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diff --git a/44932-0.txt b/44932-0.txt index 93bcc7f..ecba3bd 100644 --- a/44932-0.txt +++ b/44932-0.txt @@ -1,34 +1,4 @@ -Project Gutenberg's Free Thought and Official Propaganda, by Bertrand Russell - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: Free Thought and Official Propaganda - -Author: Bertrand Russell - -Release Date: February 16, 2014 [EBook #44932] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FREE THOUGHT AND OFFICIAL PROPAGANDA *** - - - - -Produced by Sean (scribe_for_hire@yahoo.com), based on -page images made available by the Internet Archive -(http://archive.org/details/freethoughtoffic00russiala). - - - - - +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 44932 *** [Italics are marked with _underscores_.] @@ -832,365 +802,4 @@ print.) 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You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: Free Thought and Official Propaganda - -Author: Bertrand Russell - -Release Date: February 16, 2014 [EBook #44932] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FREE THOUGHT AND OFFICIAL PROPAGANDA *** - - - - -Produced by Sean (scribe_for_hire@yahoo.com), based on -page images made available by the Internet Archive -(http://archive.org/details/freethoughtoffic00russiala). - - - - - - - [Italics are marked with _underscores_.] - - - - - Ex Libris - C. K. OGDEN - CONWAY MEMORIAL LECTURE - - FREE THOUGHT - AND - OFFICIAL PROPAGANDA - - DELIVERED AT SOUTH PLACE INSTITUTE ON - MARCH 24, 1922 - - BY - The Hon. BERTRAND RUSSELL, - M.A., F.R.S. - - _(Professor Graham Wallas in the Chair)_ - - WATTS & CO., - JOHNSON'S COURT, FLEET STREET, E.C.4 - 1922 - - - - - CHAIRMAN'S INTRODUCTORY ADDRESS - - -I have come here to-night, partly because I want to hear Mr. Russell, -and partly because of an old affection for South Place and its -traditions. I myself have been for more than forty years a professional -teacher; and it is as a teacher--who thirty-seven years ago was -dismissed for refusing religious conformity--that I most easily approach -the problem of free thought. Though systems of education professing to -teach men and women how to think have been in use in Europe for, -perhaps, three thousand years, we have not yet reached that degree of -success which would be shown if most educated people came to much the -same conclusions on the great problems of life from a study of the same -evidence. Everywhere you have rebels; but ninety per cent. of French or -American students of history come to French or American conclusions, and -eighty-five per cent. of English students come to English conclusions; -eighty per cent. of Eton boys hold Eton political opinions all their -lives; ninety per cent. of the Irish Catholic population of the United -States seem to hold generation after generation identical opinions on -religion and politics which are not held by the vast majority of -Americans. It may be said that in these cases only one kind of evidence -is allowed to reach the students in each institution. But everybody -reads newspapers, and talks with his neighbours, and travels, and visits -museums; and most intelligent people read books and magazines. Sooner or -later much of the same evidence reaches us all. I myself believe that -one of the main reasons why we do not to a greater degree draw the same -conclusions from that evidence is that we do not really learn the -difficult art of thought. A boy at school is taught to memorize and to -understand mathematical formulæ or foreign languages or scientific -statements. But in weighing evidence the effort of memorizing, and even -the effort of understanding, are not of the first importance. The -effective process is a sort of painful and watchful expectancy. A -schoolboy or a college student finds that he has an uncomfortable sense -of unreality in repeating some accustomed formula, or writing an essay -to enforce some accustomed line of argument. He shrinks from that -feeling, as all animals shrink from discomfort. If he were taught what -are the conditions of effective thought, and were encouraged to act on -that lesson, he would know that it is only by resolutely fastening on -such vague and painful premonitions, and forcing them to come into full -consciousness and disclose their deeper causes and tendencies that he -can arrive at new truth or make some old truth his own. - -But who is going to tell him this secret? Every day in London thousands -of clever and sympathetic boys and girls begin the day by sitting -through three-quarters of an hour of the dreary "Cowper-Temple" -instruction which consists, as Bishop Temple once said, of teaching at -everybody's expense what nobody believes. They may be conscious or -half-conscious of a feeling of unreality; but, even if they have not -been taught that it is a sacred duty to "struggle against doubt," they -shrink, as the cleverest of them feel that the teacher is shrinking, -from any further exploration on that path. - -Perhaps some day the teachers and students of the ordinary school and -college subjects may learn something from those little isolated -institutions where men and women try to prepare themselves for the -creative arts. The young painter or sculptor or member of a group of -young poets is often queerly ignorant and one-sided. But he lives in -another world from that of the big conventional sixth-form boy at Harrow -or St. Paul's, or the hockey-playing athlete of a girls' High School, -because he has felt the pain and the exhilaration reached through pain -by which alone new truth and new beauty are born into the world. - - - - - FREE THOUGHT AND - OFFICIAL PROPAGANDA - - -Moncure Conway, in whose honour we are assembled to-day, devoted his -life to two great objects: freedom of thought and freedom of the -individual. In regard to both these objects, something has been gained -since his time, but something also has been lost. New dangers, somewhat -different in form from those of past ages, threaten both kinds of -freedom, and unless a vigorous and vigilant public opinion can be -aroused in defence of them, there will be much less of both a hundred -years hence than there is now. My purpose in this address is to -emphasize the new dangers and to consider how they can be met. - -Let us begin by trying to be clear as to what we mean by "free thought." -This expression has two senses. In its narrower sense it means thought -which does not accept the dogmas of traditional religion. In this sense -a man is a "free thinker" if he is not a Christian or a Mussulman or a -Buddhist or a Shintoist or a member of any of the other bodies of men -who accept some inherited orthodoxy. In Christian countries a man is -called a "free thinker" if he does not decidedly believe in God, though -this would not suffice to make a man a "free thinker" in a Buddhist -country. - -I do not wish to minimize the importance of free thought in this sense. -I am myself a dissenter from all known religions, and I hope that every -kind of religious belief will die out. I do not believe that, on the -balance, religious belief has been a force for good. Although I am -prepared to admit that in certain times and places it has had some good -effects, I regard it as belonging to the infancy of human reason, and to -a stage of development which we are now outgrowing. - -But there is also a wider sense of "free thought," which I regard as of -still greater importance. Indeed, the harm done by traditional religions -seems chiefly traceable to the fact that they have prevented free -thought in this wider sense. The wider sense is not so easy to define as -the narrower, and it will be well to spend some little time in trying to -arrive at its essence. - -When we speak of anything as "free," our meaning is not definite unless -we can say what it is free _from_. Whatever or whoever is "free" is not -subject to some external compulsion, and to be precise we ought to say -what this kind of compulsion is. Thus thought is "free" when it is free -from certain kinds of outward control which are often present. Some of -these kinds of control which must be absent if thought is to be "free" -are obvious, but others are more subtle and elusive. - -To begin with the most obvious. Thought is not "free" when legal -penalties are incurred by the holding or not holding of certain -opinions, or by giving expression to one's belief or lack of belief on -certain matters. Very few countries in the world have as yet even this -elementary kind of freedom. In England, under the Blasphemy Laws, it is -illegal to express disbelief in the Christian religion, though in -practice the law is not set in motion against the well-to-do. It is also -illegal to teach what Christ taught on the subject of non-resistance. -Therefore, whoever wishes to avoid becoming a criminal must profess to -agree with Christ's teaching, but must avoid saying what that teaching -was. In America no one can enter the country without first solemnly -declaring that he disbelieves in anarchism and polygamy; and, once -inside, he must also disbelieve in communism. In Japan it is illegal to -express disbelief in the divinity of the Mikado. It will thus be seen -that a voyage round the world is a perilous adventure. A Mohammedan, a -Tolstoyan, a Bolshevik, or a Christian cannot undertake it without at -some point becoming a criminal, or holding his tongue about what he -considers important truths. This, of course, applies only to steerage -passengers; saloon passengers are allowed to believe whatever they -please, provided they avoid offensive obtrusiveness. - -It is clear that the most elementary condition, if thought is to be -free, is the absence of legal penalties for the expression of opinions. -No great country has yet reached to this level, although most of them -think they have. The opinions which are still persecuted strike the -majority as so monstrous and immoral that the general principle of -toleration cannot be held to apply to them. But this is exactly the same -view as that which made possible the tortures of the Inquisition. There -was a time when Protestantism seemed as wicked as Bolshevism seems now. -Please do not infer from this remark that I am either a Protestant or a -Bolshevik. - -Legal penalties are, however, in the modern world, the least of the -obstacles to freedom of thoughts. The two great obstacles are economic -penalties and distortion of evidence. It is clear that thought is not -free if the profession of certain opinions makes it impossible to earn a -living. It is clear also that thought is not free if all the arguments -on one side of a controversy are perpetually presented as attractively -as possible, while the arguments on the other side can only be -discovered by diligent search. Both these obstacles exist in every large -country known to me, except China, which is the last refuge of freedom. -It is these obstacles with which I shall be concerned--their present -magnitude, the likelihood of their increase, and the possibility of -their diminution. - -We may say that thought is free when it is exposed to free competition -among beliefs--i.e., when all beliefs are able to state their case, and -no legal or pecuniary advantages or disadvantages attach to beliefs. -This is an ideal which, for various reasons, can never be fully -attained. But it is possible to approach very much nearer to it than we -do at present. - -Three incidents in my own life will serve to show how, in modern -England, the scales are weighted in favour of Christianity. My reason -for mentioning them is that many people do not at all realize the -disadvantages to which avowed Agnosticism still exposes people. - -The first incident belongs to a very early stage in my life. My father -was a Freethinker, but died when I was only three years old. Wishing me -to be brought up without superstition, he appointed two Freethinkers as -my guardians. The Courts, however, set aside his will, and had me -educated in the Christian faith. I am afraid the result was -disappointing, but that was not the fault of the law. If he had directed -that I should be educated as a Christadelphian or a Muggletonian or a -Seventh-Day Adventist, the Courts would not have dreamed of objecting. A -parent has a right to ordain that any imaginable superstition shall be -instilled into his children after his death, but has not the right to -say that they shall be kept free from superstition if possible. - -The second incident occurred in the year 1910. I had at that time a -desire to stand for Parliament as a Liberal, and the Whips recommended -me to a certain constituency. I addressed the Liberal Association, who -expressed themselves favourably, and my adoption seemed certain. But, on -being questioned by a small inner caucus, I admitted that I was an -Agnostic. They asked whether the fact would come out, and I said it -probably would. They asked whether I should be willing to go to church -occasionally, and I replied that I should not. Consequently, they -selected another candidate, who was duly elected, has been in Parliament -ever since, and is a member of the present Government. - -The third incident occurred immediately afterwards. I was invited by -Trinity College, Cambridge, to become a lecturer, but not a Fellow. The -difference is not pecuniary; it is that a Fellow has a voice in the -government of the College, and cannot be dispossessed during the term of -his Fellowship except for grave immorality. The chief reason for not -offering me a Fellowship was that the clerical party did not wish to add -to the anti-clerical vote. The result was that they were able to dismiss -me in 1916, when they disliked my views on the War.[1] If I had been -dependent on my lectureship, I should have starved. - -These three incidents illustrate different kinds of disadvantages -attaching to avowed freethinking even in modern England. Any other -avowed Freethinker could supply similar incidents from his personal -experience, often of a far more serious character. The net result is -that people who are not well-to-do dare not be frank about their -religious beliefs. - -It is not, of course, only or even chiefly in regard to religion that -there is lack of freedom. Belief in communism or free love handicaps a -man much more than Agnosticism. Not only is it a disadvantage to hold -those views, but it is very much more difficult to obtain publicity for -the arguments in their favour. On the other hand, in Russia the -advantages and disadvantages are exactly reversed: comfort and power are -achieved by professing Atheism, communism, and free love, and no -opportunity exists for propaganda against these opinions. The result is -that in Russia one set of fanatics feels absolute certainty about one -set of doubtful propositions, while in the rest of the world another set -of fanatics feels equal certainty about a diametrically opposite set of -equally doubtful propositions. From such a situation war, bitterness, -and persecution inevitably result on both sides. - -William James used to preach the "will to believe." For my part, I -should wish to preach the "will to doubt." None of our beliefs are quite -true; all have at least a penumbra of vagueness and error. The methods -of increasing the degree of truth in our beliefs are well known; they -consist in hearing all sides, trying to ascertain all the relevant -facts, controlling our own bias by discussion with people who have the -opposite bias, and cultivating a readiness to discard any hypothesis -which has proved inadequate. These methods are practised in science, and -have built up the body of scientific knowledge. Every man of science -whose outlook is truly scientific is ready to admit that what passes for -scientific knowledge at the moment is sure to require correction with -the progress of discovery; nevertheless, it is near enough to the truth -to serve for most practical purposes, though not for all. In science, -where alone something approximating to genuine knowledge is to be found, -men's attitude is tentative and full of doubt. - -In religion and politics, on the contrary, though there is as yet -nothing approaching scientific knowledge, everybody considers it _de -rigueur_ to have a dogmatic opinion, to be backed up by inflicting -starvation, prison, and war, and to be carefully guarded from -argumentative competition with any different opinion. If only men could -be brought into a tentatively agnostic frame of mind about these -matters, nine-tenths of the evils of the modern world would be cured. -War would become impossible, because each side would realize that both -sides must be in the wrong. Persecution would cease. Education would aim -at expanding the mind, not at narrowing it. Men would be chosen for jobs -on account of fitness to do the work, not because they flattered the -irrational dogmas of those in power. Thus rational doubt alone, if it -could be generated, would suffice to introduce the millennium. - -We have had in recent years a brilliant example of the scientific temper -of mind in the theory of relativity and its reception by the world. -Einstein, a German-Swiss-Jew pacifist, was appointed to a research -professorship by the German Government in the early days of the War; his -predictions were verified by an English expedition which observed the -eclipse of 1919, very soon after the Armistice. His theory upsets the -whole theoretical framework of traditional physics; it is almost as -damaging to orthodox dynamics as Darwin was to _Genesis_. Yet physicists -everywhere have shown complete readiness to accept his theory as soon as -it appeared that the evidence was in its favour. But none of them, least -of all Einstein himself, would claim that he has said the last word. He -has not built a monument of infallible dogma to stand for all time. -There are difficulties he cannot solve; his doctrines will have to be -modified in their turn as they have modified Newton's. This critical -undogmatic receptiveness is the true attitude of science. - -What would have happened if Einstein had advanced something equally new -in the sphere of religion or politics? English people would have found -elements of Prussianism in his theory; anti-Semites would have regarded -it as a Zionist plot; nationalists in all countries would have found it -tainted with lily-livered pacifism, and proclaimed it a mere dodge for -escaping military service. All the old-fashioned professors would have -approached Scotland Yard to get the importation of his writings -prohibited. Teachers favourable to him would have been dismissed. He, -meantime, would have captured the Government of some backward country, -where it would have become illegal to teach anything except his -doctrine, which would have grown into a mysterious dogma not understood -by anybody. Ultimately the truth or falsehood of his doctrine would be -decided on the battlefield, without the collection of any fresh evidence -for or against it. This method is the logical outcome of William James's -will to believe. - -What is wanted is not the will to believe, but the wish to find out, -which is its exact opposite. - -If it is admitted that a condition of rational doubt would be desirable, -it becomes important to inquire how it comes about that there is so much -irrational certainty in the world. A great deal of this is due to the -inherent irrationality and credulity of average human nature. But this -seed of intellectual original sin is nourished and fostered by other -agencies, among which three play the chief part--namely, education, -propaganda, and economic pressure. Let us consider these in turn. - -(1) _Education._--Elementary education, in all advanced countries, is in -the hands of the State. Some of the things taught are known to be false -by the officials who prescribe them, and many others are known to be -false, or at any rate very doubtful, by every unprejudiced person. Take, -for example, the teaching of history. Each nation aims only at -self-glorification in the school text-books of history. When a man -writes his autobiography he is expected to show a certain modesty; but -when a nation writes its autobiography there is no limit to its boasting -and vainglory. When I was young, school books taught that the French -were wicked and the Germans virtuous; now they teach the opposite. In -neither case is there the slightest regard for truth. German school -books, dealing with the battle of Waterloo, represent Wellington as all -but defeated when Blücher saved the situation; English books represent -Blücher as having made very little difference. The writers of both the -German and the English books know that they are not telling the truth. -American school books used to be violently anti-British; since the War -they have become equally pro-British, without aiming at truth in either -case (see _The Freeman_, Feb. 15, 1922, p. 532). Both before and since, -one of the chief purposes of education in the United States has been to -turn the motley collection of immigrant children into "good Americans." -Apparently it has not occurred to any one that a "good American," like a -"good German" or a "good Japanese," must be, _pro tanto_, a bad human -being. A "good American" is a man or woman imbued with the belief that -America is the finest country on earth, and ought always to be -enthusiastically supported in any quarrel. It is just possible that -these propositions are true; if so, a rational man will have no quarrel -with them. But if they are true, they ought to be taught everywhere, not -only in America. It is a suspicious circumstance that such propositions -are never believed outside the particular country which they glorify. -Meanwhile the whole machinery of the State, in all the different -countries, is turned on to making defenceless children believe absurd -propositions the effect of which is to make them willing to die in -defence of sinister interests under the impression that they are -fighting for truth and right. This is only one of countless ways in -which education is designed, not to give true knowledge, but to make the -people pliable to the will of their masters. Without an elaborate system -of deceit in the elementary schools it would be impossible to preserve -the camouflage of democracy. - -Before leaving the subject of education, I will take another example -from America[2]--not because America is any worse than other countries, -but because it is the most modern, showing the dangers that are growing -rather than those that are diminishing. In the State of New York a -school cannot be established without a licence from the State, even if -it is to be supported wholly by private funds. A recent law decrees that -a licence shall not be granted to any school "where it shall appear that -the instruction proposed to be given includes the teachings of the -doctrine that organized Governments shall be overthrown by force, -violence, or unlawful means." As the _New Republic_ points out, there is -no limitation to this or that organized Government. The law therefore -would have made it illegal, during the War, to teach the doctrine that -the Kaiser's Government should be overthrown by force; and, since then, -the support of Kolchak or Denikin against the Soviet Government would -have been illegal. Such consequences, of course, were not intended, and -result only from bad draughtsmanship. What was intended appears from -another law passed at the same time, applying to teachers in State -schools. This law provides that certificates permitting persons to teach -in such schools shall be issued only to those who have "shown -satisfactorily" that they are "loyal and obedient to the Government of -this State and of the United States," and shall be refused to those who -have advocated, no matter where or when, "a form of government other -than the Government of this State or of the United States." The -committee which framed these laws, as quoted by the _New Republic_, laid -it down that the teacher who "does not approve of the present social -system......must surrender his office," and that "no person who is not -eager to combat the theories of social change should be entrusted with -the task of fitting the young and old for the responsibilities of -citizenship." Thus, according to the law of the State of New York, -Christ and George Washington were too degraded morally to be fit for the -education of the young. If Christ were to go to New York and say, -"Suffer the little children to come unto me," the President of the New -York School Board would reply: "Sir, I see no evidence that you are -eager to combat theories of social change. Indeed, I have heard it said -that you advocate what you call the _kingdom_ of heaven, whereas this -country, thank God, is a republic. It is clear that the Government of -your kingdom of heaven would differ materially from that of New York -State, therefore no children will be allowed access to you." If he -failed to make this reply, he would not be doing his duty as a -functionary entrusted with the administration of the law. - -The effect of such laws is very serious. Let it be granted, for the sake -of argument, that the government and the social system in the State of -New York are the best that have ever existed on this planet; yet even -then both would presumably be capable of improvement. Any person who -admits this obvious proposition is by law incapable of teaching in a -State school. Thus the law decrees that the teachers shall all be either -hypocrites or fools. - -The growing danger exemplified by the New York law is that resulting -from the monopoly of power in the hands of a single organization, -whether the State or a Trust or federation of Trusts. In the case of -education, the power is in the hands of the State, which can prevent the -young from hearing of any doctrine which it dislikes. I believe there -are still some people who think that a democratic State is scarcely -distinguishable from the people. This, however, is a delusion. The State -is a collection of officials, different for different purposes, drawing -comfortable incomes so long as the _status quo_ is preserved. The only -alteration they are likely to desire in the _status quo_ is an increase -of bureaucracy and of the power of bureaucrats. It is, therefore, -natural that they should take advantage of such opportunities as war -excitement to acquire inquisitorial powers over their employees, -involving the right to inflict starvation upon any subordinate who -opposes them. In matters of the mind, such as education, this state of -affairs is fatal. It puts an end to all possibility of progress or -freedom or intellectual initiative. Yet it is the natural result of -allowing the whole of elementary education to fall under the sway of a -single organization. - -Religious toleration, to a certain extent, has been won because people -have ceased to consider religion so important as it was once thought to -be. But in politics and economics, which have taken the place formerly -occupied by religion, there is a growing tendency to persecution, which -is not by any means confined to one party. The persecution of opinion in -Russia is more severe than in any capitalist country. I met in Petrograd -an eminent Russian poet, Alexander Block, who has since died as the -result of privations. The Bolsheviks allowed him to teach æsthetics, but -he complained that they insisted on his teaching the subject "from a -Marxian point of view." He had been at a loss to discover how the theory -of rhythmics was connected with Marxism, although, to avoid starvation, -he had done his best to find out. Of course, it has been impossible in -Russia ever since the Bolsheviks came into power to print anything -critical of the dogmas upon which their regime is founded. - -The examples of America and Russia illustrate the conclusion to which we -seem to be driven--namely, that so long as men continue to have the -present fanatical belief in the importance of politics free thought on -political matters will be impossible, and there is only too much danger -that the lack of freedom will spread to all other matters, as it has -done in Russia. Only some degree of political scepticism can save us -from this misfortune. - -It must not be supposed that the officials in charge of education desire -the young to become educated. On the contrary, their problem is to -impart information without imparting intelligence. Education should have -two objects: first, to give definite knowledge--reading and writing, -languages and mathematics, and so on; secondly, to create those mental -habits which will enable people to acquire knowledge and form sound -judgments for themselves. The first of these we may call information, -the second intelligence. The utility of information is admitted -practically as well as theoretically; without a literate population a -modern State is impossible. But the utility of intelligence is admitted -only theoretically, not practically; it is not desired that ordinary -people should think for themselves, because it is felt that people who -think for themselves are awkward to manage and cause administrative -difficulties. Only the guardians, in Plato's language, are to think; the -rest are to obey, or to follow leaders like a herd of sheep. This -doctrine, often unconsciously, has survived the introduction of -political democracy, and has radically vitiated all national systems of -education. - -The country which has succeeded best in giving information without -intelligence is the latest addition to modern civilization, Japan. -Elementary education in Japan is said to be admirable from the point of -view of instruction. But, in addition to instruction, it has another -purpose, which is to teach worship of the Mikado--a far stronger creed -now than before Japan became modernized.[3] Thus the schools have been -used simultaneously to confer knowledge and to promote superstition. -Since we are not tempted to Mikado-worship, we see clearly what is -absurd in Japanese teaching. Our own national superstitions strike us as -natural and sensible, so that we do not take such a true view of them as -we do of the superstitions of Nippon. But if a travelled Japanese were -to maintain the thesis that our schools teach superstitions just as -inimical to intelligence as belief in the divinity of the Mikado, I -suspect that he would be able to make out a very good case. - -For the present I am not in search of remedies, but am only concerned -with diagnosis. We are faced with the paradoxical fact that education -has become one of the chief obstacles to intelligence and freedom of -thought. This is due primarily to the fact that the State claims a -monopoly; but that is by no means the sole cause. - -(2) _Propaganda._--Our system of education turns young people out of the -schools able to read, but for the most part unable to weigh evidence or -to form an independent opinion. They are then assailed, throughout the -rest of their lives, by statements designed to make them believe all -sorts of absurd propositions, such as that Blank's pills cure all ills, -that Spitzbergen is warm and fertile, and that Germans eat corpses. The -art of propaganda, as practised by modern politicians and governments, -is derived from the art of advertisement. The science of psychology owes -a great deal to advertisers. In former days most psychologists would -probably have thought that a man could not convince many people of the -excellence of his own wares by merely stating emphatically that they -were excellent. Experience shows, however, that they were mistaken in -this. If I were to stand up once in a public place and state that I am -the most modest man alive, I should be laughed at; but if I could raise -enough money to make the same statement on all the busses and on -hoardings along all the principal railway lines, people would presently -become convinced that I had an abnormal shrinking from publicity. If I -were to go to a small shopkeeper and say: "Look at your competitor over -the way, he is getting your business; don't you think it would be a good -plan to leave your business and stand up in the middle of the road and -try to shoot him before he shoots you?"--if I were to say this, any -small shopkeeper would think me mad. But when the Government says it -with emphasis and a brass band, the small shopkeepers become -enthusiastic, and are quite surprised when they find afterwards that -business has suffered. Propaganda, conducted by the means which -advertisers have found successful, is now one of the recognized methods -of government in all advanced countries, and is especially the method by -which democratic opinion is created. - -There are two quite different evils about propaganda as now practised. -On the one hand, its appeal is generally to irrational causes of belief -rather than to serious argument; on the other hand, it gives an unfair -advantage to those who can obtain most publicity, whether through wealth -or through power. For my part, I am inclined to think that too much fuss -is sometimes made about the fact that propaganda appeals to emotion -rather than reason. The line between emotion and reason is not so sharp -as some people think. Moreover, a clever man could frame a sufficiently -rational argument in favour of any position which has any chance of -being adopted. There are always good arguments on both sides of any real -issue. Definite mis-statements of fact can be legitimately objected to, -but they are by no means necessary. The mere words "Pear's Soap," which -affirm nothing, cause people to buy that article. If, wherever these -words appear, they were replaced by the words "The Labour Party," -millions of people would be led to vote for the Labour Party, although -the advertisements had claimed no merit for it whatever. But if both -sides in a controversy were confined by law to statements which a -committee of eminent logicians considered relevant and valid, the main -evil of propaganda, as at present conducted, would remain. Suppose, -under such a law, two parties with an equally good case, one of whom had -a million pounds to spend on propaganda, while the other had only a -hundred thousand. It is obvious that the arguments in favour of the -richer party would become more widely known than those in favour of the -poorer party, and therefore the richer party would win. This situation -is, of course, intensified when one party is the Government. In Russia -the Government has an almost complete monopoly of propaganda, but that -is not necessary. The advantages which it possesses over its opponents -will generally be sufficient to give it the victory, unless it has an -exceptionally bad case. - -The objection to propaganda is not only its appeal to unreason, but -still more the unfair advantage which it gives to the rich and powerful. -Equality of opportunity among opinions is essential if there is to be -real freedom of thought; and equality of opportunity among opinions can -only be secured by elaborate laws directed to that end, which there is -no reason to expect to see enacted. The cure is not to be sought -primarily in such laws, but in better education and a more sceptical -public opinion. For the moment, however, I am not concerned to discuss -cures. - -(3) _Economic pressure._--I have already dealt with some aspects of this -obstacle to freedom of thought, but I wish now to deal with it on more -general lines, as a danger which is bound to increase unless very -definite steps are taken to counteract it. The supreme example of -economic pressure applied against freedom of thought is Soviet Russia, -where, until the trade agreement, the Government could and did inflict -starvation upon people whose opinions it disliked--for example, -Kropotkin. But in this respect Russia is only somewhat ahead of other -countries. In France, during the Dreyfus affair, any teacher would have -lost his position if he had been in favour of Dreyfus at the start or -against him at the end. In America at the present day I doubt if a -university professor, however eminent, could get employment if he were -to criticize the Standard Oil Company, because all college presidents -have received or hope to receive benefactions from Mr. Rockefeller. -Throughout America Socialists are marked men, and find it extremely -difficult to obtain work unless they have great gifts. The tendency, -which exists wherever industrialism is well developed, for trusts and -monopolies to control all industry, leads to a diminution of the number -of possible employers, so that it becomes easier and easier to keep -secret black books by means of which any one not subservient to the -great corporations can be starved. The growth of monopolies is -introducing in America many of the evils associated with State Socialism -as it has existed in Russia. From the standpoint of liberty, it makes no -difference to a man whether his only possible employer is the State or a -Trust. - -In America, which is the most advanced country industrially, and to a -lesser extent in other countries which are approximating to the American -condition, it is necessary for the average citizen, if he wishes to make -a living, to avoid incurring the hostility of certain big men. And these -big men have an outlook--religious, moral, and political--with which -they expect their employees to agree, at least outwardly. A man who -openly dissents from Christianity, or believes in a relaxation of the -marriage laws, or objects to the power of the great corporations, finds -America a very uncomfortable country, unless he happens to be an eminent -writer. Exactly the same kind of restraints upon freedom of thought are -bound to occur in every country where economic organization has been -carried to the point of practical monopoly. Therefore the safeguarding -of liberty in the world which is growing up is far more difficult than -it was in the nineteenth century, when free competition was still a -reality. Whoever cares about the freedom of the mind must face this -situation fully and frankly, realizing the inapplicability of methods -which answered well enough while industrialism was in its infancy. - -There are two simple principles which, if they were adopted, would solve -almost all social problems. The first is that education should have for -one of its aims to teach people only to believe propositions when there -is some reason to think that they are true. The second is that jobs -should be given solely for fitness to do the work. - -To take the second point first. The habit of considering a man's -religious, moral, and political opinions before appointing him to a post -or giving him a job is the modern form of persecution, and it is likely -to become quite as efficient as the Inquisition ever was. The old -liberties can be legally retained without being of the slightest use. -If, in practice, certain opinions lead a man to starve, it is poor -comfort to him to know that his opinions are not punishable by law. -There is a certain public feeling against starving men for not belonging -to the Church of England, or for holding slightly unorthodox opinions in -politics. But there is hardly any feeling against the rejection of -Atheists or Mormons, extreme communists, or men who advocate free love. -Such men are thought to be wicked, and it is considered only natural to -refuse to employ them. People have hardly yet waked up to the fact that -this refusal, in a highly industrial State, amounts to a very rigorous -form of persecution. - -If this danger were adequately realized, it would be possible to rouse -public opinion, and to secure that a man's beliefs should not be -considered in appointing him to a post. The protection of minorities is -vitally important; and even the most orthodox of us may find himself in -a minority some day, so that we all have an interest in restraining the -tyranny of majorities. Nothing except public opinion can solve this -problem. Socialism would make it somewhat more acute, since it would -eliminate the opportunities that now arise through exceptional -employers. Every increase in the size of industrial undertakings makes -it worse, since it diminishes the number of independent employers. The -battle must be fought exactly as the battle of religious toleration was -fought. And as in that case, so in this, a decay in the intensity of -belief is likely to prove the decisive factor. While men were convinced -of the absolute truth of Catholicism or Protestantism, as the case might -be, they were willing to persecute on account of them. While men are -quite certain of their modern creeds, they will persecute on their -behalf. Some element of doubt is essential to the practice, though not -to the theory, of toleration. And this brings me to my other point, -which concerns the aims of education. - -If there is to be toleration in the world, one of the things taught in -schools must be the habit of weighing evidence, and the practice of not -giving full assent to propositions which there is no reason to believe -true. For example, the art of reading the newspapers should be taught. -The schoolmaster should select some incident which happened a good many -years ago, and roused political passions in its day. He should then read -to the school children what was said by the newspapers on one side, what -was said by those on the other, and some impartial account of what -really happened. He should show how, from the biased account of either -side, a practised reader could infer what really happened, and he should -make them understand that everything in newspapers is more or less -untrue. The cynical scepticism which would result from this teaching -would make the children in later life immune from those appeals to -idealism by which decent people are induced to further the schemes of -scoundrels. - -History should be taught in the same way. Napoleon's campaigns of 1813 -and 1814, for instance, might be studied in the _Moniteur_, leading up -to the surprise which Parisians felt when they saw the Allies arriving -under the walls of Paris after they had (according to the official -bulletins) been beaten by Napoleon in every battle. In the more advanced -classes, students should be encouraged to count the number of times that -Lenin has been assassinated by Trotsky, in order to learn contempt for -death. Finally, they should be given a school history approved by the -Government, and asked to infer what a French school history would say -about our wars with France. All this would be a far better training in -citizenship than the trite moral maxims by which some people believe -that civic duty can be inculcated. - -It must, I think, be admitted that the evils of the world are due to -moral defects quite as much as to lack of intelligence. But the human -race has not hitherto discovered any method of eradicating moral -defects; preaching and exhortation only add hypocrisy to the previous -list of vices. Intelligence, on the contrary, is easily improved by -methods known to every competent educator. Therefore, until some method -of teaching virtue has been discovered, progress will have to be sought -by improvement of intelligence rather than of morals. One of the chief -obstacles to intelligence is credulity, and credulity could be -enormously diminished by instruction as to the prevalent forms of -mendacity. Credulity is a greater evil in the present day than it ever -was before, because, owing to the growth of education, it is much easier -than it used to be to spread misinformation, and, owing to democracy, -the spread of misinformation is more important than in former times to -the holders of power. Hence the increase in the circulation of -newspapers. - -If I am asked how the world is to be induced to adopt these two -maxims--namely (1) that jobs should be given to people on account of -their fitness to perform them; (2) that one aim of education should be -to cure people of the habit of believing propositions for which there is -no evidence--I can only say that it must be done by generating an -enlightened public opinion. And an enlightened public opinion can only -be generated by the efforts of those who desire that it should exist. I -do not believe that the economic changes advocated by Socialists will, -of themselves, do anything towards curing the evils we have been -considering. I think that, whatever happens in politics, the trend of -economic development will make the preservation of mental freedom -increasingly difficult, unless public opinion insists that the employer -shall control nothing in the life of the employee except his work. -Freedom in education could easily be secured, if it were desired, by -limiting the function of the State to inspection and payment, and -confining inspection rigidly to the definite instruction. But that, as -things stand, would leave education in the hands of the Churches, -because, unfortunately, they are more anxious to teach their beliefs -than Freethinkers are to teach their doubts. It would, however, give a -free field, and would make it possible for a liberal education to be -given if it were really desired. More than that ought not to be asked of -the law. - -My plea throughout this address has been for the spread of the -scientific temper, which is an altogether different thing from the -knowledge of scientific results. The scientific temper is capable of -regenerating mankind and providing an issue for all our troubles. The -results of science, in the form of mechanism, poison gas, and the yellow -press, bid fair to lead to the total downfall of our civilization. It is -a curious antithesis, which a Martian might contemplate with amused -detachment. But for us it is a matter of life and death. Upon its issue -depends the question whether our grandchildren are to live in a happier -world, or are to exterminate each other by scientific methods, leaving -perhaps to negroes and Papuans the future destinies of mankind. - - - - - APPENDIX - - THE CONWAY MEMORIAL LECTURESHIP - - -At a general meeting of the South Place Ethical Society, held on October -22, 1908, it was resolved, after full discussion, that an effort should -be made to establish a series of lectures, to be printed and widely -circulated, as a permanent Memorial to Dr. Conway. - -Moncure Conway's untiring zeal for the emancipation of the human mind -from the thraldom of obsolete or waning beliefs, his pleadings for -sympathy with the oppressed and for a wider and profounder conception of -human fraternity than the world has yet reached, claim, it is urged, an -offering of gratitude more permanent than the eloquent obituary or -reverential service of mourning. - -The range of the lectures (of which the thirteenth is published -herewith) must be regulated by the financial support accorded to the -scheme; but it is hoped that sufficient funds will be eventually -forthcoming for the endowment of periodical lectures by distinguished -public men, to further the cause of social, political, and religious -freedom, with which Dr. Conway's name must ever be associated. - -The Conway Memorial Lecture Committee, although not yet in possession of -the necessary capital for the permanent endowment of the Lectureship, -have inaugurated and maintained the work while inviting further -contributions. The funds in hand, together with those which may -reasonably be expected from supporters of the Movement, will ensure the -delivery of an annual lecture for some years at least. - -The Committee earnestly appeal for either donations or subscriptions -from year to year until the Memorial is permanently established. -Contributions may be forwarded to the Hon. Treasurer. - -On behalf of the Executive Committee:-- - -(Mrs.) C. Fletcher Smith and Ernest Carr, _Hon. Secretaries_. - -(Mrs.) F. M. Cockburn, _Hon. Treasurer_, "Peradeniya," Northampton Road, -Croydon. - - - PRINTED BY WATTS AND CO., JOHNSON'S COURT, FLEET STREET, E.C.4. - - - - - [Footnotes] - - -[1] I should add that they re-appointed me later, when war passions had -begun to cool. - -[2] See _The New Republic_, Feb. 1, 1922, p. 259 _ff._ - -[3] See _The Invention of a New Religion_. By Professor Chamberlain, of -Tokio. Published by the Rationalist Press Association. 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You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: Free Thought and Official Propaganda - -Author: Bertrand Russell - -Release Date: February 16, 2014 [EBook #44932] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ASCII - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FREE THOUGHT AND OFFICIAL PROPAGANDA *** - - - - -Produced by Sean (scribe_for_hire@yahoo.com), based on -page images made available by the Internet Archive -(http://archive.org/details/freethoughtoffic00russiala). - - - - - - - [Italics are marked with _underscores_.] - - - - - Ex Libris - C. K. OGDEN - CONWAY MEMORIAL LECTURE - - FREE THOUGHT - AND - OFFICIAL PROPAGANDA - - DELIVERED AT SOUTH PLACE INSTITUTE ON - MARCH 24, 1922 - - BY - The Hon. BERTRAND RUSSELL, - M.A., F.R.S. - - _(Professor Graham Wallas in the Chair)_ - - WATTS & CO., - JOHNSON'S COURT, FLEET STREET, E.C.4 - 1922 - - - - - CHAIRMAN'S INTRODUCTORY ADDRESS - - -I have come here to-night, partly because I want to hear Mr. Russell, -and partly because of an old affection for South Place and its -traditions. I myself have been for more than forty years a professional -teacher; and it is as a teacher--who thirty-seven years ago was -dismissed for refusing religious conformity--that I most easily approach -the problem of free thought. Though systems of education professing to -teach men and women how to think have been in use in Europe for, -perhaps, three thousand years, we have not yet reached that degree of -success which would be shown if most educated people came to much the -same conclusions on the great problems of life from a study of the same -evidence. Everywhere you have rebels; but ninety per cent. of French or -American students of history come to French or American conclusions, and -eighty-five per cent. of English students come to English conclusions; -eighty per cent. of Eton boys hold Eton political opinions all their -lives; ninety per cent. of the Irish Catholic population of the United -States seem to hold generation after generation identical opinions on -religion and politics which are not held by the vast majority of -Americans. It may be said that in these cases only one kind of evidence -is allowed to reach the students in each institution. But everybody -reads newspapers, and talks with his neighbours, and travels, and visits -museums; and most intelligent people read books and magazines. Sooner or -later much of the same evidence reaches us all. I myself believe that -one of the main reasons why we do not to a greater degree draw the same -conclusions from that evidence is that we do not really learn the -difficult art of thought. A boy at school is taught to memorize and to -understand mathematical formulae or foreign languages or scientific -statements. But in weighing evidence the effort of memorizing, and even -the effort of understanding, are not of the first importance. The -effective process is a sort of painful and watchful expectancy. A -schoolboy or a college student finds that he has an uncomfortable sense -of unreality in repeating some accustomed formula, or writing an essay -to enforce some accustomed line of argument. He shrinks from that -feeling, as all animals shrink from discomfort. If he were taught what -are the conditions of effective thought, and were encouraged to act on -that lesson, he would know that it is only by resolutely fastening on -such vague and painful premonitions, and forcing them to come into full -consciousness and disclose their deeper causes and tendencies that he -can arrive at new truth or make some old truth his own. - -But who is going to tell him this secret? Every day in London thousands -of clever and sympathetic boys and girls begin the day by sitting -through three-quarters of an hour of the dreary "Cowper-Temple" -instruction which consists, as Bishop Temple once said, of teaching at -everybody's expense what nobody believes. They may be conscious or -half-conscious of a feeling of unreality; but, even if they have not -been taught that it is a sacred duty to "struggle against doubt," they -shrink, as the cleverest of them feel that the teacher is shrinking, -from any further exploration on that path. - -Perhaps some day the teachers and students of the ordinary school and -college subjects may learn something from those little isolated -institutions where men and women try to prepare themselves for the -creative arts. The young painter or sculptor or member of a group of -young poets is often queerly ignorant and one-sided. But he lives in -another world from that of the big conventional sixth-form boy at Harrow -or St. Paul's, or the hockey-playing athlete of a girls' High School, -because he has felt the pain and the exhilaration reached through pain -by which alone new truth and new beauty are born into the world. - - - - - FREE THOUGHT AND - OFFICIAL PROPAGANDA - - -Moncure Conway, in whose honour we are assembled to-day, devoted his -life to two great objects: freedom of thought and freedom of the -individual. In regard to both these objects, something has been gained -since his time, but something also has been lost. New dangers, somewhat -different in form from those of past ages, threaten both kinds of -freedom, and unless a vigorous and vigilant public opinion can be -aroused in defence of them, there will be much less of both a hundred -years hence than there is now. My purpose in this address is to -emphasize the new dangers and to consider how they can be met. - -Let us begin by trying to be clear as to what we mean by "free thought." -This expression has two senses. In its narrower sense it means thought -which does not accept the dogmas of traditional religion. In this sense -a man is a "free thinker" if he is not a Christian or a Mussulman or a -Buddhist or a Shintoist or a member of any of the other bodies of men -who accept some inherited orthodoxy. In Christian countries a man is -called a "free thinker" if he does not decidedly believe in God, though -this would not suffice to make a man a "free thinker" in a Buddhist -country. - -I do not wish to minimize the importance of free thought in this sense. -I am myself a dissenter from all known religions, and I hope that every -kind of religious belief will die out. I do not believe that, on the -balance, religious belief has been a force for good. Although I am -prepared to admit that in certain times and places it has had some good -effects, I regard it as belonging to the infancy of human reason, and to -a stage of development which we are now outgrowing. - -But there is also a wider sense of "free thought," which I regard as of -still greater importance. Indeed, the harm done by traditional religions -seems chiefly traceable to the fact that they have prevented free -thought in this wider sense. The wider sense is not so easy to define as -the narrower, and it will be well to spend some little time in trying to -arrive at its essence. - -When we speak of anything as "free," our meaning is not definite unless -we can say what it is free _from_. Whatever or whoever is "free" is not -subject to some external compulsion, and to be precise we ought to say -what this kind of compulsion is. Thus thought is "free" when it is free -from certain kinds of outward control which are often present. Some of -these kinds of control which must be absent if thought is to be "free" -are obvious, but others are more subtle and elusive. - -To begin with the most obvious. Thought is not "free" when legal -penalties are incurred by the holding or not holding of certain -opinions, or by giving expression to one's belief or lack of belief on -certain matters. Very few countries in the world have as yet even this -elementary kind of freedom. In England, under the Blasphemy Laws, it is -illegal to express disbelief in the Christian religion, though in -practice the law is not set in motion against the well-to-do. It is also -illegal to teach what Christ taught on the subject of non-resistance. -Therefore, whoever wishes to avoid becoming a criminal must profess to -agree with Christ's teaching, but must avoid saying what that teaching -was. In America no one can enter the country without first solemnly -declaring that he disbelieves in anarchism and polygamy; and, once -inside, he must also disbelieve in communism. In Japan it is illegal to -express disbelief in the divinity of the Mikado. It will thus be seen -that a voyage round the world is a perilous adventure. A Mohammedan, a -Tolstoyan, a Bolshevik, or a Christian cannot undertake it without at -some point becoming a criminal, or holding his tongue about what he -considers important truths. This, of course, applies only to steerage -passengers; saloon passengers are allowed to believe whatever they -please, provided they avoid offensive obtrusiveness. - -It is clear that the most elementary condition, if thought is to be -free, is the absence of legal penalties for the expression of opinions. -No great country has yet reached to this level, although most of them -think they have. The opinions which are still persecuted strike the -majority as so monstrous and immoral that the general principle of -toleration cannot be held to apply to them. But this is exactly the same -view as that which made possible the tortures of the Inquisition. There -was a time when Protestantism seemed as wicked as Bolshevism seems now. -Please do not infer from this remark that I am either a Protestant or a -Bolshevik. - -Legal penalties are, however, in the modern world, the least of the -obstacles to freedom of thoughts. The two great obstacles are economic -penalties and distortion of evidence. It is clear that thought is not -free if the profession of certain opinions makes it impossible to earn a -living. It is clear also that thought is not free if all the arguments -on one side of a controversy are perpetually presented as attractively -as possible, while the arguments on the other side can only be -discovered by diligent search. Both these obstacles exist in every large -country known to me, except China, which is the last refuge of freedom. -It is these obstacles with which I shall be concerned--their present -magnitude, the likelihood of their increase, and the possibility of -their diminution. - -We may say that thought is free when it is exposed to free competition -among beliefs--i.e., when all beliefs are able to state their case, and -no legal or pecuniary advantages or disadvantages attach to beliefs. -This is an ideal which, for various reasons, can never be fully -attained. But it is possible to approach very much nearer to it than we -do at present. - -Three incidents in my own life will serve to show how, in modern -England, the scales are weighted in favour of Christianity. My reason -for mentioning them is that many people do not at all realize the -disadvantages to which avowed Agnosticism still exposes people. - -The first incident belongs to a very early stage in my life. My father -was a Freethinker, but died when I was only three years old. Wishing me -to be brought up without superstition, he appointed two Freethinkers as -my guardians. The Courts, however, set aside his will, and had me -educated in the Christian faith. I am afraid the result was -disappointing, but that was not the fault of the law. If he had directed -that I should be educated as a Christadelphian or a Muggletonian or a -Seventh-Day Adventist, the Courts would not have dreamed of objecting. A -parent has a right to ordain that any imaginable superstition shall be -instilled into his children after his death, but has not the right to -say that they shall be kept free from superstition if possible. - -The second incident occurred in the year 1910. I had at that time a -desire to stand for Parliament as a Liberal, and the Whips recommended -me to a certain constituency. I addressed the Liberal Association, who -expressed themselves favourably, and my adoption seemed certain. But, on -being questioned by a small inner caucus, I admitted that I was an -Agnostic. They asked whether the fact would come out, and I said it -probably would. They asked whether I should be willing to go to church -occasionally, and I replied that I should not. Consequently, they -selected another candidate, who was duly elected, has been in Parliament -ever since, and is a member of the present Government. - -The third incident occurred immediately afterwards. I was invited by -Trinity College, Cambridge, to become a lecturer, but not a Fellow. The -difference is not pecuniary; it is that a Fellow has a voice in the -government of the College, and cannot be dispossessed during the term of -his Fellowship except for grave immorality. The chief reason for not -offering me a Fellowship was that the clerical party did not wish to add -to the anti-clerical vote. The result was that they were able to dismiss -me in 1916, when they disliked my views on the War.[1] If I had been -dependent on my lectureship, I should have starved. - -These three incidents illustrate different kinds of disadvantages -attaching to avowed freethinking even in modern England. Any other -avowed Freethinker could supply similar incidents from his personal -experience, often of a far more serious character. The net result is -that people who are not well-to-do dare not be frank about their -religious beliefs. - -It is not, of course, only or even chiefly in regard to religion that -there is lack of freedom. Belief in communism or free love handicaps a -man much more than Agnosticism. Not only is it a disadvantage to hold -those views, but it is very much more difficult to obtain publicity for -the arguments in their favour. On the other hand, in Russia the -advantages and disadvantages are exactly reversed: comfort and power are -achieved by professing Atheism, communism, and free love, and no -opportunity exists for propaganda against these opinions. The result is -that in Russia one set of fanatics feels absolute certainty about one -set of doubtful propositions, while in the rest of the world another set -of fanatics feels equal certainty about a diametrically opposite set of -equally doubtful propositions. From such a situation war, bitterness, -and persecution inevitably result on both sides. - -William James used to preach the "will to believe." For my part, I -should wish to preach the "will to doubt." None of our beliefs are quite -true; all have at least a penumbra of vagueness and error. The methods -of increasing the degree of truth in our beliefs are well known; they -consist in hearing all sides, trying to ascertain all the relevant -facts, controlling our own bias by discussion with people who have the -opposite bias, and cultivating a readiness to discard any hypothesis -which has proved inadequate. These methods are practised in science, and -have built up the body of scientific knowledge. Every man of science -whose outlook is truly scientific is ready to admit that what passes for -scientific knowledge at the moment is sure to require correction with -the progress of discovery; nevertheless, it is near enough to the truth -to serve for most practical purposes, though not for all. In science, -where alone something approximating to genuine knowledge is to be found, -men's attitude is tentative and full of doubt. - -In religion and politics, on the contrary, though there is as yet -nothing approaching scientific knowledge, everybody considers it _de -rigueur_ to have a dogmatic opinion, to be backed up by inflicting -starvation, prison, and war, and to be carefully guarded from -argumentative competition with any different opinion. If only men could -be brought into a tentatively agnostic frame of mind about these -matters, nine-tenths of the evils of the modern world would be cured. -War would become impossible, because each side would realize that both -sides must be in the wrong. Persecution would cease. Education would aim -at expanding the mind, not at narrowing it. Men would be chosen for jobs -on account of fitness to do the work, not because they flattered the -irrational dogmas of those in power. Thus rational doubt alone, if it -could be generated, would suffice to introduce the millennium. - -We have had in recent years a brilliant example of the scientific temper -of mind in the theory of relativity and its reception by the world. -Einstein, a German-Swiss-Jew pacifist, was appointed to a research -professorship by the German Government in the early days of the War; his -predictions were verified by an English expedition which observed the -eclipse of 1919, very soon after the Armistice. His theory upsets the -whole theoretical framework of traditional physics; it is almost as -damaging to orthodox dynamics as Darwin was to _Genesis_. Yet physicists -everywhere have shown complete readiness to accept his theory as soon as -it appeared that the evidence was in its favour. But none of them, least -of all Einstein himself, would claim that he has said the last word. He -has not built a monument of infallible dogma to stand for all time. -There are difficulties he cannot solve; his doctrines will have to be -modified in their turn as they have modified Newton's. This critical -undogmatic receptiveness is the true attitude of science. - -What would have happened if Einstein had advanced something equally new -in the sphere of religion or politics? English people would have found -elements of Prussianism in his theory; anti-Semites would have regarded -it as a Zionist plot; nationalists in all countries would have found it -tainted with lily-livered pacifism, and proclaimed it a mere dodge for -escaping military service. All the old-fashioned professors would have -approached Scotland Yard to get the importation of his writings -prohibited. Teachers favourable to him would have been dismissed. He, -meantime, would have captured the Government of some backward country, -where it would have become illegal to teach anything except his -doctrine, which would have grown into a mysterious dogma not understood -by anybody. Ultimately the truth or falsehood of his doctrine would be -decided on the battlefield, without the collection of any fresh evidence -for or against it. This method is the logical outcome of William James's -will to believe. - -What is wanted is not the will to believe, but the wish to find out, -which is its exact opposite. - -If it is admitted that a condition of rational doubt would be desirable, -it becomes important to inquire how it comes about that there is so much -irrational certainty in the world. A great deal of this is due to the -inherent irrationality and credulity of average human nature. But this -seed of intellectual original sin is nourished and fostered by other -agencies, among which three play the chief part--namely, education, -propaganda, and economic pressure. Let us consider these in turn. - -(1) _Education._--Elementary education, in all advanced countries, is in -the hands of the State. Some of the things taught are known to be false -by the officials who prescribe them, and many others are known to be -false, or at any rate very doubtful, by every unprejudiced person. Take, -for example, the teaching of history. Each nation aims only at -self-glorification in the school text-books of history. When a man -writes his autobiography he is expected to show a certain modesty; but -when a nation writes its autobiography there is no limit to its boasting -and vainglory. When I was young, school books taught that the French -were wicked and the Germans virtuous; now they teach the opposite. In -neither case is there the slightest regard for truth. German school -books, dealing with the battle of Waterloo, represent Wellington as all -but defeated when Bluecher saved the situation; English books represent -Bluecher as having made very little difference. The writers of both the -German and the English books know that they are not telling the truth. -American school books used to be violently anti-British; since the War -they have become equally pro-British, without aiming at truth in either -case (see _The Freeman_, Feb. 15, 1922, p. 532). Both before and since, -one of the chief purposes of education in the United States has been to -turn the motley collection of immigrant children into "good Americans." -Apparently it has not occurred to any one that a "good American," like a -"good German" or a "good Japanese," must be, _pro tanto_, a bad human -being. A "good American" is a man or woman imbued with the belief that -America is the finest country on earth, and ought always to be -enthusiastically supported in any quarrel. It is just possible that -these propositions are true; if so, a rational man will have no quarrel -with them. But if they are true, they ought to be taught everywhere, not -only in America. It is a suspicious circumstance that such propositions -are never believed outside the particular country which they glorify. -Meanwhile the whole machinery of the State, in all the different -countries, is turned on to making defenceless children believe absurd -propositions the effect of which is to make them willing to die in -defence of sinister interests under the impression that they are -fighting for truth and right. This is only one of countless ways in -which education is designed, not to give true knowledge, but to make the -people pliable to the will of their masters. Without an elaborate system -of deceit in the elementary schools it would be impossible to preserve -the camouflage of democracy. - -Before leaving the subject of education, I will take another example -from America[2]--not because America is any worse than other countries, -but because it is the most modern, showing the dangers that are growing -rather than those that are diminishing. In the State of New York a -school cannot be established without a licence from the State, even if -it is to be supported wholly by private funds. A recent law decrees that -a licence shall not be granted to any school "where it shall appear that -the instruction proposed to be given includes the teachings of the -doctrine that organized Governments shall be overthrown by force, -violence, or unlawful means." As the _New Republic_ points out, there is -no limitation to this or that organized Government. The law therefore -would have made it illegal, during the War, to teach the doctrine that -the Kaiser's Government should be overthrown by force; and, since then, -the support of Kolchak or Denikin against the Soviet Government would -have been illegal. Such consequences, of course, were not intended, and -result only from bad draughtsmanship. What was intended appears from -another law passed at the same time, applying to teachers in State -schools. This law provides that certificates permitting persons to teach -in such schools shall be issued only to those who have "shown -satisfactorily" that they are "loyal and obedient to the Government of -this State and of the United States," and shall be refused to those who -have advocated, no matter where or when, "a form of government other -than the Government of this State or of the United States." The -committee which framed these laws, as quoted by the _New Republic_, laid -it down that the teacher who "does not approve of the present social -system......must surrender his office," and that "no person who is not -eager to combat the theories of social change should be entrusted with -the task of fitting the young and old for the responsibilities of -citizenship." Thus, according to the law of the State of New York, -Christ and George Washington were too degraded morally to be fit for the -education of the young. If Christ were to go to New York and say, -"Suffer the little children to come unto me," the President of the New -York School Board would reply: "Sir, I see no evidence that you are -eager to combat theories of social change. Indeed, I have heard it said -that you advocate what you call the _kingdom_ of heaven, whereas this -country, thank God, is a republic. It is clear that the Government of -your kingdom of heaven would differ materially from that of New York -State, therefore no children will be allowed access to you." If he -failed to make this reply, he would not be doing his duty as a -functionary entrusted with the administration of the law. - -The effect of such laws is very serious. Let it be granted, for the sake -of argument, that the government and the social system in the State of -New York are the best that have ever existed on this planet; yet even -then both would presumably be capable of improvement. Any person who -admits this obvious proposition is by law incapable of teaching in a -State school. Thus the law decrees that the teachers shall all be either -hypocrites or fools. - -The growing danger exemplified by the New York law is that resulting -from the monopoly of power in the hands of a single organization, -whether the State or a Trust or federation of Trusts. In the case of -education, the power is in the hands of the State, which can prevent the -young from hearing of any doctrine which it dislikes. I believe there -are still some people who think that a democratic State is scarcely -distinguishable from the people. This, however, is a delusion. The State -is a collection of officials, different for different purposes, drawing -comfortable incomes so long as the _status quo_ is preserved. The only -alteration they are likely to desire in the _status quo_ is an increase -of bureaucracy and of the power of bureaucrats. It is, therefore, -natural that they should take advantage of such opportunities as war -excitement to acquire inquisitorial powers over their employees, -involving the right to inflict starvation upon any subordinate who -opposes them. In matters of the mind, such as education, this state of -affairs is fatal. It puts an end to all possibility of progress or -freedom or intellectual initiative. Yet it is the natural result of -allowing the whole of elementary education to fall under the sway of a -single organization. - -Religious toleration, to a certain extent, has been won because people -have ceased to consider religion so important as it was once thought to -be. But in politics and economics, which have taken the place formerly -occupied by religion, there is a growing tendency to persecution, which -is not by any means confined to one party. The persecution of opinion in -Russia is more severe than in any capitalist country. I met in Petrograd -an eminent Russian poet, Alexander Block, who has since died as the -result of privations. The Bolsheviks allowed him to teach aesthetics, but -he complained that they insisted on his teaching the subject "from a -Marxian point of view." He had been at a loss to discover how the theory -of rhythmics was connected with Marxism, although, to avoid starvation, -he had done his best to find out. Of course, it has been impossible in -Russia ever since the Bolsheviks came into power to print anything -critical of the dogmas upon which their regime is founded. - -The examples of America and Russia illustrate the conclusion to which we -seem to be driven--namely, that so long as men continue to have the -present fanatical belief in the importance of politics free thought on -political matters will be impossible, and there is only too much danger -that the lack of freedom will spread to all other matters, as it has -done in Russia. Only some degree of political scepticism can save us -from this misfortune. - -It must not be supposed that the officials in charge of education desire -the young to become educated. On the contrary, their problem is to -impart information without imparting intelligence. Education should have -two objects: first, to give definite knowledge--reading and writing, -languages and mathematics, and so on; secondly, to create those mental -habits which will enable people to acquire knowledge and form sound -judgments for themselves. The first of these we may call information, -the second intelligence. The utility of information is admitted -practically as well as theoretically; without a literate population a -modern State is impossible. But the utility of intelligence is admitted -only theoretically, not practically; it is not desired that ordinary -people should think for themselves, because it is felt that people who -think for themselves are awkward to manage and cause administrative -difficulties. Only the guardians, in Plato's language, are to think; the -rest are to obey, or to follow leaders like a herd of sheep. This -doctrine, often unconsciously, has survived the introduction of -political democracy, and has radically vitiated all national systems of -education. - -The country which has succeeded best in giving information without -intelligence is the latest addition to modern civilization, Japan. -Elementary education in Japan is said to be admirable from the point of -view of instruction. But, in addition to instruction, it has another -purpose, which is to teach worship of the Mikado--a far stronger creed -now than before Japan became modernized.[3] Thus the schools have been -used simultaneously to confer knowledge and to promote superstition. -Since we are not tempted to Mikado-worship, we see clearly what is -absurd in Japanese teaching. Our own national superstitions strike us as -natural and sensible, so that we do not take such a true view of them as -we do of the superstitions of Nippon. But if a travelled Japanese were -to maintain the thesis that our schools teach superstitions just as -inimical to intelligence as belief in the divinity of the Mikado, I -suspect that he would be able to make out a very good case. - -For the present I am not in search of remedies, but am only concerned -with diagnosis. We are faced with the paradoxical fact that education -has become one of the chief obstacles to intelligence and freedom of -thought. This is due primarily to the fact that the State claims a -monopoly; but that is by no means the sole cause. - -(2) _Propaganda._--Our system of education turns young people out of the -schools able to read, but for the most part unable to weigh evidence or -to form an independent opinion. They are then assailed, throughout the -rest of their lives, by statements designed to make them believe all -sorts of absurd propositions, such as that Blank's pills cure all ills, -that Spitzbergen is warm and fertile, and that Germans eat corpses. The -art of propaganda, as practised by modern politicians and governments, -is derived from the art of advertisement. The science of psychology owes -a great deal to advertisers. In former days most psychologists would -probably have thought that a man could not convince many people of the -excellence of his own wares by merely stating emphatically that they -were excellent. Experience shows, however, that they were mistaken in -this. If I were to stand up once in a public place and state that I am -the most modest man alive, I should be laughed at; but if I could raise -enough money to make the same statement on all the busses and on -hoardings along all the principal railway lines, people would presently -become convinced that I had an abnormal shrinking from publicity. If I -were to go to a small shopkeeper and say: "Look at your competitor over -the way, he is getting your business; don't you think it would be a good -plan to leave your business and stand up in the middle of the road and -try to shoot him before he shoots you?"--if I were to say this, any -small shopkeeper would think me mad. But when the Government says it -with emphasis and a brass band, the small shopkeepers become -enthusiastic, and are quite surprised when they find afterwards that -business has suffered. Propaganda, conducted by the means which -advertisers have found successful, is now one of the recognized methods -of government in all advanced countries, and is especially the method by -which democratic opinion is created. - -There are two quite different evils about propaganda as now practised. -On the one hand, its appeal is generally to irrational causes of belief -rather than to serious argument; on the other hand, it gives an unfair -advantage to those who can obtain most publicity, whether through wealth -or through power. For my part, I am inclined to think that too much fuss -is sometimes made about the fact that propaganda appeals to emotion -rather than reason. The line between emotion and reason is not so sharp -as some people think. Moreover, a clever man could frame a sufficiently -rational argument in favour of any position which has any chance of -being adopted. There are always good arguments on both sides of any real -issue. Definite mis-statements of fact can be legitimately objected to, -but they are by no means necessary. The mere words "Pear's Soap," which -affirm nothing, cause people to buy that article. If, wherever these -words appear, they were replaced by the words "The Labour Party," -millions of people would be led to vote for the Labour Party, although -the advertisements had claimed no merit for it whatever. But if both -sides in a controversy were confined by law to statements which a -committee of eminent logicians considered relevant and valid, the main -evil of propaganda, as at present conducted, would remain. Suppose, -under such a law, two parties with an equally good case, one of whom had -a million pounds to spend on propaganda, while the other had only a -hundred thousand. It is obvious that the arguments in favour of the -richer party would become more widely known than those in favour of the -poorer party, and therefore the richer party would win. This situation -is, of course, intensified when one party is the Government. In Russia -the Government has an almost complete monopoly of propaganda, but that -is not necessary. The advantages which it possesses over its opponents -will generally be sufficient to give it the victory, unless it has an -exceptionally bad case. - -The objection to propaganda is not only its appeal to unreason, but -still more the unfair advantage which it gives to the rich and powerful. -Equality of opportunity among opinions is essential if there is to be -real freedom of thought; and equality of opportunity among opinions can -only be secured by elaborate laws directed to that end, which there is -no reason to expect to see enacted. The cure is not to be sought -primarily in such laws, but in better education and a more sceptical -public opinion. For the moment, however, I am not concerned to discuss -cures. - -(3) _Economic pressure._--I have already dealt with some aspects of this -obstacle to freedom of thought, but I wish now to deal with it on more -general lines, as a danger which is bound to increase unless very -definite steps are taken to counteract it. The supreme example of -economic pressure applied against freedom of thought is Soviet Russia, -where, until the trade agreement, the Government could and did inflict -starvation upon people whose opinions it disliked--for example, -Kropotkin. But in this respect Russia is only somewhat ahead of other -countries. In France, during the Dreyfus affair, any teacher would have -lost his position if he had been in favour of Dreyfus at the start or -against him at the end. In America at the present day I doubt if a -university professor, however eminent, could get employment if he were -to criticize the Standard Oil Company, because all college presidents -have received or hope to receive benefactions from Mr. Rockefeller. -Throughout America Socialists are marked men, and find it extremely -difficult to obtain work unless they have great gifts. The tendency, -which exists wherever industrialism is well developed, for trusts and -monopolies to control all industry, leads to a diminution of the number -of possible employers, so that it becomes easier and easier to keep -secret black books by means of which any one not subservient to the -great corporations can be starved. The growth of monopolies is -introducing in America many of the evils associated with State Socialism -as it has existed in Russia. From the standpoint of liberty, it makes no -difference to a man whether his only possible employer is the State or a -Trust. - -In America, which is the most advanced country industrially, and to a -lesser extent in other countries which are approximating to the American -condition, it is necessary for the average citizen, if he wishes to make -a living, to avoid incurring the hostility of certain big men. And these -big men have an outlook--religious, moral, and political--with which -they expect their employees to agree, at least outwardly. A man who -openly dissents from Christianity, or believes in a relaxation of the -marriage laws, or objects to the power of the great corporations, finds -America a very uncomfortable country, unless he happens to be an eminent -writer. Exactly the same kind of restraints upon freedom of thought are -bound to occur in every country where economic organization has been -carried to the point of practical monopoly. Therefore the safeguarding -of liberty in the world which is growing up is far more difficult than -it was in the nineteenth century, when free competition was still a -reality. Whoever cares about the freedom of the mind must face this -situation fully and frankly, realizing the inapplicability of methods -which answered well enough while industrialism was in its infancy. - -There are two simple principles which, if they were adopted, would solve -almost all social problems. The first is that education should have for -one of its aims to teach people only to believe propositions when there -is some reason to think that they are true. The second is that jobs -should be given solely for fitness to do the work. - -To take the second point first. The habit of considering a man's -religious, moral, and political opinions before appointing him to a post -or giving him a job is the modern form of persecution, and it is likely -to become quite as efficient as the Inquisition ever was. The old -liberties can be legally retained without being of the slightest use. -If, in practice, certain opinions lead a man to starve, it is poor -comfort to him to know that his opinions are not punishable by law. -There is a certain public feeling against starving men for not belonging -to the Church of England, or for holding slightly unorthodox opinions in -politics. But there is hardly any feeling against the rejection of -Atheists or Mormons, extreme communists, or men who advocate free love. -Such men are thought to be wicked, and it is considered only natural to -refuse to employ them. People have hardly yet waked up to the fact that -this refusal, in a highly industrial State, amounts to a very rigorous -form of persecution. - -If this danger were adequately realized, it would be possible to rouse -public opinion, and to secure that a man's beliefs should not be -considered in appointing him to a post. The protection of minorities is -vitally important; and even the most orthodox of us may find himself in -a minority some day, so that we all have an interest in restraining the -tyranny of majorities. Nothing except public opinion can solve this -problem. Socialism would make it somewhat more acute, since it would -eliminate the opportunities that now arise through exceptional -employers. Every increase in the size of industrial undertakings makes -it worse, since it diminishes the number of independent employers. The -battle must be fought exactly as the battle of religious toleration was -fought. And as in that case, so in this, a decay in the intensity of -belief is likely to prove the decisive factor. While men were convinced -of the absolute truth of Catholicism or Protestantism, as the case might -be, they were willing to persecute on account of them. While men are -quite certain of their modern creeds, they will persecute on their -behalf. Some element of doubt is essential to the practice, though not -to the theory, of toleration. And this brings me to my other point, -which concerns the aims of education. - -If there is to be toleration in the world, one of the things taught in -schools must be the habit of weighing evidence, and the practice of not -giving full assent to propositions which there is no reason to believe -true. For example, the art of reading the newspapers should be taught. -The schoolmaster should select some incident which happened a good many -years ago, and roused political passions in its day. He should then read -to the school children what was said by the newspapers on one side, what -was said by those on the other, and some impartial account of what -really happened. He should show how, from the biased account of either -side, a practised reader could infer what really happened, and he should -make them understand that everything in newspapers is more or less -untrue. The cynical scepticism which would result from this teaching -would make the children in later life immune from those appeals to -idealism by which decent people are induced to further the schemes of -scoundrels. - -History should be taught in the same way. Napoleon's campaigns of 1813 -and 1814, for instance, might be studied in the _Moniteur_, leading up -to the surprise which Parisians felt when they saw the Allies arriving -under the walls of Paris after they had (according to the official -bulletins) been beaten by Napoleon in every battle. In the more advanced -classes, students should be encouraged to count the number of times that -Lenin has been assassinated by Trotsky, in order to learn contempt for -death. Finally, they should be given a school history approved by the -Government, and asked to infer what a French school history would say -about our wars with France. All this would be a far better training in -citizenship than the trite moral maxims by which some people believe -that civic duty can be inculcated. - -It must, I think, be admitted that the evils of the world are due to -moral defects quite as much as to lack of intelligence. But the human -race has not hitherto discovered any method of eradicating moral -defects; preaching and exhortation only add hypocrisy to the previous -list of vices. Intelligence, on the contrary, is easily improved by -methods known to every competent educator. Therefore, until some method -of teaching virtue has been discovered, progress will have to be sought -by improvement of intelligence rather than of morals. One of the chief -obstacles to intelligence is credulity, and credulity could be -enormously diminished by instruction as to the prevalent forms of -mendacity. Credulity is a greater evil in the present day than it ever -was before, because, owing to the growth of education, it is much easier -than it used to be to spread misinformation, and, owing to democracy, -the spread of misinformation is more important than in former times to -the holders of power. Hence the increase in the circulation of -newspapers. - -If I am asked how the world is to be induced to adopt these two -maxims--namely (1) that jobs should be given to people on account of -their fitness to perform them; (2) that one aim of education should be -to cure people of the habit of believing propositions for which there is -no evidence--I can only say that it must be done by generating an -enlightened public opinion. And an enlightened public opinion can only -be generated by the efforts of those who desire that it should exist. I -do not believe that the economic changes advocated by Socialists will, -of themselves, do anything towards curing the evils we have been -considering. I think that, whatever happens in politics, the trend of -economic development will make the preservation of mental freedom -increasingly difficult, unless public opinion insists that the employer -shall control nothing in the life of the employee except his work. -Freedom in education could easily be secured, if it were desired, by -limiting the function of the State to inspection and payment, and -confining inspection rigidly to the definite instruction. But that, as -things stand, would leave education in the hands of the Churches, -because, unfortunately, they are more anxious to teach their beliefs -than Freethinkers are to teach their doubts. It would, however, give a -free field, and would make it possible for a liberal education to be -given if it were really desired. More than that ought not to be asked of -the law. - -My plea throughout this address has been for the spread of the -scientific temper, which is an altogether different thing from the -knowledge of scientific results. The scientific temper is capable of -regenerating mankind and providing an issue for all our troubles. The -results of science, in the form of mechanism, poison gas, and the yellow -press, bid fair to lead to the total downfall of our civilization. It is -a curious antithesis, which a Martian might contemplate with amused -detachment. But for us it is a matter of life and death. Upon its issue -depends the question whether our grandchildren are to live in a happier -world, or are to exterminate each other by scientific methods, leaving -perhaps to negroes and Papuans the future destinies of mankind. - - - - - APPENDIX - - THE CONWAY MEMORIAL LECTURESHIP - - -At a general meeting of the South Place Ethical Society, held on October -22, 1908, it was resolved, after full discussion, that an effort should -be made to establish a series of lectures, to be printed and widely -circulated, as a permanent Memorial to Dr. Conway. - -Moncure Conway's untiring zeal for the emancipation of the human mind -from the thraldom of obsolete or waning beliefs, his pleadings for -sympathy with the oppressed and for a wider and profounder conception of -human fraternity than the world has yet reached, claim, it is urged, an -offering of gratitude more permanent than the eloquent obituary or -reverential service of mourning. - -The range of the lectures (of which the thirteenth is published -herewith) must be regulated by the financial support accorded to the -scheme; but it is hoped that sufficient funds will be eventually -forthcoming for the endowment of periodical lectures by distinguished -public men, to further the cause of social, political, and religious -freedom, with which Dr. Conway's name must ever be associated. - -The Conway Memorial Lecture Committee, although not yet in possession of -the necessary capital for the permanent endowment of the Lectureship, -have inaugurated and maintained the work while inviting further -contributions. The funds in hand, together with those which may -reasonably be expected from supporters of the Movement, will ensure the -delivery of an annual lecture for some years at least. - -The Committee earnestly appeal for either donations or subscriptions -from year to year until the Memorial is permanently established. -Contributions may be forwarded to the Hon. Treasurer. - -On behalf of the Executive Committee:-- - -(Mrs.) C. Fletcher Smith and Ernest Carr, _Hon. Secretaries_. - -(Mrs.) F. M. Cockburn, _Hon. Treasurer_, "Peradeniya," Northampton Road, -Croydon. - - - PRINTED BY WATTS AND CO., JOHNSON'S COURT, FLEET STREET, E.C.4. - - - - - [Footnotes] - - -[1] I should add that they re-appointed me later, when war passions had -begun to cool. - -[2] See _The New Republic_, Feb. 1, 1922, p. 259 _ff._ - -[3] See _The Invention of a New Religion_. By Professor Chamberlain, of -Tokio. Published by the Rationalist Press Association. 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