebingen. Unfortunately only the first volume + appeared (1838, 488 pp.). Here there is a serious and scholarly + attempt to grapple with the problems raised by Strauss. Of less + importance is the work of the same title in seven volumes, by the + Munich Priest and Professor of History, Nepomuk Sepp (1843-1846; 2nd + ed. 1853-1862). + + 65 _Ueber das Leben-Jesu von Doctor Strauss._ By Edgar Quinet. + Translated from the French by Georg Kleine. Published by J. Erdmann + and C. C. Mueller, 1839. In 1840 Strauss's book was translated into + French by M. Littre. It failed, however, to exercise any influence + upon French theology or literature. Strauss is one of those German + thinkers who always remain foreign and unintelligible to the French + mind. Could Renan have written his Life of Jesus as he did if he had + had even a partial understanding of Strauss? + + 66 Anna Katharina Emmerich was born in 1774 at Flamske near Coesfeld. + Her parents were peasants. In 1803 she took up her abode with the + Augustinian nuns of the convent of Agnetenberg at Duelmen. After the + dissolution of the convent, she lived in a single room in Duelmen + itself. The "stigmata" showed themselves first in 1812. She died on + the 9th of February 1824. Brentano had been in her neighbourhood + since 1819. _Das bittere Leiden unseres Herrn Jesu Christi_ (The + Bitter Sufferings of Our Lord Jesus Christ) was issued by Brentano + himself in 1834. The _Life of Jesus_ was published on the basis of + notes left by him--he died in 1842--in three volumes, 1858-1860, at + Regensburg, under the sanction of the Bishop of Limberg. + + First volume.--From the death of St. Joseph to the end of the first + year after the Baptism of Jesus in Jordan. Communicated between May + 1, 1821, and October 1, 1822. + + Second volume.--From the beginning of the second year after the + Baptism in Jordan to the close of the second Passover in Jerusalem. + Communicated between October 1, 1822, and April 30, 1823. + + Third volume.--From the close of the second Passover in Jerusalem to + the Mission of the Holy Spirit. Communicated between October 21, + 1823, and January 8, 1824, and from July 29, 1820, to May 1821. + + Both works have been frequently reissued, the "Bitter Sufferings" as + late as 1894. + + 67 _Auszuege aus der Schrift __"__Das Leben Luthers kritisch + bearbeitet.__"_ (Extracts from a work entitled "A Critical Study of + the Life of Luther.") By Dr. Casuar ("Cassowary"; Strauss = + Ostrich). Mexico, 1836. Edited by Julius Ferdinand Wurm. + + 68 _Das Leben Napoleons kritisch geprueft._ (A Critical Examination of + the Life of Napoleon.) From the English, with some pertinent + applications to Strauss's Life of Jesus, 1836. [The English original + referred to seems to have been Whateley's _Historic Doubts relative + to Napoleon Bonaparte_, published in 1819, and primarily directed + against Hume's _Essay on Miracles_.--TRANSLATOR.] + + 69 _La Vie de Strauss. Ecrite en l'an 1839._ Paris, 1839. + + 70 Ch. G. Wilke, _Tradition und Mythe_. A contribution to the + historical criticism of the Gospels in general, and in particular to + the appreciation of the treatment of myth and idealism in Strauss's + "Life of Jesus." Leipzig, 1837. + + Christian Gottlob Wilke was born in 1786 at Werm, near Zeitz, + studied theology and became pastor of Hermannsdorf in the + Erzgebirge. He resigned this office in 1837 in order to devote + himself to his studies, perhaps also because he had become conscious + of an inner unrest. In 1845 he prepared the way for his conversion + to Catholicism by publishing a work entitled "Can a Protestant go + over to the Roman Church with a good conscience?" He took the + decisive step in August 1846. Later he removed to Wuerzburg. + Subsequently he recast his famous _Clavis Novi Testamenti + Philologica_--which had appeared in 1840-1841--in the form of a + lexicon for Catholic students of theology. His _Hermeneutik des + Neuen Testaments_, published in 1843-1844, appeared in 1853 as + _Biblische Hermeneutik nach katholischen Grundsaetzen_ (The Science + of Biblical Interpretation according to Catholic principles). He was + engaged in recasting his Clavis when he died in 1854. + + Of later works dealing with the question of myth, we may refer to + Emanuel Marius, _Die Persoenlichkeit Jesu mit besonderer Ruecksicht + auf die Mythologien und Mysterien der alten Voelker_ (The Personality + of Jesus, with special reference to the Mythologies and Mysteries of + Ancient Nations), Leipzig, 1879, 395 pp.; and Otto Frick, _Mythus + und Evangelium_ (Myth and Gospel), Heilbronn, 1879, 44 pp. + + 71 See p. 89 above. + + 72 _Streitschriften._ Drittes Heft, pp. 55-126: _Die Jahrbuecher fuer + wissenschaftliche Kritik_: i. _Allgemeines Verhaeltnis der + Hegel'schen Philosophie zur theologischen Kritik_: ii. _Hegels + Ansicht ueber den historischen Wert der evangelischen Geschichte_ + (Hegel's View of the Historical Value of the Gospel History); iii. + _Verschiedene Richtungen innerhalb der Hegel'schen Schule in Betreff + der Christologie_ (Various Tendencies within the Hegelian School in + regard to Christology). 1837. + + 73 _Wissenschaftliche Kritik der evangelischen Geschichte._ (Scientific + Criticism of the Gospel History.) August Ebrard. Frankfort, 1842; + 3rd ed., 1868. + + Johannes Heinrich Aug. Ebrard was born in 1818 at Erlangen, was, + first, Professor of Reformed Theology at Zurich and Erlangen, + afterwards (1853) went to Speyer as "Konsistorialrat," but was + unable to cope with the Liberal opposition there, and returned in + 1861 to Erlangen, where he died in 1888. + + A characteristic example of Ebrard's way of treating the subject is + his method of meeting the objection that a fish with a piece of + money in its jaws could not have taken the hook. "The fish might + very well," he explains, "have thrown up the piece of money from its + belly into the opening of the jaws in the moment in which Peter + opened its mouth." Upon this Strauss remarks: "The inventor of this + argument tosses it down before us as who should say, 'I know very + well it is bad, but it is good enough for you, at any rate so long + as the Church has livings to distribute and we Konsistorialrats have + to examine the theological candidates.' " Strauss, therefore, + characterises Ebrard's Life of Jesus as "Orthodoxy restored on a + basis of impudence." The pettifogging character of this work made a + bad impression even in Conservative quarters. + + 74 _Chronologische Synopse der vier Evangelien._ (Chronological + Synopsis of the four Gospels.) By Karl Georg Wieseler. Hamburg, + 1843. Wieseler was born in 1813 at Altencelle (Hanover), and was + Professor successively at Goettingen, Kiel, and Greifswald. He died + in 1883. + + 75 Johann Peter Lange, Pastor in Duisburg, afterwards Professor at + Zurich in place of Strauss. _Das Leben Jesu._ 5 vols., 1844-1847. + + 76 Georg Heinrich August Ewald, _Geschichte des Volkes Israel_. + (History of the People of Israel.) 7 vols. Goettingen, 1843-1859; 3rd + ed., 1864-1870. Fifth vol., _Geschichte Christus' und seiner Zeit_. + (History of Christ and His Times.) 1855; 2nd ed., 1857. + + Ewald was born in 1803 at Goettingen, where in 1827 he was appointed + Professor of Oriental Languages. Having made a protest against the + repeal of the fundamental law of the Hanoverian Constitution he was + removed from his office and went to Tuebingen, first as Professor of + philology; in 1841 he was transferred to the theological faculty. In + 1848 he returned to Goettingen. When, in 1866, he refused to take the + oath of allegiance to the King of Prussia, he was compulsorily + retired, and, in consequence of imprudent expressions of opinion, + was also deprived of the right to lecture. The town of Hanover chose + him as its representative in the North German and in the German + Reichstag, where he sat among the Guelph opposition, in the middle + of the centre party. He died in 1875 at Goettingen. His contributions + to New Testament studies were much inferior to his Oriental and Old + Testament researches. His Life of Jesus, in particular, is + worthless, in spite of the Old Testament and Oriental learning with + which it was furnished forth. He lays great stress upon making the + genitive of "Christus" not "Christi," but, according to German + inflection, "Christus'." + + 77 Ammon, _Johannem evangelii auctorem ab editore huius libri fuisse + diversum_, Erlangen, 1811. + + 78 No value whatever can be ascribed to the Life of Jesus by Werner + Hahn, Berlin, 1844, 196 pp. The "didactic presentation of the + history" which the author offers is not designed to meet the demands + of historical criticism. He finds in the Gospels no bare history, + but, above all, the inculcation of the principle of love. He casts + to the winds all attempt to draw the portrait of Jesus as a true + historian, being only concerned with its inner truth and "idealises + artistically and scientifically" the actual course of the outward + life of Jesus. "It is never the business of a history," he explains, + "to relate only the bare truth. It belongs to a mere planless and + aimless chronicle to relate everything that happened in such a way + that its words are a mere slavish reflection of the outward course + of events." + + 79 Hase, _Geschichte Jesu_, 1876, p. 128. + + 80 _Philosophische Dogmatik oder Philosophie des Christentums._ + Leipzig, 1855-1862. + + 81 At the end of his preface he makes the striking remark: "I confess I + cannot conceive of any possible way by which Christianity can take + on a form which will make it once more the truth for our time, + without having recourse to the aid of philosophy; and I rejoice to + believe that this opinion is shared by many of the ablest and most + respected of present-day theologians." + + 82 Vol. ii. pp. 438-543. _Philosophische Schlussbetrachtung ueber die + religioese Bedeutung der Persoenlichkeit Christi und der evangelischen + Ueberlieferung._ (Concluding Philosophical Estimate of the + Significance of the Person of Christ and of the Gospel Tradition.) + + 83 Christian Gottlob Wilke, formerly pastor of Hermannsdorf in the + Erzgebirge. _Der Urevangelist, oder eine exegetisch-kritische + Untersuchung des Verwandschaftsverhaeltnisses der drei ersten + Evangelien._ (The Earliest Evangelist, a Critical and Exegetical + Inquiry into the Relationship of the First Three Gospels.) The + subsequent course of the discussion of the Marcan hypothesis was as + follows:-- + + In answer to Wilke there appeared a work signed Philosophotos + Aletheias, _Die Evangelien, ihr Geist, ihre Verfasser, und ihr + Verhaeltnis zu einander_. (The Gospels, their Spirit, their Authors, + and their relation to one another.) Leipzig, 1845, 440 pp. The + author sees in Paul the evil genius of early Christianity, and + thinks that the work of scientific criticism must be directed to + detecting and weeding out the Pauline elements in the Gospels. Luke + is in his opinion a party-writing, biased by Paulinism; in fact Paul + had a share in its preparation, and this is what Paul alludes to + when he speaks in Romans ii. 16, xi. 28, and xvi. 25 of "his" + Gospel. His hand is especially recognisable in chapters i.-iii., + vii., ix., xi., xviii., xx., xxi., and xxiv. Mark consists of + extracts from Matthew and Luke; John presupposes the other three. + The Tuebingen standpoint was set forth by Baur in his work, + _Kritische Untersuchungen ueber die kanonischen Evangelien_. (A + Critical Examination of the Canonical Gospels.) Tuebingen, 1847, 622 + pp. According to him Mark is based on Matthew and Luke. At the same + time, however, the irreconcilability of the Fourth Gospel with the + Synoptists is for the first time fully worked out, and the + refutation of its historical character is carried into detail. + + The order Matthew, Mark, Luke is defended by Adolf Hilgenfeld in his + work _Die Evangelien_. Leipzig, 1854, 355 pp. + + Karl Reinhold Koestlin's work, _Der Ursprung und die Komposition der + synoptischen Evangelien_ (Origin and Composition of the Synoptic + Gospels), is rendered nugatory by obscurities and compromises. + Stuttgart, 1853, 400 pp. The priority of Mark is defended by Edward + Reuss, _Die Geschichte der heiligen Schriften des Neuen Testaments_ + (History of the Sacred Writings of the New Testament), 1842; H. + Ewald, _Die drei ersten Evangelien_, 1850; A. Ritschl, _Die + Entstehung der altkatholischen Kirche_ (Origin of the ancient + Catholic Church), 1850; A. Reville, _Etudes critiques sur l'Evangile + selon St. Matthieu_, 1862. In 1863 the foundations of the Marcan + hypothesis were relaid, more firmly than before, by Holtzmann's + work, _Die synoptischen Evangelien_. Leipzig, 1863, 514 pp. + + 84 Alexander Schweizer, _Das Evangelium Johannis nach seinem inneren + Werte and seiner Bedeutung fuer das Leben Jesu kritisch untersucht_. + 1841. (A Critical Examination of the Intrinsic Value of the Gospel + of John and of its Importance as a Source for the Life of Jesus.) + Alexander Schweizer was born in 1808 at Murten, was appointed + Professor of Pastoral Theology at Zurich in 1835, and continued to + lecture there until his death in 1888, remaining loyal to the ideas + of his teacher Schleiermacher, though handling them with a certain + freedom. His best-known work is his _Glaubenslehre_ (System of + Doctrine), 2 vols., 1863-1872; 2nd ed., 1877. + + 85 The German is _Mirakeln_, the usual word being _Wunder_, which, + though constantly used in the sense of actual "miracles," has, from + its obvious derivation, a certain ambiguity. + + 86 "And the glory of the Lord abode upon Mount Sinai, and the cloud + covered it six days." + + 87 We subjoin the titles of the divisions of this work, which are of + some interest: + + Vol. i. Book i. The Sources of the Gospel History. + Vol. i. Book ii. The Legends of the Childhood. + Vol. i. Book iii. General Sketch of the Gospel History. + Vol. i. Book iv. The Incidents and Discourses according to Mark. + Vol. ii. Book v. The Incidents and Discourses according to Matthew + and Luke. + Vol. ii. Book vi. The Incidents and Discourses according to John. + Vol. ii. Book vii. The Resurrection and the Ascension. + Vol. ii. Book viii. Concluding Philosophical Exposition of the + Significance of the Person of Christ and of the Gospel Tradition. + + 88 _Geschichte Christus' und seiner Zeit._ (History of Christ and His + Times.) By Heinrich Ewald, Goettingen, 1855, 450 pp. + + 89 _Kritik der Geschichte der Offenbarung._ + + 90 _Das entdeckte Christentum._ See also _Die gute Sache der Freiheit + und meine eigene Angelegenheit_. (The Good Cause of Freedom, in + Connexion with my own Case.) Zurich, 1843. + + 91 _Kritik der evangelischen Geschichte des Johannes._ + + 92 Here and elsewhere Bauer seems to use "Christologie" in the sense of + Messianic doctrine, rather than in the more general sense which is + usual in theology.--TRANSLATOR. + + 93 We retain the German phrase, which has naturalised itself in + Synoptic criticism as the designation of an assumed primary gospel + lying behind the canonical Mark. + + 94 _Kritik der Paulinischen Briefe._ (Criticism of the Pauline + Epistles.) Berlin, 1850-1852. + + 95 _Kritik der Evangelien und Geschichte ihres Ursprungs._ (Criticism + of the Gospels and History of their Origin.) 2 vols., Berlin, + 1850-1851. + + 96 _Christus und die Caesaren. Der Ursprung des Christentums aus dem + roemischen Griechentum._ Berlin, 1877. + + 97 Hennell, a London merchant, withdrew himself from his business + pursuits for two years in order to make the preparatory studies for + this Life of Jesus. [He is best known as a friend of George Eliot, + who was greatly interested and influenced by the + "Inquiry."--TRANSLATOR.] To the same category as Hennell's work + belongs the _Wohlgepruefte Darstellung des Lebens Jesu_ (An Account + of the Life of Jesus based on the closest Examination) of the + Heidelberg mathematician, Karl von Langsdorf, Mannheim, 1831. + Supplement, with preface to a future second edition, 1833. + + 98 Hase seems not to have recognised that the "Disclosures" were merely + a plagiarism from Venturini. He mentions them in connexion with + Bruno Bauer and appears to make him responsible for inspiring them; + at least that is suggested by his formula of transition when he + says: "It was primarily to him that the frivolous apocryphal + hypotheses attached themselves." This is quite inaccurate. The + anonymous epitomist of Venturini had nothing to do with Bauer, and + had probably not read a line of his work. Venturini, whom he had + read, he does not name. + + 99 One of the most ingenious of the followers of Venturini was the + French Jew Salvator. In his _Jesus-Christ et sa doctrine_ (Paris, 2 + vols., 1838), he seeks to prove that Jesus was the last + representative of a mysticism which, drawing its nutriment from the + other Oriental religions, was to be traced among the Jews from the + time of Solomon onwards. In Jesus this mysticism allied itself with + Messianic enthusiasm. After He had lost consciousness upon the cross + He was succoured by Joseph of Arimathea and Pilate's wife, contrary + to His own expectation and purpose. He ended His days among the + Essenes. + + Salvator looks to a spiritualised mystical Mosaism as destined to be + the successful rival of Christianity. + + 100 The reference should be Micah iv. 8.--F. C. B. + + 101 "Ich bin der Geist, der stets verneint."--Mephistopheles in _Faust_. + + 102 _Aus der Jordanwiege nach Golgatha; vier Buecher ueber das Evangelium + und die Evangelien._ + + 103 _Die Geschichte Jesu auf Grund freier geschichtlicher Untersuchungen + ueber das Evangelium and die Evangelien._ + + 104 For Noack's reconstruction of it see Book iii. pp. 196-225. + + 105 For the reconstruction see Book iii. pp. 326-386. + + 106 _Tharraqah und Sunamith._ The Song of Solomon in its historical and + topographical setting. 1869. + + 107 _La Vie de Jesus de D. Fr. Strauss._ Traduite par M. Littre, 1840. + + 108 Bruno Bauer in _Philo, Strauss, und Renan_. + + 109 Renan does not hesitate to apply this tasteless parallel. + + 110 Charles Emile Freppel (Abbe), Professeur d'eloquence sacree a la + Sorbonne. _Examen critique de la vie de Jesus de M. Renan._ Paris, + 1864. 148 pp. + + Henri Lasserre's pamphlet, _L'Evangile selon Renan_ (The Gospel + according to Renan), reached its four-and-twentieth edition in the + course of the same year. + + 111 _Lettre pastorale de Monseigneur l'Archeveque de Paris (Georges + Darboy) sur la divinite de Jesus-Christ, et mandement pour le careme + de 1864._ + + 112 See, for example, Felix Antoine Philibert Dupanloup, Bishop of + Orleans, _Avertissement a la jeunesse et aux peres de famille sur + les attaques dirigees contre la religion par quelques ecrivains de + nos jours._ (Warning to the Young, and to Fathers of Families, + concerning some Attacks directed against Religion by some Writers of + our Time.) Paris, 1864. 141 pp. + + 113 Amadee Nicolas, _Renan et sa vie de Jesus sous les rapports moral, + legal, et litteraire. Appel a la raison et la conscience du monde + civilise._ Paris-Marseille, 1864. + + 114 Ernest Havet, Professeur au College de France, _Jesus dans + l'histoire_. _Examen de la vie de Jesus par M. Renan._ Extrait de la + _Revue des deux mondes_. Paris, 1863. 71 pp. + + 115 _Zwei franzoesische Stimmen ueber Renans Leben-Jesu, von Edmond + Scherer und Athanase Coquerel, d.J. Ein Beitrag zur Kenntnis des + franzoesischen Protestantismus._ Regensburg, 1864. (Two French + utterances in regard to Renan's Life of Jesus, by Edmond Scherer and + Athanase Coquerel the younger. A contribution to the understanding + of French Protestantism.) + + 116 E. de Pressense, _L'Ecole critique et Jesus-Christ, a propos de la + vie de Jesus de M. Renan_. + + 117 E. de Pressense, _Jesus-Christ, son temps, sa vie, son oeuvre_. + Paris, 1865. 684 pp. In general the plan of this work follows + Renan's. He divides the Life of Jesus into three periods: i. The + Time of Public Favour; ii. The Period of Conflict; iii. The Great + Week. Death and Victory. By way of introduction there is a long + essay on the supernatural which sets forth the supernaturalistic + views of the author. + + 118 _La Vie de Jesus de Renan devant les orthodoxes et devant la + critique._ 1864. + + 119 T. Colani, Pasteur, "Examen de la vie de Jesus de M. Renan," _Revue + de theologie_. Issued separately, Strasbourg-Paris, 1864. 74 pp. + + 120 Lasserre, _Das Evangelium nach Renan_. Munich, 1864. + + Freppel, _Kritische Beleuchtung der E. Renan'schen Schrift_. + Translated by Kallmus. Vienna, 1864. + + See also Lamy, Professor of the Theological Faculty of the Catholic + University of Louvain, _Renans Leben-Jesu vor dem Richterstuhle der + Kritik_. (Renan's Life of Jesus before the Judgment Seat of + Criticism.) Translated by August Rohling, Priest. Muenster, 1864. + + 121 Dr. Michelis, _Renans Roman vom Leben Jesu_. _Eine deutsche Antwort + auf eine franzoesische Blasphemie._ (Renan's Romance on the Life of + Jesus. A German answer to a French blasphemy.) Muenster, 1864. + + Dr. Sebastian Brunner, _Der Atheist Renan und sein Evangelium_. (The + Atheist Renan and his Gospel.) Regensburg, 1864. + + Albert Wiesinger, _Aphorismen gegen Renans Leben-Jesu_. Vienna, + 1864. + + Dr. Martin Deutlinger, _Renan und das Wunder_. (Renan and Miracle. A + contribution to Christian Apologetic.) Munich, 1864. 159 pp. + + Dr. Daniel Bonifacius Haneberg, _Ernest Renans Leben-Jesu_. + Regensburg, 1864. + + 122 Willibald Beyschlag, Doctor and Professor of Theology, _Ueber das + Leben-Jesu von Renan_. A Lecture delivered at Halle, January 13, + 1864. Berlin. + + 123 Chr. Ernst Luthardt, Doctor and Professor of Theology, _Die modernen + Darstellungen des Lebens Jesu_. (Modern Presentations of the Life of + Jesus.) A discussion of the writings of Strauss, Renan, and + Schenkel, and of the essays of Coquerel the younger, Scherer, + Colani, and Keim. A Lecture. Leipzig, 1864. + + Of the remaining Protestant polemics we may name:-- + + Dr. Hermann Gerlach, _Gegen Renans Leben-Jesu 1864_. Berlin. + + Br. Lehmann, _Renan wider Renan_. (Renan _versus_ Renan.) A Lecture + addressed to cultured Germans. Zwickau, 1864. + + Friedrich Baumer, _Schwarz, Strauss, Renan_. A Lecture. Leipzig, + 1864. + + John Cairns, D. D. (of Berwick). _Falsche Christi und der wahre + Christus, oder Verteidigung der evangelischen Geschichte gegen + Strauss und Renan._ (False Christs and the True, a Defence of the + Gospel History against Strauss and Renan.) A Lecture delivered + before the Bible Society. Translated from the English. Hamburg, + 1864. + + Bernhard ter Haar, Doctor of Theology and Professor at Utrecht, + _Zehn Vorlesungen ueber Renans Leben-Jesu_. (Ten Lectures on Renan's + Life of Jesus.) Translated by H. Doermer. Gotha, 1864. + + Paulus Cassel, Professor and Licentiate in Theology, _Bericht ueber + Renans Leben-Jesu_. (A Report upon Renan's Life of Jesus.) + + J. J. van Oosterzee, Doctor and Professor of Theology at Utrecht, + _Geschichte oder Roman? Das Leben-Jesu von Renan vorlaeufig + beleuchtet._ (History or Fiction? A Preliminary Examination of + Renan's Life of Jesus.) Hamburg, 1864. + + 124 Strauss's second Life of Jesus appeared in French in 1864. + + 125 "I can now say without incurring the reproach of self-glorification, + and almost without needing to fear contradiction, that if my Life of + Jesus had not appeared in the year after Schleiermacher's death, his + would not have been withheld for so long. Up to that time it would + have been hailed by the theological world as a deliverer; but for + the wounds which my work inflicted on the theology of the day, it + had neither anodyne nor dressing; nay, it displayed the author as in + a measure responsible for the disaster, for the waters which he had + admitted drop by drop were now, in defiance of his prudent + reservations, pouring in like a flood."--From the Introduction to + _The Christ of Faith and the Jesus of History_, 1865. + + 126 "Now that Schleiermacher's Life of Jesus at last lies before us in + print, all parties can gather about it in heartfelt rejoicing. The + appearance of a work by Schleiermacher is always an enrichment to + literature. Any product of a mind like his cannot fail to shed light + and life on the minds of others. And of works of this kind our + theological literature has certainly in these days no superfluity. + Where the living are for the most part as it were dead, it is meet + that the dead should arise and bear witness. These lectures of + Schleiermacher's, when compared with the work of his pupils, show + clearly that the great theologian has let fall upon them only his + mantle and not his spirit."--_Ibid._ + + 127 The lines of Schleiermacher's work were followed by Bunsen. His Life + of Jesus forms vol. ix. of his _Bibelwerk_. (Edited by Holtzmann, + 1865.) He accepts the Fourth Gospel as an historical source and + treats the question of miracle as not yet settled. Christian Karl + Josias von Bunsen, born in 1791 at Korbach in Waldeck, was Prussian + ambassador at Rome, Berne, and London, and settled later in + Heidelberg. He was well read in theology and philology, and + gradually came, in spite of his friendly relations with Friedrich + Wilhelm IV., to entertain more liberal views on religion. The issue + of his _Bibelwerk fuer die Gemeinde_ was begun in 1858. He died in + 1860. (Best known in England as the Chevalier Bunsen.) + + 128 Ch. H. Weisse, _Die evangelische Geschichte_, Leipzig, 1838. _Die + Evangelienfrage in ihrem gegenwaertigen Stadium._ (The Present + Position of the Problem of the Gospels.) Leipzig, 1856. He regarded + the discourses as historical, the narrative portions as of secondary + origin. Alexander Schweizer, again, wished to distinguish a + Jerusalem source and a Galilaean source, the latter being + unreliable. _Das Evangelium Johannis nach seinem inneren Werte und + seiner Bedeutung fuer das Leben Jesu_, 1841. (The Gospel of John + considered in Relation to its Intrinsic Value and its Importance as + a Source for the Life of Jesus.) See p. 127 f. Renan takes the + narrative portions as authentic and the discourses as secondary. + + 129 Karl Heinrich Weizsaecker was born in 1822 at Oehringen in Wuertemberg. + He qualified as Privat-Docent in 1847 and, after acting in the + meantime as Court-Chaplain and Oberkonsistorialrat at Stuttgart, + became in 1861 the successor of Baur at Tuebingen. He died in 1899. + + 130 The works of a Dutch writer named Stricker, _Jesus von Nazareth_ + (1868), and of the Englishman Sir Richard Hanson, _The Jesus of + History_ (1869), were based on Mark without any reference to John. + + 131 1, Mark i.; 2, Mark ii. 1-iii. 6; 3, Mark iii. 7-19; 4, Mark iii. + 19-iv. 34; 5, Mark iv. 35-vi. 6; 6, Mark vi. 7-vii. 37; 7, Mark + viii. 1-ix. 50. + + 132 Holtzmann, _Kommentar zu den Synoptikern_, 1889, p. 184. The form of + the expression (_Fluchtwege und Reisen_) is derived from Keim. + + 133 "Thus the course of Jesus' life hastened forward to its tragic + close, a close which was foreseen and predicted by Jesus Himself + with ever-growing clearness as the sole possible close, but also + that which alone was worthy of Himself, and which was necessary as + being foreseen and predetermined in the counsel of God. The hatred + of the Pharisees and the indifference of the people left from the + first no other prospect open. That hatred could not but be called + forth in the fullest measure by the ruthless severity with which + Jesus exposed all that it was and implied--a heart in which there was + no room for love, a morality inwardly riddled with decay, an outward + show of virtue, a hypocritical arrogance. Between two such + unyielding opponents--a man who, to all appearance, aimed at using + the Messianic expectations of the people for his own ends, and a + hierarchy as tenacious of its claims and as sensitive to their + infringement as any that has ever existed--it was certain that the + breach must soon become irreparable. It was easy to foresee, too, + that even in Galilee only a minority of the people would dare to + face with Him the danger of such a breach. There was only one thing + that could have averted the death sentence which had been early + determined upon--a series of vigorous, unambiguous demonstrations on + the part of the people. In order to provoke such demonstrations + Jesus would have needed, if only for the moment, to take into His + service the popular, powerful, inflammatory Messianic ideas, or + rather, would have needed to place Himself at their service. His + refusal to enter, by so much as a single step, upon this course, + which from any ordinary point of view of human policy would have + been legitimate, because the only practicable one, was the sole + sufficient and all-explaining cause of His destruction."--Holtzmann, + _Die synoptischen Evangelien_, 1863, pp. 485, 486. + + 134 "Ein innerliches Reich der Sinnesaenderung." "Sinnesaenderung" + corresponds more exactly than "repentance" to the Greek {~GREEK SMALL LETTER MU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER EPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~} + (change of mind, change of attitude), but the _phrase_ is no less + elliptical in German than in English. The meaning is doubtless + "kingdom based upon repentance, consisting of those who have + fulfilled this condition." + + 135 Omitted in some of the best texts.--F. C. B. + + 136 Oskar Holtzmann, _Das Leben Jesu_, 1901. + + 137 _Die modernen Darstellungen des Lebens Jesu._ (Modern Presentments + of the Life of Jesus.) A discussion of the works of Strauss, Renan, + and Schenkel, and of the Essays of Coquerel the younger, Scherer, + Colani, and Keim. A lecture by Chr. Ernest Luthardt, Leipzig. 1st + and 2nd editions, 1864. Luthardt was born in 1823 at Maroldsweisach + in Lower Franconia, became Docent at Erlangen in 1851, was called to + Marburg as Professor Extraordinary in 1854, and to Leipzig as + Ordinary Professor in 1856. He died in 1902. + + 138 _Zur Orientierung ueber meine Schrift __"__Das Charakterbild + Jesu.__"_ (Explanations intended to place my work "A Picture of the + Character of Jesus" in the proper light.) 1864. _Die protestantische + Freiheit in ihrem gegenwaertigen Kampfe mit der kirchlichen + Reaktion._ (Protestant Freedom in its present Struggle with + Ecclesiastical Reaction.) 1865. + + 139 _Der Schenkel'sche Handel in Baden._ (The Schenkel Controversy in + Baden.) (A corrected reprint from number 441 of the _National- + Zeitung_ of September 21, 1864.) An appendix to _Der Christus des + Glaubens und der Jesus der Geschichte_. 1865. + + 140 Theodor Keim, _Die Geschichte Jesu von Nazara, in ihrer Verhaltung + mit dem Gesamtleben seines Volkes frei untersucht und ausfuehrlich + erzaehlt_. (The History of Jesus of Nazara in Relation to the General + Life of His People, freely examined and fully narrated.) 3 vols. + Zurich, 1867-1872. Vol. i. The Day of Preparation; vol. ii. The Year + of Teaching in Galilee; vol. iii. The Death-Passover (_Todesostern_) + in Jerusalem. A short account in a more popular form appeared in + 1872, _Geschichte Jesu nach den Ergebnissen heutiger Wissenschaft + fuer weitere Kreise uebersichtlich erzaehlt_. (The History of Jesus + according to the Results of Present-day Criticism, briefly narrated + for the General Reader.) 2nd ed., 1875. + + Karl Theodor Keim was born in 1825 at Stuttgart, was Repetent at + Tuebingen from 1851 to 1855, and after he had been five years in the + ministry, became Professor at Zurich in 1860. In 1873 he accepted a + call to Giessen, where he died in 1878. + + 141 _Die menschliche Entwicklung Jesu Christi._ See Holtzmann, _Die + synoptischen Evangelien_, 1863, pp. 7-9. This dissertation was + followed by _Der geschichtliche Christus_. 3rd ed., 1866. + + 142 _Geschichte Jesu._ 2nd ed., 1875, pp. 228 and 229. + + 143 The ultimate reason why Keim deliberately gives such prominence to + the eschatology is that he holds to Matthew, and is therefore more + under the direct impression of the masses of discourse in this + Gospel, charged, as they are, with eschatological ideas, than those + writers who find their primary authority in Mark, where these + discourses are lacking. + + 144 _Geschichte Jesu. Nach akademischen Vorlesungen von Dr. Karl Hase._ + 1876. Special mention ought also to be made of the fine sketch of + the Life of Jesus in A. Hausrath's _Neutestamentliche + Zeitgeschichte_ (History of New Testament Times), 1st ed., Munich, + 1868 ff.; 3rd ed., 1 vol., 1879, pp. 325-515; _Die + zeitgeschichtlichen Beziehungen des Lebens Jesu_ (The Relations of + the Life of Jesus to the History of His time). + + Adolf Hausrath was born at Karlsruhe. He was appointed Professor of + Theology at Heidelberg in 1867, and died in 1909. + + 145 _Das Leben Jesu_, von Willibald Beyschlag: Pt. i. Preliminary + Investigations, 1885, 450 pp.; pt. ii. Narrative, 1886, 495 pp. Joh. + Heinr. Christoph Willibald Beyschlag was born in 1823 at Frankfort- + on-Main, and went to Halle as Professor in 1860. His splendid + eloquence made him one of the chief spokesmen of German + Protestantism. As a teacher he exercised a remarkable and salutary + influence, although his scientific works are too much under the + dominance of an apologetic of the heart. He died in 1900. + + 146 Bernhard Weiss, _Das Leben Jesu_. 2 vols. Berlin, 1882. See also + _Das Markusevangelium_, 1872; _Das Matthaeusevangelium_, 1876; and + the _Lehrbuch der neutestamentlichen Theologie_, 5th ed., 1888. + Bernhard Weiss was born in 1827 at Koenigsberg, where he qualified as + Privat-Docent in 1852. In 1863 he went as Ordinary Professor to + Kiel, and was called to Berlin in the same capacity in 1877. + + Among the distinctly liberal Lives of Jesus of an earlier date, that + of W. Krueger-Velthusen (Elberfeld, 1872, 271 pp.) might be mentioned + if it were not so entirely uncritical. Although the author does not + hold the Fourth Gospel to be apostolic he has no hesitation in + making use of it as an historical source. + + There is more sentiment than science, too, in the work of M. G. + Weitbrecht, _Das Leben Jesu nach den vier Evangelien_, 1881. + + A weakness in the treatment of the Johannine question and a want of + clearness on some other points disfigures the three-volume Life of + Jesus of the Paris professor, E. Stapfer, which is otherwise marked + by much acumen and real depth of feeling. Vol. i. _Jesus-Christ + avant son ministere_ (Fischbacher, Paris, 1896); vol. ii. _Jesus- + Christ pendant son ministere_ (1897); vol. iii. _La Mort et la + resurrection de Jesus-Christ_ (1898). + + F. Godet writes of "The Life of Jesus before His Public Appearance" + (German translation by M. Reineck, _Leben Jesu vor seinem + oeffentlichen Auftreten_. Hanover, 1897). + + G. Laengin founds his _Der Christus der Geschichte und sein + Christentum_ (The Christ of History and His Christianity) on a + purely Synoptic basis. 2 vols., 1897-1898. + + The English _Life of Jesus Christ_, by James Stalker, D. D. (now + Professor of Church History in the United Free Church College, + Aberdeen), passed through numberless editions (German, 1898; + Tuebingen, 4th ed., 1901). + + Very pithy and interesting is Dr. Percy Gardner's _Exploratio + Evangelica_. _A Brief Examination of the Basis and Origin of + Christian Belief._ 1899; 2nd ed., 1907. + + A work which is free from all compromise is H. Ziegler's _Der + geschichtliche Christus_ (The Historical Christ). 1891. For this + reason the five lectures, delivered in Liegnitz, out of which it is + composed, attracted such unfavourable attention that the + Ecclesiastical Council took proceedings against the author. (See the + _Christliche Welt_, 1891, pp. 563-568, 874-877.) + + 147 Holtzmann, _Neutestamentliche Einleitung_, 2nd ed., 1886. Weizsaecker + declares himself in the _Theologische Literaturzeitung_ for 1882, + No. 23, and _Das apostolische Zeitalter_, 2nd ed., 1890. + + Hase and Schenkel accepted this position in principle, but were + careful to keep open a line of retreat. + + Towards the end of the 'seventies the rejection of the Fourth Gospel + as an historical source was almost universally recognised in the + critical camp. It is taken for granted in the Life of Jesus by Karl + Wittichen (Jena, 1876, 397 pp.), which might be reckoned one of the + most clearly conceived works of this kind based on the Marcan + hypothesis if its arrangement were not so bad. It is partly in the + form of a commentary, inasmuch as the presentment of the life takes + the form of a discussion of sixty-seven sections. The detail is very + interesting. It makes an impression of _naivete_ when we find a + series of sections grouped under the title, "The establishment of + _Christianity_ in Galilee." No stress is laid on the significance of + Jesus' journey to the north. Wittichen, also, misled by Luke, + asserts, just as Weisse had done, that Jesus had worked in Judaea + for some time prior to the triumphal entry. + + 148 H. H. Wendt, _Die Lehre Jesu_, vol. i. _Die evangelischen + Quellenberichte ueber die Lehre Jesu._ (The Record of the Teaching of + Jesus in the Gospel Sources.) 354 pp. Goettingen, 1886; vol. ii., + 1890; Eng. trans., 1892. Second German edition in one vol., 626 pp., + 1901. See also the same writer's _Das Johannesevangelium_. + _Untersuchung seiner Entstehung und seines geschichtlichen Wertes_, + 1900. (The Gospel of John: an Investigation of its Origin and + Historical Value.) Hans Heinrich Wendt was born in 1853 at Hamburg, + qualified as Privat-Docent in 1877 at Goettingen, was subsequently + Extraordinary Professor at Kiel and Heidelberg, and now works at + Jena. + + 149 _Johannis Lightfooti, Doctoris Angli et Collegii S. Catharinae in + Cantabrigiensi Academia Praefecti, Horae Hebraicae et Talmudicae in + Quatuor Evangelistas ... nunc secundum in Germania junctim cum + Indicibus locorum Scripturae rerumque ac verborum necessariis editae + e Museo Io. Benedicti Carpzovii. Lipsiae. Anno MDCLXXXIV._ + + 150 The pioneer works in the study of apocalyptic were Dillmann's + _Henoch_, 1851; and Hilgenfeld's _Juedische Apokalyptik_, 1857. + + 151 _Jesus Nazarenus und die erste christliche Zeit, mit den beiden + ersten Erzaehlern_, von Gustav Volkmar, Zurich, 1882. To which must + be added: _Markus und die Synopse der Evangelien, nach dem + urkundlichen Text; und das Geschichtliche vom Leben Jesu_. (Mark and + Synoptic Material in the Gospels, according to the original text; + and the historical elements in the Life of Jesus.) Zurich, 1869; 2nd + edition, 1876, 738 pp. Volkmar was born in 1809, and was living at + Fulda as a Gymnasium (High School) teacher, when in 1852 he was + arrested by the Hessian Government on account of his political + views, and subsequently deprived of his post. In 1853 he went to + Zurich, where a new prospect opened to him as a Docent in theology. + He died in 1893. + + 152 Kienlen, "Die eschatologische Rede Jesu Matt. xxiv. cum Parall." + (The Eschatological Discourse of Jesus in Matt. xxiv. with the + parallel passages), _Jahrbuch fuer die Theologie_, 1869, pp. 706-709. + Analysis of other attempts directed to the same end in Weiffenbach, + _Der Wiederkunftsgedanke_, p. 31 ff. + + 153 Wilhelm Weiffenbach, Director of the Seminary for Theological + Students at Friedberg, was born in 1842 at Bornheim in Rhenish + Hesse. + + 154 The English reader will find a constructive analysis of what is + known as the "Little Apocalypse" in _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, art. + "Gospels," col. 1857. It consists of the verses Matt. xxiv. 6-8, + 15-22, 29-31, 34, corresponding to Mark xiii. 7-9_a_, 14-20, 24-27, + 30. According to the theory first sketched by Colani these verses + formed an independent Apocalypse which was embedded in the Gospel by + the Evangelist.--F. C. B. + + 155 _Untersuchungen ueber die evangelische Geschichte_, 1864, pp. + 121-126. + + 156 "Ueber die Komposition der eschatologischen Rede Matt. xxiv. 4 ff." + (The Composition of the Eschatological Discourse in Matt. xxiv. 4 + ff.), _Jahrbuch f. d. Theol._ vol. xiii., 1868, pp. 134-149. + + 157 By "Capernaitic" Weiffenbach apparently means literalistic; cf. John + vi. 52 f. + + 158 Wilhelm Baldensperger, at present Professor at Giessen, was born in + 1856 at Muelhausen in Alsace. + + 159 A new edition appeared in 1891. There is no fundamental alteration, + but in consequence of the polemic against opponents who had arisen + in the meantime it is fuller. The first part of a third edition + appeared in 1903 under the title _Die messianisch-apokalyptischen + Hoffnungen des Judentums_. + + See also the interesting use made of Late-Jewish and Rabbinic ideas + in Alfred Edersheim's _The Life and Times of Jesus the Messiah_, 2nd + ed., London, 1884, 2 vols. + + 160 Emil Schuerer, _Geschichte des juedischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu + Christi_. (History of the Jewish People in the Time of Christ.) 2nd + ed., part second, 1886, pp. 417 ff. Here is to be found also a + bibliography of the older literature of the subject. 3rd ed., 1889, + vol. ii. pp. 498 ff. + + Emil Schuerer was born at Augsburg in 1844, and from 1873 onwards was + successively Professor at Leipzig, Giessen, and Kiel, and is now + (1909) at Goettingen. + + The latest presentment of Jewish apocalyptic is _Die juedische + Eschatologie von Daniel bis Akiba_, by Paul Volz, Pastor in + Leonberg. Tuebingen, 1903. 412 pp. The material is very completely + given. Unfortunately the author has chosen the systematic method of + treating his subject, instead of tracing the history of its + development, the only right way. As a consequence Jesus and Paul + occupy far too little space in this survey of Jewish apocalyptic. + For a treatment of the origin of Jewish eschatology from the point + of view of the history of religion see Hugo Gressmann, now Professor + at Berlin, _Der Ursprung der israelitisch-juedischen Eschatologie_ + (The Origin of the Israelitish and Jewish Eschatology), Goettingen, + 1905. 377 pp. + + 161 Johannes Weiss, now Professor at Marburg, was born at Kiel in 1863. + + 162 It may be mentioned that this work had been preceded (in 1891) by + two Leiden prize dissertations, _Ueber die Lehre vom Reich Gottes im + Neuen Testament_ (Concerning the Kingdom of God in the New + Testament), one of them by Issel, the other, which lays especially + strong emphasis upon the eschatology, by Schmoller. + + 163 Wilhelm Bousset, now Professor in Goettingen, born 1865 at Luebeck + + 164 _Theol. Rundschau_ (1901), 4, pp. 89-103. + + 165 W. Bousset, _Die juedische Apokalyptik in ihrer + religionsgeschichtlichen Herkunft und ihrer Bedeutung fuer das Neue + Testament_. (The Origin of Apocalyptic as indicated by Comparative + Religion, and its significance for the understanding of the New + Testament.) Berlin, 1903. 67 pp. See also W. Bousset, _Die Religion + des Judentums im neutestamentlichen Zeitalter_, 512 pp., 1902. For + the assertion of Parsic influences see also Stave, _Der Einfluss des + Parsismus auf das Judentum_. Haarlem, 1898. + + 166 _Der Grundcharakter der Ethik Jesu im Verhaeltnis zu den + messianischen Hoffnungen seines Volkes und zu seinem eigenen + Messiasbewusstsein._ Freiburg, 1895, 119 pp. See also his inaugural + dissertation of 1896, _Le Principe de la morale de Jesus_. Paris, + 1896. + + A. K. Rogers, _The Life and Teachings of Jesus; a Critical Analysis, + etc._ (London and New York, 1894), regards Jesus' teaching as purely + ethical, refusing to admit any eschatology at all. + + 167 Paris, 2 vols., 500 and 512 pp. + + 168 W. Weiffenbach, _Die Frage der Wiederkunst Jesu_. (The Question + concerning the Second Coming of Jesus.) Friedberg, 1901. + + 169 A. Titius, _Die neutestamentliche Lehre von der Seligkeit und ihre + Bedeutung fuer die Gegenwart_. I. Teil: _Jesu Lehre vom Reich + Gottes_. (The New Testament Doctrine of Blessedness and its + Significance for the Present. Pt. I., Jesus' Doctrine of the Kingdom + of God.) Arthur Titius, now Professor at Kiel, was born in 1864 at + Sensburg. + + 170 _Die eschatologischen Aussagen Jesu in den synoptischen Evangelien_, + 167 pp. Erich Haupt, now Professor in Halle, was born in 1841 at + Stralsund. + + 171 Cf. the preface to the 2nd ed. of Joh. Weiss's _Die Predigt Jesu vom + Reiche Gottes_. Goettingen, 1900. + + 172 Tuebingen-Leipzig, 1901, 410 pp.; 2nd ed., 1904. Paul Wernle, now + Professor of Church History at Basle, was born in Zurich, 1872. + + 173 _Israelitische und juedische Geschichte_, 1st ed., 1894, pp. 163-168; + 2nd ed., 1895, pp. 198-204; 3rd ed., 1897; 4th ed., 1901, pp. + 380-394. See also his _Skizzen_ (Sketches), pp. 6, 187 ff. + + See also J. Wellhausen, _Das Evangelium Marci_, 1903, 2nd ed., 1909; + _Das Evangelium Matthaei_, 1904; _Das Evangelium Lucae_, 1904. + + Julius Wellhausen, now Professor at Goettingen, was born in 1844 at + Hameln. + + 174 Emil Schuerer, _Das messianische Selbstbewusstsein Jesu Christi_. + (The Messianic Self-consciousness of Jesus Christ.) 1903, 24 pp. + + According to J. Meinhold, too, in _Jesus und das alte Testament_ + (Jesus and the Old Testament), 1896, Jesus did not purpose to be the + Messiah of Israel. + + 175 _Die evangelische Geschichte und der Ursprung des Christentums auf + Grund einer Kritik der Berichte ueber das Leiden und die Auferstehung + Jesu._ (The Gospel History and the Origin of Christianity considered + in the light of a critical investigation of the Reports of the + Suffering and Resurrection of Jesus.) By Dr. W. Brandt, Leipzig, + 1893, 588 pp. + + Wilhelm Brandt was born in 1855 of German parents in Amsterdam and + became a pastor of the Dutch Reformed Church. In 1891 he resigned + this office and studied in Strassburg and Berlin. In 1893 he was + appointed to lecture in General History of Religion as a member of + the theological faculty of Amsterdam. + + 176 Ad. Juelicher, _Die Gleichnisreden Jesu_. Vol. i., 1888. The + substance of it had already been published in a different form. + Freiburg, 1886. + + Adolf Juelicher, at present Professor in Marburg, was born in 1857 at + Falkenberg. + + 177 W. Bousset, _Jesu Predigt in ihrem Gegensatz zum Judentum_. + Goettingen, 1892. + + 178 Ad. Juelicher, _Die Gleichnisreden Jesu_, 2nd pt. (Exposition of the + Parables in the first three Gospels.) Freiburg, 1899, 641 pp. + + Chr. A. Bugge, _Die Hauptparabeln Jesu_ (The most important Parables + of Jesus), German, from the Norwegian, Giessen, 1903, rightly + remarks on the obscure and inexplicable character of some of the + parables, but makes no attempt to deal with it from the historical + point of view. + + 179 Arnold Meyer, _Jesu Muttersprache_, 1896. P. W. Schmidt, too, in his + _Geschichte Jesu_ (Freiburg, 1899), defends the same interpretation, + and seeks to explain this obscure saying by the other about the + "strait gate." + + 180 _Die Predigt Jesu vom Reiche Gottes_, 2nd ed., 1900, p. 192 ff. + + 181 _Stud. Krit._, 1836, pp. 90-122. + + 182 See also _Die Vorstellungen vom Messias und vom Gottesreich bei den + Synoptikern_. (The Conceptions of the Messiah and the Kingdom of God + in the Synoptic Gospels.) By Ludwig Paul. Bonn, 1895. 130 pp. This + comprehensive study discusses all the problems which are referred to + below. Matt. xi. 12-14 is discussed under the heading "The Hinderers + of the Kingdom of God." + + 183 A. Hilgenfeld, _Zeitschr. f. wiss. Theol._, 1888, pp. 488-498; 1892, + pp. 445-464. + + 184 Orello Cone, "Jesus' Self-designation in the Synoptic Gospels," _The + New World_, 1893, pp. 492-518. + + 185 H. L. Oort, _Die uitdrukking {~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH DASIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH DASIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH VARIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH PERISPOMENI~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~} in het Nieuwe + Testament_. (The Expression Son of Man in the New Testament.) + Leyden, 1893. + + 186 R. H. Charles, "The Son of Man," _Expos. Times_, 1893. + + 187 _Die juedische Apokalyptik in ihrer religionsgeschichtlichen Herkunft + und ihrer Bedeutung fuer das Neue Testament._ (Jewish Apocalyptic in + its religious-historical origin and in its significance for the New + Testament.) 1903. + + On the eschatology of Jesus see also Schwartzkoppf, _Die + Weissagungen Jesu Christi von seinen Tode, seiner Auferstehung und + Wiederkunft und ihre Erfuellung_. (The Predictions of Jesus Christ + concerning His Death, His Resurrection, and Second Coming, and their + Fulfilment.) 1895. + + P. Wernle, _Die Reichgotteshofnung in den aeltesten christlichen + Dokumenten und bei Jesus_. (The Hope of the Kingdom of God in the + most ancient Christian Documents and as held by Jesus.) + + 188 Arnold Meyer, now Professor of New Testament Theology and Pastoral + Theology at Zurich, and formerly at Bonn, was born at Wesel in 1861. + + 189 Giambern. de Rossi, _Dissertazione della lingua propria di Christo e + degli Ebrei nazionali della Palestina da' Tempi de' Maccabei in + disamina del sentimento di un recente scrittore Italiano_. Parma, + 1772. + + 190 _Der Bericht des Matthaeus von Jesu dem Messias._ (Matthew's account + of Jesus the Messiah.) Altona, 1792. According to Meyer, p. 105 ff., + this was a very striking performance. + + 191 The name Chaldee was due to the mistaken belief that the language in + which parts of Daniel and Ezra were written was really the + vernacular of Babylonia. That vernacular, now known to us from + cuneiform tablets and inscriptions, is a Semitic language, but quite + different from Aramaic.--F. C. B. + + 192 Emil Friedrich Kautzsch was born in 1841 at Plauen in Saxony, and + studied in Leipzig, where he became Privat-Docent in 1869. In 1872 + he was called as Professor to Basle, in 1880 to Tuebingen, in 1888 to + Halle. + + 193 Gustaf Dalman, Professor at Leipzig, was born in 1865 at Niesky. In + addition to the works of his named above, see also _Der leidende und + der sterbende Messias_ (The Suffering and Dying Messiah), 1888; and + _Was sagt der Talmud ueber Jesum?_ (What does the Talmud say about + Jesus?), 1891. + + 194 2 Kings xviii. 26 ff. + + 195 _Studia Biblica_ I. _Essays in Biblical Archaeology and Criticism and + Kindred Subjects by Members of the University of Oxford_. Clarendon + Press, 1885, pp. 39-74. See Meyer, p. 29 ff. + + 196 Franz Delitzsch, _Die Buecher des Neuen Testaments aus dem + Griechischen ins Hebraeische uebersetzt_. 1877. (The Books of the N.T. + translated from Greek into Hebrew.) This work has been circulated by + thousands among Jews throughout the whole world. + + Delitzsch was born in 1813 at Leipzig and became Privat-Docent there + in 1842, went to Rostock as Professor in 1846, to Erlangen in 1850, + and returned in 1867 to Leipzig. By conviction he was a strict + Lutheran in theology. He was one of the leading experts in Late- + Jewish and Talmudic literature. He died in 1890. + + 197 See Meyer, p. 47 ff. + + 198 See Meyer, p. 61 ff. + + 199 Hans Lietzmann, now Professor in Jena, was born in 1875 at + Duesseldorf. Until his call to Jena he worked as a Privat-Docent at + Bonn. He has done some very meritorious work in the publication of + Early Christian writings. + + 200 See Meyer, p. 141 ff. + + 201 "De Oorsprong van de uitdrukking 'Zoon des Menschen' als + evangelische Messiastitel," _Theol. Tijdschr._, 1894. (The Origin of + the Expression "Son of Man" as a Title of the Messiah in the + Gospels.) + + 202 H. Lietzmann, "Zur Menschensohnfrage" (The Son-of-Man Problem), + _Theol. Arb. des Rhein. wissenschaftl. Predigervereins_, 1898. + + 203 N. Schmidt, "Was {~HEBREW LETTER BET~}{~HEBREW LETTER FINAL NUN~} {~HEBREW LETTER NUN~}{~HEBREW LETTER SHIN~}{~HEBREW LETTER ALEF~} a Messianic title?" _Journal of the Society + for Biblical Literature_, xv., 1896. + + 204 P. Schmiedel, "Der Name Menschensohn und das Messiasbewusstsein + Jesu" (The Designation Son of Man and the Messianic Consciousness of + Jesus), 1898, _Prot. Monatsh._ 2, pp. 252-267. + + 205 H. Gunkel, _Z. w. Th._, 1899, 42, pp. 581-611. + + 206 For the last phase of the discussion we may name: + + Wellhausen, _Skizzen und Vorarbeiten_ (Sketches and Studies), 1899, + pp. 187-215, where he throws further light on Dalman's philological + objections; and goes on to deny Jesus' use of the expression. + + W. Baldensperger, "Die neueste Forschung ueber den Menschensohn," + _Theol. Rundschau_, 1900, 3, pp. 201-210, 243-255. + + P. Fiebig, _Der Menschensohn_. Tuebingen, 1901. + + P. W. Schmiedel, "Die neueste Auffassung des Namens Menschensohn," + _Prot. Monatsh._ 5, pp. 333-351, 1901. (The Latest View of the + Designation Son of Man.) + + P. W. Schmidt, _Die Geschichte Jesu_, ii. + (_Erlaeuterungen_--Explanations). Tuebingen, 1904, p. 157 ff. + + 207 Dalman's reputation as an authority upon Jewish Aramaic is so + deservedly high, that it is necessary to point out that his solution + did not, as Dr. Schweitzer seems to say, entirely dispose of the + linguistic difficulties raised by Lietzmann as to the meaning and + use of _barnash_ and _barnasha_ in Aramaic. The English reader will + find the linguistic facts well put in sections 4 and 32 of N. + Schmidt's article "Son of Man" in _Encyclopaedia Biblica_ (cols. + 4708, 4723), or he may consult Prof. Bevan's review of Dalman's + _Worte Jesu_ in the _Critical Review_ for 1899, p. 148 ff. The main + point is that {~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH DASIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI AND OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} and {~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH DASIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH DASIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH VARIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH PERISPOMENI~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~} are equally + legitimate translations of _barnasha_. Thus the contrast in the + Greek between {~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH DASIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI AND OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} and {~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH DASIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH DASIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH VARIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH PERISPOMENI~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~} in Mark ii. 27 and + 28, or again in Mark viii. 36 and 38, disappears on retranslation + into the dialect spoken by Jesus. Whether this linguistic fact makes + the sayings in which {~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH DASIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH DASIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH VARIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH PERISPOMENI~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER THETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON~} occurs unhistorical is a + further question, upon which scholars can take, and have taken, + opposite opinions.--F. C. B. + + 208 See _Worte Jesu_, 1898, p. 191 ff. (= E. T. p. 234 ff.). + + 209 See the classical discussion in J. Weiss, _Die Predigt Jesus vom + Reiche Gottes_, 1892, 1st ed., p. 52 ff. + + In the second edition, of 1900, p. 160 ff., he allows himself to be + led astray by the "chiefest apostles" of modern theology to indulge + in the subtleties of fine-spun psychology, and explain Jesus' way of + speaking of Himself in the third person as the Son of Man as due to + the "extreme modesty of Jesus," a modesty which did not forsake Him + in the presence of His judges. This recent access of psychologising + exegesis has not conduced to clearness of presentation, and the + preference for the Lucan narrative does not so much contribute to + throw light on the facts as to discover in the thoughts of Jesus + subtleties of which the historical Jesus never dreamt. If the Lord + always used the term Son of Man when speaking of His Messiahship, + the reason was that this was the only way in which He could speak of + it at all, since the Messiahship was not yet realised, but was only + to be so at the appearing of the Son of Man. For a consistent, + purely historical, non-psychological exposition of the Son-of-Man + passages see Albert Schweitzer, _Das Messianitaets- und + Leidensgeheimnis_. (The Secret of the Messiahship and the Passion.) + A sketch of the Life of Jesus. Tuebingen, 1901. + + 210 See Dalman, p. 60 ff. + + John Lightfoot, _Horae Hebraicae et Talmudicae in quatuor + Evangelistas_. Edited by J. B. Carpzov. Leipzig, 1684. + + Christian Schoettgen, _Horae Hebraicae et Talmudicae in universum + Novum Testamentum_. Dresden-Leipzig, 1733. + + Joh. Gerh. Meuschen, _Novum Testamentum ex Talmude et antiquitatibus + Hebraeorum illustratum_. Leipzig, 1736. + + J. Jakob. Wettstein, _Novum Testamentum Graecum_. Amsterdam, 1751 + and 1752. + + F. Nork, _Rabbinische Quellen und Parallelen zu neutestamentlichen + Schriftstellen_, Leipzig, 1839. + + Franz Delitzsch, "Horae Hebraicae et Talmudicae," in the _Luth. + Zeitsch._, 1876-1878. + + Carl Siegfried, _Analecta Rabbinica_, 1875; "Rabbin. Analekten," + _Jahrb. f. prot. Theol._, 1876. + + A. Wuensche, _Neue Beitraege zur Erlaeuterung der Evangelien aus Talmud + und Midrasch_. (Contributions to the Exposition of the Gospels from + Talmud and Midrash.) Goettingen, 1878. + + 211 Leipzig, 1880; 2nd ed., 1897. + + 212 Cf. for what follows, Juelicher, _Die Gleichnisreden Jesu_, i., 1888, + p. 164 ff. + + 213 Robert Sheringham of Caius College, Cambridge, a royalist divine, + published an edition of the Talmudic tractate _Yoma_. London, + 1648.--F. C. B. + + 214 T. Tal, _Professor Oort und der Talmud_, 1880. See upon this Van + Manen, _Jahrb. f. prot. Theol._, 1884, p. 569. The best collection + of Talmudic parables is, according to Juelicher, that of Prof. Guis. + Levi, translated by L. Seligman as _Parabeln, Legenden und Gedanken + aus Talmud und Midrasch_. Leipzig, 2nd ed., 1877. + + 215 The question may be said to have been provisionally settled by Paul + Fiebig's work, _Altjuedische Gleichnisse und die Gleichnisse Jesu_ + (Ancient Jewish Parables and the Parables of Jesus), Tuebingen, 1904, + in which he gives some fifty Late-Jewish parables, and compares them + with those of Jesus, the final result being to show more clearly + than ever the uniqueness and absoluteness of His creations. + + 216 See the explanation by means of the Aramaic of a selection of the + sayings of Jesus in Meyer, pp. 72-90. A Judaism more under Parsee + influence is assumed as explaining the origin of Christianity by E. + Boeklen, _Die Verwandschaft der juedisch-christlichen mit der + parsischen Eschatologie_ (The Relation of Jewish-Christian to + Persian Eschatology), 1902, 510 ff. + + 217 The same view is expressed by Wellhausen, _Israelitische und + juedische Geschichte_, 3rd ed., p. 381, note 2; and by Albert + Schweitzer, _Das Messianitaets- und Leidensgeheimnis_, 1901. + + 218 See the Apocalypse of Baruch, and Fourth Ezra. + + 219 _La Vie inconnue de Jesus-Christ_, par Nicolas Notowitsch. Paris, + 1894. + + 220 See Juelicher, _Gleichnisreden Jesu_, i., 1888, p. 172 ff. + + 221 Max Mueller, _India, What can it teach us?_ London, 1883, p. 279. + + 222 Rudolf Seydel, Professor in the University of Leipzig, _Das + Evangelium von Jesu in seinen Verhaeltnissen zu Buddha-Sage und + Buddha-Lehre mit fortlaufender Ruecksicht auf andere + Religionskreise_. (The Gospel of Jesus in its relation to the Buddha + Legend and the Teaching of Buddha, with constant reference to other + religious groups.) Leipzig, 1882, p. 337. + + Other works by the same author are _Buddha und Christus_. Deutsche + Buecherei No. 33, Breslau, Schottlaender, 1884. + + _Die Buddha-Legende und das Leben Jesu nach den Evangelien._ 2nd ed. + Weimar, 1897. (Edited by the son of the late author.) 129 pp. + + See also on this question Van den Bergh van Eysinga, _Indische + Einfluesse auf evangelische Erzaehlungen_. Goettingen, 1904. 104 pp. + + According to J. M. Robertson, _Christianity and Mythology_ (London, + 1900), the Christ-Myth is merely a form of the Krishna-Myth. The + whole Gospel tradition is to be symbolically interpreted. + + 223 _Das Christentum des Neuen Testaments_, 1905. + + 224 Heinrich Julius Holtzmann, _Handkommentar_. _Die Synoptiker._ 1st + ed., 1889; 3rd ed., 1901. _Lehrbuch der neutestamentlichen + Theologie_, 1896, vol. i. + + 225 In the Catholic Church the study of the Life of Jesus has remained + down to the present day entirely free from scepticism. The reason of + that is, that in principle it has remained at a pre-Straussian + standpoint, and does not venture upon an unreserved application of + historical considerations either to the miracle question or to the + Johannine question, and naturally therefore resigns the attempt to + take account of and explain the great historical problems. + + We may name the following Lives of Jesus produced by German Catholic + writers:-- + + Joh. Nep. Sepp, _Das Leben Jesu Christi_. Regensburg, 1843-1846. 7 + vols., 2nd ed., 1853-1862. + + Peter Schegg, _Sechs Buecher des Lebens Jesu_. (The Life of Jesus in + Six Books.) Freiburg, 1874-1875. c. 1200 pp. + + Joseph Grimm, _Das Leben Jesu_. Wuerzburg, 2nd ed., 1890-1903. 6 + vols. + + Richard von Kralik, _Jesu Leben und Werk_. Kempten-Nuernberg, 1904. + 481 pp. + + W. Capitaine, _Jesus von Nazareth_. Regensburg, 1905. 192 pp. + + How narrow are the limits within which the Catholic study of the + life of Jesus moves even when it aims at scientific treatment, is + illustrated by Hermann Schell's _Christus_ (Mainz, 1903. 152 pp.). + After reading the forty-two questions with which he introduces his + narrative one might suppose that the author was well aware of the + bearing of all the historical problems of the life of Jesus, and + intended to supply an answer to them. Instead of doing so, however, + he adopts as the work proceeds more and more the role of an + apologist, not facing definitely either the miracle question or the + Johannine question, but gliding over the difficulties by the aid of + ingenious headings, so that in the end his book almost takes the + form of an explanatory text to the eighty-nine illustrations which + adorn the book and make it difficult to read. + + In France, Renan's work gave the incentive to an extensive Catholic + "Life-of-Jesus" literature. We may name the following:-- + + Louis Veuillot, _La Vie de notre Seigneur Jesus-Christ_. Paris, + 1864. 509 pp. German by Waldeyer. Koeln-Neuss, 1864. 573 pp. + + H. Wallon, _Vie de notre Seigneur Jesus-Christ_. Paris, 1865. 355 + pp. + + A work which met with a particularly favourable reception was that + of Pere Didon, the Dominican, _Jesus-Christ_, Paris, 1891, 2 vols., + vol. i. 483 pp., vol. ii. 469 pp. The German translation is dated + 1895. + + In the same year there appeared a new edition of the "Bitter + Sufferings of Our Lord Jesus Christ" (see above, p. 109 f.) by + Katharina Emmerich; the cheap popular edition of the translation of + Renan's "Life of Jesus"; and the eighth edition of Strauss's "Life + of Jesus for the German People." + + We may quote from the ecclesiastical _Approbation_ printed at the + beginning of Didon's Life of Jesus. "If the author sometimes seems + to speak the language of his opponents, it is at once evident that + he has aimed at defeating them on their own ground, and he is + particularly successful in doing so when he confronts their + irreligious a priori theories with the positive arguments of + history." + + As a matter of fact the work is skilfully written, but without a + spark of understanding of the historical questions. + + All honour to Alfred Loisy! (_Le Quatrieme Evangile_, Paris, 1903, + 960 pp.), who takes a clear view on the Johannine question, and + denies the existence of a Johannine historical tradition. But what + that means for the Catholic camp may be recognised from the + excitement produced by the book and its express condemnation. See + also the same writer's _L'Evangile et l'Eglise_ (German translation, + Munich, 1904, 189 pp.), in which Loisy here and there makes good + historical points against Harnack's "What is Christianity?" + + 226 Oskar Holtzmann, Professor of Theology at Giessen, was born in 1859 + at Stuttgart. + + 227 This suggestion reminds us involuntarily of the old rationalistic + Lives of Jesus, which are distressed that Jesus should have injured + the good people of the country of the Gesarenes by sacrificing their + swine in healing the demoniac. A good deal of old rationalistic + material crops up in the very latest Lives of Jesus, as cannot + indeed fail to be the case in view of the arbitrary interpretation + of detail which is common to both. According to Oskar Holtzmann the + barren fig-tree has also a symbolical meaning. "It is a pledge given + by God to Jesus that His faith shall not be put to shame in the + great work of His life." + + 228 Isaiah lxii. 11, "Say ye to the daughter of Zion, Behold, thy + salvation cometh." + + 229 "For Jesus Himself," Oskar Holtzmann argues, "this discovery"--he + means the antinomy which He had discovered in Psalm cx.--"disposed of + a doubt which had always haunted him. If He had really known Himself + to be descended from the Davidic line, He would certainly not have + publicly suggested a doubt as to the Davidic descent of the + Messiah." + + 230 Oskar Holtzmann's work, _War Jesus Ekstatiker?_ (Tuebingen, 1903, 139 + pp.) is in reality a new reading of the life of Jesus. By + emphasising the ecstatic element he breaks with the "natural" + conception of the life and teaching of Jesus; and, in so far, + approaches the eschatological view. But he gives a very wide + significance to the term ecstatic, subsuming under it, it might + almost be said, all the eschatological thoughts and utterances of + Jesus. He explains, for instance, that "the conviction of the + approaching destruction of existing conditions is ecstatic." At the + same time, the only purpose served by the hypothesis of ecstasy is + to enable the author to attribute to Jesus "The belief that in His + own work the Kingdom of God was already beginning, and the promise + of the Kingdom to individuals; this can only be considered + ecstatic." The opposites which Bousset brings together by the + conception of paradox are united by Holtzmann by means of the + hypothesis of ecstasy. That is, however, to play fast and loose with + the meaning of "ecstasy." An ecstasy is, in the usual understanding + of the word, an abnormal, transient condition of excitement in which + the subject's natural capacity for thought and feeling, and + therewith all impressions from without, are suspended, being + superseded by an intense mental excitation and activity. Jesus may + possibly have been in an ecstatic state at His baptism and at the + transfiguration. What O. Holtzmann represents as a kind of permanent + ecstatic state is rather an eschatological fixed idea. With + eschatology, ecstasy has no essential connexion. It is possible to + be eschatologically minded without being an ecstatic, and vice + versa. Philo attributes a great importance to ecstasy in his + religious life, but he was scarcely, if at all, interested in + eschatology. + + 231 P. W. Schmidt, now Professor in Basle, was born in Berlin in 1845. + + 232 Otto Schmiedel, Professor at the Gymnasium at Eisenach, _Die + Hauptprobleme der Leben-Jesu-Forschung_. Tuebingen, 1902. 71 pp. + Schmiedel was born in 1858. + + Hermann Freiherr von Soden, _Die wichtigsten Fragen im Leben Jesu_. + Von Soden, Professor in Berlin, and preacher at the Jerusalem + Kirche, was born in 1852. + + We may mention also the following works:-- + + Fritz Barth (born 1856, Professor at Bern), _Die Hauptprobleme des + Lebens Jesu_. 1st ed., 1899; 2nd ed., 1903. + + Friedrich Nippold's _Der Entwicklungsgang des Lebens Jesu im + Wortlaut der drei ersten Evangelien_ (The Course of the Life of + Jesus in the Words of the First Three Evangelists) (Hamburg, 1895, + 213 pp.) is only an arrangement of the sections. + + Konrad Furrer's _Vortraege ueber das Leben Jesu Christi_ (Lectures on + the Life of Jesus Christ) have a special charm by reason of the + author's knowledge of the country and the locality. Furrer, who was + born in 1838, is Professor at Zurich. + + Another work which should not be forgotten is R. Otto's _Leben und + Wirken Jesu nach historisch-kritischer Auffassung_ (Life and Work of + Jesus from the Point of View of Historical Criticism). A Lecture. + Goettingen, 1902. Rudolf Otto, born in 1869, is Privat-Docent at + Goettingen. + + 233 Schmiedel is not altogether right in making "the Heidelberg + Professor Paulus" follow the same lines as Reimarus, "except that + his works, of 1804 and 1828, are less malignant, but only the more + dull for that." In reality the deistic Life of Jesus by Reimarus, + and the rationalistic Life by Paulus have nothing in common. Paulus + was perhaps influenced by Venturini, but not by Reimarus. The + assertion that Strauss wrote his "Life of Jesus for the German + people" because "Renan's fame gave him no peace" is not justified, + either by Strauss's character or by the circumstances in which the + second Life of Jesus was produced. + + 234 Von Soden gives on pp. 24 ff. the passages of Mark which he supposes + to be derived from the Petrine tradition in a different order from + that in which they occur in Mark, regrouping them freely. He puts + together, for instance, Mark i. 16-20, iii. 13-19, vi. 7-16, viii. + 27-ix. 1, ix. 33-40, under the title "The formation and training of + the band of disciples." He supposes Mark, the pupil of Peter, to + have grouped in this way by a kind of association of ideas "what he + had heard Peter relate in his missionary journeys, when writing it + down after Peter's death, not connectedly, but giving as much as he + could remember of it"; this would be in accordance with the + statement of Papias that Mark wrote "not in order." Papias's + statement, therefore, refers to an "Ur-Markus," which he found + lacking in historical order. + + But what are we to make of a representative of the early Church thus + approaching the Gospels with the demand for historical arrangement? + And good, simple old Papias, of all people! + + But if the Marcan plan was not laid down in "Ur-Markus," there is + nothing for it--since the plan was certainly not given in the + collection of Logia--but to ascribe it to the author of our Gospel of + Mark, to the man, that is, who wrote down for the first time these + "Pauline conceptions," those reflections of experiences of + individual believers and of the community, and inserted them into + the Gospel. It is proposed, then, to retain the outline which he has + given of the life of Jesus, and reject at the same time what he + relates. That is to say, he is to be believed where it is convenient + to believe him, and silenced where it is inconvenient. No more + complete refutation of the Marcan hypothesis could possibly be given + than this analysis, for it destroys its very foundation, the + confident acceptance of the historicity of the Marcan plan. + + If there is to be an analysis of sources in Mark, then the Marcan + plan must be ascribed to "Ur-Markus," otherwise the analysis renders + the Markan hypothesis historically useless. But if "Ur-Markus" is to + be reconstructed on the basis of assigning to it the Marcan plan, + then we cannot separate the natural from the supernatural, for the + supernatural scenes, like the feeding of the multitude and the + transfiguration, are among the main features of the Marcan outline. + + No hypothetical analysis of "Ur-Markus" has escaped this dilemma; + what it can effect by literary methods is historically useless, and + what would be historically useful cannot be attained nor "presented" + by literary methods. + + 235 Von Soden, for instance, germanises Jesus when he writes, "and this + nature is sound to the core. In spite of its inwardness there is no + trace of an exaggerated sentimentality. In spite of all the + intensity of prayer there is nothing of ecstasy or vision. No + apocalyptic dream-pictures find a lodging-place in His soul." + + Is a man who teaches a world-renouncing ethic which sometimes soars + to the dizzy heights such as that of Matt. xix. 12, according to our + conceptions "sound to the core"? And does not the life of Jesus + present a number of occasions on which He seems to have been in an + ecstasy? + + Thus, von Soden has not simply read his Jesus out of the texts, but + has added something of his own, and that something is Germanic in + colouring. + + 236 _i.e._ the MS. Life of Jesus written by Kai Jans, one of the + characters of the novel. The way in which the whole life-experience + of this character prepares him for the writing of the Life is + strikingly--if not always acceptably--worked out.--TRANSLATOR. + + 237 Frenssen's Kai Jans professes to have used the "results of the whole + range of critical investigation" in writing his work. Among the + books which he enumerates and recommends in the after-word, we miss + the works of Strauss, Weisse, Keim, Volkmar, and Brandt, and, + generally speaking, the names of those who in the past have done + something really great and original. Of the moderns, Johannes Weiss + is lacking. Wrede is mentioned, but is virtually ignored. + Pfleiderer's remarkable and profound presentation of Jesus in the + _Urchristentum_ (E. T. "Primitive Christianity," vol. ii., 1909) is + non-existent so far as he is concerned. + + 238 _Heimatkunst_, the ideal that every production of German art should + be racy of the soil. It has its relative justification as a protest + against the long subservience of some departments of German art to + French taste.--TRANSLATOR. + + 239 The Jesus of H. S. Chamberlain's _Worte Christi_, 1901, 286 pp., is + also modern. But the modernity is not so obtrusive, because he + describes only the teaching of Jesus, not His life. + + 240 Born in 1839 at Stettin. Studied at Tuebingen, was appointed + Professor in 1870 at Jena and in 1875 at Berlin. (Died 1908.) + + 241 _Das Urchristentum, seine Schriften und Lehren in geschichtlichem + Zusammenhang beschrieben._ 2nd ed. Berlin, 1902. Vol. i. (696 pp.), + 615 ff.: _Die Predigt Jesu und der Glaube der Urgemeinde_ (English + Translation, "Primitive Christianity," chap. xvi.). Pfleiderer's + latest views are set forth in his work, based on academic lectures, + _Die Entstehung des Urchristentums_. (How Christianity arose.) + Munich, 1905. 255 pp. + + 242 Albert Kalthoff, _Das Christusproblem_. _Grundlinien zu einer + Sozialtheologie._ (The Problem of the Christ: Ground-plan of a + Social Theology.) Leipzig, 1902. 87 pp. + + _Die Entstehung des Christentums. Neue Beitraege zum + Christusproblem._ (How Christianity arose.) Leipzig, 1904. 155 pp. + + Albert Kalthoff was born in 1850 at Barmen, and is engaged in + pastoral work in Bremen. + + 243 _Das Leben Jesu._ Lectures delivered before the Protestant Reform + Society at Berlin. Berlin, 1880. 173 pp. + + 244 If Kalthoff would only have spoken of the conception of the + resurrection instead of the conception of immortality! Then his + subjective knowledge would have been more or less tolerable. + + 245 Against Kalthoff: Wilhelm Bousset, _Was wissen wir von Jesus?_ (What + do we know about Jesus?) Lectures delivered before the + Protestantenverein at Bremen. Halle, 1904. 73 pp. In reply: Albert + Kalthoff, _Was wissen wir von Jesus?_ A settlement of accounts with + Professor Bousset. Berlin, 1904. 43 pp. + + A sound historical position is set forth in the clear and trenchant + lecture of W. Kapp, _Das Christus- und Christentumsproblem bei + Kalthoff_. (The problem of the Christ and of Christianity as handled + by Kalthoff.) Strassburg, 1905. 23 pp. + + 246 Eduard von Hartmann, _Das Christentum des Neuen Testaments_. (The + Christianity of the N.T.) 2nd, revised and altered, edition of the + "Letters on the Christian Religion." Sachsa-in-the-Harz, 1905. 311 + pp. + + 247 Eduard von Hartmann ought, therefore, to have given his assistance + to the others who have made this assertion in proving that there + really existed Messianic claimants before and at the time of Jesus. + + 248 "Jesus," by Juelicher, in _Die Kultur der Gegenwart_. (An + encyclopaedic publication which is appearing in parts.) Teubner, + Berlin, 1905, pp. 40-69. + + See also W. Bousset, "Jesus," _Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbuecher_. + (A series of religious-historical monographs.) Published by Schiele, + Halle, 1904. + + Here should be mentioned also the thoughtful book, following very + much the lines of Juelicher, by Eduard Grimm, entitled _Die Ethik + Jesu_, Hamburg, 1903, 288 pp. The author, born in 1848, is the chief + pastor at the Nicolaikirche in Hamburg. + + Another work which deserves mention is Arno Neumann, _Jesu wie er + geschichtlich war_ (Jesus as he historically existed), Freiburg, + 1904, 198 pp. (New Paths to the Old God), a Life of Jesus + distinguished by a lofty vein of natural poetry and based upon solid + theological knowledge. Arno Neumann is headmaster of a school at + Apolda. + + 249 _Jeschua. Der klassische juedische Mann. Zerstoerung des kirchlichen, + Enthuellung des juedischen Jesus-Bildes._ Berlin, 1904, 112 pp. + Earlier studies of the Life of Jesus from the Jewish point of view + had been less ambitious. Dr. Aug. Wuensche had written in 1872 on + "Jesus in His attitude towards women" from the Talmudic standpoint + (146 pp.), and had described Him from the same standpoint as a Jesus + who rejoiced in life, _Der lebensfreudige Jesus der synoptischen + Evangelien im Gegensatz zum leidenden Messias der Kirche_. Leipzig, + 1876, 444 pp. The basis is so far correct, that the eschatological, + world-renouncing ethic which we find in Jesus was due to temporary + conditions and is therefore transitory, and had nothing whatever to + do with Judaism as such. The spirit of the Law is the opposite of + world-renouncing. But the Talmud, be its traditions never so + trustworthy, could teach us little about Jesus because it has + preserved scarcely a trace of that eschatological phase of Jewish + religion and ethics. + + 250 Wolfgang Kirchbach, _Was lehrte Jesus? Zwei Urevangelien_. Berlin, + 1897, 248 pp.; second greatly enlarged and improved edition, 1902, + 339 pp. By the same author, _Das Buch Jesus_. _Die Urevangelien. Neu + nachgewiesen, neu uebersetzt, geordnet und aus der Ursprache + erklaert_. (The Book of Jesus. The Primitive Gospels. Newly traced, + translated, arranged, and explained on the basis of the original.) + Berlin, 1897. + + 251 Before him, Hugo Delff, in his _History of the Rabbi Jesus of + Nazareth_ (Leipzig, 1889, 428 pp.), had confined himself to the + Fourth Gospel, and even within that Gospel he drew some critical + distinctions. His Jesus at first conceals His Messiahship from the + fear of arousing the political expectations of the people, and + speaks to them of the Son of Man in the third person. At His second + visit to Jerusalem He breaks with the rulers, is subsequently + compelled, in consequence of the conflict over the Sabbath, to leave + Galilee, and then gives up His own people and turns to the heathen. + Delff explains the raising of Lazarus by supposing him to have been + buried in a state of trance. + + 252 Albert Dulk, _Der Irrgang des Lebens Jesu_. _In geschichtlicher + Aufassung dargestellt. Erster Teil: Die historischen Wurzeln und die + galilaeische Bluete_, 1884. 395 pp. _Zweiter Teil: Der Messiaseinzug + und die Erhebung ans Kreuz_, 1885, 302 pp. (The Error of the Life of + Jesus. Historically apprehended and set forth. Pt. i., The + Historical Roots and the Galilaean Blossom. Pt. ii., The Messianic + Entry and the Crucifixion.) The course of Dulk's own life was + somewhat erratic. Born in 1819, he came prominently forward in the + revolution of 1848, as a political pamphleteer and agitator. Later, + though almost without means, he undertook long journeys, even to + Sinai and to Lapland. Finally, he worked as a social democratic + reformer. He died in 1884. + + 253 A scientific treatment of this subject is supplied by Fr. Nippold, + _Die psychiatrische Seite der Heilstaetigkeit Jesu_ (The Psychiatric + Side of Jesus' Works of Healing), 1889, in which a luminous review + of the medical material is to be found. See also Dr. K. Kunz, + _Christus medicus_, Freiburg in Baden, 1905, 74 pp. The scientific + value of this work is, however, very much reduced by the fact that + the author has no acquaintance with the preliminary questions + belonging to the sphere of history and literature, and regards all + the miracles of healing as actual events, believing himself able to + explain them from the medical point of view. The tendency of the + work is mainly apologetic. + + 254 _Jesus von Nazareth. Described from the Scientific, Historical, and + Social Point of View._ Translated from the French (into German) by + A. Just. Leipzig, 1894. The author, whose real name is P. A. + Desjardin, is a practising physician. De Regla, too, makes the + Fourth Gospel the basis of his narrative. + + 255 Pierre Nahor (Emilie Lerou), _Jesus_. Translated from the French by + Walter Bloch. Berlin, 1905. Its motto is: The figure of Jesus + belongs, like all mysterious, heroic, or mythical figures, to legend + and poetry. In the introduction we find the statement, "This book is + a confession of faith." The narrative is based on the Fourth Gospel. + + 256 _La Vie inconnue de Jesus-Christ._ Paris, 1894. 301 pp. German, + under the title _Die Luecke im Leben Jesu_ (The Gap in the Life of + Jesus). Stuttgart, 1894. 186 pp. See Holtzmann in the _Theol. + Jahresbericht_, xiv. p. 140. + + In a certain limited sense the work of A. Lillie, _The Influence of + Buddhism on Primitive Christianity_ (London, 1893), is to be + numbered among the fictitious works on the life of Jesus. The + fictitious element consists in Jesus being made an Essene by the + writer, and Essenism equated with Buddhism. + + Among "edifying" romances on the life of Jesus intended for family + reading, that of the English writer J. H. Ingraham, _The Prince of + the House of David_, has had a very long lease of life. It appeared + in a German translation as early as 1858, and was reissued in 1906 + (Brunswick). + + A fictitious life of Jesus of wonderful beauty is Peter Rosegger's + _I.N.R.I. Frohe Botschaft eines armen Suenders_ (The Glad Tidings of + a poor Sinner). Leipzig, 6th-10th thousand, 1906. 293 pp. + + A feminine point of view reveals itself in C. Rauch's _Jeschua ben + Joseph_. Deichert, 1899. + + 257 _La Vie esoterique de Jesu-Christ et les origines orientales du + christianisme._ Paris, 1902. 445 pp. + + That Jesus was of Aryan race is argued by A. Mueller, who assumes a + Gaulish immigration into Galilee. _Jesus ein Arier._ Leipzig, 1904. + 74 pp. + + 258 _Did Jesus live 100 __B.C.__?_ London and Benares. Theosophical + Publishing Society, 1903. 440 pp. + + A scientific discussion of the "Toledoth Jeshu," with citations from + the Talmudic tradition concerning Jesus, is offered by S. Krauss, + _Das Leben Jesu nach juedischen Quellen_, 1902. 309 pp. According to + him the _Toledoth Jeshu_ was committed to writing in the fifth + century, and he is of opinion that the Jewish legend is only a + modified version of the Christian tradition. + + 259 William Wrede, born in 1859 at Buecken in Hanover, was Professor at + Breslau. (He died in 1907.) + + Wrede names as his real predecessors on the same lines Bruno Bauer, + Volkmar, and the Dutch writer Hoekstra ("De Christologie van het + canonieke Marcus-Evangelie, vergeleken met die van de beide andere + synoptische Evangelien," _Theol. Tijdschrift_, v., 1871). + + In a certain limited degree the work of Ernest Havet (_Le + Christianisme et ses origines_) has a claim to be classed in the + same category. His scepticism refers principally to the entry into + Jerusalem and the story of the passion. + + 260 These and the following questions are raised more especially in the + _Sketch of the Life of Jesus_. + + 261 It would perhaps be more historical to say "as a prophet." + + 262 The difficulties which the incident at Caesarea Philippi places in + the way of Wrede's construction may be realised by placing two of + his statements side by side. P. 101: "From this it is evident that + this incident contains no element which cannot be easily understood + on the basis of Mark's ideas." P. 238: "But in another aspect this + incident stands in direct contradiction to the Marcan view of the + disciples. It is inconsistent with their general 'want of + understanding,' and can therefore hardly have been created by Mark + himself." + + 263 The question of the attitude of pre-Origenic theology towards the + historical Jesus, and of the influence exercised by dogma upon the + evangelical tradition regarding Jesus in the course of the first two + centuries, is certainly deserving of a detailed examination. + + 264 Certain of the conceptions with which Wrede operates are simply not + in accordance with the text, because he gives them a different + significance from that which they have in the narrative. Thus, for + example, he always takes the "resurrection," when it occurs in the + mouth of Jesus, as a reference to that resurrection which as an + historical fact became a matter of apprehended experience to the + apostles. But Jesus speaks without any distinction of His + resurrection and of His Parousia. The conception of the + resurrection, therefore, if one is to arrive at it inductively from + the Marcan text, is most closely bound up with the Parousia. The + Evangelist would thus seem to have made Jesus predict a different + kind of resurrection from that which actually happened. The + resurrection, according to the Marcan text, is an eschatological + event, and has no reference whatever to Wrede's "historical + resurrection." Further, if their resurrection experience was the + first and fundamental point in the Messianic enlightenment of the + disciples, why did they only begin to proclaim it some weeks later? + This is a problem which was long ago recognised by Reimarus, and + which is not solved by merely assuming that the disciples were + afraid. + + 265 P. 33 ff. The prohibitions in Mark i. 43 and 44, v. 43, vii. 36, and + viii. 26 are put on the same footing with the really Messianic + prohibitions in viii. 30 and ix. 9, with which may be associated + also the imposition of silence upon the demoniacs who recognise his + Messiahship in Mark i. 34 and iii. 12. + + 266 The narrative in Matt. xiv. 22-33, according to which the disciples, + after seeing Jesus walk upon the sea, hail Him on His coming into + the boat as the Son of God, and the description of the deeds of + Jesus as "deeds of Christ," in the introduction to the Baptist's + question in Matt. xi. 2, do not cancel the old theory even in + Matthew, because the Synoptists, differing therein from the fourth + Evangelist, do not represent the demand for a sign as a demand for a + Messianic sign, nor the cures wrought by Jesus as Messianic proofs + of power. The action of the demons in crying out upon Jesus as the + Son of God betokens their recognition of Him; it has nothing to do + with the miracles of healing as such. + + 267 For further examples of the pressing of the theory to its utmost + limits, see Wrede, p. 134 ff. + + 268 It is always assumed as self-evident that Jesus is speaking of the + sufferings and persecutions which would take place after His death, + or that the Evangelist, in making Him speak in this way, is thinking + of these later persecutions. There is no hint of that in the text. + + 269 That the eschatological school showed a certain timidity in drawing + the consequences of its recognition of the character of the + preaching of Jesus and examining the tradition from the + eschatological standpoint can be seen from Johannes Weiss's work, + "The Earliest Gospel" (_Das aelteste Evangelium_), Goettingen, 1903, + 414 pp. Ingenious and interesting as this work is in detail, one is + surprised to find the author of the "Preaching of Jesus" here + endeavouring to distinguish between Mark and "Ur-Markus," to point + to examples of Pauline influence, to exhibit clearly the + "tendencies" which guided, respectively, the original Evangelist and + the redactor--all this as if he did not possess in his eschatological + view of the preaching of Jesus a dominant conception which gives him + a clue to quite a different psychology from that which he actually + applies. Against Wrede he brings forward many arguments which are + worthy of attention, but he can hardly be said to have refuted him, + because it is impossible for Weiss to treat the question in the + exact form in which it was raised by Wrede. + + 270 Wrede certainly goes too far in asserting that even in Mark's + version the experience at the baptism is conceived as an open + miracle, perceptible to others. The way in which the revelations to + the prophets are recounted in the Old Testament does not make in + favour of this. Otherwise we should have to suppose that the + Evangelist described the incident as a miracle which took place in + the presence of a multitude without perceiving that in this case the + Messianic secret was a secret no longer. If so, the story of the + baptism stands on the same footing as the story of the Messianic + entry: it is a revelation of the Messiahship which has absolutely no + results. + + 271 The statement of Mark that Jesus, coming out of the north, appeared + for a moment again in Decapolis and Capernaum, and then started off + to the north once more (Mark vii. 31-viii. 27), may here + provisionally be left out of account since it stands in relation + with the twofold account of the feeding of the multitude. So too the + enigmatic appearance and disappearance of the people (Mark viii. + 34-ix. 30) may here be passed over. These statements make no + difference to the fact that Jesus really broke off his work in + Galilee shortly after the Mission of the Twelve, since they imply at + most a quite transient contact with the people. + + 272 On the theory of the successful and unsuccessful periods in the work + of Jesus see the "Sketch," p. 3 ff., "The four Pre-suppositions of + the Modern Historical Solution." + + 273 Weisse found that there was no hint in the sources of the desertion + of the people, since according to these, Jesus was opposed only by + the Pharisees, not by the people. The abandonment of the Galilaean + work, and the departure to Jerusalem, must, he thought, have been + due to some unrecorded fact which revealed to Jesus that the time + had come to act in this way. Perhaps, he adds, it was the waning of + Jesus' miracle-working power which caused the change in His + attitude, since it is remarkable that He performed no further + miracles during His sojourn at Jerusalem. + + 274 The most logical attitude in regard to it is Bousset's, who proposes + to treat the mission and everything connected with it as a "confused + and unintelligible" tradition. + + 275 Joel iii. 13, "Put in the sickle for the harvest is ripe!" In the + Apocalypse of John, too, the Last Judgment is described as the + heavenly harvest: "Thrust in thy sickle and reap; for the time is + come for thee to reap; for the harvest of the earth is ripe. And he + that sat on the cloud thrust in his sickle on the earth; and the + earth was reaped" (Rev. xiv. 15 and 16). + + The most remarkable parallel to the discourse at the sending forth + of the disciples is offered by the Syriac Apocalypse of Baruch: + "Behold, the days come, when the time of the world shall be ripe, + and the harvest of the sowing of the good and of the evil shall + come, when the Almighty shall bring upon the earth and upon its + inhabitants and upon their rulers confusion of spirit and terror + that makes the heart stand still; and they shall hate one another + and provoke one another to war; and the despised shall have power + over them of reputation, and the mean shall exalt themselves over + them that are highly esteemed. And the many shall be at the mercy of + the few ... and all who shall be saved and shall escape the before- + mentioned (dangers) ... shall be given into the hands of my servant, + the Messiah." (Cap. lxx. 2, 3, 9. Following the translation of E. + Kautzsch.) + + The connexion between the ideas of harvest and of judgment was + therefore one of the stock features of the apocalyptic writings. And + as the Apocalypse of Baruch dates from the period about A.D. 70, it + may be assumed that this association of ideas was also current in + the Jewish apocalyptic of the time of Jesus. Here is a basis for + understanding the secret of the Kingdom of God in the parables of + sowing and reaping historically and in accordance with the ideas of + the time. What Jesus did was to make known to those who understood + Him that the coming earthly harvest was the last, and was also the + token of the coming heavenly harvest. The eschatological + interpretation is immensely strengthened by these parallels. + + 276 With what right does modern critical theology tear apart even the + discourse in Matt. xi. in order to make the "cry of jubilation" into + the cry with which Jesus saluted the return of His disciples, and to + find lodgment for the woes upon Chorazin and Bethsaida somewhere + else in an appropriately gloomy context? Is not all this apparently + disconnected material held together by an inner bond of + connexion--the secret of the Kingdom of God which is imminently + impending over Jesus and the people? Or, is Jesus expected to preach + like one who has a thesis to maintain and seeks about for the most + logical arrangement? Does not a certain lack of orderly connexion + belong to the very idea of prophetic speech? + + 277 If, therefore, Jesus at a later point predicted to His disciples His + resurrection, He means by that, not a single isolated act, but a + complex occurrence consisting of His metamorphosis, translation to + heaven, and Parousia as the Son of Man. And with this is associated + the general eschatological resurrection of the dead. It is, + therefore, one and the same thing whether He speaks of His + resurrection or of His coming on the clouds of heaven. + + 278 The title of Baldensperger's book, _The Self-consciousness of Jesus + in the Light of the Messianic Hopes of His Time_, really contains a + promise which is impossible of fulfilment. The contemporary + "Messianic hopes" can only explain the hopes of Jesus so far as they + corresponded thereto, not His view of His own Person, in which He is + absolutely original. + + 279 Even Baldensperger's book, _Die messianisch-apokalyptischen + Hoffnungen des Judentums_ (1903), passes at a stride from the Psalms + of Solomon to Fourth Ezra. The coming volume is to deal with the + eschatology of Jesus. That is a "theological," but not an historical + division of the material. The second volume should properly come in + the middle of the first. + + 280 The fact that in the Psalms of Solomon the Messiah is designated by + the ancient prophetic name of the Son of David is significant of the + rising influence of the ancient prophetic literature. This + designation has nothing whatever to do with a political ideal of a + kingly Messiah. This Davidic King and his Kingdom are, in their + character and the manner of their coming, every whit as supernatural + as the Son of Man and His coming. The same historical fact was read + into both Daniel and the prophets. + + 281 Enoch is an offshoot of the Danielic apocalyptic writings. The + earliest portion, the Apocalypse of the Ten Weeks, is independent of + Daniel and of contemporary origin. The Similitudes (capp. + xxxvii.-lxix.), which, with their description of the Judgment of the + Son of Man, are so important in connexion with the thoughts of + Jesus, may be placed in 80-70 B.C. They do not presuppose the taking + of Jerusalem by Pompey. + + 282 The Psalms of Solomon are therefore a decade later than the + Similitudes. + + 283 The Apocalypse of Baruch seems to have been composed not very long + after the Fall of Jerusalem. Fourth Ezra is twenty to thirty years + later. + + 284 The Psalms of Solomon form the last document of Jewish eschatology + before the coming of the Baptist. For almost a hundred years, from + 60 B.C. until A.D. 30, we have no information regarding + eschatological movements! And do the Psalms of Solomon really point + to a deep eschatological movement at the time of the taking of + Jerusalem by Pompey? Hardly, I think. It is to be noticed in + studying the times of Jesus that the surrounding circumstances have + no eschatological character. The Fall of Jerusalem marks the next + turning-point in the history of the apocalyptic hope, as Baruch and + Fourth Ezra show. + + 285 Jesus promises them expressly that at the appearing of the Son of + Man they shall sit upon twelve thrones, judging the twelve tribes of + Israel (Matt. xix. 28). It is to their part in the judgment that + belong also the authority to bind and to loose which He entrusts to + them--first to Peter personally (Matt. xvi. 19) and afterwards to all + the Twelve (Matt. xviii. 18)--in such a way, too, that their present + decisions will be somehow or other binding at the Judgment. Or does + the "upon earth" refer only to the fact that the Messianic Last + Judgment will be held on earth? "I give unto thee the Keys of the + Kingdom of Heaven, and whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth shall be + bound in heaven, and whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth shall be + loosed in heaven" (Matt. xvi. 19). Why should these words not be + historical? Is it because in the same context Jesus speaks of the + "church" which He will found upon the Rock-disciple? But if one has + once got a clear idea from Paul, a Clement, the Epistle to the + Hebrews, and the Shepherd of Hermas, what the pre-existing "church" + was which was to appear in the last times, it will no longer appear + impossible that Jesus might have spoken of the church against which + the gates of hell shall not prevail. Of course, if the passage is + given an uneschatological reference to the Church as we know it, it + loses all real meaning and becomes a treasure-trove to the Roman + Catholic exegete, and a terror to the Protestant. + + 286 That he could be taken for the Baptist risen from the dead shows how + short a time before the death of the Baptist His ministry had begun. + He only became known, as the Baptist's question shows, at the time + of the mission of the disciples; Herod first heard of Him after the + death of the Baptist. Had he known anything of Jesus beforehand, it + would have been impossible for him suddenly to identify Him with the + Baptist risen from the dead. This elementary consideration has been + overlooked in all calculations of the length of the public ministry + of Jesus. + + 287 That had been rightly remarked by Colani. Later, however, theology + lost sight of the fact because it did not know how to make any + historical use of it. + + 288 Psal. Sol. xv. 8. + + 289 That the baptism of John was essentially an act which gave a claim + to something future may be seen from the fact that Jesus speaks of + His sufferings and death as a special baptism, and asks the sons of + Zebedee whether they are willing, for the sake of gaining the + thrones on His right hand and His left, to undergo this baptism. If + the baptism of John had had no real sacramental significance it + would be unintelligible that Jesus should use this metaphor. + + 290 The thought of the Messianic feast is found in Isaiah lv. 1 ff. and + lxv. 12 ff. It is very strongly marked in Isa. xxv. 6-8, a passage + which perhaps dates from the time of Alexander the Great, "and + Jahweh of Hosts will prepare upon this mountain for all peoples a + feast of fat things, a feast of wine on the lees, of fat things + prepared with marrow, of wine on the lees well refined. He shall + destroy, in this mountain, among all peoples, the veil which has + veiled all peoples and the covering which has covered all nations. + He shall destroy death for ever, and the Lord Jahweh shall wipe away + the tears from off all faces; and the reproach of His people shall + disappear from the earth." (The German follows Kautzsch's + translation.) + + In Enoch xxiv. and xxv. the conception of the Messianic feast is + connected with that of the tree of life which shall offer its fruits + to the elect upon the mountain of the King. Similarly in the + Testament of Levi, cap. xviii. 11. + + The decisive passage is in Enoch lxii. 14. After the Parousia of the + Son of Man, and after the Judgment, the elect who have been saved + "shall eat with the Son of Man, shall sit down and rise up with Him + to all eternity." + + Jesus' references to the Messianic feast are therefore not merely + images, but point to a reality. In Matt. viii. 11 and 12 He + prophesies that many shall come from the East and from the West to + sit at meat with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. In Matt. xxii. 1-14 the + Messianic feast is pictured as a royal marriage, in Matt. xxv. 1-13 + as a marriage feast. + + The Apocalypse is dominated by the thought of the feast in all its + forms. In Rev. ii. 7 it appears in connexion with the thought of the + tree of life; in ii. 17 it is pictured as a feeding with manna; in + iii. 21 it is the feast which the Lord will celebrate with His + followers; in vii. 16, 17 there is an allusion to the Lamb who shall + feed His own so that they shall no more hunger or thirst; chapter + xix. describes the marriage feast of the Lamb. + + The Messianic feast therefore played a dominant part in the + conception of blessedness from Enoch to the Apocalypse of John. From + this we can estimate what sacramental significance a guarantee of + taking part in that feast must have had. The meaning of the + celebration was obvious in itself, and was made manifest in the + conduct of it. The sacramental effect was wholly independent of the + apprehension and comprehension of the recipient. Therefore, in this + also the meal at the lake-side was a true sacrament. + + 291 Weisse rightly remarks that the task of the historian in dealing + with Mark must consist in explaining how such "myths" could be + accepted by a chronicler who stood so relatively near the events as + our Mark does. + + 292 It is to be noticed that the cry of Jesus from the cross, "Eli, + Eli," was immediately interpreted by the bystanders as referring to + Elias. + + 293 From this difficulty we can see, too, how impossible it was for any + of them to have "arrived gradually at the knowledge of the + Messiahship of Jesus." + + 294 For the hypothesis of the two sets of narratives which have been + worked into one another, see the "Sketch of the Life of Jesus," + 1901, p. 52 ff., "After the Mission of the Disciples. Literary and + historical problems." A theory resting on the same principle was + lately worked out in detail by Johannes Weiss, _Das aelteste + Evangelium_ (The Earliest Gospel), 1903, p. 205 ff. + + 295 It is typical of the constant agreement of the critical conclusions + in thoroughgoing scepticism and thoroughgoing eschatology that Wrede + also observes: "The transfiguration and Peter's confession are + closely connected in content" (p. 123). He also clearly perceives + the inconsistency in the fact that Peter at Caesarea Philippi gives + evidence of possessing a knowledge which he and his fellow-disciples + do not show elsewhere (p. 119), but the fact that it is Peter, not + Jesus, who reveals the Messianic secret, constitutes a very serious + difficulty for Wrede's reading of the facts, since this assumes + Jesus to have been the revealer of it. + + 296 "After these years shall my Son, the Christ, die, together with all + who have the breath of men. Then shall the Age be changed into the + primeval silence; seven days, as at the first beginning so that no + man shall be left. After seven days shall the Age, which now sleeps, + awake, and perishability shall itself perish." + + 297 Difficult problems are involved in the prediction of the + resurrection in Mark xiv. 28. Jesus there promises His disciples + that He will "go before them" into Galilee. That cannot mean that He + will go alone into Galilee before them, and that they shall there + meet with Him, their risen Master; what He contemplates is that He + shall return _with_ them, at their head, from Jerusalem to Galilee. + Was it that the manifestation of the Son of Man and of the Judgment + should take place there? So much is clear: the saying, far from + directing the disciples to go away to Galilee, chains them to + Jerusalem, there to await Him who should lead them home. It should + not therefore be claimed as supporting the tradition of the + Galilaean appearances. + + We find it "corrected" by the saying of the "young man" at the + grave, who says to the women, "Go, tell His disciples and Peter that + He goeth before you into Galilee. There shall ye see Him as He said + unto you." + + Here then the idea of following in point of time is foisted upon the + words "he goeth before you," whereas in the original the word has a + purely local sense, corresponding to the {~GREEK SMALL LETTER KAPPA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER IOTA WITH VARIA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA WITH PSILI AND PERISPOMENI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER PI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER RHO~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA WITH OXIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER GAMMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMEGA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER NU~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER ALPHA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH PSILI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER TAU~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH VARIA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} {~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON WITH DASIA~} + {~GREEK CAPITAL LETTER IOTA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER ETA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER SIGMA~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER OMICRON~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER UPSILON WITH PERISPOMENI~}{~GREEK SMALL LETTER FINAL SIGMA~} in Mark x. 32. + + But the correction is itself meaningless since the visions took + place in Jerusalem. We have therefore in this passage a more + detailed indication of the way in which Jesus thought of the events + subsequent to His Resurrection. The interpretation of this + unfulfilled saying is, however, wholly impossible for us: it was not + less so for the earliest tradition, as is shown by the attempt to + give it a meaning by the "correction." + + 298 Here it is evident also from the form taken by the prophecy of the + sufferings that the section Mark viii. 34 ff. cannot possibly come + after the revelation at Caesarea Philippi, since in it, it is the + thought of the general sufferings which is implied. For the same + reason the predictions of suffering and tribulation in the Synoptic + Apocalypse in Mark xiii. cannot be derived from Jesus. + + 299 Weisse and Bruno Bauer had long ago pointed out how curious it was + that Jesus in the sayings about His sufferings spoke of "many" + instead of speaking of "His own" or "the believers." Weisse found in + the words the thought that Jesus died for the nation as a whole; + Bruno Bauer that the "for many" in the words of Jesus was derived + from the view of the later theology of the Christian community. This + explanation is certainly wrong, for so soon as the words of Jesus + come into any kind of contact with early theology the "many" + disappear to give place to the "believers." In the Pauline words of + institution the form is: My body for you (1 Cor. xi. 24). + + Johannes Weiss follows in the footsteps of Weisse when he interprets + the "many" as the nation (_Die Predigt Jesu vom Reiche Gottes_, 2nd + ed., 1909, p. 201). He gives however, quite a false turn to this + interpretation by arguing that the "many" cannot include the + disciples, since they "who in faith and penitence have received the + tidings of the Kingdom of God no longer need a special means of + deliverance such as this." They are the chosen, to them the Kingdom + is assured. But a ransom, a special means of salvation, is needful + for the mass of the people, who in their blindness have incurred the + guilt of rejecting the Messiah. For this grave sin, which is, + nevertheless, to some extent excused as due to ignorance, there is a + unique atoning sacrifice, the death of the Messiah. + + This theory is based on a distinction of which there is no hint in + the teaching of Jesus; and it takes no account of the + predestinarianism which is an integral part of eschatology, and + which, in fact, dominated the thoughts of Jesus. The Lord is + conscious that He dies only for the elect. For others His death can + avail nothing, nor even their own repentance. Moreover, He does not + die in order that this one or that one may come into the Kingdom of + God; He provides the atonement in order that the Kingdom itself may + come. Until the Kingdom comes even the elect cannot possess it. + + 300 One might use it as a principle of division by which to classify the + lives of Jesus, whether they make Him go to Jerusalem to work or to + die. Here as in so many other places Weisse's clearness of + perception is surprising. Jesus' journey was according to him a + pilgrimage to death, not to the Passover. + + 301 "That ye enter not into temptation" is the content of the prayer + that they are to offer while watching with Him. + + 302 As long ago as 1880, H. W. Bleby (_The Trial of Jesus considered as + a Judicial Act_) had emphasised this circumstance as significant. + The injustice in the trial of Jesus consisted, according to him, in + the fact that He was condemned on His own admission without any + witnesses being called. Dalman, it is true, will not admit that this + technical error was very serious. + + But the really important point is not whether the condemnation was + legal or not; it is the significant fact that the High Priest called + no witnesses. Why did he not call any? This question was obscured + for Bleby and Dalman by other problems. + + 303 That would have been to utter a heresy which would alone have + sufficed to secure His condemnation. It would certainly have been + brought up as a charge against Him. + + 304 When it is assumed that the Messianic claims of Jesus were generally + known during those last days at Jerusalem there is a temptation to + explain the absence of witnesses in regard to them by supposing that + they were too much a matter of common knowledge to require evidence. + But in that case why should the High Priest not have fulfilled the + prescribed formalities? Why make such efforts first to establish a + different charge? Thus the obscure and unintelligible procedure at + the trial of Jesus becomes in the end the clearest proof that the + public knew nothing of the Messiahship of Jesus. + + + + + +***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE QUEST OF THE HISTORICAL JESUS*** + + + +CREDITS + + +April 16, 2014 + + Project Gutenberg TEI edition 1 + Produced by Charlene Taylor, Bryan Ness, David King, and the + Online Distributed Proofreading Team at + <http://www.pgdp.net/>. (This file was produced from images + generously made available by The Internet Archive/America + Libraries.) + + + +A WORD FROM PROJECT GUTENBERG + + +This file should be named 45422.txt or 45422.zip. + +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + + + http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/4/5/4/2/45422/ + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one -- the old editions will be +renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no one +owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation (and +you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without permission +and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, set forth in the +General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to copying and +distributing Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} electronic works to protect the Project +Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered +trademark, and may not be used if you charge for the eBooks, unless you +receive specific permission. If you do not charge anything for copies of +this eBook, complying with the rules is very easy. You may use this eBook +for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports, +performances and research. They may be modified and printed and given away +-- you may do practically _anything_ with public domain eBooks. +Redistribution is subject to the trademark license, especially commercial +redistribution. + + + +THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE + + +_Please read this before you distribute or use this work._ + +To protect the Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} mission of promoting the free +distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work (or +any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project Gutenberg"), +you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} +License (available with this file or online at +http://www.gutenberg.org/license). + + +Section 1. + + +General Terms of Use & Redistributing Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} electronic works + + +1.A. + + +By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} electronic work, +you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to and accept all the +terms of this license and intellectual property (trademark/copyright) +agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all the terms of this +agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy all copies of +Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} electronic works in your possession. If you paid a fee +for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} electronic work +and you do not agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement, you may +obtain a refund from the person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set +forth in paragraph 1.E.8. + + +1.B. + + +"Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be used on or +associated in any way with an electronic work by people who agree to be +bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few things that you can +do with most Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} electronic works even without complying +with the full terms of this agreement. See paragraph 1.C below. There are +a lot of things you can do with Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} electronic works if you +follow the terms of this agreement and help preserve free future access to +Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below. + + +1.C. + + +The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation" or +PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project +Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the +collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an individual +work is in the public domain in the United States and you are located in +the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from copying, +distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative works based on +the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of +course, we hope that you will support the Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} mission of +promoting free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project +Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for +keeping the Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} name associated with the work. You can +easily comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the +same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} License when you +share it without charge with others. + + +1.D. + + +The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern what you +can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in a constant +state of change. If you are outside the United States, check the laws of +your country in addition to the terms of this agreement before +downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or creating +derivative works based on this work or any other Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} work. +The Foundation makes no representations concerning the copyright status of +any work in any country outside the United States. + + +1.E. + + +Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: + + +1.E.1. + + +The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate access +to, the full Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} License must appear prominently whenever +any copy of a Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} work (any work on which the phrase +"Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" +is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, copied or +distributed: + + + This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with + almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away + or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License + included with this eBook or online at http://www.gutenberg.org + + +1.E.2. + + +If an individual Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} electronic work is derived from the +public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is posted with +permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied and +distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees or +charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work with the +phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you +must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 +or obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} +trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. + + +1.E.3. + + +If an individual Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} electronic work is posted with the +permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution must comply +with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional terms imposed +by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked to the Project +Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} License for all works posted with the permission of the +copyright holder found at the beginning of this work. + + +1.E.4. + + +Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} License +terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this work or any +other work associated with Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~}. + + +1.E.5. + + +Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this electronic +work, or any part of this electronic work, without prominently displaying +the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with active links or immediate +access to the full terms of the Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} License. + + +1.E.6. + + +You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, compressed, +marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any word +processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or +distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} work in a format other than +"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version posted +on the official Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} web site (http://www.gutenberg.org), +you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a +copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon +request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other form. +Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} License as +specified in paragraph 1.E.1. + + +1.E.7. + + +Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, performing, +copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} works unless you comply +with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. + + +1.E.8. + + +You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing access to or +distributing Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} electronic works provided that + + You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from + the use of Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} works calculated using the method you + already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed to + the owner of the Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} trademark, but he has agreed to + donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project Gutenberg + Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid within 60 + days following each date on which you prepare (or are legally + required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty payments + should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project Gutenberg + Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in Section 4, + "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary + Archive Foundation." + + You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies + you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he + does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} License. + You must require such a user to return or destroy all copies of the + works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue all use of and + all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} works. + + You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of + any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the + electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of + receipt of the work. + + You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free + distribution of Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} works. + + +1.E.9. + + +If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} electronic +work or group of works on different terms than are set forth in this +agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from both the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael Hart, the owner of the +Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in +Section 3 below. + + +1.F. + + +1.F.1. + + +Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable effort to +identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread public domain +works in creating the Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} collection. Despite these +efforts, Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} electronic works, and the medium on which they +may be stored, may contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, +incomplete, inaccurate or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright +or other intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk +or other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot +be read by your equipment. + + +1.F.2. + + +LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES -- Except for the "Right of +Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} +trademark, and any other party distributing a Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} +electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all liability to you for +damages, costs and expenses, including legal fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE +NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH +OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3. YOU AGREE THAT THE +FOUNDATION, THE TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT +WILL NOT BE LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, +PUNITIVE OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY +OF SUCH DAMAGE. + + +1.F.3. + + +LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND -- If you discover a defect in this +electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can receive a refund +of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a written explanation to +the person you received the work from. If you received the work on a +physical medium, you must return the medium with your written explanation. +The person or entity that provided you with the defective work may elect +to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a refund. If you received the +work electronically, the person or entity providing it to you may choose +to give you a second opportunity to receive the work electronically in +lieu of a refund. If the second copy is also defective, you may demand a +refund in writing without further opportunities to fix the problem. + + +1.F.4. + + +Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth in +paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS,' WITH NO OTHER +WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO +WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. + + +1.F.5. + + +Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied warranties or the +exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. If any disclaimer or +limitation set forth in this agreement violates the law of the state +applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be interpreted to make +the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by the applicable state +law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any provision of this agreement +shall not void the remaining provisions. + + +1.F.6. + + +INDEMNITY -- You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the trademark +owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone providing copies of +Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} electronic works in accordance with this agreement, and +any volunteers associated with the production, promotion and distribution +of Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs +and expenses, including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from +any of the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of +this or any Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} work, (b) alteration, modification, or +additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} work, and (c) any Defect +you cause. + + +Section 2. + + + Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} + + +Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} is synonymous with the free distribution of electronic +works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers including +obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists because of the +efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from people in all walks +of life. + +Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the assistance +they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~}'s goals and ensuring +that the Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} collection will remain freely available for +generations to come. In 2001, the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive +Foundation was created to provide a secure and permanent future for +Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} and future generations. To learn more about the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations +can help, see Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation web page at +http://www.pglaf.org. + + +Section 3. + + + Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation + + +The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit +501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the state of +Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal Revenue Service. +The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification number is 64-6221541. +Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at +http://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/pglaf. Contributions to the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full +extent permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. + +The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. +S. Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered +throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at 809 North +1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email +business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact information +can be found at the Foundation's web site and official page at +http://www.pglaf.org + +For additional contact information: + + + Dr. Gregory B. Newby + Chief Executive and Director + gbnewby@pglaf.org + + +Section 4. + + + Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive + Foundation + + +Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} depends upon and cannot survive without wide spread +public support and donations to carry out its mission of increasing the +number of public domain and licensed works that can be freely distributed +in machine readable form accessible by the widest array of equipment +including outdated equipment. Many small donations ($1 to $5,000) are +particularly important to maintaining tax exempt status with the IRS. + +The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating +charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United States. +Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a considerable +effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up with these +requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations where we have not +received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND DONATIONS or +determine the status of compliance for any particular state visit +http://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/donate + +While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we have +not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition against +accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who approach us +with offers to donate. + +International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make any +statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from outside the +United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. + +Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation methods +and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other ways including +checks, online payments and credit card donations. To donate, please +visit: http://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/donate + + +Section 5. + + + General Information About Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} electronic works. + + +Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} +concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared with +anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} +eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support. + +Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~} eBooks are often created from several printed editions, +all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S. unless a copyright +notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily keep eBooks in compliance +with any particular paper edition. + +Each eBook is in a subdirectory of the same number as the eBook's eBook +number, often in several formats including plain vanilla ASCII, compressed +(zipped), HTML and others. + +Corrected _editions_ of our eBooks replace the old file and take over the +old filename and etext number. The replaced older file is renamed. +_Versions_ based on separate sources are treated as new eBooks receiving +new filenames and etext numbers. + +Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: + + + http://www.gutenberg.org + + +This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg{~TRADE MARK SIGN~}, including how +to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, +how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to subscribe to our email +newsletter to hear about new eBooks. + + + + + + +***FINIS***
\ No newline at end of file |