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diff --git a/44966-8.txt b/44966-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 3198a4d..0000000 --- a/44966-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,1027 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Craft Gilds, by W. Cunningham - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: Craft Gilds - -Author: W. Cunningham - -Release Date: February 19, 2014 [EBook #44966] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CRAFT GILDS *** - - - - -Produced by Chris Curnow and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - -Transcriber's Note: Minor typographical errors have been corrected -without note. Irregularities and inconsistencies in the text have -been retained as printed. Words printed in italics are noted with -underscores: _italics_. - -The cover of this ebook was created by the transcriber and is hereby -placed in the public domain. - - - -A Paper ON CRAFT GILDS, READ BY -THE REV. W. CUNNINGHAM, D.D., - -_At the Thirteenth Annual Meeting of the Society for the Protection -of Ancient Buildings._ - - -There is, as I understand it, a double object in the work of this -Society; it interests itself in the preservation of ancient buildings, -partly because they are monuments which when once destroyed can never -be replaced, and which bear record of the ages in which they were made -and the men who reared them; and in this sense all that survives from -the past, good and bad, coarse or refined, has an abiding value. But -to some folks there seems to be a certain pedantry in gathering or -studying things that are important merely because they are -curiosities, a certain fancifulness in the frame of mind which -concentrates attention on the errors of printers, or the sports of -nature, or the rubbish of the past. And much which has been preserved -from the past is little better than rubbish, as the poet felt when he -wrote: - - "Rome disappoints me much; I hardly as yet understand, but - Rubbishy seems the word that most exactly would suit it. All the - foolish destructions, and all the sillier savings, All the - incongruous things of past incompatible ages Seem to be treasured - up here to make fools of the present and future." - -Still, the view Clough takes is very superficial; there is a real -human interest about even the rubbish heaps of the past if we have -knowledge enough to detect it; the dulness is in us who fail to -recognise the interest which attaches to trifles from the past or to -read the evidence they set before us. - -But there is another reason why the vestiges of bygone days claim our -interest--not as mere curiosities, but as in themselves beautiful -objects, excellently designed and skilfully fashioned. There are -numberless arts in which the men of the past were adepts; their skill -as builders is patent to all, but specialists are quite as -enthusiastic over the work that was done by mediæval craftsmen in -other departments. Their wood-carving, and working in metals, the -purity of their dyes, the beauty of their glass, these are things -which move the admiration of competent critics in the present day. -Machinery may produce more rapidly, more cheaply, more regular work, -of more equal quality, and perhaps of higher finish, but it is work -that has lost the delicacy and grace of objects that were shaped by -human hands and bear the direct impress of human care, and taste, and -fancy. We may be interested in the preservation of the relics of the -past, not merely as curiosities from bygone ages, but as examples of -beautiful workmanship and skilled manipulation to which the craftsmen -of the present day cannot attain. - -Most Englishmen--all those whose opinions are formed by the newspapers -they read--are so proud of the vast progress that has been made in the -present century, that they do not sufficiently attend to the curious -fact that there are many arts that decay and are lost. In this country -it appears that the art of glass-making was introduced more than once, -and completely died out again; the same is probably true of cloth -dressing and of dyeing. It seems to me a very curious problem to -examine what were the causes which led to the disappearance of these -particular industries. In each single case it is probably a very -complicated problem to distinguish all the factors at work--what were -the social or economic conditions that destroyed this or that useful -art once introduced? But into such questions of detail I must not -attempt to enter now. I wish to direct your attention to-day to a more -general question, to an attempt to give a partial explanation, not of -failure here and there, but of conspicuous success. In the thirteenth -and fourteenth and fifteenth centuries a very high degree of skill was -attained, not in one art only, but in many. It is at least worth while -to look a little more closely at one group of the conditions which -influenced the work of the times, and examine the organisations which -were formed for controlling the training of workmen, for supervising -the manner in which they lived, and maintaining a high standard of -quality in the goods produced. There is no need to idealise the times -when they were formed, or the men who composed them; the very records -of craft gilds show that the mediæval workman was quite capable of -scamping his work and getting drunk when opportunity tempted him. But -the fact remains that a very great deal of first-rate work was done in -many crafts, for portions of it still survive, and I cannot but -believe that some of the credit is due to the gilds which set -themselves to rule each craft, so that the work turned out should be a -credit to those who made it. - -Herein, as it seems to me, lies the secret of the importance of the -craft gilds during the period of their useful activity. They were -managed on the principle that "honourable thing was convenable;" that -honesty was the best policy; the good of the trade meant its high -reputation for sound work at fair prices. It has got another meaning -to our ears; a time when trade is good means a time when it is more -possible than usual to sell any sort of goods at high prices, and the -craft gilds in their later days were contaminated by this lower view -of industry. The ancient anecdote of the Edinburgh glazier who was -caught breaking the windows of peaceful inhabitants for "the good of -the trade," may illustrate the modern sense of the phrase, while the -conduct of the stalwart citizen who thrashed him within an inch of his -life, and said at every blow "it's all for the good of the trade," was -in closer accord with the disciplinary character of mediæval rules. - -I trust I have said enough to justify my selection of this topic as -one which is not unfitting the attention of this society; the subject -is a very wide one, and I think the treatment may be somewhat less -diffuse if I draw most of my illustrations from a single centre of -industry, and speak chiefly of the craft gilds of Coventry. It is a -town which I visited recently, and where, through the kindness of the -Town Clerk and Mr. W. G. Fretton, the antiquary, I was able to make -good use of the few hours I had to spend. It may be convenient too, to -arrange the matter under the following heads:-- - - I. The introduction of craft gilds. - - II. The objects and powers of mediæval craft gilds. - - III. The resuscitation of craft gilds. - - -I. There is a certain amount of assumption in talking about the -introduction of craft gilds, because it suggests the belief that they -were not a native development. The word gild is, after all, a very -vague term, much like our word association, and though we can prove -the existence of many gilds before the Conquest,--at Cambridge and -Exeter and elsewhere,--their laws contain nothing that would justify -us in regarding them as craft gilds. It is much more probable, though -Dr. Gross, the greatest living authority on the subject, speaks with -considerable reserve, that the hall where the men of Winchester drank -their own gild, or the land of the knights' gild at Canterbury, -belonged to bodies which had some supervision over the trade of the -town--in fact, were early gilds merchant. But I know of no hint in any -of the records or histories of the period before the Norman Conquest, -that can be adduced to show that there were any associations of -craftsmen formed to control particular industries. The earliest -information which we get about such groups of men comes from London, -where, as we learn, Henry I. granted a charter to the Weavers. It is -pretty clear that by this document some authority was given to the -weavers to control the making of cloth (and it possibly involved -conditions which affected the import of cloth). It is certain that -there was a long continued struggle between the weavers' gild and the -citizens, which came to a peaceful close in the time of Edward I. -There were weavers' gilds also in a considerable number of other towns -in the reign of Henry II.; Beverley, Marlborough, and Winchester may -be mentioned in particular, as the ordinances of these towns have -survived, and there are incidental references which seem to show that -the weavers, and the subsidiary crafts of fullers and dyers had, even -in the twelfth century, considerable powers of regulating their -respective trades. The evidence becomes more striking if we are -justified in connecting with it the cases of other towns, where we -find that regulations had been enforced with regard to cloth, and that -the townsmen were anxious to set these regulations aside, and buy or -sell cloth of any width. - -So far what we find is this; while we have no evidence of craft gilds -before the Conquest, we find indications of a very large number of -gilds among the weavers and the subsidiary callings shortly after that -date. But there is a further point; so far as we can gather, weaving -before the Conquest was a domestic art; we have no mention of weavers -as craftsmen; the art was known, but it was practised as an employment -for women in the house; but in the time of the Conqueror and of his -sons there was a considerable immigration of Flemings, several of whom -were particularly skilled in weaving woollen cloth; they settled in -many towns in different parts of the country, and it seems not -unnatural to conclude that weaving as an independent craft was -introduced from the Continent soon after the Norman Conquest. - -Institutions analogous to craft gilds appear to have existed in some -of the towns of Northern France time out of mind, and some can -apparently trace a more or less shadowy connection with the old Roman -Collegia. Putting all these matters together, it appears that craft -organisation first shows itself in England in connexion with a trade -which was probably introduced from abroad; and it seems not impossible -that the Continental artisans brought not only a knowledge of the art -of weaving but certain habits of organisation with them. - -Some sort of organisation was probably necessary for police and fiscal -purposes if for none others. Town life was a curiously confused chaos -of conflicting authority; in London each ward was an independent unit, -in Chester and Norwich the intermingling of jurisdictions seems very -puzzling. The newcomers were not always welcomed by the older -ratepayers, and they might perhaps find it convenient to secure a -measure of _status_ by obtaining a royal charter for their gild. Just -as the Jews or the Hansards were in the city and yet not citizens, -but had an independent footing, so to some extent were the weavers -situated, and apparently for similar reasons; they seem to have had -_status_ as weavers, which they held directly from the King, which -marked them out from other townsmen, and which possibly delayed their -complete amalgamation with the other inhabitants. - -There is yet another feature about these weavers' gilds; the business -in which they are engaged was one which was from an early time -regulated by royal authority. King Richard I. issued an assize of -cloth defining the length and breadth which should be manufactured.[1] -The precise object of these regulations is not clear; they may have -been made in the interests of the English consumer; they may have been -made in the interest of the foreign purchaser, and the reputation of -English goods abroad; they may have been framed in connexion with a -protective policy, of which there are some signs. But amid much that -is uncertain these three things seem pretty clear:-- - - [1] Richard of Hoveden, Rolls Series, iv. 33. - -1. That there were no craft gilds before the Conquest. - -2. That there were many craft gilds in connexion with the newly -introduced weavers' craft in the twelfth century. - -3. That they exercised their powers under royal authority in a craft -which was the subject of royal regulation. - -So far for weavers; I wish now to turn to another craft in which we -hear of craft gilds very early--the Bakers. There is a curious -parallelism between these two callings. In the first place baking was, -on the whole, a domestic art before the Conquest, not a separate -employment; in the next place, it was a matter of royal regulation; -the King's bakers doubtless provided the Court supplies, and the gave -their experience for the framing of the assize of bread, under Henry -II. and under King John.[2] It may, I think, be said that in both of -the trades in which gilds were first formed, there was felt to be a -real need for regulation as to the quality of the goods sold to the -public; and it also appears that this regulation was given under royal -authority. So far the fact seems to me to be pretty clear; and it is -at least more than probable that the form of association -adopted--analogous as it was to associations already existing on the -Continent--had come over in the train of the Conqueror. These few -remarks may suffice in justification of the phrase the "introduction -of craft gilds." - - [2] Cambridge University Library, Mm i. 27. - - -II. In the latter part of the twelfth and the beginning of the -thirteenth century there was a very rapid development of municipal -life in England, and the burgesses in many towns obtained much larger -powers of self-government than they had previously possessed. They -became responsible for their own payments to the Exchequer, and they -obtained larger rights for regulating their own affairs; the town of -Coventry had indeed possessed very considerable municipal privileges -from the time of Henry I., but it shared in the general progress a -century later, and the new requirements were marked by new -developments. I have tried to show how the earlier craft gilds were -formed under royal authority, but as the powers of local -self-government increased and were consolidated, there was no need, -and there was, perhaps, less opportunity, for direct royal -interference in matters of internal trade. We thus find a new order of -craft gilds springing up--they were called into being, like the old -ones, for the purpose of regulating trade--but they exercised their -powers under municipal, and not under royal authority. - -One craft gild of this type which still exists, and which is said to -have been formed by the authority of the leet in the sixth year of -King John, is the Bakers' Gild at Coventry; it still consists of men -who actually get their living by this trade, for it does not appear to -have received so many love brothers as to destroy the original -character of the body; it still has its hall--or, at least, room--and -chest where the records are kept. There are, probably not many other -bodies in the kingdom that have so long a history, and that have -altered so little from their original character during all those -centuries. None of the other Coventry gilds, so far as I know, can at -all compare with it. The weavers were a powerful body there in later -times, but I doubt if there is any evidence of the existence of this -and the allied trades in Coventry before the fourteenth century; we -may, perhaps, guess that it was one of the places where this trade -settled under Edward III. But, apart from the question of origin, the -Bakers have a unique position. Of some half-dozen other crafts which -still maintain a formal existence, none can trace their history back -beyond the time of Edward III., their members have no interest in the -craft which they were empowered to regulate, and a tin box in a -solicitor's office is the only outward and visible sign of their -existence. Such are the Walkers and Fullers, the Shearmen and Weavers, -the Fellmongers, the Drapers, the Mercers, and the Clothiers. Of the -Tanners I cannot speak so decidedly, as during a hurried visit to -Coventry I had no opportunity of examining their books. - -In looking more closely at the powers of mediæval craft gilds, it is -necessary to distinguish a little; a craft gild was a gild which had -authority to regulate some particular craft in a given area. I do not, -therefore, want to dwell on the features which were common to all -gilds, and which can be traced in full detail in the admirable volume -edited by the late Mr. Toulmin Smith for the Early English Text -Society. I desire to limit consideration to the powers that were -special to craft gilds. Like other gilds they had a religious side, in -some cases strongly developed, and the members engaged in common acts -of worship, especially in common prayers and masses for departed -brethren. Like other gilds they had the character of a friendly -society, and gave loans to needy brethren, or bestowed alms on the -poor. Like other gilds they had their feasts, when the brethren drank -their gild, and they had hoods, or livery, which they wore at their -assemblies. Like other gilds they took their share in civic -festivities and provided pageants at considerable cost; but all these -common bonds, important as they were in cementing men into a real -fellowship, and in calling forth such different interests and -activities among the members, were of a pious, social, or charitable -character. There was no reason why such associations should not be -multiplied on all sides; even when a gild consisted of men who -followed the same craft it was not a craft gild. The case of the -journeymen tailors in London who assembled at the Black Friars Church -may be taken as conclusive on this point. A gild was not a craft gild -unless duly empowered to regulate a particular craft; it might be -called into existence for this purpose, or an existing gild might be -empowered to exercise such functions, much as the brotherhood of S. -Thomas à Becket was changed into the Mercers' Company. The important -thing about a craft gild was that it had been empowered to exercise -authority in a given area and over certain workmen, as the weavers' -gilds had been empowered by charter from Henry I., and as the bakers -were empowered by the Court Leet at Coventry, in the sixth year of -King John. - -Two points were specially kept in view in framing any set of -regulations. They were, first, the quality of the goods supplied; and, -second, the due training of men to execute their work -properly--admirable objects certainly. The machinery which was -organised for attaining these objects was also well devised; the men -who were thoroughly skilled, and were masters in the craft, had the -duty of training apprentices, and the wardens had the right of -examining goods exposed for sale, and of making search in houses where -the trade was being carried on--again, an excellent arrangement where -it could be satisfactorily carried out. And on the whole it seems as -if the scheme had worked well, for this simple reason--that while it -was maintained, so much work of excellent design and quality was -executed. I wish to lay stress on this, because the historian of craft -gilds is apt to overlook it. When craft gilds appeared on the stage of -history, it was because something was out of gearing, and the -institution was working badly. One is apt to infer that since they -worked badly whenever we hear of them, they also worked badly when we -do not; but I am inclined to interpret the periods of silence -differently, and to regard them as times when the organisations were -wisely managed, and when the craft gilds enjoyed the proverbial -happiness of those who have no history. - -There were, however, three different dangers of disagreement, and -possible quarrel:--(1) Between a craft gild on one hand and the -municipal authorities on the other; (2) between one craft gild and -another; (3) between different members of a craft gild. - -1. It is obvious that the gilds, if they were to exercise any real -authority, required to have _exclusive_ powers within a given -district; it is also obvious that these exclusive powers might be -misused, so as to be mischievous to the consumers of the goods; a -craft gild might take advantage of its monopoly to the gain of the -members and the impoverishing of the citizens. The feeling of the -citizens would be that the goods supplied by the members of the gild -were bad and were dear at the price. It was therefore of the first -importance that the citizens should be, in the last resort, able to -control the gild, and resume the privileges which their officers -exercised. There is a well-known case, which is detailed in Mr. -Toulmin Smith's book, which shows how the tailors of Exeter enjoyed a -charter from the Crown, and how much trouble they gave to the local -authorities under Edward IV.; but it was a matter of common complaint -that in many places the gilds had charters from great men which -exempted them from proper control.[3] Even in Coventry, where there -does not appear to have been interference from without, it was -necessary for the leet to keep a tight hand on the craft gilds. An -ordinance of 8 Henry V. runs as follows:--"Also that no man of any -craft make laws or other ordinance among them but it be overseen by -the mayor and his council; and if it be reasonable ordinance and -lawful it shall be affirmed, or else it shall be corrected by the -mayor and his peers."[4] At a later date we have another entry of the -same kind:--"Also that the mayor, warden, and bailiffs, taking to the -mayor eight or twelve of the General Council, to come afore them the -wardens of all the crafts of the city with their ordinances, touching -their crafts and their articles, and the points that be lawful, good, -and honest for the city be allowed them, all other thrown aside and -had force none, and that they make new ordinances against the laws in -oppression of the people, upon pain of imprisonment." In some other -towns the craftsmen had to yield up their powers annually and receive -them back again from the municipal authority; this was the case with -the cordwainers at Exeter,[5] but the Coventry people did not insist -on anything so strict. - - [3] Rot. Parl., II. 331. - - [4] Leet Book, £37. - - [5] Toulmin Smith, "English Gilds," p. 332. - -2. The difficulties between one craft gild and another might arise in -various ways; as time went on or trade developed there was an -increasing differentiation of employment, and it was not always clear -whether the original gild had supervision over all branches of the -trade. Thus in London the weavers' gild claimed to exercise -supervision over the linen as well as over the woollen cloth -manufactures, and this claim was insisted on on the ground that the -two trades were quite distinct. In Coventry the worsted weavers, the -linen weavers, and the silk weavers were one body, in later times at -any rate, though the arts cannot be precisely similar. In other cases -there was a question as to whether different processes involved in the -production of one complete article should be reckoned as separate -crafts or not. Thus the Fullers were organised in independence of the -Shearmen in 1438; and during the fifteenth century the sub-division of -gilds appears to have gone very rapidly at Coventry, as there were -something like twenty-three of them at that time; at the same time -from the repeated power which is given to the Fullers to form a -fellowship of their own,[6] it appears that they were from time to -time re-absorbed by the parent gild. Perhaps an even better -illustration of the difficulty of defining the precise processes which -certain gilds might supervise would be found in the history of the -leather trades in London--Tanners, Cordwainers, Saddlers, and so -forth. But enough may have been said to show how easy it was for -disputes to arise between one or more craft gilds as to their -respective powers. - - [6] Leet Book, f. 400; May 3, 1547. Quoted by Mr. Fretton, - Memorials of Fullers' Guild, page 11. - -3. There were also disputes within the gilds between different -members. - -(_a_) There was at least some risk of malversation of funds by the -Master of the craft gild; and strict regulations were laid down by the -Fellmongers and Cappers as to the time when the amounts were to be -rendered and passed, but a much greater number of the ordinances deal -with the respective duties of masters and apprentices and masters and -journeymen. - -(_b_) The question of apprenticeship was of primary importance, as -the skill of the next generation of workmen depended on the manner -in which it was enforced. There are a good many ordinances of the -Coventry Cappers in 1520. No one was to have more than two apprentices -at a time, and he was to keep them for seven years, but there was to -be a month of trial before sealing; nobody was to take apprentices who -had not sufficient sureties that he would perform his covenant. If the -apprentice complained that he had not sufficient "finding," and the -master was in fault, the apprentice was to be removed on the third -complaint, and the master was handicapped in getting another in his -place. Once a year the principal master of the craft was to go round -the city and examine every man's apprentice, and see they were -properly taught. The Clothiers, in regulations which I believe to be -of about the same date, though they are incorporated with rules of a -later character, had a system of allowing the apprentice to be turned -over to another master if his own master had no work, so that he might -not lose his time--this was a system which was much abused in the -eighteenth century: the master was to teach the apprentice truly, and -two apprentices were not to work at the same loom unless one of them -had served for five years. No master was to teach any one who was not -apprenticed, and he was to keep the secrets of the craft; this was a -provision which constantly occurs in the ordinances. Some such -exclusive rule was necessary if they were to secure the thorough -competence, in all branches of the art, of the men who lived by it. In -the case of the Coventry Clothiers there is an exception which is of -interest; the master might give instruction to persons who were not -apprenticed as "charity to poor and impotent people for their better -livelihood." - -(_c_) The limitation of the number of apprentices, though it was -desirable for the training of qualified men, was frequently urged in -the interests of the journeymen. There had been frequent complaint on -the part of journeymen that the masters overstocked their shops with -apprentices, and that those who had served their time could get no -employment from other masters, while they also complained that -unnecessary obstacles were put in the way of their doing work on their -own account. - -One or two illustrations of these points may be given from the -Coventry crafts; the Fullers in 1560 would not allow any journeyman to -work on his own account. The Clothiers in the beginning of the -sixteenth century ordained that none shall set any journeyman on work -till he is fairly parted from his late master, or if he remains in his -late master's debt; journeymen were to have ten days' notice, or one -cloth to weave before leaving a master; their wages were to be paid -weekly if they wished it, and they were to make satisfaction for any -work they spoiled. Similarly the Cappers in 1520 would not allow -journeymen to work in their houses. - -Some of the most interesting evidence in regard to the grievances of -the journeymen comes from the story of a dispute in the weaving trade -in the early part of the fifteenth century. "The said parties--both -masters and journeymen--on the mediation of their friends, and by the -mandate and wish of the worshipful Mayor, entered into a final -agreement." The rules to which they agreed throw indirect light on the -nature of the points in dispute. It was evidently a time when the -trade was developing rapidly, and when an employing class of -capitalists and clothiers was springing up among the weavers. It was -agreed that any who could use the art freely might have as many looms, -both linen and woollen, in his cottage, and also have as many -apprentices as he liked. Every cottager or journeyman who wished to -become a master might do so in paying twenty shillings. Besides this, -the journeymen were allowed to have their own fraternity, but they -were to pay a shilling a year to the weavers, and a shilling for every -member they admitted.[7] On the whole it appears that the journeymen -in this trade obtained a very considerable measure of independence, -but this was somewhat exceptional, and on the whole it appears that -the grievances and disabilities under which journeymen laboured had a -very injurious effect on the trade of many towns, and apparently on -that of Coventry, during the sixteenth century. There was a very -strong incentive for journeymen to go and set up in villages or -outside the areas where craft gilds had jurisdiction, and there is -abundant evidence[8] that this sort of migration took place on a very -large scale. I should be inclined to lay very great stress on this -factor as a principal reason for the decay of craft gilds under Henry -VIII., so that Edward VI.'s Act gave them a death-blow. They no longer -exerted an effective supervision, because in so many cases the trade -had migrated to new districts, where there was no authority to -regulate it. This is, at any rate, the best solution I can offer of -the remarkable manner in which craft gilds disappeared, as effective -institutions, about the middle of the sixteenth century. Their -religious side was sufficiently pronounced to bring them within the -scope of the great Act of Confiscation, by which Edward VI. despoiled -the gilds; but there was an effort made to spare them then, and I -cannot but believe that if they had had any real vitality a large -number would have survived, as some, like the Bakers and Fullers at -Coventry, actually did. At the same time, it appears to be true that -these cases are somewhat exceptional and that the craft gilds, as -effective institutions for regulating industry, disappeared. Part of -the evidence for this opinion comes from Coventry itself, for we find -that a deliberate and conscious effort was made to resuscitate the -gilds in 1584. It is of this resuscitation, involving as it does a -previous period of decay, that I now wish to speak. - - [7] Leet Book, f. 27. - - [8] Worcester, 25 H. VIII. c. 18. - - -III. The disappearance of the craft gilds appears to have been -connected with one of their accidental features, as I may call -them--their common worship. The attempted resuscitation at Coventry -was due to another--to the fact that each craft provided a certain -amount of pageantry for the town. I suspect that the so-called -"Mistery plays" were the plays organised by the different "misteries" -or crafts. The Chester plays, the Coventry plays, and the York -plays,[9] have been published, and they present features which force -comparison with the Passion Play which is being given this year at -Ober Ammergau; and they were most attractive performances. The -accounts of the various trading bodies show that these pageants were -continued through the sixteenth century; they were suspended for eight -years previous to 1566, and again in 1580 and three following years, -when the preachers inveighed against the pageants, even though "there -was no Papistry in them"; revived once more in 1584, they were finally -discontinued in 1591.[10] - - [9] Recently edited by Miss L. T. Smith for the Clarendon - Press. - - [10] T. Sharp, "Pageants" (1815), p. 12, 39, and 39. - -I have lately seen the originals of the dialogue of the Weavers' -Pageant, with the separate parts written out for the individual -actors. During the fifteenth century, these pageants were performed -with much success, and several of the smaller trades appear to have -been united for the purpose of performing some pageant together. In -1566 and in 1575 Queen Elizabeth visited Coventry, and the pageants -were performed, and with the view of reviving the diminished glories -of the towns considerable pains were taken to reorganise the old -crafts; thus the Bakers and Smiths joined in producing a pageant in -1506.[11] The Fullers appear to have been reorganised in 1586, and -there was a very distinct revival of the old corporations about that -time. This same element, the manner in which the crafts had -contributed to the local pageants, was noticeable in connection with -the organisation of the bodies at Norwich; and I cannot but connect -the resuscitation of some of the Coventry Gilds at this time with the -desire to perpetuate these entertainments; certain common lands had -been enclosed by the town to bear another part of the expense.[12] -Though the interest in the pageants marks the beginning of this -revival at Coventry, it yet appears that during the seventeenth century -it continued. There was some general cause at work connected with the -condition of industry which called out a new set of efforts at -industrial regulation, but the power which called these gilds or -companies into being was no longer merely municipal; they rely, as in -the earliest instances, on royal or Parliamentary authority. It is by -no means easy to see what was the precise motive in each case of the -incorporating of new industrial companies in the seventeenth century. -The Colchester Bay-makers introduced a new trade, so, perhaps, did the -Kidderminster Carpet-weavers, but the movement at this time appears to -be connected with the fact that industry was becoming specialised and -localised. I am inclined to suspect that the companies of the -seventeenth century differ from the craft gilds of the fifteenth, -partly, at least, in this way, that whereas the former were the local -organisations for regulating various trades in one town, the latter -were the bodies, organised by royal authority for regulating each -industry in that part of the country where it could be best pursued. -It was at this date that the Sheffield Cutlers were incorporated, and -indeed a large number of organisations in different towns. Several of -the Coventry gilds, notably the Drapers and the Clothiers, were -incorporated by royal charters during the seventeenth century, and -if we turned to a northern town like Preston, we might be inclined to -say that this was the real era when associations for industrial -regulation flourished and abounded. - - [11] Fretton, "Memorials of Bakers' Gild," Mid-England, p. - 124. - - [12] Sharp, "Pageants," 12. - -It is no part of my purpose to speak of the decay of these newly -formed or newly resuscitated companies as it occurred in the -eighteenth century. I have endeavoured to indicate the excellent aims -which these institutions set before them, and the success which -attended their efforts for a time. At the same time, it is a -significant fact that they failed to maintain themselves as effective -institutions in the sixteenth century, and when they were resuscitated -they failed to maintain themselves as useful institutions in the -eighteenth. Partly, as I believe, for good, and partly, as we here -recognise, for evil, business habits have so changed that whatever is -done for the old object--maintaining quality and skill--must be done -in a new way. The power which we possess of directing and controlling -the forces of nature has altered the position of the artisan, and made -him a far less important factor in production. The maintenance of -personal skill, the unlimited capacity for working certain materials, -is no longer of such primary importance for industrial success as was -formerly the case. There is another--perhaps a greater--difficulty in -the diffusion of a wider and more cosmopolitan spirit; the sympathies -of the old brethren for one another were strong, but they were -intensely narrow. No town can be so isolated now, or kindle such -intense local attachments as did the cities of the Middle Ages. There -has been loss enough in the destruction of these gilds, but we cannot, -by looking back upon them, reverse the past or re-create that which -has been destroyed through the growth of the larger life we enjoy -to-day. Let us rather remember them as showing what could be -accomplished in the past, and as pointing towards something we ought -to try to accomplish in some new fashion to-day. When we see that the -mediæval workman was a man, not a mere hand; that in close connexion -with his daily tasks the whole round of human aspiration could find -satisfaction; that he was called with others to common worship, called -with others to common feasts and recreations, and encouraged to do his -best at his work, we feel how poor and empty, in comparison, is the -life that is led by the English artisan to-day. But if there is a -better and more wholesome life before the labourer in days to come, if -new forms of association are to do the work which was done by the -gilds of old, we may trust that those who organise them will bear in -mind not only the successes, but the failures of the past, and learn -to avoid the mistakes which wrecked craft gilds not once only, but -twice. - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Craft Gilds, by W. 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