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diff --git a/44920-0.txt b/44920-0.txt index d0210aa..e481053 100644 --- a/44920-0.txt +++ b/44920-0.txt @@ -1,36 +1,4 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Normans, by Sarah Orne Jewett - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: The Normans - told chiefly in relation to their conquest of England - -Author: Sarah Orne Jewett - -Release Date: February 15, 2014 [EBook #44920] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NORMANS *** - - - - -Produced by RichardW, sp1nd and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 44920 *** TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE: @@ -10423,366 +10391,4 @@ Page 373: "character, of, 64;" to "character of, 64;". 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You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: The Normans - told chiefly in relation to their conquest of England - -Author: Sarah Orne Jewett - -Release Date: February 15, 2014 [EBook #44920] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NORMANS *** - - - - -Produced by RichardW, sp1nd and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - -TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE: - -Original spelling and grammar has mostly been retained. Figures were -moved from within paragraphs to between paragraphs. Footnotes were -re-indexed and moved to the ends of the corresponding paragraphs. The -original page numbers are embedded in square brackets, e.g. "[Pg135]". - -TXT Versions only: Text that was originally italicized is in this -version marked before and after with /solidus characters/. Small caps -text is converted to all uppercase. The notation "^{n}" means that n -is superscript. Bold text is «surrounded by double angle quotation -marks». In this Latin-1 version, the oe and OE ligatures are -indicated by [oe] and [OE], respectively. - -More details are located in the TRANSCRIBER'S ENDNOTE. - - - - - THE NORMANS - - - - - [Illustration:/Frontispiece./ BIRTHPLACE OF WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. - FALAISE.] - - - - - THE STORY OF THE NATIONS - - THE NORMANS - - TOLD CHIEFLY IN RELATION TO THEIR CONQUEST - OF ENGLAND - - BY - SARAH ORNE JEWETT - - NEW YORK - G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS - LONDON: T. FISHER UNWIN - 1898 - - - - - COPYRIGHT, 1886 - BY - G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS - - The Knickerbocker Press, New York - - - - - TO - MY DEAR GRANDFATHER - DOCTOR WILLIAM PERRY, OF EXETER - - - - - [Illustration: EUROPE - AT THE CLOSE OF THE 11^{TH} CENTURY] - - - - - [Illustration] - - - - - CONTENTS. - - - I. - PAGE - - THE MEN OF THE DRAGON SHIPS 1-29 - - The ancient Northmen, 1-3 -- Manner of life, 4-6 -- Hall-life - and hospitality, 7 -- Sagamen, 8 -- Sea-kings and vikings, - 9 -- Charlemagne and the vikings, 11 -- Viking voyages and - settlements, 12-22 -- The Northmen in France, 23-27 -- Modern - inheritance from the Northmen, 28. - - - II. - - ROLF THE GANGER 30-51 - - Harold Haarfager, 30 -- Jarl Rögnwald, 32 -- Rolf's outlawry, - 33 -- Charles the Simple, 35 -- The Archbishop of Rouen, 37 -- - Hasting, 38 -- Siege of Bayeux, 40 -- Rolf's character, 41 -- - The founding of Normandy, 43 -- The king's grant, 45 -- Rolf's - christening, 46 -- Law and order, 48 -- Rolf's death, 50. - - - III. - - WILLIAM LONGSWORD 52-65 - - French influences; Charlemagne; Charles the Fat, 52-54 -- - Feudalism, 55 -- The Franks, 55 -- Norman loyalty to France, - 57 -- Longsword's politics, 60 -- The Bayeux Northmen, 61 -- - Longsword's love of the cloister, 63 -- Longsword's character, - 64. - - - IV. - - RICHARD THE FEARLESS 66-89 - - Longsword's son, 66 -- A Norman castle, 67 -- News of - Longsword's death, 69 -- His funeral, 70 -- Richard made duke, - 70 -- The guardianship of Louis of France, 72 -- Detention of - Richard and escape from Laon, 73-75 -- Hugh of Paris, 76 -- - Louis at Rouen, 77 -- Norman plots, 80 -- Harold Blaatand, 81 -- - Normandy against France, 82 -- Independence of Normandy, 84 -- - Normandy and England, 85 -- Gerberga, 85 -- Alliance with Hugh of - Paris; with Hugh Capet, 86-88 -- Death of Richard, 89. - - - V. - - DUKE RICHARD THE GOOD 90-114 - - Richard the Good's succession, 90 -- French influences, 91 -- - Lack of records, 91 -- Prosperity of the duchy, 92 -- Richard's - love of courtliness and splendor, 92 -- Wrongs of the common - people; their complaint, 93-95 -- Raoul of Ivry, 96 -- The - Flemish colony; the Falaise fair; Richard's brother William, - 97, 98 -- Robert of France, 99 -- Richard's marriage, 101 -- - Æthelred the Unready, 102 -- The Danes in England, 103 -- Emma of - Normandy, 105; Trouble with Burgundy, 107 -- The lands of Dreux, - 109 -- The Count-Bishop of Chalons, 110; Norman chroniclers, 112 - -- Ermenoldus; the third Richard and his murder, 112-114. - - - VI. - - ROBERT THE MAGNIFICENT 115-129 - - Power and wealth of Normandy, 115 -- The English princes, 118 - -- Cnut of England and Queen Emma, 119 -- Robert's lavishness; - Baldwin of Flanders, 120-122 -- The tanner's daughter, 122 -- - Norman pride and Robert's defiance of public opinion, 124 -- - Robert's pilgrimage to Jerusalem, 125 -- His death at Nicæa, 129. - - - VII. - - THE NORMANS IN ITALY 130-148 - - Hasting the pirate, 130 -- Early Norman colonies in the south - of Europe, 132 -- The Norman character, 134 -- Tancred de - Hauteville, 135 -- Serlon de Hauteville, 136 -- Sicily, 139 -- - Pope Leo the Tenth, 140 -- Robert Guiscard, 141 -- Rapid progress - of the Norman-Italian States and their prosperity, 142 -- Norman - architecture in Sicily, 145. - - - VIII. - - THE YOUTH OF WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR 149-170 - - Typical character of William, 149 -- Loneliness of his - childhood, 151 -- William de Talvas, 152 -- The feudal system, - 153 -- Christianity and knighthood, 156 -- Ceremonies at the - making of a knight, 157 -- The oaths of knighthood, 161 -- The - Truce of God, 166-170. - - - IX. - - ACROSS THE CHANNEL 171-194 - - Changes in England, 171 -- Æthelred, 172 -- The Danegelt, 173 - -- The Danes again, 175 -- Swegen, 177 -- Cnut, 178 -- Eadmund - Ironside, 180 -- Cnut's pilgrimage, 181 -- Godwine, 184 -- Eadward - the Confessor, 187 -- The Dover quarrel, 189 -- Normans in - England, 192 -- Castles, 193. - - - X. - - THE BATTLE OF VAL-ÈS-DUNES 195-214 - - Roger de Toesny, 196 -- William's boyhood, 198 -- Escape from - Valognes, 199 -- The Lord of Rye, 200 -- Guy of Burgundy, 201 - -- Rebellion, 202 -- Val-ès-Dunes, 204 -- Ralph of Tesson, 206 - -- Neal of St. Saviour, 208 -- William's leniency, 211 -- His - mastery, 213 -- The siege of Alençon, 213. - - - XI. - - THE ABBEY OF BEC 215-231 - - Cloistermen, 215 -- Soldiery and scholarship, 216 -- Building of - religious houses, 218 -- Cathedrals, 220 -- Benedictines, 222 -- - Herluin and his abbey, 223 -- Lanfranc, 226 -- His influence in - Normandy, 229. - - - XII. - - MATILDA OF FLANDERS 232-254 - - Flanders, 232 -- Objections to William's marriage, 234 -- - Marriage of William and Matilda at Eu, 236 -- Mauger, 237 -- - Rebuilding of churches, 239 -- William's early visit to England, - 242 -- Godwine's return, 244 -- His death, 245 -- Jealousy of - France, 246 -- The French invasion of Normandy, 247 -- Battle of - Mortemer, 248 -- The curfew bell, 251 -- Battle of Varaville, 252 - -- Harold of England's visit, 254. - - - XIII. - - HAROLD THE ENGLISHMAN 255-274 - - Causes and effects of war, 255 -- Relations of William and - Harold, 256 -- Harold's unfitness as a leader of the English, - 257 -- His shipwreck on the coast of Ponthieu, 260 -- William's - palace in Rouen, 261 -- News of Harold's imprisonment by Guy of - Ponthieu, 262 -- Harold's release, 264 -- His life in Normandy, - 265 -- His oath, 267 -- Eadward's last illness, 269 -- Harold - named as successor, 272. - - - XIV. - - NEWS FROM ENGLAND 275-294 - - Harold made king, 275 -- William hears the news, 276 -- The - Normans begin to plan for war, 278 -- William's embassy, 280 - -- The council at Lillebonne, 280 -- The barons hold back, 282 - -- Lanfranc's influence at Rome, 286 -- Tostig, 287 -- Harold's - army, 290 -- Harold Hardrada, 291 -- The battle of Stamford - Bridge, 293. - - - XV. - - THE BATTLE OF HASTINGS 295-311 - - Normandy makes ready for war, 295 -- The army at St. Valery, - 297 -- William crosses the Channel, 298 -- The camp at Hastings, - 300 -- Harold of England, 302 -- Senlac, 304 -- The battle array, - 306 -- The great fight, 308 -- The Norman victory, 310. - - - XVI. - - WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR 312-344 - - Norman characteristics, 312 -- William's coronation, 314 -- - His plan of government, 316 -- Return to Normandy, 320 -- Caen, - 322 -- The Bayeux tapestry, 323 -- Matilda crowned queen, 325 - -- Difficulties of government, 327 -- The English forests, 330 - -- Decay of learning in Eadward's time, 331 -- William's laws - against slavery, 332 -- His son Robert, 333 -- The queen's death, - 335 -- Odo's plot, 335 -- William's injury at Mantes, 337 -- His - illness and death, 339 -- Description from /Roman de Rou/, 341. - - - XVII. - - KINGDOM AND DUKEDOM 345-358 - - William Rufus, 345 -- Robert of Normandy, 346 -- William Rufus - in England, 349 -- Duke Robert goes on pilgrimage, 351 -- Murder - of William Rufus, 353 -- Henry Beauclerc seizes the English - crown, 355 -- Death of Prince William, 358. - - - XVIII. - - CONCLUSION 359-366 - - Development of Norman character, 360 -- Northern influences, - 362 -- The great inheritance, 365. - - [Illustration] - - - [Illustration] - - - - - LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. - - - PAGE - - BIRTHPLACE OF WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. FALAISE. /Frontispiece/ - - MAP--EUROPE AT CLOSE OF ELEVENTH CENTURY 1 - - IRON SPEAR AND CHISEL 5 - - VIKING SHIP 13 - - VIKING 17 - - NORSE BUCKLE 21 - - NORWEGIAN FIORD 31 - - FLAILS AS MILITARY WEAPONS 77 - - ABBEY CHURCH OF ST. OUEN. (ROUEN) 87 - - QUEEN EMMA OR ÆLFGIFU 105 - - NORMAN COSTUMES 117 - - ROBERT, DUKE OF NORMANDY, CARRIED IN A LITTER TO JERUSALEM 127 - - NORMAN PLOUGHMAN 153 - - ARMING A KNIGHT 157 - - CONFERRING KNIGHTHOOD ON THE FIELD OF BATTLE 167 - - KING CNUT 179 - - DOORWAY OF CATHEDRAL, CHARTRES 217 - - CANTERBURY CATHEDRAL 221 - - CRYPT OF MOUNT ST. MICHEL 241 - - NORMAN ARCHER 253 - - GUY, COUNT OF PONTHIEU 259 - - MOUNT ST. MICHEL 263 - - OLD HOUSES, DÔL 265 - - FUNERAL OF EADWARD THE CONFESSOR 273 - - STIGAND, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY 277 - - MAP--NORMANDY IN 1066 281 - - MAP--ENGLAND 289 - - NORMAN VESSEL 297 - - WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR 301 - - NORMAN MINSTREL 305 - - SOLDIER IN CLOAK 309 - - DEATH OF HAROLD 325 - - NORMAN LADY 326 - - BATTLE-AXES 329 - - ODO, BISHOP OF BAYEUX 335 - - -The ten illustrations in this volume which are from designs by Thomas -Macquoid, have been reproduced (through the courtesy of Messrs. Chatto -& Windus) from Mrs. Macquoid's "Pictures and Legends from Normandy -and Brittany," the American edition of which was published by G. P. -Putnam's Sons. - - [Illustration] - - - - - DUKES OF THE NORMANS. - - ROLF, - First Duke of the Normans, - r. 911-927. - | - WILLIAM - LONGSWORD, - r. 927-943. - | - RICHARD - THE FEARLESS, - r. 943-996. - | - +-----+------+ - | | - RICHARD EMMA, - THE GOOD, m. 1. Æthelred II. - r. 996-1026. of England; - | m. 2. Cnut of England - | and Denmark. - | - +-------+----------+ - | | - RICHARD III., ROBERT - r. 1026-1028. THE MAGNIFICENT, - r. 1028-1035. - | - WILLIAM - THE CONQUEROR, - r. 1035-1087. - | - +-------------------+----+--------+---------------+ - | | | | - ROBERT II., WILLIAM HENRY I., ADELA, - r. 1087-1096 RUFUS, r. 1106-1135. m. Stephen, - (from 1096 to 1100 r. 1096-1100. | Count of Blois - the Duchy was MATILDA | - held by his m. GEOFFRY STEPHEN - brother William), COUNT OF OF BLOIS, - and 1100-1106 ANJOU s. 1135. - (when he was AND - overthrown at MAINE - Tinchebrai by his (who won the - brother Henry). Duchy from - Stephen). - | - HENRY II., - invested with the - Duchy, 1150, - d. 1189. - | - +-----------+-------+ - | | - RICHARD JOHN, - THE LION-HEART, r. 1199-1204 - r. 1189-1199. (when Normandy - was conquered - by France). - -[Pg001] - - [Illustration] - - - - -THE STORY OF THE NORMANS. - - - - -I. - -THE MEN OF THE DRAGON SHIPS. - - "Far as the breeze can bear, the billows foam, - Survey our empire and behold our home."--BYRON. - - -The gulf stream flows so near to the southern coast of Norway, and -to the Orkneys and Western Islands, that their climate is much less -severe than might be supposed. Yet no one can help wondering why they -were formerly so much more populous than now, and why the people -who came westward even so long ago as the great Aryan migration, -did not persist in turning aside to the more fertile countries that -lay farther southward. In spite of all their disadvantages, the -Scandinavian peninsula, and the sterile islands of the northern seas, -were inhabited by men and women whose enterprise and intelligence -ranked them above their neighbors. - -Now, with the modern ease of travel and transportation, these poorer -countries can be supplied from other parts of the world. And though -the [Pg002] summers of Norway are misty and dark and short, and it -is difficult to raise even a little hay on the bits of meadow among -the rocky mountain slopes, commerce can make up for all deficiencies. -In early times there was no commerce except that carried on by the -pirates--if we may dignify their undertakings by such a respectable -name,--and it was hardly possible to make a living from the soil alone. -The sand dunes of Denmark and the cliffs of Norway alike gave little -encouragement to tillers of the ground, yet, in defiance of all our -ideas of successful colonization, when the people of these countries -left them, it was at first only to form new settlements in such places -as Iceland, or the Faroë or Orkney islands and stormiest Hebrides. But -it does not take us long to discover that the ancient Northmen were -not farmers, but hunters and fishermen. It had grown more and more -difficult to find food along the rivers and broad grassy wastes of -inland Europe, and pushing westward they had at last reached the place -where they could live beside waters that swarmed with fish and among -hills that sheltered plenty of game. - -Besides this they had been obliged not only to make the long journey -by slow degrees, but to fight their way and to dispossess the people -who were already established. There is very little known of these -earlier dwellers in the east and north of Europe, except that they -were short of stature and dark-skinned, that they were cave dwellers, -and, in successive stages of development, used stone and bronze and -iron tools and weapons. Many relics of [Pg003] their home-life and -of their warfare have been discovered and preserved in museums, and -there are evidences of the descent of a small proportion of modern -Europeans from that remote ancestry. The Basques of the north of -Spain speak a different language and wear a different look from any -of the surrounding people, and even in Great Britain there are some -survivors of an older race of humanity, which the fairer-haired Celts -of Southern Europe and Teutons of Northern Europe have never been able -in the great natural war of races to wholly exterminate and supplant. -Many changes and minglings of the inhabitants of these countries, -long establishment of certain tribes, and favorable or unfavorable -conditions of existence have made the nations of Europe differ widely -from each other at the present day, but they are believed to have come -from a common stock, and certain words of the Sanscrit language can be -found repeated not only in Persian and Indian speech to-day, but in -English and Greek and Latin and German, and many dialects that have -been formed from these. - -The tribes that settled in the North grew in time to have many -peculiarities of their own, and as their countries grew more and more -populous, they needed more things that could not easily be had, and a -fashion of plundering their neighbors began to prevail. Men were still -more or less beasts of prey. Invaders must be kept out, and at last -much of the industry of Scandinavia was connected with the carrying on -of an almost universal fighting and marauding. Ships must be built, -and there must be endless [Pg004] supplies of armor and weapons. -Stones were easily collected for missiles or made fit for arrows and -spear-heads, and metals were worked with great care. In Norway and -Sweden were the best places to find all these, and if the Northmen -planned to fight a great battle, they had to transport a huge quantity -of stones, iron, and bronze. It is easy to see why one day's battle -was almost always decisive in ancient times, for supplies could not -be quickly forwarded from point to point, and after the arrows were -all shot and the conquered were chased off the field, they had no -further means of offence except a hand-to-hand fight with those who -had won the right to pick up the fallen spears at their leisure. So, -too, an unexpected invasion was likely to prove successful; it was a -work of time to get ready for a battle, and when the Northmen swooped -down upon some shore town of Britain or Gaul, the unlucky citizens -were at their mercy. And while the Northmen had fish and game and were -mighty hunters, and their rocks and mines helped forward their warlike -enterprises, so the forests supplied them with ship timber, and they -gained renown as sailors wherever their fame extended. - -There was a great difference, however, between the manner of life in -Norway and that of England or France. The Norwegian stone, however -useful for arrow-heads or axes, was not fit for building purposes. -There is hardly any clay there, either, to make bricks with, so that -wood has usually been the only material for houses. In the Southern -countries there had always been rude castles in which [Pg006] the -people could shelter themselves, but the Northmen could build no -castles that a torch could not destroy. They trusted much more to -their ships than to their houses, and some of their great captains -disdained to live on shore at all. - - [Illustration: IRON CHISEL FOUND IN AAMOT - PARISH, OESTERDALEN. - - IRON POINT OF A SPEAR WITH INLAID WORK OF SILVER, - FOUND AT NESNE, IN NORDLAND.] - -There is something refreshing in the stories of old Norse life; of its -simplicity and freedom and childish zest. An old writer says that they -had "a hankering after pomp and pageantry," and by means of this they -came at last to doing things decently and in order, and to setting the -fashions for the rest of Europe. There was considerable dignity in the -manner of every-day life and housekeeping. Their houses were often -very large, even two hundred feet long, with the flaring fires on a -pavement in the middle of the floor, and the beds built next the walls -on three sides, sometimes hidden by wide tapestries or foreign cloth -that had been brought home in the viking ships. In front of the beds -were benches where each man had his seat and footstool, with his armor -and weapons hung high on the wall above. The master of the house had -a high seat on the north side in the middle of a long bench; opposite -was another bench for guests and strangers, while the women sat on -the third side. The roof was high, there were a few windows in it, -and those were covered by thin skins and let in but little light. The -smoke escaped through openings in the carved, soot-blackened roof, and -though in later times the rich men's houses were more like villages, -because they made groups of smaller buildings for store-houses, for -guest-rooms, or for workshops all around, [Pg007] still, the idea of -this primitive great hall or living-room has not even yet been lost. -The later copies of it in England and France that still remain are -most interesting; but what a fine sight it must have been at night -when the great fires blazed and the warriors sat on their benches in -solemn order, and the skalds recited their long sagas, of the host's -own bravery or the valiant deeds of his ancestors! Hospitality was -almost made chief among the virtues. There was a Norwegian woman named -Geirrid who went from Heligoland to Iceland and settled there. She -built her house directly across the public road, and used to sit in -the doorway on a little bench and invite all travellers to come in and -refresh themselves from a table that always stood ready, spread with -food. She was not the only one, either, who gave herself up to such an -exaggerated idea of the duties of a housekeeper. - -When a distinguished company of guests was present, the pleasures of -the evening were made more important. Listening to the sagas was the -best entertainment that could be offered. "These productions were of -very ancient origin and entirely foreign to those countries where the -Latin language prevailed. They had little or nothing to do with either -chronology or general history; but were limited to the traditions of -some heroic families, relating their deeds and adventures in a style -that was always simple and sometimes poetic. These compositions, in -verse or prose, were the fruit of a wild Northern genius. They were -evolved without models, and disappeared at last without imitations; -and [Pg008] it is most remarkable that in the island of Iceland, of -which the name alone is sufficient hint of its frightful climate, -and where the very name of poet has almost become a wonder,--in this -very island the skalds (poets) have produced innumerable sagas and -other compositions during a space of time which covers the twelfth, -thirteenth, and fourteenth centuries."[1] - - [1] Depping: "Maritimes Voyages des Normands." - -The court poets or those attached to great families were most -important persons, and were treated with great respect and honor. No -doubt, they often fell into the dangers of either flattery or scandal, -but they were noted for their simple truthfulness. We cannot help -feeling such an atmosphere in those sagas that still exist, but the -world has always been very indulgent towards poetry that captivates -the imagination. Doubtless, nobody expected that a skald should always -limit himself to the part of a literal narrator. They were the makers -and keepers of legends and literature in their own peculiar form of -history, and as to worldly position, ranked much higher than the later -minstrels and troubadours or trouvères who wandered about France. - -When we remember the scarcity and value of parchment even in the -Christianized countries of the South, it is a great wonder that so -many sagas were written down and preserved; while there must have been -a vast number of others that existed only in tradition and in the -memories of those who learned them in each generation. - -If we try to get the story of the Northmen from [Pg009] the French -or British chronicler, it is one long, dreary complaint of their -barbarous customs and their heathen religion. In England the monks, -shut up in their monasteries, could find nothing bad enough to say -about the marauders who ravaged the shores of the country and did so -much mischief. If we believe them, we shall mistake the Norwegians and -their companions for wild beasts and heathen savages. We must read -what was written in their own language, and then we shall have more -respect for the vikings and sea-kings, always distinguishing between -these two; for, while any peasant who wished could be a viking--a -sea-robber--a sea-king was a king indeed, and must be connected with -the royal race of the country. He received the title of king by right -as soon as he took command of a ship's crew, though he need not have -any land or kingdom. Vikings were merely pirates; they might be -peasants and vikings by turn, and won their name from the inlets, the -viks or wicks, where they harbored their ships. A sea-king must be a -viking, but naturally very few of the vikings were sea-kings. - -When we turn from the monks' records, written in Latin, to the -accounts given of themselves by the Northmen, in their own languages, -we are surprised enough to find how these ferocious pagans, these -merciless men, who burnt the Southern churches and villages, and -plundered and killed those of the inhabitants whom they did not drag -away into slavery,--how these Northmen really surpassed their enemies -in literature, as much as in military achievements. Their laws and -government, their history [Pg010] and poetry and social customs, were -better than those of the Anglo-Saxons and the Franks. - -If we stop to think about this, we see that it would be impossible -for a few hundred men to land from their great row-boats and subdue -wide tracts of country unless they were superior in mental power, and -gifted with astonishing quickness and bravery. The great leaders of -armies are not those who can lift the heaviest weights or strike the -hardest blow, but those who have the mind to plan and to organize -and discipline and, above all, to persevere and be ready to take -a dangerous risk. The countries to the southward were tamed and -spiritless, and bound down by church influence and superstition -until they had lost the energy and even the intellectual power of -their ancestors five centuries back. The Roman Empire had helped to -change the Englishmen and many of the Frenchmen of that time into -a population of slaves and laborers, with no property in the soil, -nothing to fight for but their own lives. - -The viking had rights in his own country, and knew what it was to -enjoy those rights; if he could win more land, he would know how to -govern it, and he knew what he was fighting for and meant to win. -If we wonder why all this energy was spent on the high seas, and in -strange countries, there are two answers: first, that fighting was -the natural employment of the men, and that no right could be held -that could not be defended; but beside this, one form of their energy -was showing itself at home in rude attempts at literature. It is -surprising enough to find that both the quality and the quantity -[Pg011] of the old sagas far surpass all that can be found of either -Latin or English writing of that time in England. These sagas are all -in the familiar tongue, so that everybody could understand them, and -be amused or taught by them. They were not meant only for the monks -and the people who lived in cloisters. The legends of their ancestors' -beauty or bravery belonged to every man alike, and that made the -Norwegians one nation of men, working and sympathizing with each -other--not a mere herd of individuals. - -The more that we know of the Northmen, the more we are convinced how -superior they were in their knowledge of the useful arts to the people -whom they conquered. There is a legend that when Charlemagne, in the -ninth century, saw some pirate ships cruising in the Mediterranean, -along the shores of which they had at last found their way, he -covered his face and burst into tears. He was not so much afraid -of their cruelty and barbarism as of their civilization. Nobody -knew better that none of the Christian countries under his rule had -ships or men that could make such a daring voyage. He knew that -they were skilful workers in wood and iron, and had learned to be -rope-makers and weavers; that they could make casks for their supply -of drinking-water, and understood how to prepare food for their long -cruises. All their swords and spears and bow-strings had to be made -and kept in good condition, and sheltered from the sea-spray. - -It is interesting to remember that the Northmen's [Pg012] fleets were -not like a royal navy, though the king could claim the use of all the -war-ships when he needed them for the country's service. They were -fitted out by anybody who chose, private adventurers and peasants, all -along the rocky shores. They were not very grand affairs for the most -part, but they were all seaworthy, and must have had a good deal of -room for stowing all the things that were to be carried, beside the -vikings themselves. Sometimes there were transport vessels to take -the arms and the food and bring back the plunder. Perhaps most of -the peasants' boats were only thirty or forty feet long, but when we -remember how many hundreds used to put to sea after the small crops -were planted every summer, we cannot help knowing that there were a -great many men who knew how to build strong ships in Norway, and how -to fit them out sufficiently well, and man them and fight in them -afterward. You never hear of any fleets being fitted out in the French -and English harbors equalling these in numbers or efficiency. - - [Illustration: VIKING SHIP.] - -When we picture the famous sea-kings' ships to ourselves, we do not -wonder that the Northmen were so proud of them, or that the skalds -were never tired of recounting their glories. There were two kinds of -vessels: the last-ships, that carried cargoes; and the long-ships, or -ships-of-war. Listen to the splendors of the "Long Serpent," which -was the largest ship ever built in Norway. A dragon-ship, to begin -with, because all the long ships had a dragon for a figure-head, -except the smallest of them, which were called cutters, and only -carried [Pg014] ten or twenty rowers on a side. The "Long Serpent" -had thirty-four rowers' benches on a side, and she was a hundred and -eleven feet long. Over the sides were hung the shining red and white -shields of the vikings, the gilded dragon's head towered high at the -prow, and at the stern a gilded tail went curling off over the head of -the steersman. Then, from the long body, the heavy oars swept forward -and back through the water, the double thirty-four of them, and as it -came down the fiord, the "Long Serpent" must have looked like some -enormous centipede creeping out of its den on an awful errand, and -heading out across the rough water toward its prey. - -The crew used to sleep on the deck, and ship-tents were necessary for -shelter. There was no deep hold or comfortable cabin, for the ships -were built so that they could be easily hauled up on a sloping beach. -They had sails, and these were often made of gay colors, or striped -with red and blue and white cloths, and a great many years later than -this we hear of a crusader waiting long for a fair wind at the Straits -of the Dardanelles, so that he could set all his fine sails, and look -splendid as he went by the foreign shores. - -To-day in Bergen harbor, in Norway, you are likely to see at least -one or two Norland ships that belong to the great fleet that bring -down furs and dried fish every year from Hammerfest and Trondhjem -and the North Cape. They do not carry the red and white shields, or -rows of long oars, but they are built with high prow and stern, and -spread a great [Pg015] square brown sail. You are tempted to think -that a belated company of vikings has just come into port after a long -cruise. These descendants of the long-ships and the last-ships look -little like peaceful merchantmen, as they go floating solemnly along -the calm waters of the Bergen-fiord. - -The voyages were often disastrous in spite of much clever seamanship. -They knew nothing of the mariner's compass, and found their way -chiefly by the aid of the stars--inconstant pilots enough on such -foggy, stormy seas. They carried birds too, oftenest ravens, and -used to let them loose and follow them toward the nearest land. The -black raven was the vikings' favorite symbol for their flags, and -familiar enough it became in other harbors than their own. They were -bold, hardy fellows, and held fast to a rude code of honor and rank -of knighthood. To join the most renowned company of vikings in Harold -Haarfager's time, it was necessary that the champion should lift a -great stone that lay before the king's door, as first proof that he -was worth initiating. We are gravely told that this stone could not be -moved by the strength of twelve ordinary men. - -They were obliged to take oath that they would not capture women and -children, or seek refuge during a tempest, or stop to dress their -wounds before a battle was over. Sometimes they were possessed by a -strange madness, caused either by a frenzy of rivalry and the wild -excitement of their rude sports or by intoxicating liquors or drugs, -when they foamed at the mouth and danced wildly about, swallowing -burning coals, uprooting the very rocks and trees, destroying [Pg016] -their own property, and striking indiscriminately at friends and -foes. This berserker rage seems to have been much applauded, and -gained the possessed viking a noble distinction in the eyes of his -companions. If a sea-king heard of a fair damsel anywhere along the -neighboring coast, he simply took ship in that direction, fought for -her, and carried her away in triumph with as many of her goods as he -was lucky enough to seize beside. Their very gods were gods of war -and destruction, though beside Thor, the thunderer, they worshipped -Balder, the fair-faced, the god of gentle speech and purity, with -Freyr, who rules over sunshine and growing things. Their hell was a -place of cold and darkness, and their heaven was to be a place where -fighting went on from sunrise until the time came to ride back to -Valhalla and feast together in the great hall. Those who died of old -age or sickness, instead of in battle, must go to hell. Odin, who was -chief of all the gods, made man, and gave him a soul which should -never perish, and Frigga, his wife, knew the fate of all men, but -never told her secrets. - - [Illustration: VIKING.] - -The Northmen spread themselves at length over a great extent of -country. We can only wonder why, after their energy and valor led them -to found a thriving colony in Iceland and in Russia, to even venture -among the icebergs and perilous dismal coasts of Greenland, and from -thence downward to the pleasanter shores of New England, why they did -not seize these possessions and keep the credit of discovering and -settling America. What a change that would have made in the world's -history! Historians [Pg018] have been much perplexed at the fact of -Leif Ericson's lack of interest in the fertile Vinland, New England -now, which he visited in 986 and praised eloquently when he left it -to its fate. Vinland waited hundreds of years after that for the -hardy Icelander's kindred to come from old England to build their -houses and spend the rest of their lives upon its good corn-land and -among the shadows of its great pine-trees. There was room enough -for all Greenland, and to spare, but we cannot help suspecting that -the Northmen were not very good farmers, that they loved fighting -too well, and would rather go a thousand miles across a stormy sea -to plunder another man of his crops than to patiently raise their -own corn and wool and make an honest living at home. So, instead of -understanding what a good fortune it would be for their descendants, -if they seized and held the great western continent that stretched -westward from Vinland until it met another sea, they kept on with -their eastward raids, and the valleys of the Elbe and the Rhine, of -the Seine and Loire, made a famous hunting-ground for the dragon ships -to seek. The rich seaports and trading towns, the strongly walled -Roman cities, the venerated abbeys and cathedrals with their store of -wealth and provisions, were all equally exposed to the fury of such -attacks, and were soon stunned and desolated. What a horror must have -fallen upon a defenceless harbor-side when a fleet of the Northmen's -ships was seen sweeping in from sea at daybreak! What a smoke of -burning houses and shrieking of frightened people all day long; and -as [Pg019] the twilight fell and the few survivors of the assault -dared to creep out from their hiding-places to see the ruins of their -homes, and the ships putting out to sea again loaded deep with their -possessions!--we can hardly picture it to ourselves in these quiet days. - -The people who lived in France were of another sort, but they often -knew how to defend themselves as well as the Northmen knew how to -attack. There are few early French records for us to read, for the -literature of that early day was almost wholly destroyed in the -religious houses and public buildings of France. Here and there a few -pages of a poem or of a biography or chronicle have been kept, but -from this very fact we can understand the miserable condition of the -country. - -In the year 810 the Danish Norsemen, under their king, Gottfried, -overran Friesland, but the Emperor Charlemagne was too powerful for -them and drove them back. After his death they were ready to try -again, and because his huge kingdom had been divided under many -rulers, who were all fighting among themselves, the Danes were more -lucky, and after robbing Hamburg several times they ravaged the coasts -and finally settled themselves as comfortably as possible at the mouth -of the Loire in France. Soon they were not satisfied with going to -and fro along the seaboard, and took their smaller craft and voyaged -inland, swarming up the French rivers by hundreds, devastating the -country everywhere they went. - -In 845 they went up the Seine to Paris, and plundered [Pg020] Paris -too, more than once; and forty years later, forty thousand of them, -led by a man named Siegfried, went up from Rouen with seven hundred -vessels and besieged the poor capital for ten months, until they were -bought off at the enormous price of the whole province of Burgundy. -See what power that was to put into the hands of the sea-kings' crews! -But no price was too dear, the people of Paris must have thought, to -get rid of such an army in the heart of Gaul. They could make whatever -terms they pleased by this time, and there is a tradition that a few -years afterward some bands of Danish rovers, who perhaps had gone to -take a look at Burgundy, pushed on farther and settled themselves in -Switzerland. - -From the settlements they had made in the province of Aquitania, they -had long before this gone on to Spain, because the rich Spanish cities -were too tempting to be resisted. They had forced their way all along -the shore of the sea, and in at the gate of the Mediterranean; they -wasted and made havoc as they went, in Spain, Africa, and the Balearic -islands, and pushed their way up the Rhone to Valence. We can trace -them in Italy, where they burned the cities of Pisa and Lucca, and -even in Greece, where at last the pirate ships were turned about, -and set their sails for home. Think of those clumsy little ships out -on such a journey with their single masts and long oars! Think of -the stories that must have been told from town to town after these -strange, wild Northern foes had come and gone! They were like hawks -that came swooping down out of the sky, and though [Pg021] Spain and -Rome and Greece were well enough acquainted with wars, they must have -felt when the Northmen came, as we should feel if some wild beast from -the heart of the forest came biting and tearing its way through a city -street at noontime. - - [Illustration: NORSE BUCKLE WITH BYZANTINE DECORATION.] - -The whole second half of the ninth century is taken up with the -histories of these invasions. We must follow for a while the progress -of events in Gaul, or France as we call it now, though it was made -up [Pg022] then of a number of smaller kingdoms. The result of the -great siege of Paris was only a settling of affairs with the Northmen -for the time being; one part of the country was delivered from them -at the expense of another. They could be bought off and bribed for a -time, but there was never to be any such thing as their going back -to their own country and letting France alone for good and all. But -as they gained at length whole tracts of country, instead of the -little wealth of a few men to take away in their ships as at first, -they began to settle down in their new lands and to become conquerors -and colonists instead of mere plunderers. Instead of continually -ravaging and attacking the kingdoms, they slowly became the owners -and occupiers of the conquered territory; they pushed their way from -point to point. At first, as you have seen already, they trusted to -their ships, and always left their wives and children at home in the -North countries, but as time went on, they brought their families with -them and made new homes, for which they would have to fight many a -battle yet. It would be no wonder if the women had become possessed -by a love for adventure too, and had insisted upon seeing the lands -from which the rich booty was brought to them, and that they had been -saying for a long time: "Show us the places where the grapes grow -and the fruit-trees bloom, where men build great houses and live in -them splendidly. We are tired of seeing only the long larchen beams -of their high roofs, and the purple and red and gold cloths, and the -red wine and yellow wheat that you bring away. Why should we not -go [Pg023] to live in that country, instead of your breaking it to -pieces, and going there so many of you, every year, only to be slain -as its enemies? We are tired of our sterile Norway and our great -Danish deserts of sand, of our cold winds and wet weather, and our -long winters that pass by so slowly while the fleets are gone. We -would rather see Seville and Paris themselves, than only their gold -and merchandise and the rafters of their churches that you bring home -for ship timber." One of the old ballads of love and valor lingers yet -that the women used to sing: "/Myklagard and the land of Spain lie -wide away o'er the lee/." There was room enough in those far countries -where the ships went--why then do they stay at home in Friesland and -Norway and Denmark, crowded and hungry kingdoms that they were, of the -wandering sea-kings? - -As the years went on, the Northern lands themselves became more -peaceful, and the voyages of the pirates came to an end. Though the -Northmen still waged wars enough, they were Danes or Norwegians -against England and France, one realm against another, instead of -every man plundering for himself. - -The kingdoms of France had been divided and weakened, and, while -we find a great many fine examples of resistance, and some great -victories over the Northmen, they were not pushed out and checked -altogether. Instead, they gradually changed into Frenchmen themselves, -different from other Frenchmen only in being more spirited, vigorous, -and alert. They inspired every new growth of the [Pg024] religion, -language, or manners, with their own splendid vitality. They were like -plants that have grown in dry, thin soil, transplanted to a richer -spot of ground, and sending out fresh shoots in the doubled moisture -and sunshine. And presently we shall find the Northman becoming the -Norman of history. As the Northman, almost the first thing we admire -about him is his character, his glorious energy; as the Norman, we see -that energy turned into better channels, and bringing a new element -into the progress of civilization. - -The Northmen had come in great numbers to settle in Gaul, but they -were scattered about, and so it was easier to count themselves into -the population, instead of keeping themselves separate. Some of -these settlements were a good way inland, and everywhere they mixed -their language with the French for a time, but finally dropped it -almost altogether. In a very few years, comparatively speaking, they -were not Danes or Norwegians at all; they had forgotten their old -customs, and even their pagan gods of the Northern countries from -which their ancestors had come. At last we come to a time when we -begin to distinguish some of the chieftains and other brave men from -the crowd of their companions. The old chronicles of Scandinavia and -Denmark and Iceland cannot be relied upon like the histories of Greece -or Rome. The student who tries to discover when this man was born, -and that man died, from a saga, is apt to be disappointed. The more -he studies these histories of the sea-kings and their countries, the -more distinct picture he gets of a [Pg025] great crowd of men taking -their little ships every year and leaving the rocky, barren coasts -of their own country to go southward. As we have seen, France and -England and Flanders and Spain were all richer and more fruitful, and -they would go ashore, now at this harbor, now that, to steal all they -could, even the very land they trod upon. Now and then we hear the -name of some great man, a stronger and more daring sailor and fighter -than the rest. There is a dismal story of a year of famine in France, -when the north wind blew all through the weeks of a leafless spring, -the roots of the vines were frozen, and the fruit blossoms chilled -to the heart. The wild creatures of the forest, crazed with hunger, -ventured into the farms and villages, and the monks fasted more than -they thought best, and prayed the more heartily for succor in their -poverty. But down from the North came Ragnar Lodbrok, the great Danish -captain, with his stout-built vessels, "ten times twelve dragons of -the sea," and he and his men, in their shaggy fur garments, went -crashing through the ice of the French rivers, to make an easy prey -of the hungry Frenchmen--to conquer everywhere they went. And for one -Ragnar Lodbrok, read fifty or a hundred; for, though there are many -stories told about him, just as we think that we can picture him and -his black-sailed ships in our minds, we are told that this is only a -legend, and that there never was any Ragnar Lodbrok at all who was -taken by his enemies and thrown into a horrible dungeon filled with -vipers, to sing a gallant saga about his life and misdeeds. But if -there were no hero of [Pg026] this name, we put together little by -little from one hint and another legend a very good idea of those -quarrelsome times, when to be great it was necessary to be a pirate, -and to kill as many men and steal as much of their possession as one -possibly could. These Northmen set as bad an example as any traveller -since the world began. More than ninety times we can hear of them in -France and Spain and the north of Germany, and always burning and -ruining, not only the walled cities, but all the territory round -about. Shipload after shipload left their bones on foreign soil; again -and again companies of them were pushed out of France and England and -defeated, but from generation to generation the quarrels went on, and -we begin to wonder why the sea-coasts were not altogether deserted, -until we remember that the spirit of those days was warlike, and -that, while the people were plundered one year, they succeeded in -proving themselves masters the next, and so life was filled with hope -of military glory, and the tide of conquest swept now north, and now -south. - -From the fjords of Norway a splendid, hardy race of young men were -pushing their boats to sea every year. Remember that their own country -was a very hard one to live in with its long, dark winters, its rainy, -short summers when the crops would not ripen, its rocky, mountainous -surface, and its natural poverty. Even now if it were not for the -fishing the Norwegian peasant people would find great trouble in -gaining food enough. In early days, when the tilling of the ground was -less understood, it must [Pg027] have been hard work tempting those -yellow-haired, eager young adventurers to stay at home, when they -could live on the sea in their rude, stanch little ships, as well as -on land; when they were told great stories of the sunshiny, fruitful -countries that lay to the south, where plenty of food and bright -clothes and gold and silver might be bought in the market of war for -the blows of their axes and the strength and courage of their right -arms. No wonder that it seemed a waste of time to stay at home in -Norway! - -And as for the old men who had been to the fights and followed the -sea-kings and brought home treasures, we are sure that they were -always talking over their valiant deeds and successes, and urging -their sons and grandsons to go to the South. The women wished their -husbands and brothers to be as brave as the rest, while they cared -a great deal for the rich booty which was brought back from such -expeditions. What a hard thing it must have seemed to the boys who -were sick or lame or deformed, but who had all the desire for glory -that belonged to any of the vikings, and yet must stay at home with -the women! - -When we think of all this, of the barren country, and the crowd of -people who lived in it, of the natural relish for a life of adventure, -and the hope of splendid riches and fame, what wonder that in all -these hundreds of years the Northmen followed their barbarous trade -and went a-ravaging, and finally took great pieces of the Southern -countries for their own and held them fast. - -As we go on with this story of the Normans, you [Pg028] will watch -these followers of the sea-kings keeping always some trace of their -old habits and customs. Indeed you may know them yet. The Northmen -were vikings, always restless and on the move, stealing and fighting -their way as best they might, daring, adventurous. The Norman of the -twelfth century was a crusader. A madness to go crusading against -the Saracen possessed him, not alone for religion's sake or for the -holy city of Jerusalem, and so in all the ages since one excuse after -another has set the same wild blood leaping and made the Northern -blue eyes shine. Look where you may, you find Englishmen of the same -stamp--Sir Walter Raleigh and Lord Nelson, Stanley and Dr. Livingstone -and General Gordon, show the old sea-kings' courage and recklessness. -Snorro Sturleson's best saga has been followed by Drayton's "Battle of -Agincourt" and Tennyson's "Charge of the Light Brigade" and "Ballad -of Sir Richard Grenville." I venture to say that there is not an -English-speaking boy or girl who can hear that sea-king's ballad this -very day in peaceful England or America without a great thrill of -sympathy. - - "At Flores in the Azores Sir Richard Grenville lay, - And a pinnace, like a fluttered bird, came flying from far away: - 'Spanish ships of war at sea! We have sighted fifty-three.'"---- - -Go and read that; the whole of the spirited story; but there is one -thing I ask you to remember first in all this long story of the -Normans: that however much it seems to you a long chapter of bloody -wars and miseries and treacheries that get to be almost [Pg029] -tiresome in their folly and brutality; however little profit it may -seem sometimes to read about the Norman wars, yet everywhere you will -catch a gleam of the glorious courage and steadfastness that have won -not only the petty principalities and dukedoms of those early days, -but the great English and American discoveries and inventions and -noble advancement of all the centuries since. - -On the island of Vigr, in the Folden-fiord, the peasants still show -some rude hollows in the shore where the ships of Rolf-Ganger were -drawn up in winter, and whence he launched them to sail away to the -Hebrides and France--the beginning of as great changes as one man's -voyage ever wrought. - - [Illustration] - -[Pg030] - - [Illustration] - - - - -II. - -ROLF THE GANGER. - - "Far had I wandered from this northern shore, - Far from the bare heights and the wintry seas, - Dreaming of these - No more." --A. F. - - -Toward the middle of the ninth century Harold Haarfager did great -things in Norway. There had always been a great number of petty kings -or jarls, who were sometimes at peace with each other, but oftener -at war, and at last this Harold was strong enough to conquer all the -rest and unite all the kingdoms under his own rule. It was by no means -an easy piece of business, for twelve years went by before it was -finished, and not only Norway itself, but the Orkneys, and Shetlands, -and Hebrides, and Man were conquered too, and the lawless vikings were -obliged to keep good order. The story was that the king had loved -a fair maiden of the North, called Gyda, but when he asked her to -marry him she had answered that she would not marry a jarl; let him -make himself a king like Gorm of Denmark! At this proud answer Harold -loved her more than ever, and vowed that he would never cut his hair -[Pg031] until he had conquered all the jarls and could claim Gyda's -hand. - - [Illustration: A NORWEGIAN FIORD.] - -The flourishing shock of his yellow hair became renowned; we can -almost see it ourselves waving prosperously through his long series of -battles. When he was king at last he chose Jarl Rögnwald of [Pg032] -Möre to cut the shining locks because he was the most valiant and -best-beloved of all his tributaries. - -Jarl Rögnwald had a family of sons who were noted men in their day. -One was called Turf-Einar, because he went to the Orkney islands and -discovered great deposits of peat of which he taught the forestless -people to make use, so that they and their descendants were grateful -and made him their chief hero. Another son was named Rolf, and he -was lord of three small islands far up toward the North. He followed -the respected profession of sea-robber, but though against foreign -countries it was the one profession for a jarl to follow, King Harold -was very stringent in his laws that no viking should attack any of his -own neighbors or do any mischief along the coasts of Norway. These -laws Rolf was not careful about keeping. - -There was still another brother, who resented Haarfager's tyrannies -so much that he gathered a fine heroic company of vikings and more -peaceable citizens and went to Iceland and settled there. This -company came in time to be renowned as the beginners of one of the -most remarkable republics the world has ever known, with a unique -government by its aristocracy, and a natural development of literature -unsurpassed in any day. There, where there were no foreign customs to -influence or pervert, the Norse nature and genius had their perfect -flowering. - -Rolf is said to have been so tall that he used to march afoot whenever -he happened to be ashore, rather than ride the little Norwegian -horses. He was nicknamed Gang-Roll (or Rolf), which means [Pg033] -Rolf the Walker, or Ganger. There are two legends which give the -reason why he came away from Norway--one that he killed his brother -in an unfortunate quarrel, and fled away to England, whither he was -directed by a vision or dream; that the English helped him to fit out -his ships and to sail away again toward France. - -The other story, which seems more likely, makes it appear that the -king was very angry because Rolf plundered a Norwegian village when -he was coming home short of food from a long cruise in the Baltic -Sea. The peasants complained to Harold Haarfager, who happened to be -near, and he called the great Council of Justice and banished his old -favorite for life. - -Whether these stories are true or not, at any rate Rolf came southward -an outlaw, and presently we hear of him in the Hebrides off the coast -of Scotland, where a company of Norwegians had settled after King -Harold's conquests. These men were mostly of high birth and great -ability, and welcomed the new-comer who had so lately been their -enemy. We are not surprised when we find that they banded together as -pirates and fitted out a famous expedition. Perhaps they did not find -living in the Hebrides very luxurious, and thought it necessary to -collect some merchandise and money, or some slaves to serve them, so -they fell back upon their familiar customs. - -Rolf's vessels and theirs made a formidable fleet, but although they -agreed that there should not be any one chosen as captain, or admiral, -as we should [Pg034] say nowadays, we do not hear much of any of the -confederates except Rolf the Ganger, so we may be sure he was most -powerful and took command whether anybody was willing or not. - -They came round the coast of Scotland, and made first for Holland, -but as all that part of the country had too often been devastated -and had become very poor, the ships were soon put to sea again. And -next we find them going up the River Seine in France, which was a -broader river then than it is now, and the highway toward Paris and -other cities, which always seemed to offer great temptations to the -vikings. Charles the Simple was king of France by right, but the only -likeness to his ancestor Charlemagne was in his name, and to that his -subjects had added the Simple, or the Fool, by which we can tell that -he was not a very independent or magnificent sort of monarch. The -limits of the kingdom of France, at that time, had just been placed -between the Loire and the Meuse, after many years of fighting between -the territories, and Charles was still contesting his right to the -crown. The wide empire of Charlemagne had not been divided at once -into distinct smaller kingdoms, but the heirs had each taken what -they could hold and fought for much else beside. Each pretended to be -the lawful king and was ready to hold all he could win. So there was -naturally little good-feeling between them, and not one could feel -sure that his neighbor would even help him to fight against a common -enemy. It was "Every one for himself, and devil take the hindmost!" -to quote the old proverb, which seldom has so literal an [Pg035] -application. King Charles the Simple, besides defending himself from -his outside enemies, was also much troubled by a pretender to the -crown, and was no doubt at his wit's end to know how to manage the -province of Neustria, lately so vexed by the foreign element within -its borders. It might be easy work for the troop of Northmen that had -followed Rolf. Besides the fact that they need not fear any alliance -against them, and had only Charles the Simple for their enemy, one of -his own enemies was quite likely to form a league with them against -him. - -The fleet from the Hebrides had come to anchor on its way up the Seine -at a town called Jumièges, five leagues from Rouen. There was no army -near by to offer any hindrance, and the work of pillaging the country -was fairly begun without hindrance when the news of the incursion was -told in Rouen. There the people were in despair, for it was useless -to think of defending their broken walls; the city was already half -ruined from such invasions. At any hour they might find themselves -at the mercy of these new pirates. But in such dreadful dismay the -archbishop, a man of great courage and good sense, whom we must honor -heartily, took upon himself the perilous duty of going to the camp -and trying to save the city by making a treaty. He had heard stories -enough, we may be sure, of the cruel tortures of Christian priests by -these Northern pagans, who still believed in the gods Thor and Odin -and in Valhalla, and that the most fortunate thing, for a man's life -in the next world, was that he should die in battle in this world. -[Pg036] - -There was already a great difference in the hopes and plans of the -Northmen: they listened to the archbishop instead of killing him at -once, and Rolf and his companions treated him and his interpreter -with some sort of courtesy. Perhaps the bravery of the good man won -their hearts by its kinship to their daring; perhaps they were already -planning to seize upon a part of France and to forsake the Hebrides -altogether, and Rolf had a secret design of founding a kingdom for -himself that should stand steadfast against enemies. When the good -priest went back to Rouen, I think the people must have been surprised -that he had kept his head upon his shoulders, and still more filled -with wonder because he was able to tell them that he had made a truce, -that he had guaranteed the assailants admission to the city, but that -they had promised not to do any harm whatever. Who knows if there were -not many voices that cried out that it was only delivering them to the -cruel foe, with their wives and children and all that they had in the -world. When the ships came up the river and were anchored before one -of the city gates near the Church of St. Morin, and the tall chieftain -and his comrades began to come ashore, what beating hearts, what -careful peeping out of windows there must have been in Rouen that day! - -But the chiefs had given their word of honor, and they kept it well; -they walked all about the city, and examined all the ramparts, the -wharves, and the supply of water, and gave every thing an unexpectedly -kind approval. More than this, they said that Rouen [Pg037] should be -their head-quarters and their citadel. This was not very welcome news, -but a thousand times better than being sacked and ravaged and burnt, -and when the ships had gone by up the river, I dare say that more than -one voice spoke up for Rolf the Ganger, and gratefully said that he -might not prove the worst of masters after all. Some of the citizens -even joined the ranks of the sea-king's followers when they went on in -quest of new adventure up the Seine. - -Just where the river Eure joins the Seine, on the point between the -two streams, the Norwegians built a great camp, and fortified it, -and there they waited for the French army. For once King Charles was -master of his whole kingdom, and he had made up his mind to resist -this determined invasion. Pirates were bad enough, but pirates who -were evidently bent upon greater mischief than usual could not be sent -away too soon. It was not long before the French troops, under the -command of a general called Regnauld, who bore the title of Duke of -France, made their appearance opposite the encampment, on the right -bank of the Eure. - -The French counts had rallied bravely; they made a religious duty of -it, for were not these Norwegians pagans? and pagans deserved to be -killed, even if they had not come to steal from a Christian country. - -There was one count who had been a pagan himself years before, but he -had become converted, and was as famous a Christian as he had been -sea-king. He had declared that he was tired of leading a life of wild -adventure, and had made peace with France [Pg038] twenty years before -this time; and the kingdom had given him the county of Chartres--so he -must have been a powerful enemy. Naturally he was thought to be the -best man to confer with his countrymen. There was a council of war -in the French camp, and this Hasting (of whom you will hear again by -and by) advised that they should confer with Rolf before they risked -a battle with him. Perhaps the old sea-king judged his tall successor -by his own experience, and thought he might like to be presented with -a county too, as the price of being quiet and letting the frightened -Seine cities alone. Some of the other lords of the army were very -suspicious and angry about this proposal, but Hasting had his way, and -went out with two attendants who could speak Danish. - -The three envoys made their short journey to the river-side as quickly -as possible, and presently they stood on the bank of the Eure. Across -the river were the new fortifications, and some of the sea-kings' men -were busy with their armor on the other shore. - -"Gallant soldiers!" cries the Count of Chartres; "what is your -chieftain's name?" - -"We have no lord over us," they shouted back again; "we are all equal." - -"For what end have you come to France?" - -"To drive out the people who are here, or make them our subjects, and -to make ourselves a new country," says the Northman. "Who are you?--How -is it that you speak our own tongue?" - -"You know the story of Hasting," answers the [Pg039] count, not -without pride--"Hasting, the great pirate, who scoured the seas with -his crowd of ships, and did so much evil in this kingdom?" - -"Aye, we have heard that, but Hasting has made a bad end to so good -a beginning"; to which the count had nothing to say; he was Lord of -Chartres now, and liked that very well. - -"Will you submit to King Charles?" he shouts again, and more men -are gathering on the bank to listen. "Will you give your faith and -service, and take from him gifts and honor?" - -"No, no!" they answer; "we will not submit to King Charles--go back, -and tell him so, you messenger, and say that we claim the rule and -dominion of what we win by our own strength and our swords." - -But the Frenchmen called Hasting a traitor when he brought this -answer back to camp, and told his associates not to try to force the -pagan entrenchments. A traitor, indeed! That was too much for the old -viking's patience. For all that, the accusation may have held a grain -of truth. Nobody knows the whole of his story, but he may have felt -the old fire and spirit of his youth when he saw the great encampment -and heard the familiar tones of his countrymen. It may be wrong to -suspect that he went to join them; but, at all events, Count Chartres -left the French camp indignantly, and nobody knows where he went, -either then or afterward, for he forsook his adopted country and left -it to its fate. They found out that he had given good advice to those -proud comrades of his, for when they attacked the enemy between the -rivers they were cut to [Pg040] pieces; even the duke of France, -their bold leader, was killed by a poor fisherman of Rouen who had -followed the Northern army. - -Now there was nothing to hinder Rolf, who begins to be formally -acknowledged as the leader, from going up the Seine as fast or as slow -as he pleased, and after a while the army laid siege to Paris, but -this was unsuccessful. One of the chiefs was taken prisoner, and to -release him they promised a year's truce to King Charles, and after -a while we find them back at Rouen again. They had been ravaging the -country to the north of Paris, very likely in King Charles's company, -for there had been a new division of the kingdom, and the northern -provinces no longer called him their sovereign. Poor Charles the -Simple! he seems to have had a very hard time of it with his unruly -subjects, and his fellow-knights and princes too, who took advantage -of him whenever they could find a chance. - -By this time we know enough of Rolf and his friends not to expect -them to remain quiet very long at Rouen. Away they went to Bayeux, -a rich city, and assaulted that and killed Berenger, the Count of -Bayeux, and gained a great heap of booty. We learn a great deal of the -manners and fashions of that early day when we find out that Berenger -had a beautiful daughter, and when the treasure was divided she was -considered as part of it and fell to Rolf's lot. He immediately -married her with apparent satisfaction and a full performance of -Scandinavian rites and ceremonies. - -After this the Northmen went on to Evreux and [Pg041] to some other -cities, and their dominion was added to, day by day. They began to -feel a certain sort of respect and care for the poor provinces now -that they belonged to themselves. And they ceased to be cruel to the -unresisting people, and only taxed them with a certain yearly tribute. -Besides this, they chose Rolf for their king, but this northern title -was changed before long for the French one of duke. Rolf must have -been very popular with his followers. We cannot help a certain liking -for him ourselves or being pleased when we know that his new subjects -liked him heartily. They had cursed him very often, to be sure, and -feared his power when he was only a pirate, but they were glad enough -when they gained so fearless and strong a man for their protector. -Whatever he did seemed to be with a far-sightedness and better object -than they had been used to in their rulers. He was a man of great -gifts and uncommon power, and he laid his plans deeper and was not -without a marked knowledge of the rude politics of that time--a good -governor, which was beginning to be needed more in France than a good -fighter even. - -Fighting was still the way of gaining one's ends, and so there was -still war, but it was better sustained and more orderly. These -Northerners, masters now of a good piece of territory, linked -themselves with some of the smaller scattered settlements of Danes at -the mouth of the river Loire, and went inland on a great expedition. -They could not conquer Paris this time either, nor Dijon nor Chartres. -The great walls of these cities and several others were not to -[Pg042] be beaten down, but there is a long list of weaker towns that -fell into their hands, and at last the French people could bear the -sieges no longer, and not only the peasants but the nobles and priests -clamored for deliverance. King Charles may have been justly called the -Simple, but he showed very good sense now. "We shall starve to death," -the people were saying. "Nobody dares to work in the field or the -vineyard; there is not an acre of corn from Blois to Senlis. Churches -are burnt and people are murdered; the Northmen do as they please. -See, it is all the fault of a weak king!" - -King Charles roused himself to do a sensible thing; he may have -planned it as a stroke of policy, and meant to avail himself of the -Northmen's strength to keep himself on his throne. He consulted his -barons and bishops, and they agreed with him that he must form a -league with their enemies, and so make sure of peace. As we read the -story of those days, we are hardly sure that Rolf was the subject -after this rather than the king. He did homage to King Charles, and -he received the sovereignty over most of what was to be called the -dukedom of Normandy. The league was little more than an obligation of -mutual defence, and King Charles was lucky to call Rolf his friend -and ally. The vigorous Norwegian was likely to keep his word better -than the French dukes and barons, who broke such promises with perfect -ease. Rolf's duty and his interest led him nearly in the same path, -but he was evidently disposed to do what was right according to his -way of seeing right and wrong. [Pg043] - -All this time he had been living with his wife Popa, the daughter -of Count Berenger, who was slain at Bayeux. They had two -children--William, and a daughter, Adela. According to the views of -King Charles and the Christian church of that time, the marriage -performed with Scandinavian rites was no marriage at all, though Rolf -loved his wife devotedly and was training his son with great care, so -that he might by and by take his place, and be no inferior, either, of -the young French princes who were his contemporaries. As one historian -says, the best had the best then, and this young William was being -made a scholar as fast as possible. - -For all this, when the king's messenger came to Rolf and made him an -offer of Gisla, the king's daughter, for a wife, with the seigneury of -all the lands between the river Epte and the border of Brittany, if he -would only become a Christian and live in peace with the kingdom, Rolf -listened with pleasure. He did not repeat now the words that Hasting -heard on the bank of the Eure, "We will obey no one!" while with -regard to the marriage he evidently felt free to contract a new one. - -It was all a great step upward, and Rolf's clear eyes saw that. If -he were not a Christian he could not be the equal of the lords of -France. He was not a mere adventurer any longer, the leader of a -band of pirates; other ambitions had come to him since he had been -governor of his territory. The pagan fanaticism and superstition of -his companions were more than half extinguished already; the old myths -of the Northern gods had not flourished in [Pg044] this new soil. At -last, after much discussion and bargaining about the land that should -be given, Rolf gave his promise once for all, and now we may begin to -call him fairly the Duke of Normandy and his people the Normans; the -old days of the Northmen in France had come to an end. For a good many -years the neighboring provinces called the new dukedom "the pirate's -land" and "the Northman's land," but the great Norman race was in -actual existence now, and from this beginning under Rolf, the tall -Norwegian sea-king, has come one of the greatest forces and powers of -the civilized world. - -I must give you some account of the ceremonies at this establishment -of the new duke, for it was a grand occasion, and the king's train -of noblemen and gentlemen, and all the Norman officers and statesmen -went out to do honor to that day. The place was in a village called -St. Claire, on the river Epte, and the French pitched their tents -on one bank of the river and the Normans on the other. Then, at the -hour appointed, Rolf came over to meet the king, and did what would -have astonished his father Rögnwald and his viking ancestors very -much. He put his hand between the king's hands and said: "From this -time forward I am your vassal and man, and I give my oath that I will -faithfully protect your life, your limbs, and your royal honor." - -After this the king and his nobles formally gave Rolf the title of -duke or count, and swore that they would protect him and his honor -too, and all the lands named in the treaty. But there is an old story -that, when Rolf was directed to kneel before [Pg045] King Charles and -kiss his foot in token of submission, he was a rebellious subject at -once. Perhaps he thought that some of his French rivals had revived -this old Frankish custom on purpose to humble his pride, but he said -nothing, only beckoned quietly to one of his followers to come and -take his place. Out steps the man. I do not doubt that his eyes were -dancing, and that his yellow beard hid a laughing mouth; he did not -bend his knee at all, but caught the king's foot, and lifted it so -high that the poor monarch fell over backward, and all the pirates -gave a shout of laughter. They did not think much of Charles the -Simple, those followers of Rolf the Ganger. - -Afterward the marriage took place at Rouen, and the high barons of -France went there with the bride, though it was not a very happy day -for Gisla, whom Rolf never lived with or loved. He was a great many -years older than she, and when she died he took Popa, the first wife -back again--if, indeed, he had not considered her the true wife all the -time. Then on that wedding-day he became a Christian too, though there -must have been more change of words and manner than of Rolf's own -thoughts. He received the archbishop's lessons with great amiability, -and gave part of his lands to the church before he divided the rest -among his new-made nobles. They put a long white gown or habit on -him, such as newly baptized persons wore, and he must have been an -amusing sight to see, all those seven days that he kept it on, tall -old seafarer that he was, but he preserved a famous dignity, and gave -estates to [Pg046] seven churches in succession on each day of that -solemn week. Then he put on his every-day clothes again, and gave his -whole time to his political affairs and the dividing out of Normandy -among the Norwegian chieftains who had come with him on that lucky -last voyage. - -It is said that Rolf himself was the founder of the system of -landholding according to the custom of feudal times, and of a regular -system of property rights, and customs of hiring and dividing the -landed property, but there are no state papers or charters belonging -to that early time, as there are in England, so nobody can be very -sure. At any rate, he is said to have been the best ruler possible, -and his province was a model for others, though it was the most modern -in Gaul. He caused the dilapidated towns and cities to be rebuilt, and -the churches were put into good repair and order. There are parts of -some of the Rouen churches standing yet, that Rolf rebuilt. - -There is a great temptation to linger and find out all we can of the -times of this first Count of Normandy--so many later traits and customs -date back to Rolf's reign; and all through this story of the Normans -we shall find a likeness to the first leader, and trace his influence. -His own descendants inherited many of his gifts of character--a -readiness of thought and speech; clear, bright minds, and vigor of -action. Even those who were given over to ways of vice and shame, had -a cleverness and attractiveness that made their friends hold to them, -in spite of their sins and treacheries. A great deal was thought of -learning and scholarship among the nobles and gentle folk of [Pg047] -that day, and Rolf had caught eagerly at all such advantages, even -while he trusted most to his Northern traditions of strength and -courage. If he had thought these were enough to win success, and had -brought up his boy as a mere pirate and fighter, it would have made a -great difference in the future of the Norman people and their rulers. -The need of a good education was believed in, and held as a sort of -family doctrine, as long as Rolf's race existed, but you will see in -one after another of these Norman counts the nature of the sea-kings -mixed with their later learning and accomplishments. - -We cannot help being a little amused, however, when we find that -young William, the grandson of old Rögnvald, loved his books so well -that he begged his father to let him enter a monastery. The wise, -good man Botho, who was his tutor, had taught him to be proud of his -other grandfather, Count Berenger, who belonged to one of the most -illustrious French families, and taught him also to follow the example -of the good clergymen of Normandy, as well as the great conquerors and -chieftains. By and by we shall see that he loved to do good, and to do -works of mercy, though his people called him William Longsword, and -followed him to the wars. - -Normandy was wild enough when Rolf came to rule there, but before he -died the country had changed very much for the better. He was very -careful to protect the farmers, and such laws were made, and kept, -too, that robbery was almost unknown throughout the little kingdom. -The peasants could leave their oxen or their tools in the [Pg048] -field now, and if by chance they were stolen, the duke himself was -responsible for the loss. A pretty story is told of Rolf that has also -been told of other wise rulers. He had gone out hunting one day, and -after the sport, while he and his companions were resting and having -a little feast as they sat on the grass, Rolf said he would prove the -orderliness and trustiness of his people. So he took off the two gold -bracelets which were a badge of his rank, and reached up and hung them -on a tree close by, and there they were, safe and shining, a long time -afterward, when he went to seek them. Perhaps this story is only a -myth, though the tale is echoed in other countries--England, Ireland, -and Lombardy, and others beside. At any rate, it gives an expression -of the public safety and order, and the people's gratitude to their -good kings. Rolf brought to his new home some fine old Scandinavian -customs, for his own people were knit together with close bonds in -Norway. If a farmer's own servants or helpers failed him for any -reason, he could demand the help of his neighbors without paying -them, and they all came and helped him gather his harvest. Besides, -the law punished nothing so severely as the crime of damaging or -stealing from a growing crop. The field was said to be under God's -lock, with heaven for its roof, though there might be only a hedge for -its wall. If a man stole from another man's field, and took the ripe -corn into his own barn, he paid for it with his life. This does not -match very well with the sea-kings' exploits abroad, but they were -very strict rulers, and very honest [Pg049] among themselves at home. -One familiar English word of ours--hurrah,--is said to date from Rolf's -reign. /Rou/ the Frenchmen called our Rolf; and there was a law that -if a man was in danger himself, or caught his enemy doing any damage, -he could raise the cry /Ha Rou!/ and so invoke justice in Duke Rolf's -name. At the sound of the cry, everybody was bound, on the instant, to -give chase to the offender, and whoever failed to respond to the cry -of /Ha Rou!/ must pay a heavy fine to Rolf himself. This began the old -English fashion of "hue and cry," as well as our custom of shouting -Hurrah! when we are pleased and excited. - -We cannot help being surprised to see how quickly the Normans became -Frenchmen in their ways of living and even speaking. There is hardly a -trace of their Northern language except a few names of localities left -in Normandy. Once settled in their new possessions, Rolf and all his -followers seem to have been as eager for the welfare of Normandy as -they were ready to devastate it before. They were proud not of being -Norsemen but of being Normans. Otherwise their country could not have -done what it did in the very next reign to Rolf's, nor could Rouen -have become so much like a French city even in his own lifetime. This -was work worthy of his power, to rule a people well, and lift them -up toward better living and better things. His vigor and quickness -made him able to seize upon the best traits and capabilities of his -new countrymen, and enforce them as patterns and examples, with no -tolerance of their faults. [Pg050] - -From the viking's ships which had brought Rolf and his confederates, -all equal, from the Hebrides, it is a long step upward to the Norman -landholders and quiet citizens with their powerful duke in his palace -at Rouen. He had shared the lands of Normandy, as we have seen, with -his companions, and there was a true aristocracy among them--a rule of -the best, for that is what aristocracy really means. No doubt there -was sin and harm enough under the new order of things, but we can see -that there was a great advance in its first duke's reign, even if we -cannot believe that all the fine stories are true that his chroniclers -have told. - -Rolf died in 927, and was a pious Christian according to his friends, -and had a lingering respect for his heathen idols according to his -enemies. He was an old man, and had been a brave man, and he is -honored to this day for his justice and his courage in that stormy -time when he lived. Some say that he was forty years a pirate before -he came to Normandy, and looking back on these days of seafaring and -robbery and violence must have made him all the more contented with -his pleasant fields and their fruit-trees and waving grain; with his -noble city of Rouen, and his gentle son William, who was the friend of -the priests. - -Rolf became very feeble in body and mind, and before his death he gave -up the rule of the duchy to his son. He lingered for several years, -but we hear nothing more of him except that when he lay dying he had -terrible dreams of his old pirate days, and was troubled by visions of -his slaughtered victims [Pg051] and the havoc made by the long-ships. -We are glad to know that he waked from these sorrows long enough to -give rich presents to the church and the poor, which comforted him -greatly and eased his unhappy conscience. He was buried in his city -of Rouen, in the cathedral, and there is his tomb still with a figure -of him in stone--an old tired man with a furrowed brow; the strength -of his fourscore years had become only labor and sorrow, but he looks -like the Norseman that he was in spite of the ducal robes of French -Normandy. There was need enough of bravery in the man who should fill -his place. The wars still went on along the borders, and there must -have been fear of new trouble in the duchy when this old chieftain -Rolf had lain down to die, and his empty armor was hung high in the -palace hall. - - [Illustration] - -[Pg052] - - [Illustration] - - - - -III. - -WILLIAM LONGSWORD. - - "For old, unhappy, far-off things - And battles long ago." --WORDSWORTH. - - -Before we follow the fortunes of the new duke, young William -Longsword, we must take a look at France and see what traditions and -influences were going to affect our colony of Northmen from that -side, and what relations they had with their neighbors. Perhaps the -best way to make every thing clear is to go back to the reign of the -Emperor Charlemagne, who inherited a great kingdom, and added to it -by his wars and statesmanship until he was crowned at Rome, in the -year 800, emperor not only of Germany and Gaul, but of the larger part -of Italy and the northeastern part of Spain. Much of this territory -had shared in the glories of the Roman Empire and had fallen with it. -But Charlemagne was equal to restoring many lost advantages, being -a man of great power and capacity, who found time, while his great -campaigns were going on, to do a great deal for the schools of his -country. He even founded a sort of normal school, where teachers were -fitted for their work, and his daughters were [Pg053] busy in copying -manuscripts; the emperor himself was fond of being read to when he was -at his meals, and used to get up at midnight to watch the stars. Some -of the interesting stories about him may not be true, but we can be -sure that he was a great general and a masterly governor and lawgiver, -and a good deal of a scholar. Like Rolf, he was one of the men who -mark as well as make a great change in the world's affairs, and in -whose time civilization takes a long step forward. When we know that -it took him between thirty and forty years to completely conquer the -Saxons, who lived in the northern part of his country, and we read the -story of the great battle of Roncesvalles in which the Basque people -won; when we follow Charlemagne (the great Charles, as his people love -to call him) on these campaigns which take up almost all his history, -we cannot help seeing that his enemies fought against the new order -of things that he represented. It was not only that they did not want -Charlemagne for their king, but they did not wish to be Christians -either, or to forsake their own religion and their own ideas for his. - -When he died he was master of a great association of countries which -for years yet could not come together except in name, because of their -real unlikeness and jealousy of each other. Charlemagne had managed to -rule them all, for his sons and officers, whom he had put in command -of the various provinces, were all dictated to by him, and were not -in the least independent of his oversight. His fame was widespread. -Embassies came to him from [Pg054] distant Eastern countries, and -no doubt he felt that he was establishing a great empire for his -successors. Thirty years after he died the empire was divided into -three parts, and thirty-four years later it was all broken up in -the foolish reign of his own great-grandson, who was called Charles -also, but instead of Charles the Great became known as Charles the -Fat. From the fragments of the old empire were formed the kingdoms of -France, of Italy, and of Germany, with the less important states of -Lorraine, Burgundy, and Navarre. But although the great empire had -fallen to pieces, each fragment kept something of the new spirit that -had been forced into it by the famous emperor. For this reason there -was no corner of his wide domain that did not for many years after his -death stand in better relation to progress, and to the influence of -religion, the most potent civilizer of men. - -All this time the power of the nobles had been increasing, for, -whereas, at first they had been only the officers of the king, and -were appointed to or removed from their posts at the royal pleasure, -they contrived at length to make their positions hereditary and to -establish certain rights and privileges. This was the foundation of -the feudal system, and such a growth was sure to strike deep root. -Every officer could hope to become a ruler in a small way, and to -endow his family with whatever gains and holdings he had managed to -make his own. And as these feudal chiefs soon came to value their -power, they were ready to fight, not only all together for their king -or over-lord, but for themselves; and one [Pg055] petty landholder -with his dependents would go out to fight his next neighbor, each -hoping to make the other his tributary. France proper begins to make -itself heard about in these days. - -If you have read "The Story of Rome," and "The Rise and Fall of the -Roman Empire," you can trace the still earlier changes in the old -province of Gaul. The Franks had come westward, a bold association -of German tribes, and in that fifth century when the Roman rule was -overthrown, they swarmed over the frontiers and settled by hundreds -and thousands in the conquered provinces. But, strange to say, as -years went on they disappeared; not because they or their children -went away again and left Gaul to itself, but because they adopted -the ways and fashions of the country. They were still called Franks -and a part of the country was called France even, but the two races -were completely mixed together and the conquerors were as Gallic as -the conquered. They even spoke the new language; it appears like an -increase or strengthening of the Gallic race rather than a subjugation -of it, and the coming of these Franks founded, not a new province of -Germany, but the French nation. - -The language was changed a good deal, for of course many Frankish or -German words were added, as Roman (or Romance) words had been added -before, to the old Gallic, and other things were changed too. In -fact we are not a bit surprised when we find that the German kings, -Charlemagne's own descendants, were looked upon as foreigners, and -some of the French leaders, the feudal lords and princes, [Pg056] -opposed themselves to their monarchs. They were brave men and ready to -fight for what they wanted. Charles the Fat could not keep himself on -his unsteady throne, and in Rolf's day France was continually at war, -sometimes at home, and almost always with the neighboring provinces -and kingdoms. Rolf's contemporary, Charles the Simple, lost his -kingship in 922, when his nobles revolted and put another leader in -his place, who was called Hugh the Great, Count of Paris. Charles the -Simple was kept a prisoner until he died, by a Count of Vermandois, of -whom he had claimed protection, and whose daughter William Longsword -had married. - -There was a great deal of treachery among the French nobles. Each was -trying to make himself rich and great, and serving whatever cause -could promise most gain. There was diplomacy enough, and talking -and fighting enough, but very little loyalty and care for public -welfare. In Normandy, a movement toward better things showed itself -more and more plainly; instead of wrangling over the fragments of an -old dismembered kingdom, Rolf had been carefully building a strong -new one, and had been making and keeping laws instead of breaking -laws, and trying to make goodness and right prevail, and theft and -treachery impossible. We must not judge those days by our own, for -many things were considered right then that are wrong now; but Rolf -knew that order and bravery were good, and that learning was good, and -so he kept his dukedom quiet, though he was ready enough to fight his -enemies, and he sent his son William [Pg057] Longsword to school, and -made him a good scholar as well as soldier. This was as good training -as a young man could have in those stormy times. - -Under Rolf, Normandy had held faithfully to the king, but under -his son's rule we find a long chapter of changes, for William was -constantly transferring his allegiance from king to duke. When he -succeeded his father, Normandy and France were at war--that is, Rolf -would not acknowledge any king but Charles, who was in prison, while -the usurper, Rudolph of Burgundy, was on the French throne. It is -very hard to keep track of the different parties and their leaders. -Everybody constantly changed sides, and it is not very clear what -glory there was in being a king, when the vassals were so powerful -that they could rebel against their sovereign and make war on him as -often as they pleased. Yet they were very decided about having a king, -if only to show how much greater they were by contrast. Duke Hugh of -Paris takes the most prominent place just at this time, and with his -widespread dominions and personal power and high rank, we cannot help -wondering that he did not put himself at the head of the kingdom. -Instead of that he chose to remain a subject, while he controlled -the king's actions and robbed him of his territory and kept him in -personal bondage. He had no objection to transferring his strange -loyalty from one king to another, but he would always have a king over -him, though at three different times there was nothing except his own -plans to hinder him from putting the crown of [Pg058] France upon -his own head. He had a stronger guiding principle than some of his -associates, and seems to have been a better man. - -From Charles the Simple had come the lands of Normandy, and to him -the first vow of allegiance had been made, and so both Rolf and -William took his part and were enemies to his usurper and his foes. -When William came into possession of his dukedom, one of his first -acts was to do homage to his father's over-lord, and he never did -homage to Rudolph the usurper until Charles was dead, and even then -waited three years; but Rudolph was evidently glad to be friends, and -presented Longsword with a grant of the sea-coast in Brittany. The -Norman duke was a formidable rival if any trouble should arise, and -the Normans themselves were very independent in their opinions. One of -Rolf's followers had long ago told a Frenchman that his chief, who had -come to Neustria a king without a kingdom, now held his broad lands -from the sun and from God. They kept strange faith with each other in -those days. Each man had his own ambitious plans, and his leagues and -friendships were only for the sake of bringing them about. This was -not being very grateful, but Rolf's men knew that the Breton lands -were the price of peace and alliance, and not a free gift for love's -sake by any means. - -As we try to puzzle out a distinct account of William's reign, we -find him sometimes the enemy of Rudolph and in league with Hugh of -Paris, sometimes he was in alliance with Rudolph, though he would not -call him king, and oftener he would have [Pg059] nothing to do with -either. It is very dull reading, except as we trace the characters of -the men themselves. - -Most of the Normans had accepted Christianity many years before, -in the time of Rolf, and had been christened, but a certain number -had refused it and clung to the customs of their ancestors. These -people had formed a separate neighborhood or colony near Bayeux, and -after several generations, while they had outwardly conformed to the -prevailing observances, they still remained Northmen at heart. They -were remarkable among the other Normans for their great turbulence and -for an almost incessant opposition to the dukes, and some of them kept -the old pagan devices on their shields, and went into battle shouting -the Northern war-cry of "/Thor aide!/" instead of the pious "/Dieu -aide!/" or "/Dex aide!/" of Normandy. - -Whatever relic of paganism may have clung to Rolf himself, it is -pretty certain that his son, half Frenchman by birth, was almost -wholly a Frenchman in feeling. We must remember that he was not the -son of Gisla the king's sister, however, but of Popa of Bayeux. There -was a brother or half-brother of hers called Bernard de Senlis, who -in spite of his father's murder and the unhappy beginning of their -acquaintance with Rolf, seems to have become very friendly with the -Norse chieftain. - -The fortunes of war were so familiar in those days and kept so many -men at fierce enmity with each other, that we are half surprised to -come upon this sincere, kindly relationship in the story of the early -[Pg060] Normans. Even Rolf's wife's foolish little nickname, "Popa," -under cover of which her own name has been forgotten,--this name of -puppet or little doll, gives a hint of affectionateness and a sign of -home-likeness which we should be very sorry to miss. As for Bernard -de Senlis, he protected not only the rights of Rolf's children and -grandchildren, but their very lives, and if it had not been for his -standing between them and their enemies Rolf's successors would never -have been dukes of Normandy. - -With all his inherited power and his own personal bravery, William -found himself in a very hard place. He kept steadfastly to his ideas -of right and might, and one thinks that with his half French and -half Northman nature he might have understood both of the parties -that quickly began to oppose each other in Normandy. He ruled as -a French prince, and he and his followers were very eager to hold -their place in the general confederacy of France, and eager too that -Normandy should be French in religion, manners, and customs. Yet they -did not wish Normandy to be absorbed into France in any political -sense. Although there were several men of Danish birth, Rolf's old -companions, who took this view of things, and threw in their lot with -the French party, like Botho, William's old tutor, and Oslac, and -Bernard the Dane, of whom we shall hear again, there was a great body -of the Normans who rebelled and made much trouble. - -William's French speech and French friends were all this time making -him distrusted and even disliked by a large portion of his own -subjects. There still [Pg061] remained a strong Northern and pagan -influence in the older parts of the Norman duchy; while in the new -lands of Brittany some of the independent Danish settlements, being -composed chiefly of the descendants of men who had forced their way -into that country before Rolf's time, were less ready for French rule -than even the Normans. Between these new allies and the disaffected -Normans themselves a grand revolt was organized under the leadership -of an independent Danish chief from one of the Breton provinces. The -rebels demanded one concession after another, and frightened Duke -William dreadfully; he even proposed to give up his duchy and to beg -the protection of his French uncle, Bernard de Senlis. We are afraid -that he had left his famous longsword at home on that campaign, until -it appears that his old counsellor, Bernard the Dane, urged him to go -back and meet the insurgents, and that a great victory was won and the -revolt ended for that time. The account of William's wonderful success -is made to sound almost miraculous by the old chronicles. - -The two Norman parties held separate territories and were divided -geographically, and each party wished to keep to itself and not be -linked with the other. The Christian duke who liked French speech -and French government might keep Christian Rouen and Evreux where -Frenchmen abounded, but the heathen Danes to the westward would rather -be independent of a leader who had turned his face upon the traditions -and beliefs of his ancestors. For the time being, these rebellious -subjects must keep their grudges and bear their wrongs as best they -might, [Pg062] for their opponents were the masters now, and William -was free to aim at still greater influence in French affairs as his -dominion increased. - -Through his whole life he was swayed by religious impulses, and, as -we have known, it was hard work at one time to keep him from being -a monk. Yet he was not very lavish in his presents to the church, -as a good monarch was expected to be in those days, and most of the -abbeys and cathedrals which had suffered so cruelly in the days of the -pirates were very poor still, and many were even left desolate. His -government is described as just and vigorous, and as a general thing -his subjects liked him and upheld his authority. He was very desirous -all the time to bring his people within the bounds of Christian -civilization and French law and order, yet he did not try to cast away -entirely the inherited speech or ideas of his ancestors. Of course his -treatment of the settlements to the westward and the Danish party in -his dominion must have varied at different times in his reign. Yet, -after he had made great efforts to identify himself with the French, -he still found himself looked down upon by his contemporaries and -called the Duke of the Pirates, and so in later years he concerned -himself more with his father's people, and even, so the tradition -goes, gave a new Danish colony direct from Denmark leave to settle -in Brittany. His young son Richard was put under the care, not of -French priests, but his own old tutor, Botho the Dane, and the boy and -his master were sent purposely to Bayeux, the very city which young -Richard's grandfather, Rolf, had helped to ravage. [Pg063] At Rouen -the Northman's language was already almost forgotten, but the heir to -the duchy was sent where he could hear it every day, though his good -teacher had accepted French manners and the religion of Rome. William -Longsword had become sure that there was no use in trying to be either -wholly Danish or wholly French, the true plan for a Duke of Normandy -was to be Dane and Frenchman at once. The balance seems to have swung -toward the Danish party for a time after this, and after a troubled, -bewildering reign to its very close, William died at the hands of his -enemies, who had lured him away to hold a conference with Arnulf, of -Flanders, at Picquigny, where he came to a mysterious and sudden death. - -The next year, 943, was a marked one in France and began a new order -of things. There was a birth and a death which changed the current -of history. The Count of Vermandois, the same man who had kept the -prison and helped in the murder of Charles the Simple, was murdered -himself--or at least died in an unexplained and horrible way, as men -were apt to do who were called tyrants and were regicides beside. His -dominion was divided among his sons, except some parts of it that Hugh -of Paris seized. This was the death, and the birth was of a son and -heir to Hugh of Paris himself. His first wife was an Englishwoman, -Eadhild, but she had died childless, to his great sorrow. This baby -was the son of his wife Hadwisa, the daughter of King Henry of -Germany, and he was called Hugh for his father; Hugh Capet, the future -king. After this Hugh of Paris [Pg064] changed his plans and his -policy. True enough, he had never consented to being a king himself, -but it was quite another thing to hinder his son from reigning over -France by and by. Here the Frenchman begins to contrast himself more -plainly against the Frank, just as we have seen the Norman begin to -separate himself from the Northman. Under Rolf Normandy had been -steadily loyal to King Charles the Simple; under William it had -wavered between the king and the duke; under Richard we shall see -Normandy growing more French again. - -Under William Longsword, now Frenchman, now Northman was coming to the -front, and everybody was ready to fight without caring so very much -what it was all about. But everywhere we find the striking figure of -the young duke carrying his great sword, that came to be the symbol of -order and peace. The golden hilt and long shining blade are familiar -enough in the story of William's life. Somehow we can hardly think of -him without his great weapon. With it he could strike a mighty blow, -and in spite of his uncommon strength, he is said to have been of a -slender, graceful figure, with beautiful features and clear, bright -color like a young girl's. His charming, cheerful, spirited manners -won friendship and liking. "He had an eye for splendor," says one -biographer; "well spoken to all, William Longsword could quote a text -to the priest, listen respectfully to the wise sayings of the old, -talk merrily with his young friends about chess and tables, discuss -the flight of the falcon and the fleetness of the hound." [Pg065] - -When he desired to be a monk, he was persuaded that his rank and -duties would not permit such a sacrifice, and that he must act his -part in the world rather than in the cloister, for Normandy's sake, -but in spite of his gay life and apparent fondness for the world's -delights and pleasures, when he died his followers found a sackcloth -garment and scourge under his splendid clothes. And as he lay dead -in Rouen the rough haircloth shirt was turned outward at the throat -so that all the people could see. He had not the firmness and -decision that a duke of Normandy needed; he was very affectionate -and impulsive, but he was a miserly person, and had not the power of -holding on and doing what ought to be done with all his might. - - [Illustration] - -[Pg066] - - [Illustration] - - - - -IV. - -RICHARD THE FEARLESS. - - "By many a warlike feat - Lopped the French lilies."--DRAYTON. - - -Around the city of Bayeux, were the head-quarters of the Northmen, and -both Rolf's followers and the later colonists had kept that part of -the duchy almost free from French influence. There Longsword's little -son Richard (whose mother was Espriota, the duke's first wife, whom -he had married in Danish fashion), was sent to learn the Northmen's -language, and there he lived yet with his teachers and Count Bernard, -when the news came of the murder of his father by Arnulf of Flanders, -with whom William had gone to confer in good faith. - -We can imagine for ourselves the looks of the little lad and his -surroundings. He was fond even then of the chase, and it might be on -some evening when he had come in with the huntsmen that he found a -breathless messenger who had brought the news of Lonsgword's death. We -can imagine the low roofed, stone-arched room with its thick pillars, -and deep stone casings to the windows, where the wind came in and made -the torches flare. At each end of [Pg067] the room would be a great -fire, and the servants busy before one of them with the supper, and -there on the flagstones, in a dark heap, is the stag, and perhaps some -smaller game that the hunters have thrown down. There are no chimneys, -and the fires leap up against the walls, and the smoke curls along the -ceiling and finds its way out as best it can. - -One end of the room is a step or two higher than the other, and here -there is a long table spread with drinking-horns and bowls, and -perhaps some beautiful silver cups, with figures of grapevines and -fauns and satyrs carved on them, which the Norse pirates brought home -long ago from Italy. The floor has been covered with rushes which the -girls of the household scatter, and some of these girls wear old Norse -ornaments of wrought silver, with bits of coral, that must have come -from Italy too. The great stag-hounds are stretched out asleep after -their day's work, and the little Richard is tired too, and has thrown -himself into a tall carved chair by the fire. - -Suddenly there comes the sound of a horn, and everybody starts and -listens. Was the household to be attacked and besieged? for friends -were less likely visitors than enemies in those rough times. - -The dogs bark and cannot be quieted, and again the horn sounds outside -the gate, and somebody has gone to answer it, and those who listen -hear the great hinges creak presently as the gate is opened and the -sound of horses' feet in the courtyard. The dogs have found that there -is no danger and creep away lazily to go to sleep again, but when the -[Pg068] men of the household come back to the great hall their faces -are sadly changed. Something has happened. - -Among them are two guests, two old counts whom everybody knows, and -they walk gravely with bent heads toward the boy Richard, who stands -by the smaller fire, in the place of honor, near his father's chair. -Has his father come back sooner than he expected? The boy's heart -must beat fast with hope for one minute, then he is frightened by the -silence in the great hall. Nobody is singing or talking; there is a -dreadful stillness; the very dogs are quiet and watching from their -beds on the new-strewn rushes. The fires snap and crackle and throw -long shadows about the room. - -What are the two counts going to do--Bernard Harcourt and Rainulf -Ferrières? They are kneeling before the little boy, who is ready to -run away, he does not know why. Count Bernard has knelt before him, -and says this, as he holds Richard's small hand: "Richard, Duke of -Normandy, I am your liegeman and true vassal"; and then the other -count does and says the same, while Bernard stands by and covers his -face with his hands and weeps. - -Richard stands, wondering, as all the rest of the noblemen promise -him their service and the loyalty of their castles and lands, and -suddenly the truth comes to him. His dear father is dead, and he -must be the duke now; he, a little stupid boy, must take the place -of the handsome, smiling man with his shining sword and black horse -and purple robe and the feather with its shining clasp in the high -ducal [Pg069] cap that is as splendid as any crown. Richard must take -the old counts for his playfellows, and learn to rule his province -of Normandy; and what a long, sad, frightened night that must have -been to the fatherless boy who must win for himself the good name of -Richard the Fearless! - -Next day they rode to Rouen, and there, when the nobles had come, the -dead duke was buried with great ceremony, and all the people mourned -for him and were ready to swear vengeance on his treacherous murderer. -After the service was over Richard was led back from the cathedral to -his palace, and his heavy black robes were taken off and a scarlet -tunic put on; his long brown hair was curled, and he was made as fine -as a little duke could be, though his eyes were red with crying, and -he hated all the pomp and splendor that only made him the surer that -his father was gone. - -They brought him down to the great hall of the palace, and there he -found all the barons who had come to his father's burial, and the boy -was told to pull off his cap to them and bow low in answer to their -salutations. Then he slowly crossed the hall, and all the barons -walked after him in a grand procession according to rank--first the -Duke of Brittany and last the poorest of the knights, all going to the -Church of Notre Dame, the great cathedral of Rouen, where the solemn -funeral chants had been sung so short a time before. - -There were all the priests and the Norman bishops, and the choir sang -as Richard walked to his place near the altar where he had seen his -father sit [Pg070] so many times. All the long services of the mass -were performed, and then the boy-duke gave his promise, in the name -of God and the people of Normandy, that he would be a good and true -ruler, guard them from their foes, maintain truth, punish sin, and -protect the Church. Two of the bishops put on him the great mantle -of the Norman dukes, crimson velvet and trimmed with ermine; but -it was so long that it lay in great folds on the ground. Then the -archbishop crowned the little lad with a crown so wide and heavy that -one of the barons had to hold it in its place. Last of all, they gave -him his father's sword, taller than he, but he reached for the hilt -and held it fast as he was carried back to his throne, though Count -Bernard offered to carry it. Then all the noblemen did homage, from -Duke Alan of Brittany down, and Richard swore in God's name to be the -good lord of every one and to protect him from his foes. Perhaps some -of the elder men who had followed Rolf the Ganger felt very tenderly -toward this grandchild of their brave old leader, and the friends of -kind-hearted Longsword meant to be loyal and very fatherly to his -defenceless boy, upon whom so much honor, and anxiety too, had early -fallen. - -See what a change there was in Normandy since Rolf came, and what a -growth in wealth and orderliness the dukedom had made. All the feudal -or clannish spirit had had time to grow, and Normandy ranked as the -first of the French duchies. Still it would be some time yet before -the Danes and Norwegians of the north could cease to think of the -Normans as their brothers and cousins, and begin to [Pg071] call them -Frenchmen or Welskes, or any of the other names they called the people -in France or Britain. It was sure to be a hard dukedom enough for the -boy-duke to rule, and all his youth was spent in stormy, dangerous -times. - -His father had stood godfather--a very close tie--to the heir of the new -king of France, who was called Louis, and he was also at peace with -Count Hugh of Paris. Soon after Longsword's death King Louis appeared -in Rouen at the head of a body of troops, and demanded that he should -be considered the guardian and keeper of young Richard during his -minority. He surprised the counts who were in Rouen, and who were just -then nearly defenceless. It would never do for them to resist Louis -and his followers; they had no troops at hand; and they believed that -the safest thing was to let Richard go, for a time at any rate. It -was true that he was the king's vassal, and Normandy had always done -homage to the kings of France. And with a trusty baron for protection -the boy was sent away out of pleasant Normandy to the royal castle -of Laon. The Rouen people were not very gracious to King Louis, and -that made him angry. Indeed, the French king's dominion was none too -large, and everybody knew that he would be glad to possess himself -of the dukedom, or of part of it, and that he was not unfriendly to -Arnulf, who had betrayed William Longsword. So the barons who were -gathered at Rouen, and all the Rouen people, must have felt very -anxious and very troubled about Richard's safety when the French -horsemen [Pg072] galloped away with him. From time to time news came -that the boy was not being treated very well. At any rate he was not -having the attention and care that belonged to a duke of Normandy. The -dukedom was tempestuous enough at any time, with its Northman party, -and its French party, and their jealousies and rivalries. But they -were all loyal to the boy-duke who belonged to both, and who could -speak the pirate's language as well as that of the French court. If -his life were brought to an untimely end what a falling apart there -would be among those who were not unwilling now to be his subjects. No -wonder that the old barons were so eager to get Richard home again, -and so distrustful of the polite talk and professions of affection -and interest on King Louis's part. Louis had two little sons of his -own, and it would be very natural if he sometimes remembered that, -if Richard were dead, one of his own boys might be Duke of Normandy -instead--that is, if old Count Hugh of Paris did not stand in the way. - -So away went Richard from his pleasant country of Normandy, with -its apple and cherry orchards and its comfortable farms, from his -Danes and his Normans, and the perplexed and jealous barons. A young -nobleman, named Osmond de Centeville, was his guardian, and promised -to take the best of care of his young charge, but when they reached -the grim castle of Laon they found that King Louis' promises were not -likely to be kept. Gerberga, the French queen, was a brave woman, but -eager to forward the fortunes of her own household, and nobody took -much notice of the boy who was of so [Pg073] much consequence at home -in his own castle of Rouen. We cannot help wondering why Richard's -life did not come to a sudden end like his father's, but perhaps -Osmond's good care and vigilance gave no chance for treachery to do -its work. - -After a while the boy-duke began to look very pale and ill, poor -little fellow, and Osmond watched him tenderly, and soon the rest of -the people in the castle had great hopes that he was going to die. -The tradition says that he was not sick at all in reality, but made -himself appear so by refusing to eat or sleep. At any rate he grew so -pale and feeble that one night everybody was so sure that he could not -live that they fell to rejoicing and had a great banquet. There was no -need to stand guard any longer over the little chief of the pirates, -and nobody takes much notice of Osmond even as he goes to and from the -tower room with a long face. - -Late in the evening he speaks of his war-horse which he has forgotten -to feed and litter down, and goes to his stable in the courtyard with -a huge bundle of straw. The castle servants see him, but let him pass -as usual, and the banquet goes on, and the lights burn dim, and the -night wanes before anybody finds out that there was a thin little lad, -keeping very still, in the straw that Osmond carried, and that the two -companions were riding for hours in the starlight toward the Norman -borders. Hurrah! we can almost hear the black horse's feet clatter and -ring along the roads, and take a long breath of relief when we know -that the fugitives get safe to Crecy castle within the Norman lines -next morning. [Pg074] - -King Louis was very angry and sent a message that Richard must come -back, but the barons refused, and before long there was a great -battle. There could really be no such thing as peace between the -Normans and the kingdom of France, and Louis had grown more and more -anxious to rid the country of the hated pirates. Hugh the Great -and he were enemies at heart and stood in each other's way, but -Louis made believe that he was friendly, and granted his formidable -rival some new territory, and displayed his royal condescension in -various ways. Each of these rulers was more than willing to increase -his domain by appropriating Normandy, and when we remember the two -parties in Normandy itself we cannot help thinking that Richard's -path was going to be a very rough one to follow. His father's enemy, -Arnulf of Flanders, was the enemy of Normandy still, and always in -secret or open league with Louis. The province of Brittany was hard -to control, and while William Longsword had favored the French party -in his dominions he had put Richard under the care of the Northmen. -Yet this had not been done in a way to give complete satisfaction, -for the elder Danes clung to their old religion and cared nothing -for the solemn rites of the Church, by means of which Richard had -been invested with the dukedom. They were half insulted by such silly -pageantry, yet it was not to the leaders of the old pirate element -in the dukedom, but to the Christianized Danes, whose head-quarters -were at Rouen, that the guardianship of the heir of Normandy had -been given. He did not belong to the [Pg075] Christians, but to the -Norsemen, yet not to the old pagan vikings either. It was a curious -and perhaps a very wise thing to do, but the Danes little thought -when Longsword promised solemnly to put his son under their charge, -that he meant the Christian Danes like Bernard and Botho. There was -one thing that all the Normans agreed upon, that they would not be -the vassals and lieges of the king of France. They had promised it in -their haste when the king had come and taken young Richard away to -Laon, but now that they had time to consider, they saw what a mistake -it had been to make Louis the boy-duke's guardian. They meant to take -fast hold of Richard now that he had come back, and so the barons were -summoned, and when Louis appeared again in Normandy, with the spirit -and gallantry of a great captain, to claim the guardianship and to -establish Christianity, as well as to avenge the murder of Longsword, -if you please!--he found a huge army ready to meet him. - -Nobody can understand how King Louis managed to keep such a splendid -army as his in good condition through so many reverses. He had lost -heavily from his lands and his revenues, and there were no laws, so -far as we know, that compelled military service, but the ranks were -always full, and the golden eagle of Charlemagne was borne before the -king on the march, and the banner of that great emperor, his ancestor, -fluttered above his pavilion when the army halted. As for the Danes -(which means simply the Northern or Pirate party of Normandy), they -were very unostentatious soldiers and fought [Pg076] on foot, going -to meet the enemy with sword and shield. Some of them had different -emblems on their shields now, instead of the old red and white stripes -of the shields that used to be hung along the sides of the long-ships, -and they carried curious weapons, even a sort of flail that did great -execution. - -We must pass quickly over the long account of a feigned alliance -between Hugh of Paris and King Louis, their agreement to share -Normandy between themselves, and then Hugh's withdrawal, and Bernard -of Senlis's deep-laid plot against both the enemies of Normandy. It -was just at this time that there was a great deal of enmity between -Normandy and Brittany, and the Normans seem to be in a more rebellious -and quarrelsome state than usual. If there was one thing that they -clung to every one of them, and would not let go, it was this: that -Normandy should not be divided, that it should be kept as Rolf had -left it. Sooner than yield to the plots and attempted grasping and -divisions of Hugh and Arnulf of Flanders, and Louis, they would send -to the North for a fleet of dragon ships and conquer their country -over again. They knew very well that however bland and persuasive -their neighbors might become when they desired to have a truce, they -always called them filthy Normans and pirates behind their backs, and -were always hoping for a chance to push them off the soil of Normandy. -There was no love lost between the dukedoms and the kingdom. - - [Illustration: FLAIL AS A MILITARY WEAPON (1).] - - [Illustration: FLAIL AS A MILITARY WEAPON (2).] - -After some time Louis was persuaded again that Normandy desired -nothing so much as to call him her feudal lord and sovereign. Bernard -de Senlis [Pg077] assured him, for the sake of peace, that they were -no longer in doubt of their unhappiness in having a child for a ruler, -that they were anxious to return to the old pledge of loyalty that -Rolf gave to the successor of Charlemagne. He must be the over-lord -again and must come and occupy his humble city of Rouen. They were -tired of being harried, their land was desolated, and they would do -any thing to be released from the sorrows and penalties of war. Much -to our surprise, and very likely to his own astonishment too, we find -King Louis presently going to Rouen, and being received there with all -manner of civility and deference. Everybody hated him just as much as -ever, and distrusted him, and no doubt Louis returned the compliment, -but to outward view he was beloved and honored by his tributaries, -and the Norman city seemed quiet and particularly servile to its new -ruler and his bragging troops. Nobody understood exactly why they had -won their ends with so little trouble, and everybody [Pg078] was on -the watch for some amazing counterplot, and dared not trust either -friend or foe. As for Louis, they had shamed and tormented him too -much to make him a very affectionate sovereign now. To be sure he -ruled over Normandy at last, but that brought him perplexity enough. -In the city the most worthless of his followers was putting on the -airs of a conqueror and aggravating the Norman subjects unbearably. -The Frenchmen who had followed the golden eagle of Charlemagne so -long without any reward but glory and a slender subsistence, began -to clamor for their right to plunder the dukedom and to possess -themselves of a reward which had been too long withheld already. - -Hugh, of Paris, and King Louis had made a bold venture together for -the conquest of Normandy, and apparently succeeded to their heart's -content. Hugh had besieged Bayeux; and the country, between the two -assailants, had suffered terribly. Bernard the Dane, or Bernard de -Senlis either, knew no other way to reëstablish themselves than -by keeping Louis in Rouen and cheating him by a show of complete -submission. The Normans must have had great faith in the Danish -Bernard when they submitted to make unconditional surrender to Louis. -Could it be that he had been faithless to the boy-duke's rights, and -allowed him to be contemptuously disinherited? - -Now that the king was safely bestowed in Rouen, his new liegemen -began to say very disagreeable things. Louis had made a great fool -of himself at a banquet soon after he reached Rolf's tower in the -[Pg079] Norman city. Bernard the Dane, had spread a famous feast for -him and brought his own good red wine. Louis became very talkative, -and announced openly that he was going to be master of the Normans at -last, and would make them feel his bonds, and shame them well. But -Bernard the Dane left his own seat at the table and placed himself -next the king. Presently he began, in most ingenious ways, to taunt -him with having left himself such a small share of the lands and -wealth of the ancient province of Neustria. He showed him that Hugh -of Paris had made the best of the bargain, and that he had given up a -great deal more than there was any need of doing. Bernard described -in glowing colors the splendid dominions he had sacrificed by letting -his rival step in and take first choice. Louis had not chosen to take -a seventh part of the whole dukedom, and Hugh of Paris was master of -all Normandy beyond the Seine, a beautiful country watered by fine -streams whose ports were fit for commerce and ready for defence. More -than this; he had let ten thousand fighting men slip through his hands -and become the allies of his worst enemy. And so Bernard and his -colleagues plainly told Louis that he had made a great mistake. They -would consent to receive him as their sovereign and guardian of the -young duke, but Normandy must not be divided; to that they would never -give their consent. - -Louis listened, half dazed to these suggestions, and when he was well -sobered he understood that he was attacked on every side. Hugh of -Paris had declared that if Louis broke faith with him now he [Pg080] -would make an end to their league, and Louis knew that he would -be making a fierce enemy if he listened to the Normans; yet if he -refused, they would turn against him. - -On the other hand, if he permitted Hugh to keep his new territory, -he was only strengthening a man who was his enemy at heart, and who -sooner or later would show his antagonism. Louis's own soldiers were -becoming very rebellious. They claimed over and over again that Rolf -had had no real right to the Norman lands, but since he had divided -them among his followers, all the more reason now that the conquerors, -the French owners of Normandy, should be put into possession of what -they had won back again at last. They demanded that the victors should -enforce their right, and not only expressed a wish for Bernard the -Dane's broad lands, but for his handsome young wife. They would not -allow that the Normans had any rights at all. When a rumor of such -wicked plans began to be whispered through Rouen and the villages, -it raised a great excitement. There would have been an insurrection -at once, if shrewd old Bernard had not again insisted upon patience -and submission. His wife even rebelled, and said that she would bury -herself in a convent; and Espriota, young Richard's mother, thriftily -resolved to provide herself with a protector, and married Sperling, a -rich miller of Vaudreuil. - -Hugh of Paris was Bernard's refuge in these troubles, and now we see -what the old Dane had been planning all the time. Hugh had begun to -believe that there was no use in trying to hold his new [Pg081] -possessions of Normandy beyond the Seine, and that he had better -return to his old cordial alliance with the Normans and uphold Rolf -the Ganger's dukedom. So the Danish party, Christians and pagans, and -the Normans of the French party, and Hugh of Paris, all entered into a -magnificent plot against Louis. The Normans might have been contented -with expelling the intruders, and a renunciation of the rights Louis -had usurped, but Hugh the Great was very anxious to capture Louis -himself. - -Besides Hugh of Paris and the Norman barons who upheld the cause of -young Richard, there was a third very important ally in the great -rebellion against King Louis of France. When Gorm a famous old king -of Denmark had died some years before, the successor to his throne -was Harold Blaatand or Bluetooth, a man of uncommonly fine character -for those times--a man who kept his promises and was noted for his -simplicity and good faith and loyalty to his word. Whatever reason may -have brought Harold to Normandy at this time, there he was, the firm -friend of the citizens of the Bayeux country, and we find him with his -army at Cherbourg. - -All Normandy was armed and ready for a grand fight with the French, -though it appears that at first there was an attempt at a peaceful -conference. This went on very well at first, the opposing armies being -drawn up on either side of the river Dive, when who should appear but -Herluin of Montreuil, the insolent traitor who was more than suspected -of having caused the murder of William Longsword. Since then he had -ruled in Rouen as Louis's deputy and [Pg082] stirred up more hatred -against himself, but now he took a prominent place in the French -ranks, and neither Normans nor Danes could keep their tempers any -longer. So the peaceful conference was abruptly ended, and the fight -began. - -Every thing went against the French: many counts were killed; the -golden eagle of Charlemagne and the silk hangings and banners of the -king's tent had only been brought for the good of these Normans, who -captured them. As for the king himself, he was taken prisoner; some -say that he was led away from the battle-field and secreted by a loyal -gentleman of that neighborhood, who hid him in a secluded bowery -island in the river near by, and that the poor gentleman's house and -goods were burnt and his wife and children seized, before he would -tell anything of the defeated monarch's hiding-place. There is another -story that Harold Blaatand and Louis met in hand-to-hand combat, and -the Dane led away the Frank as the prize of his own bravery. The king -escaped and was again captured and imprisoned in Rouen. No bragging -now of what he would do with the Normans, or who should take their -lands and their wives. Poor Louis was completely beaten, but there was -still a high spirit in the man and in his brave wife Gerberga, who -seems to have been his equal in courage and resource. After a while -Louis only regained his freedom by giving up his castle of Laon to -Hugh of Paris, and the successor of Charlemagne was reduced to the -pitiful poverty of being king only of Compiegne. Yet he was still -king, and nobody was more ready to give him the title than [Pg083] -Hugh of Paris himself, though the diplomatic treacheries went on as -usual. - -Harold had made a triumphant progress through Normandy after the -great fight was over, and all the people were very grateful to him, -and it is said that he reëstablished the laws of Rolf, and confirmed -the authority of the boy-duke. We cannot understand very well at this -distance just why Harold should have been in Normandy at all with his -army to make himself so useful, but there he was, and unless one story -is only a repetition of the other, he came back again, twenty years -after, in the same good-natured way, and fought for the Normans again. - -Poor Louis certainly had a very hard time, and for a while his pride -was utterly broken; but he was still young and hoped to retrieve his -unlucky fortunes. Richard, the young duke, was only thirteen years -old when Normandy broke faith with France. He had not yet earned his -title of the Fearless, which has gone far toward making him one of -the heroes of history, and was waiting to begin his real work and -influence in the dukedom. Louis had sympathy enough of a profitless -sort from his German and English neighbors. England sent an embassy -to demand his release, and Hugh of Paris refused most ungraciously. -Later, the king of the Germans or East Franks determined to invade -Hugh's territory, and would not even send a message or have any -dealings with him first; and when he found that the German army -was really assembling, the Count of Paris yielded. But, as we have -already seen, Louis had to give up a great piece of his [Pg084] -kingdom. As far as words went, he was king again. He had lost his -authority while he was in prison, but it was renewed with proper -solemnity, and Hugh was again faithful liegeman and homager of his -former prisoner. The other princes of Europe, at least those who were -neighbors, followed Hugh's example--all except one, if we may believe -the Norman historians. On the banks of the Epte, where Rolf had first -done homage to the French king, the Norman duchy was now set free -from any over-lordship, and made an independent country. The duke was -still called duke, and not king, yet he was completely the monarch of -Normandy, and need give no tribute nor obedience. - -Before long, however, Richard, or his barons for him--wily Bernard the -Dane, and Bernard de Senlis, and the rest--commended the lands and men -of Normandy to the Count of Paris, benefactor and ally. The Norman -historians do not say much about this, for they were not so proud of -it as of their being made free from the rule of France. We are certain -that the Norman soldiers followed Hugh in his campaigns, for long -after this during the reign of Richard the Fearless there were some -charters and state papers written which are still preserved, and which -speak of Hugh of Paris as Richard's over-lord. - -There are so few relics of that time that we must note the coinage of -the first Norman money in Richard's reign. The chronicles follow the -old fashion of the sagas in sounding the praises of one man--sometimes -according to him all the deeds of his ancestors besides; but, -unfortunately, they refer little to general history, and tell few -things about the [Pg085] people. We find Normandy and England coming -into closer relations in this reign, and the first mention of the -English kings and of affairs across the Channel, lends a new interest -to our story of the Normans. Indeed, to every Englishman and American -the roots and beginnings of English history are less interesting in -themselves than for their hints and explanations of later chapters and -events. - -Before we end this account of Duke Richard's boyhood, we must take -a look at one appealing fragment of it which has been passed by in -the story of the wars and tumults and strife of parties. Once King -Louis was offered his liberty on the condition that he would allow -the Normans to take his son and heir Lothair as pledge of his return -and good behavior. No doubt the French king and Queen Gerberga had -a consciousness that they had not been very kind to Richard, and -so feared actual retaliation. But Gerberga offered, not the heir -to the throne, but her younger child Carloman, a puny, weak little -boy, and he was taken as hostage instead, and soon died in Rouen. -Miss Yonge has written a charming story called "The Little Duke," in -which she draws a touching picture of this sad little exile. It makes -Queen Gerberga appear very hard and cruel, and it seems as if she -must have been to let the poor child go among his enemies. We must -remember, though, that these times were very hard, and one cannot help -respecting the poor queen, who was very brave after all, and fought as -gallantly as any one to keep her besieged and struggling kingdom out -of the hands of its assailants. [Pg086] - -We must pass over the long list of petty wars between Louis and -Hugh. Richard's reign was stormy to begin with, but for some years -before his death Normandy appears to have been tolerably quiet. Louis -had seen his darkest times when Normandy shook herself free from -French rule, and from that hour his fortunes bettered. There was one -disagreement between Otto of Germany and Louis, aided by the king -of Burgundy, against the two dukes, Hugh and Richard, and before -Louis died he won back again the greater part of his possessions at -Laon. Duke Hugh's glories were somewhat eclipsed for a time, and he -was excommunicated by the Archbishop of Rheims and took no notice -of that, but by and by when the Pope of Rome himself put him under -a ban, he came to terms. The Normans were his constant allies, but -there is not much to learn about their own military enterprises. The -enthusiastic Norman writers give a glowing account of the failure -of the confederate kings to capture Rouen, but say less about their -marauding tour through the duchies of Normandy and Hugh's dominions. -Rouen was a powerful city by this time, and a famous history belonged -to her already. There are some fragments left still of the Rouen of -that day, which is very surprising when we remember how battered and -beleaguered the old town was through century after century. - -Every thing was apparently prospering with the king of France when -he suddenly died, only thirty-three years of age, in spite of his -tempestuous reign and always changing career. He must have felt like -a [Pg087] very old man, one would think, and somehow one imagines him -and Gerberga, his wife, as old people in their Castle of Laon. Lothair -was the next king, and Richard, who so lately was a child too, became -the elder ruler of his time. Hugh of Paris died two years later, and -the old enemy of Normandy, Arnulf of Flanders, soon followed him. The -king of Germany, Otto, outlived all these, but Richard lived longer -than he or his son. - - [Illustration: ABBEY CHURCH OF ST. OUEN (ROUEN).] - -[Pg088] - -The duchy of France, Hugh's dominion, passed to his young son, Hugh -Capet, a boy of thirteen. When this Hugh grew up he did homage to -Lothair, but Richard gave his loyalty to Hugh of Paris's son. The -wars went on, and before many years went over Hugh Capet extinguished -the succession of Charlemagne's heirs to the throne of France, and -was crowned king himself, so beginning the reign of France proper; -as powerful and renowned a kingdom as Europe saw through many -generations. By throwing off the rule of German princes, and achieving -independence of the former French dynasty, an order of things began -that was not overthrown until our own day. Little by little the -French crown annexed the dominions of all its vassals, even the duchy -of Normandy, but that was not to be for many years yet. I hope we -have succeeded in getting at least a hint of the history of France -from the time it was the Gaul of the Roman empire; and the empire -of Charlemagne, and later, of the fragments of that empire, each a -province or kingdom under a ruler of its own, which were reunited in -one confederation under one king of France. All this time Europe is -under the religious rule of Rome, and in Richard the Fearless's later -years we find him the benefactor of the Church, living close by the -Minster of Fécamp and buried in its shadow at last. There was a deep -stone chest which was placed by Duke Richard's order near one of the -minster doors, where the rain might fall upon it that dropped from -the holy roof above. For many years, on Saturday evenings, the chest -was filled to the brim with [Pg089] wheat, a luxury in those days, -and the poor came and filled their measures and held out their hands -afterward for five shining pennies, while the lame and sick people -were visited in their homes by the almoner of the great church. There -was much talk about this hollowed block of stone, but when Richard -died in 996 at the end of his fifty-five years' reign, after a long, -lingering illness, his last command was that he should be buried in -the chest and lie "there where the foot should tread, and the dew and -the waters of heaven should fall." Beside this church of the Holy -Trinity at Fécamp he built the abbey of St. Wandville, the Rouen -cathedral, and the great church of the Benedictines at St. Ouen. New -structures have risen upon the old foundations, but Richard's name is -still connected with the places of worship that he cared for. - -"Richard Sans-peur has long been our favorite hero," says Sir Francis -Palgrave, who has written perhaps the fullest account of the Third -Duke; "we have admired the fine boy, nursed on his father's knee -whilst the three old Danish warriors knelt and rendered their fealty. -During Richard's youth, adolescence, and age our interest in his -varied, active, energetic character has never flagged, and we go with -him in court and camp till the day of his death." - - [Illustration] - -[Pg090] - - [Illustration] - - - - -V. - -DUKE RICHARD THE GOOD. - - "Then would he sing achievements high - And circumstance of chivalry."--SCOTT. - - -Richard the Fearless had several sons, and when he lay dying his -nobles asked him to say who should be his successor. "He who bears -my name," whispered the old duke, and added a moment later: "Let -the others take the oaths of fealty, acknowledge Richard as their -superior; and put their hands in his, and receive from him those lands -which I will name to you." - -So Richard the Good came to his dukedom, with a rich inheritance in -every way from the father who had reigned so successfully, and his -brothers Geoffry, Mauger, William, and Robert, accepted their portions -of the dukedom, to which Richard added more lands of his own accord. - -During this reign there were many changes, some very gradual -and natural ones, for Normandy was growing more French and less -Scandinavian all the time, and the relationship grew stronger and -stronger between vigorous young Normandy and troubled, failing -England. Later we shall see how our [Pg091] Normans gave a new -impulse to England, but already there are signs and forebodings of -what must come to pass in the days of Richard the Good's grandson, -William the Conqueror. - -We first hear now of many names which are great names in Normandy -and England to this day. "It seems as if there were never any region -more peopled with men of known deeds, known names, known passions -and known crimes," says Palgrave; and the Norman annals abound with -historical titles "rendered illustrious by the illusions of time -and blazonry which imagination imparts." It is very strange how -few records there are, among the state papers in France, of all -this period. Every important public matter in England was carefully -recorded long before this, but with all the proverbial love of going -to law, and all the well-ordered priesthood, and good education of the -upper classes, there are only a few scattered charters until Normandy -is really merged in France. This almost corresponds to the absence, -in the literary world, of papers relating to Shakespeare, which is -such a puzzle to antiquarians. Here was a man well-known and beloved -both in his native village and the world of London, a man who must -have covered thousands of pages with writing, and written letters -and signed his name times without number, and yet not one of his -manuscripts and very few signatures can be found. Only the references -to him in contemporary literature remain to give us any facts at all -about the greatest of English writers. Of far less noteworthy men, -of his time and before that, we can make up [Pg092] reasonably full -biographies. And Normandy is known only through the records of other -nations, and the traditions and reports of romancing chroniclers. -There are no long lists of men and money, and no treasurer or general -of Rolf's, or Longsword's time has left us his accounts. Rolf's -brother, who went to Iceland while Rolf came to Normandy, in the -tyrannical reign of Harold Haarfager, established in that storm-bound -little country a nation of scholars and record-makers. Perhaps it was -easier to write there where the only enemies were ice and snow and -darkness and the fury of the sea and wind. - -Yet we can guess at a great deal about the condition of Normandy. -There was so much going to and fro, such a lively commerce and -transportation of goods, that we know the old Roman roads had been -kept in good repair, and that many others must have been built as -the population increased. The famous fairs which were held make us -certain that there was a large business carried on, and besides the -maintenance and constant use of a large army, in some years there was -also a thrifty devotion to mercantile matters and agriculture. Foreign -artisans and manufacturers were welcomed to the Norman provinces, and -soon formed busy communities like the Flemish craftsmen, weavers and -leather-makers, at Falaise. The Normans had an instinctive liking for -pomp and splendor; so their tradesmen flourished, and their houses -became more and more elegant, and must be carved and gilded like the -dragon ships. - -A merry, liberal duke was this Richard; fond of his court, and always -ready to uphold Normandy's [Pg093] honor and his own when there was -any fighting to be done. He had a great regard for his nobles, and we -begin to find a great deal said about gentlemen; the duke would have -only gentlemen for his chosen followers, and the aristocrats make -themselves felt more distinctly than before. The rule of the best is a -hard thing to manage, it sinks already into a rule of the lucky, the -pushing, or the favored in the Rouen court. The power and reign of -chivalry begins to blossom now far and wide. - -We begin to hear rumors too on the other side that there were wrong -distinctions between man and man, and tyranny that grew hard to bear, -and one Norman resents the truth that his neighbor is a better and -richer man than he, and moreover has the right to make him a servant, -and to make laws for him. The Norman citizens were equal in civil -rights--that is to say, they were not taxed without their own consent, -need pay no tolls, and might hunt and fish; all could do these things -except the villeins[2] and peasants, who really composed the mass of -the native population, the descendants of those who lived in Normandy -before Rolf came there. Even the higher clergy did not form part of -the nobility and gentry at first, and in later years there was still a -difference in rank and privileges between the priests of Norwegian and -Danish race and the other ecclesiastics. - - [2] Farm laborers; countrymen. - -Before Richard the Good had been long on his throne there was a great -revolt and uprising of the peasantry, who evidently did not think that -their new [Pg094] duke deserved his surname at all. These people -conceived the idea of destroying the inequality of races, so that -Normandy should hold only one nation, as it already held one name. -We cannot help being surprised at the careful political organization -of the peasantry, and at finding that they established a regular -parliament with two representatives from every district. In all -the villages and hamlets, after the day's work was over, they came -together to talk over their wrongs or to listen to some speaker more -eloquent than his fellows. They "made a commune," which anticipates -later events in the history of France in a surprising way. Freeman -says that "such a constitution could hardly have been extemporized by -mere peasants," and believes that the disturbance was founded in a -loyalty to the local customs and rights which were fast being trampled -under foot, and that the rebels were only trying to defend their -time-honored inheritance. The liberty which they were eager to grasp -might have been a great good, scattered as it would have been over -a great extent of country, instead of being won by separate cities. -The ancient Norman constitutions of the Channel Islands, Jersey and -Guernsey and the rest, antiquated as they seem, breathe to-day a -spirit of freedom worthy of the air of England or Switzerland or -Norway. - -The peasants clamored for their right to be equal with their -neighbors, and no doubt many a small landholder joined them, who did -not wish to swear fealty to his over-lord. In the /Roman de Rou/, -an old chronicle which keeps together many traditions about early -[Pg095] Normandy that else might have been forgotten, we find one of -these piteous harangues. Perhaps it is not authentic, but it gives the -spirit of the times so well that it ought to have a place here: - -"The lords do nothing but evil; we cannot obtain either reason or -justice from them; they have all, they take all, eat all, and make us -live in poverty and suffering. Every day with us is a day of pain; we -gain nought by our labors, there are so many dues and services. Why do -we allow ourselves to be thus treated? Let us place ourselves beyond -their power; we too are men, we have the same limbs, the same height, -the same power of endurance, and we are a hundred to one. Let us swear -to defend each other; let us be firmly knit together, and no man shall -be lord over us; we shall be free from tolls and taxes, free to fell -trees, to take game and fish, and do as we will in all things, in the -wood, in the meadow, on the water!" - -At this time the larger portion of Normandy was what used to be called -forest. That word meant something more than woodland; it belonged then -to tracts of wild country, woodland and moorland and marshes, and -these were the possession of the crown. The peasants had in the old -days a right, or a custom at any rate, of behaving as if the forests -were their own, but more and more they had been restricted, and the -unaccustomed yoke galled them bitterly. Besides their being forbidden -to hunt and fish in the forests, the water-ways were closed from them, -taxes imposed, and their time and labor demanded on the duke's lands. -There had been grants [Pg096] of these free tracts of country to -the new nobility, and with the lands the new lords claimed also the -service of the peasantry. - -The people do not appear to have risen against the duke himself, so -much as against their immediate oppressors, and it was one of these -who was to be their punisher. You remember that Richard the Fearless' -mother, Espriota, married, in the troublous times of his boyhood, -a rich countryman called Sperling. They had a son called Raoul of -Ivry, who seems to have been high in power and favor with the second -Richard, his half-brother, and who now entered upon his cruel task -with evident liking. He had been brought up among the country-folk, -although he stood at this time next to the duke in office. - -He was very crafty, and sent spies all through Normandy to find out -when the Assembly or Parliament was to be held, and then dispersed -his troops according to the spies' report, and seized upon all the -deputies and these peasants who were giving oaths of allegiance to -their new commanders. Whether from design or from anger and prejudice -Raoul next treated his poor prisoners with terrible cruelty. He maimed -them in every way, putting out their eyes, cutting off their hands -or feet; he impaled them alive, and tortured them with melted lead. -Those who lived through their sufferings were sent home to be paraded -through the streets as a warning. So fear prevailed over even the -love of liberty in their brave hearts, for the association of Norman -peasants was broken up, and a sad resignation took the place, for -[Pg097] hundreds of years, of the ardor and courage which had been -lighted only to go out again so quickly. - -There was another rebellion besides this, of which we have some -account, and one man instead of a whole class was the offender. One of -Richard's brothers, or half-brothers, the son of an unknown mother, -had received as his inheritance the county of Exmes, which held three -very rich and thriving towns. These were Exmes, Argentan, and Falaise -in which we have already learned that there was a colony of Flemings -settled, skilful, industrious weavers and leather-makers and workers -in cloth and metals. Falaise itself was already very old indeed, and -there remain yet the ruins of an old Roman camp, claimed to belong to -the time of Julius Cæsar, beside the earliest specimen of that square -gray tower which is really of earlier date though always associated -with Norman feudalism. The Falaise Fair, which was of such renown in -the days of the first dukes, is supposed to be the survival of some -pagan festival of vast antiquity. The name of Guibray, the suburb of -Falaise which gave its name to the Fair, is said to be derived from -the Gaulish word for mistletoe, and wherever we hear of mistletoe in -ancient history it reminds us, not of merry-makings and Christmas -holidays, but of the grim rites and customs of the Druids. - -William, Duke Richard's brother, does not seem to have been grateful -for these rich possessions, and before long there is a complaint that -he fails to respond to the royal summons, and that he will not render -service or do homage in return for his holding. [Pg098] Raoul of Ivry -promptly counselled the Duke to take arms against the offender. - -It was not long before William found himself a prisoner in the old -tower of Rolf at Rouen. He was treated with great severity, and only -avoided being hanged by making his escape in most romantic fashion. A -compassionate lady contrived to supply him with a rope, and he came -down from his high tower-window to the ground hand over hand. Luckily -he found none of his keepers waiting for him, and succeeded in getting -out of the country. Raoul had been hunting his partisans, and now he -had the pleasure of hunting William himself, by keeping spies on his -track and forcing him from one danger to another until he was tired -of his life, and boldly determined to go to his brother the Duke and -beg for mercy. He was very fortunate, for Richard not only listened -to him, and was not angry at being stopped on a day when he had gone -out to amuse himself with hunting, but he pardoned the suppliant and -pitied his trials and sufferings, and more than all, though he did not -give back the forfeited county of Exmes, he did give him the county of -Eu. We hear nothing of what Raoul thought of such a pleasant ending -to the troubles after he had shown such zeal himself in pursuing and -harassing the Duke's enemy. - -We must take a quick look at the relations between Richard the Good -and Hugh Capet, Hugh of Paris's successor, and Robert of France, Hugh -Capet's son, who was trying to uphold the fading dignities and power -of the Carlovingian throne. Truly [Pg099] Charlemagne's glories were -almost spent, and the new glories of the great house of the Capets -were growing brighter and brighter. Our eyes already turn toward -England and the part that the Norman dukes must soon play there, but -there is something to say first about France. - -Robert and Richard were great friends; they had many common interests, -and were bound by solemn oaths and formal covenants of loyalty toward -and protection of each other. Robert was a very honorable man; his -relation to his father was a most curious one, for they seem to have -been partners in royalty and to have reigned together over France. -Richard the Fearless had done much to establish the throne of the -Capets, and there was a firm bond between the second Richard and young -Robert, to whom he did homage. There were several powerful chiefs and -tributaries, but Richard the Good outranks them all, and takes his -place without question as the first peer of France. The golden lilies -of France are already in flower, and though history is almost silent -through the later years of Hugh Capet's life, there are signs of great -activity within the kingdom and of growing prosperity. There is an old -proverb: "Happy is that nation which has no history!" and whenever -we come to a time that the historians pass over or describe in a few -sentences, we take a long breath and imagine the people busy in their -homes and fields and shops, blest in the freedom from war and disorder. - -Robert of France was a famous wit and liked to play tricks upon his -associates. He was a poet too, [Pg100] and wrote some beautiful -Latin rhymes which are still sung in the churches. There is a good -story about his being at Rome once at a solemn church festival. When -he approached the altar he held a chalice in his hands with great -reverence, and everybody could see that it held a roll of parchment. - -There could be no doubt that the king meant to bestow a splendid gift -upon the church, perhaps, a duchy or even his whole kingdom; but after -the service was over, and the pope and cardinals, full of expectation, -hurried to see what prize was put into their keeping, behold! only a -copy of Robert's famous chant "/Cornelius Centurio!/" It was a sad -disappointment indeed when they looked at this unexpected offering! - -But Robert was more than a good comrade, he was a remarkably good -king, as kings went; he kept order and was brave, decided, and -careful. It was true that he had fallen heir to a prosperous and -well-governed kingdom, but it takes constant effort and watchfulness -and ready strength to keep a kingdom or any lesser responsibilities -up to the right level. He had one great trial, for his wife Bertha, -being his first cousin, should not have been his wife according to the -laws of the Roman Church. For the first time there was a pope of Rome -who was from beyond the Alps, a German; and Robert and he were on bad -terms, which resulted in the excommunication of the king of France and -the queen, and at one time they were put so completely under the ban -that even their servants forsook them and the whole kingdom was thrown -into confusion. The misery became so [Pg101] great that the poor -queen presently had to be separated from her husband, and this was the -more grievous as she had no children, and so Robert was obliged to put -her away from him and marry again for the sake of having an heir to -the throne. Bertha's successor was very handsome, but very cross, and -in later years King Robert used to say: "There are plenty of chickens -in the nest, but my old hen pecks at me!" - -In spite of the new queen's bad temper there are a good many things to -be said in her praise. She was much better educated than most women of -her day, and she had a great admiration for Robert's poetry, and these -things must have gone far to make up for her faults. - -Duke Richard's marriage was a very fortunate one. His sister Hawisa, -of whom he was guardian, was asked in marriage by Duke Godfrey of -Brittany, and this was a very welcome alliance, since it bound the two -countries closer together than ever before, and made them forget the -rivalries which had sometimes caused serious trouble. Especially this -was true when a little later Richard himself married Godfrey's sister -Judith, who was distinguished for her wisdom. They had a most splendid -wedding at the Abbey of St. Michael's Mount, and in course of time one -of their daughters married the Count of Burgundy and one the Count of -Flanders. - -In spite of much immorality and irregularity in those days, there was -enough that was proper and respectable in the alliances of the noble -families, and we catch many a glimpse of faithful lovers and [Pg102] -gallant love-making. It was often said that Normandy's daughters did -as much for the well-being of the country as her sons, and when we -read the lists of grand marriages we can understand that the dukes' -daughters won as many provinces by their beauty as the sons did by -their bravery in war. - -It is hard to keep the fortunes of all these races and kingdoms clear -in our minds. We cannot help thinking of England, and looking at all -this early history of the Normans and their growth in relation to it. -Then we must keep track of the Danes and Northmen, who have by no -means outgrown their old traits and manners, though their cousins in -Normandy have given up privateering and the long ships. The history of -France makes a sort of background for Normandy and England both. - -These marriages of which I have just told you greatly increased -the magnificence and the power of the Norman duchy and widened the -territory in every way. The Norman dukes could claim the right to -interfere in the affairs of those states to which they were allied, -and they improved their opportunities. But the most important of all -the alliances has not been spoken of at all--the marriage of Richard -the Fearless' daughter Emma to Æthelred the Unready of England. - -Æthelred himself was the black sheep of his illustrious family--a long -line of noble men they were for the most part. In that age much of the -character of a nation's history depended upon its monarch, and it is -almost impossible to tell the fortunes of a country except by giving -the biographies [Pg103] of the reigning king. This Æthelred seems -to have had energy enough, but he began many enterprises and never -ended them, and wasted a great deal of strength on long, needless -expeditions, and does not appear to have made effective resistance to -the enemies who came knocking at the very gates of England. He had -no tact and little bravery, and was given to putting his trust in -unworthy and treacherous followers. Æthelred was the descendant of -good King Ælfred and his noble successors, but his own kingdom was -ready to fall to pieces before he reigned over it very long, and his -reign of thirty-eight years came near to being the ruin of England. -There were two or three men who helped him in the evil work, who were -greater traitors at heart than Æthelred himself, and we can hardly -understand why they were restored to favor after their treason and -selfishness were discovered. As one historian says, if we could only -have a few of the private letters, of which we have such abundance two -or three centuries later, they would be the key to many difficulties. - -The Danes were nibbling at the shores of England as rats would gnaw -at a biscuit. They grew more and more troublesome. Over in Normandy, -Richard the Good was treating these same Danes like friends, and -allowing them to come into his harbors to trade with the Norman -merchants. In the Côtentin country they found a people much like -themselves, preserving many old traditions, and something of the -northern speech. The Côtentin lands were poor and rocky, but the hills -were crowded [Pg104] with castles, well armed and well fortified, and -the men were brave soldiers and sailors, true descendants of the old -vikings. They sought their fortunes on the sea too, and we can trace -the names of these Côtentin barons and their followers through the -army of William the Conqueror to other castles in the broad English -lands that were won in less than a hundred years from Æthelred's time. -Very likely some of these Côtentin Normans were in league with the -northern Danes who made their head-quarters on the Norman shores, and -went plundering across the Channel. Soon Æthelred grew very angry, -which was to be expected, and he gathered his fleets at Portsmouth, -and announced that he should bring Duke Richard back a captive in -chains, and waste the whole offending country with fire, except the -holy St. Michael's Mount. - - [Illustration: QUEEN EMMA OR ÆLFGIFU (FROM THE REGISTER OF HYDE - ABBEY).] - -The fleet obeyed Æthelred's foolish orders, and went ashore at the -mouth of the river Barfleur, only to find the Normans assembled from -the whole surrounding country--not a trained army by any means, but an -enraged peasantry, men and women alike, armed with shepherds' crooks, -and reaping-hooks and flails, and in that bloody battle of Sanglac, -they completely routed the English. All the invaders who escaped -crowded into six of their vessels and abandoned the rest, and hurried -away as fast as they could go. This was a strong link in the chain -that by and by would be long enough to hold England fast, and put her -at the mercy of the Normans altogether. There was peace made before -very long, though the Normans considered themselves [Pg105] to have -been grievously insulted, and laughed at the English for being so well -whipped. Perpetual peace, the contract unwisely promises, and the pope -interfered between the combatants, to prevent the shedding of innocent -blood. After the promises were formally made, Æthelred tried to make -the alliance even closer. He had children already--one, the gallant -Eadmund Ironside, who might have saved the tottering kingdom if he had -only held the authority which was thrown away in his father's hands. -The name of Æthelred's first queen has been lost, but she was "a -noble lady, the daughter of Thored, an Ealdorman," and had been some -time dead, so with great diplomacy King Æthelred the Unready, "by the -grace of God Basileus of Albion, King and Monarch of all the British -Nations, of the Orkneys and the surrounding Islands," as he liked -to sign himself, came wooing to Normandy. Emma, the duke's sister, -married him and went to England. - -Æthelred gave her a splendid wedding-present of [Pg106] wide domains -in the counties of Devon and Hants, part of which held the cathedral -cities of Winchester and Exeter, the pride and defence of Southern -Britain. Queen Emma gave the governorship of Exeter to her chief -adviser and officer, Hugh the Norman, and her new subjects called her -the Gem of Normandy, and treated her with great deference. She had the -beauty of her race and of Rolf's descendants, and her name was changed -to Ælfgifu, because this sounded more familiar to the English ears. At -least that is the explanation which has come down to us. - -Things were in a very bad way in England--the Anglo-Saxon rule of that -time was founded upon fraud and violence, and the heavy misfortunes -which assailed the English made them fear worse troubles later on. The -wisest among them tried to warn their countrymen, but the warnings -were apparently of little use. The make-believe rejoicings at Queen -Emma's coming were quickly over with, and soon we hear of her flight -to Normandy. Many reasons were given for this ominous act. Some say -that Æthelred disgusted her by his drunkenness and lawlessness, and -others that Hugh the Norman was treacherous, and betrayed his trust to -the Danes, and that the queen was a partner in the business. There is -still another story, that Æthelred was guilty of a shocking massacre, -and that Emma fled in the horror and confusion that it made. Yet later -she returned to England as the queen of Cnut the Dane. - -Now we must change from England to France altogether for a few pages, -and see how steadily the [Pg107] power of the Normans was growing, -and how widely it made itself felt. We must see Richard the Good -as the ally of France in the warfare waged by King Robert against -Burgundy, which was the most important event of Robert's reign. -Old Hugh of Paris had carefully avoided any confusion between the -rights of Burgundy and the rights of France when he established the -foundation of his kingdom. He was a wise politician, and understood -that it would not do to conflict with such a power as Burgundy's, -which held the Low Countries, Spain, and Portugal and Italy within its -influence. Since his day Burgundy had been divided, but it was still -distinguished for its great piety and the number of its religious -institutions. Robert's uncle was Duke of Burgundy, and he was a very -old man; so Robert himself had high hopes of becoming his successor. -His chief rival was the representative of the Lombard kings in -Italy--Otho William, who was son of Adalbert, a pirate who had wandered -beyond the Alps, and Gerberga, the Count of Chalons' daughter. After -Adalbert died Gerberga married old Duke Henry of Burgundy, and -prevailed upon him to declare her son as his successor. This was -illegal, but Otho William was much admired and beloved, and the great -part of the Burgundians upheld his right. - -Behold, then, Richard the Good and his Norman soldiery marching away -to the wars! Duke Henry was dead, and King Robert made haste to summon -his ally. Thirty thousand men were mustered under the Norman banner, -and the black raven of war went slowly inland. What an enterprise -it was to transport [Pg108] such a body of men and horses across -country! Supplies could not be hurried from point to point as readily -as in after-times, and the country itself must necessarily be almost -devastated as if a swarm of locusts had crept through it. Normandy was -overflowing with a military population anxious for something to do, -with a lingering love for piracy and plundering. They made a swift -journey, and Richard and his men were at the gates of the city of -Auxerre almost as soon as the venerable duke was in his grave. - -There was a tremendous siege; Robert's rival had won the people's -hearts, and in the natural strongholds of the mountain slopes they -defended themselves successfully. Besides this brave opposition of -the Burgundians, the Normans were fought against in a more subtle way -by strange phenomena in the heavens. A fiery dragon shot across the -sky, and a thick fog and darkness overspread the face of the earth. -Auxerre was shrouded in night, and the Norman archers could not see -to shoot their arrows. Before long the leagued armies raised the -siege of the border city and marched on farther into the country up -among the bleak, rocky hills. Only one of the Burgundian nobles--Hugh, -Count of Chalons and Bishop of Auxerre--was loyal to the cause of -King Robert of France. Presently we shall see him again under very -surprising circumstances for a count, not to speak of a bishop! The -country was thoroughly ravaged, but some time passed before it was -finally conquered. At last there was a compromise, and Robert's son -was elected duke. His [Pg109] descendants gave France a vast amount -of trouble in later years, and so Burgundy revenged herself and Otho -William's lost cause. - -Richard of Normandy had kept his army well drilled in this long -Burgundian campaign, but before his reign was over he had another war -to fight with the Count of Dreux. The lands of Dreux were originally -in the grant made to Rolf, but later they were held by a line of -counts, whose last representative disappeared in Richard the Fearless' -reign. We find the country in Richard's possession without any record -of war, so it had probably fallen to the crown by right. There was a -great Roman road through the territory like the Watling Street that -ran from Dover to Chester through England, and this was well defended -as the old Roman roads always were. Chartres was joined to Dreux by -this road, and Chartres was not at peace with Normandy. So a new fort -and a town sprung up on the banks of the river to keep Chartres in -check: Tillières, or the Tileries, which we might call the ancestor of -the famous Tuileries of modern Paris. - -There were several fierce battles, and sometimes gaining and sometimes -losing, the Normans found themselves presently in a hard place. We -are rather startled to hear of the appearance of king Olaf of Norway -and the king of the Swedes as Richard's allies. The French people had -not wholly outgrown their hatred--or fear and distrust either--of the -pirates, and when the news came that bands of Northmen were landing -in Brittany there was a wild excitement. Richard and the Chartres -chieftain were making [Pg110] altogether too much of their quarrel, -and King Robert, as preserver of the public peace, was obliged to -interfere. After this episode everybody was more afraid of Normandy -than ever, and Chartres was the gainer by the town of Dreux, with -its forest and castle, that being the king's award. We cannot help -wondering why Richard was persuaded to yield so easily, with all his -Northmen eager enough to fight--but they disappear for the time being, -and many stories were told of their treacherous warfare in Brittany; -of the pitfalls covered with branches into which they tempted their -mounted enemies on the battle-field of Dôl. All this seems to have -been a little private diversion on their way to the Norman capital, -where they were bidden for the business with Chartres. - -Then there was a fight with the bishopric of Chalons, which interests -us chiefly because Richard's son and namesake first makes his -appearance. Renaud, the son of Otho William, who had lost the dukedom -of Burgundy, had married a Norman damsel belonging to the royal family -of Rolf. This Renaud was defeated and captured by the Count-Bishop -of Chalons, of whom we know something already. He was loyal to King -Robert of France, you remember, in the war with Burgundy, and now -he treated Renaud with terrible severity, and had broken his vows, -moreover, by getting married. - -King Robert gave the Normans permission to march through his -dominions, and seems to have turned his back upon the Count-Bishop. -There was a succession of sieges, and the army burned and [Pg111] -destroyed on every side as it went through Burgundy, and finally -made great havoc in one of the chief towns, called Mirmande in the -chronicles, though no Mirmande can be heard of now in that part of -the world, and perhaps the angry Normans determined to leave no trace -of it for antiquarians and geographers to discover. The Count-Bishop -flees for his life to Chalons, and when he was assailed there, he was -so frightened that he put an old saddle on his back and came out of -the city gates in that fashion to beg for mercy. The merry historian -who describes this scene adds that he offered Richard a ride and -that he rolled on the ground at the young duke's feet in complete -humiliation. One might reasonably say that the count made a donkey of -himself in good earnest, and that his count's helmet and his priestly, -shaven crown did not go very well together. - -The third Richard covered himself with glory in this campaign, -however, and went back to Normandy triumphant, to give his old father -great pleasure by his valor. But Richard the Good was very feeble now, -and knew that he was going to die; so, like Richard the Fearless, he -went to Fécamp to spend his last days. - -When he had confessed to the bishops, he called for his faithful -barons, and made his will. Richard was to be his successor, and his -courage and honesty deserved it; but the old father appears to have -had a presentiment that all would not go well, for he begged the -barons to be loyal to the good youth. Robert, the second son, fell -heir to the county of Exmes, upon the condition that he should be -faithful [Pg112] to his brother. There was another son, Mauger, a -bad fellow, who had no friends or reputation, even at that early day. -He was a monk, and a very low-minded one; but later he appears, to -our astonishment, as Archbishop of Rouen. No mention is made of his -receiving any gift from his father; and soon Richard the Good died and -was buried in the Fécamp Abbey. In after years the bones of Richard -the Fearless were taken from the sarcophagus outside the abbey door, -and father and son were laid in a new tomb near the high altar. - -All this early history of Normandy is told mainly by two men, the -saga-writers of their time--William of Jumiéges, who wrote in the -lifetime of William the Conqueror, and Master Wace, of Caen, who was -born on the island of Jersey, between thirty and forty years after -the conquest of England. His "Roman de Rou" is most spirited and -interesting, but, naturally, the earlier part of it is not always -reliable. Both the chroniclers meant to tell the truth, but writing at -a later date for the glory of Normandy, and in such a credulous age, -we must forgive them their inaccuracies. - -They have a great deal more to say about Richard the Good than about -his two sons, Richard and Robert. Richard was acknowledged as duke by -all the barons after his father's death, and then went in state to -Paris to do homage to King Robert. This we learn from the records of -his contract of marriage with the king's daughter, Lady Adela, who was -a baby in her cradle, and the copy of the settlements is preserved, -or, at least, the account of the dowry [Pg113] which Richard -promised. This was the /seigneurie/ of the whole Côtentin country, and -several other baronies and communes; Cherbourg and Bruot and Caen, and -many cities and lands besides. Poor little Lady Adela! and poor young -husband, too, for that matter; for this was quite a heartless affair -of state, and neither of them was to be any happier for all their -great possessions. - -In the meantime Robert, the Duke's brother, was not in the least -satisfied, and made an outcry because, though he was lord of the -beautiful county of Exmes, the city of Falaise was withheld from him. -There was a man from Brittany who urged him to resent his wrongs, and -made trouble between the brothers; Ermenoldus he was called, /the -theosophist/; and there is a great mystery about him which the old -writers stop to wonder over. He was evidently a sort of magician, and -those records that can be discovered give rise to a suspicion that he -had strayed far eastward with some pirate fleet toward Asia, and had -learned there to work wonders and to compass his ends by uncanny means. - -There was a siege of Falaise, which Robert seized and tried to keep by -main strength; but Richard's army was too much for him, and at last he -sued for peace. The brothers went back to Rouen apparently the best -of friends; but there was a grand banquet in Rolf's old castle, and -Richard was suddenly death-struck as he sat at the head of the feast, -and was carried to his bed, where he quickly breathed his last. The -funeral bell began to toll while the banquet still went on, and the -barons made themselves merry in the old hall. [Pg114] - -There was great lamentation, for Richard was already much beloved, and -nobody doubted that he had been poisoned. So Robert came to the throne -of Normandy with a black stain upon his character, and during all the -rest of his life that stain was not overlooked nor forgotten. - -As for the baby-widow, she afterward became the wife of the Count of -Flanders, Baldwin de Lisle, and she was the mother of Matilda, who was -the wife of William the Conqueror. - - [Illustration] - -[Pg115] - - [Illustration] - - - - -VI. - -ROBERT THE MAGNIFICENT. - - "What exile from himself can flee?"--BYRON. - - -Before we begin the story of the next Duke of Normandy whose two -surnames, the Devil, and the Magnificent, give us a broad hint of -his character, we must take a look at the progress of affairs in the -dukedom. There is one thing to be remembered in reading this history, -or any other, that history is not merely the story of this monarch -or that, however well he may represent the age in which he lived and -signify its limitations and development. - -In Normandy one cannot help seeing that a power has been at work -bringing a new Northern element into the country, and that there has -been a great growth in every way since Rolf came with his vikings and -besieged the city of Jumièges. Now the dukedom that he formed is one -of the foremost of its day, able to stand on equal ground with the -royal kingdom and duchy of France, for Robert's homage is only the -homage of equals and allies. Normandy is the peer of Burgundy and of -Flanders, and every day increases in strength, in [Pg116] ambition, -in scholarship and wealth. The influence and /prestige/ of the dukedom -are recognized everywhere, and soon the soldiers of Normandy are -going to take hold of English affairs and master them with unequalled -strength. Chivalry is in the bloom of its youth, and the merchants of -Falaise, and Rouen, and their sister cities, are rich and luxurious. -The women are skilled in needlework and are famous for their beauty -and intelligence. Everywhere there are new castles and churches, and -the land swarms with inhabitants who hardly find room enough, while -the great army hardly draws away the overplus of men from the farms -and workshops. There are whole districts like the Côtentin peninsula, -that are nearly ready to pour out their population into some new -country, like bees when they swarm in early summer, and neither the -fashion of going on pilgrimage to the holy shrines, nor the spirit -that leads to any warlike adventure, are equal to the need for a new -conquest of territory, and a general emigration. - -There are higher standards everywhere in law and morals and customs of -home-life. The nobles are very proud and keep up a certain amount of -state in their high stone castles. In the Côtentin alone the ruins of -more than a hundred of these can yet be seen, and all over Normandy -and Brittany are relics of that busy, prosperous time. The whole -territory is like a young man who has reached his majority, and who -feels a strength and health and ambition that make him restless, and -make him believe himself capable of great things. - -[Pg117] - - [Illustration: NORMAN COSTUMES. - -1. Herdsman. 2. Man of rank. 3. Pilgrim. 4, 5, 6, 7, 8. Warriors. 9. -Man of rank. 10. Lady of rank.] - -[Pg118] - -From followers of the black ravens and worshippers of the god Thor, -the Normans have become Christians and devout followers of the Church -of Rome. They go on pilgrimage to distant shrines and build churches -that the world may well wonder at to-day and try to copy. They have -great houses for monks and nuns, and crowds of priests and scholars, -and it would not be easy to find worshippers of the old faith unless -among old people and in secluded neighborhoods. There is little left -of the old Northman's fashions of life but his spirit is as vigorous -as ever, and his courage, and recklessness, his love of a fight and -hatred of cowardice, his beauty and shapeliness, are sent down from -generation to generation, a surer inheritance than lands or money. We -grow eager, ourselves, to see what will come of this leaven of daring -and pride of strength. There is no such thing for Normandy now, as -tranquillity. - -Duke Robert's story is chiefly interesting to us because he was the -father of William the Conqueror, and in most of the accounts of that -time it is hard to find any thing except various versions of his -course toward his more famous son. But in reality he was a very gifted -and powerful man, and strange to say, the conquest of England was only -the carrying out of a plan that was made by Duke Robert himself. - -The two young sons of Emma and Æthelred were still in Normandy, and -the Duke thought it was a great pity that they were neglected and -apparently forgotten by their countrymen. He undertook to be their -champion, and boldly demanded that King [Pg119] Cnut of England -should consider their rights. He sent an embassy to England and bade -Cnut "give them their own," which probably meant the English crown. -Cnut disdained the message, as might have been expected, and Duke -Robert armed his men and fitted out a fleet, and all set sail for -England to force the Dane to recognize the young princes. It sounds -very well that the Normans should have been so eager to serve the -Duke's cousins, but no doubt they were talking together already about -the possibility of extending their dominions across the Channel. They -were disappointed now, however, for they were beaten back and out of -their course by very bad weather, and had to put in at the island of -Jersey. From there they took a short excursion to Brittany, because -Robert and his cousin Alan were not on good terms, Alan having refused -to do homage to Normandy. There was a famous season of harrying -and burning along the Breton coast, which may have reconciled the -adventurers to their disappointment, but at any rate the conquest of -England was put off for forty years. One wonders how Cnut's Queen -Emma felt about the claims of her sons. It was a strange position for -her to be put into. A Norman woman herself who had virtually forsaken -her children, she could hardly blame her brother for his efforts to -restore them to their English belongings, and yet she was bound to her -new English interests, and must have different standards as Danish -Cnut's wife from those of Saxon Æthelred's. There is an announcement -in one of the Norman chronicles that Cnut sent a message to the -[Pg120] effect that he would give the princes their rights at his -death. This must have been for the sake of peace, but it is not very -likely that any such thing ever happened. - -A new acquaintance between the countries must have grown out of the -banishment of some of the English nobles in the early part of Cnut's -reign, and they no doubt strengthened the interest of the Normans, -and made their desire to possess England greater than ever before. We -shall be conscious of it more and more until the time of the Conquest -comes. The Normans plotted and planned again and again, and their -intrigues continually grew more dangerous to England. It is plain to -see that they were always watching for a chance to try their strength, -and were not unwilling to provoke a quarrel. Eadward, one of the -English princes, was ready to claim his rights, but he had learned -to be very fond of Normandy, and his half-heartedness served his -adopted country well when he came at last to the English throne. For -the present we lose sight of him, but not of Ælfred his brother, who -ventured to England on an expedition which cost him his life, but that -failure made the Norman desire for revenge burn hotter and deeper than -before, though the ashes of disappointment covered it for a time. - -Duke Robert's reign began with a grand flourish, as if he wished to -bribe his subjects into forgetfulness of his brother Richard's death. -There were splendid feasts and presents of armor and fine clothes for -his retainers, and he won his name of the Magnificent in the very face -of those who whispered [Pg121] that he was a murderer. He was very -generous, and seems to have given presents for the pleasure it gave -himself rather than from any underhand motives of gaining popularity. -We are gravely told that some of his beneficiaries died of joy, which -strikes one as being somewhat exaggerated. - -The old castle of Rolf at Rouen was forsaken for the castle of -Falaise. No doubt there were unpleasant associations with Rolf's hall, -where poor Richard had been seized with his mysterious mortal illness. -Falaise, with its hunting-grounds and pleasant woods and waters and -its fine situation, was Robert's favorite home forever after. There he -brought his wife Estrith, Cnut's sister, who first had been the wife -of Ulf the Danish king, and there he lived in a free companionship -with his nobles and with great condescension towards his inferiors, -with whom he was often associated in most familiar terms. - -There were chances enough to show his valor. Once Baldwin the elder, -of Flanders, was attacked by his son Baldwin de Lisle, who had put -himself at the head of an army, and the poor Count was forced to flee -to Falaise for shelter and safety. Any excuse for going to war seems -to have been accepted in Normandy; the country was brimming over with -people. There was almost more population than the land could support, -and Robert led his men to Flanders with great alacrity, and settled -the mutiny so entirely that there was no more trouble. Flanders was -brought to a proper state of submission, as if in revenge for old -scores. At last the noblemen who had upheld the insurrection all -deserted the leader of [Pg122] it, and both they and young Baldwin -besought Robert to make the terms of peace. After this, Flanders and -Normandy were very friendly together, and before long they formed a -most significant alliance of the royal houses. - -In Robert's strolls about Falaise, perhaps in disguise, like another -Haroun al Raschid, his beauty-loving eyes caught sight one day of a -young girl who was standing bare-footed in a shallow brook, washing -linen, and making herself merry with a group of busy young companions. -This was Arlette, or Herleva, according as one gives her the Saxon -or the Norman name; her father was a brewer and tanner, who had been -attracted to Falaise from Germany by the reputation of its leather -manufactures and good markets. The pastures and hunting-grounds made -skins very cheap and abundant, but the trade of skinning of beasts was -considered a most degrading one, and those who pursued it in ancient -times were thought less of than those who followed almost any other -occupation. If we were not sure of this, we might suspect the Norman -nobles of casting undue shame and reproach upon this man Fulbert. - -Duke Robert seems to have quite forgotten his lawful wife in his new -love-making with Herleva. Even the tanner himself objected to the -duke's notice of his daughter, but who could withstand the wishes of -so great a man? Not Fulbert, who accepted the inevitable with a good -grace, for later in the story he shows himself a faithful retainer and -household official of his lord and master. Robert never seems to have -recovered from his first [Pg123] devotion to the pretty creature who -stood with slender, white feet in the brook, and turned so laughing -a face toward him. They showed not long ago the very castle-window -in Falaise from which he caught his first sight of the woman who -was to rule his life. He did not marry her, though Estrith was sent -away; but they had a son, who was named William, who himself added -the titles of the Great and The Conqueror, but who never escaped -hearing to his life's end the shame and ignominy of his birth. We -cannot doubt that it was as mean an act then as now to taunt a man -with the disgrace he could not help; but of all the great men who -were of illegitimate birth whom we know in the pages of history, -this famous William is oftenest openly shamed by his title of the -Bastard. He won much applause; he was the great man of his time, but -from pique, or jealousy, or prejudice, perhaps from some faults that -he might have helped, he was forever accused of the shame that was -not his. The Bastard,--the Tanner's Grandson; he was never allowed to -forget, through any heroism or success in war, or furthering of Norman -fortunes, that these titles belonged to him. - -The pride of the Norman nobles was dreadfully assailed by Duke -Robert's shameful alliance with Herleva. All his relations, who had -more or less right to the ducal crown, were enraged beyond control. -Estrith had no children, and this beggarly little fellow who was -growing plump and rosy in the tanner's house, was arch-enemy of -all the proud lords and gentlemen. There was plenty of scandal and -mockery [Pg124] in Falaise, and the news of Robert's base behavior -was flying from village to village through Normandy and France. The -common people of Falaise laughed in the faces of the barons and -courtiers as they passed in the street, and one day an old burgher and -neighbor of the tanner asked William de Talvas, the head of one of -the most famous Norman families, to go in with him to see the Duke's -son. The Lord of Alençon was very angry when he looked at the innocent -baby-face. He saw, by some strange foreboding and prevision, the -troubles that would fall upon his own head because of this vigorous -young life, and, as he cursed the unconscious child again and again, -his words only echoed the fear that was creeping through Normandy. - -Robert was very bold in his defiance of public opinion, and before -long the old tanner sheds his blouse like the cocoon of a caterpillar, -and blooms out resplendent in the gay trappings of court chamberlain. -Herleva was given the place as duchess which did not legally belong to -her, and this hurt the pride of the ladies and gentlemen of the court -and the country in a way that all Robert's munificence and generosity -could not repay or cure. The age was licentious enough, but public -opinion demanded a proper conformity to law and etiquette. All the -aristocratic house of Rolf's descendants, the valor and scholarship -and churchmanship of Normandy, were insulted at once. The trouble -fermented more and more, until the Duke's uncle, the Archbishop of -Rouen, called his nephew to account for such open sin and disgrace -of his kindred, and finally [Pg125] excommunicated him and put all -Normandy under a ban. - -Somehow this outbreak was quieted down, and just then Robert was -called upon, not only to settle the quarrel in Flanders above -mentioned, but to uphold the rights of the French king. For his -success in this enterprise he was granted the district of the Vexin, -which lay between Normandy and France, and so the Norman duchy -extended its borders to the very walls of Paris. Soon other questions -of pressing importance rose up to divert public comment; it was no -time to provoke the Duke's anger, and there was little notice taken of -Herleva's aggravating presence in the ducal castle, or the untoward -growth and flourishing of her son. - -At length Duke Robert announced his intention of going on a pilgrimage -to Jerusalem. He wished to show his piety and to gain as much credit -as possible, so the long journey was to be made on foot. The Norman -barons begged him not to think of such a thing, for in the excited -condition of French and Norman affairs nothing could be more imprudent -than to leave the dukedom masterless. "By my faith!" Robert answered -stoutly, "I do not mean to leave you without a lord. Here is my young -son, who will grow and be a gallant man, by God's help; I command you -to take him for your lord, for I make him my heir and give him my -whole duchy of Normandy." - -There was a stormy scene in the council, and however we may scorn -Robert's foolish, selfish present-giving and his vulgarity, we cannot -help pitying him [Pg126] as he pleads with the knights and bishops -for their recognition of his innocent boy. We pity the Duke's shame, -while his natural feeling toward the child wars with his disgust. With -all his eloquence, with all his authority, he entreats the scornful -listeners until they yield. They have warned him against the danger -of the time, and of what he must expect, not only if he goes on -pilgrimage and leaves the dukedom to its undefended fate, but also -if he further provokes those who are already his enemies, and who -resent the presence of his illegitimate child. But he dares to put -the base-born lad over the dukedom of Normandy as his own successor. -He even goes to the king of France and persuades him to receive the -unworthy namesake of Longsword as vassal and next duke, and to Alan -of Brittany, who consents to be guardian. Then at last the unwilling -barons do homage to the little lord--a bitter condescension and service -it must have been! - -After all the ceremonies were finished, Robert lost no time in -starting on his pilgrimage. He sought the shrine of Jerusalem, many a -weary mile away, over mountain and fen, past dangers of every sort. -Nothing could be more characteristic than his performance of his -penance or his pleasure journey--whichever he called it--for although he -went on foot, he spent enormous sums in showering alms upon the people -who came out to greet him. Heralds rode before him, and prepared his -lodging and reception, and the great procession of horses and grooms -and beasts of burden grew longer and longer as he went on his way. -Once they blocked up the [Pg127] gateway of a town, and the keeper -fell upon the pilgrim Duke, ignorantly, and gave him a good thrashing -to make him hurry on with his idle crowd. Robert piously held back -those of his followers who would have beaten the warder in return, and -said that it was well for him to show himself a pattern of humility -and patience, and such suffering was meant for the good of one's soul. - - [Illustration: ROBERT, DUKE OF NORMANDY, CARRIED IN A LITTER TO - JERUSALEM. - - (FROM AN OLD ILLUMINATED MANUSCRIPT.)] - -[Pg128] - -The Duke did a great many foolish things; for one, he had his horses -shod with silver shoes, held on by only one nail, and gave orders that -none of his servants should pick up the shoes when they were cast, but -let them lie in the road. - -At last the pilgrims reached Constantinople, and Robert made a great -display of his wealth, not to speak of his insolent bad manners. -The emperor, Michael, treated his rude guests with true Eastern -courtesy, and behaved himself much more honorably than those who -despised him and called him names. He even paid all the expenses of -the Norman procession, but, no doubt, he was anxious not to give -any excuse for displeasure or disturbance between the Northerners -and his own citizens. When the visit was over, and Robert moved on -toward Jerusalem, his already feeble health, broken by his bad life, -grew more and more alarming, and at last he could not take even a -very short journey on foot, and was carried in a litter by negroes. -The Crusades were filling the roads with pilgrims and soldiers, and -travellers of every sort. One day they met a Côtentin man, an old -acquaintance of Robert's. The Duke said with grim merriment that he -was borne like a corpse on a bier. "My lord," asked the Crusader, who -seems to have been sincerely shocked and doleful at the sight of the -Duke's suffering; "my lord, what shall I say for you when I reach -home?" "That you saw me carried toward Paradise by four devils," said -the Duke, readier at any time to joke about life than to face it -seriously and to do his duty. He kept up the pretence of travelling -unknown and in [Pg129] disguise, like a humbler pilgrim, but his -lavishness alone betrayed the secret he would really have been sorry -to keep. Outside the gates of Jerusalem there was always a great crowd -of people who were not able to pay the entrance-fee demanded of every -pilgrim; but Robert paid for himself and all the rest before he went -in at the gate. The long journey was almost ended, for on the way -home, at the city of Nicæa, the Duke was poisoned, and died, and was -buried there in the cathedral with great solemnity and lamentation. He -had collected a heap of relics of the saints, and these were brought -safely home to Normandy by Tostin, his chamberlain, who seems to have -served him faithfully all the way. - - [Illustration] - -[Pg130] - - [Illustration] - - - - -VII. - -THE NORMANS IN ITALY. - - "And therefore must make room - Where greater spirits come."--MARVELL. - - -There is a famous old story about Hasting, the viking captain. Once -he went adventuring along the shores of the Mediterranean, and when -he came in sight of one of the Tuscan cities, he mistook it for Rome. -Evidently he had enough learning to furnish him with generous ideas -about the wealth of the Roman churches, but he had brought only a -handful of men, and the city looked large and strong from his narrow -ship. There was no use to think of such a thing as laying siege to the -town; such a measure would do hardly more than tease and provoke it: -so he planned a sharp stroke at its very heart. - -Presently word was carried from the harbor side, by a long-faced -and tearful sailor, to the pious priests of the chief church, that -Hasting, a Northman, lay sick unto death aboard his ship, and was -desirous to repent him of his sins and be baptized. This was promising -better things of the vikings, and the good bishop visited Hasting -readily, and ministered eagerly to his soul's distress. Next day -word came that the robber was dead, and his men brought him early -[Pg131] to the church in his coffin, following him in a defenceless, -miserable group. They gathered about the coffin, and the service -began; the priests stood in order to chant and pray, their faces bowed -low or lifted heavenward. Suddenly up goes the coffin-lid, out jumps -Hasting, and his men clutch at the shining knives hidden under their -cloaks. They strip the jewelled vestments from the priests' backs; -they shut the church doors and murder the poor men like sheep; they -climb the high altar, and rob it of its decorations and sacred cups -and candlesticks, and load themselves with wealth. The city has hardly -time to see them dash by to the harbor side, to hear the news and -give them angry chase, before the evil ships are standing out to sea -again, and the pirates laugh and shout as they tug at the flashing -oars. No more such crafty converts! the people cry, and lift their -dead and dying priests sorrowfully from the blood-stained floor. This -was the fashion of Italy's early acquaintance with the Northmen, whose -grandchildren were to conquer wide dominions in Apulia, in Sicily, and -all that pleasant country between the inland seas of Italy and Greece. - -It must have seemed almost as bad to the Romans to suffer invasion of -this sort as it would to us to have a horde of furious Esquimaux come -down to attack our coasts. We only need to remember the luxury of the -Italian cities, to recall the great names of the day in literature -and art, in order to contrast the civilization and appearance of the -invader and the invaded. Yet war was a constant presence then, and -every nation had its bitter enemies born of race [Pg132] prejudice -and the resentment of conquest. To be a great soldier was to be great -indeed, and by the time of the third of the Norman dukes the relation -of the Northmen and Italians was much changed. - -Yet there was not such a long time between the time of Hasting the -pirate, and that of Tancred de Hauteville and Robert Guiscard. -Normandy had taken her place as one of the formidable, respectable -European powers. The most powerful of the fiefs of France, she was -an enemy to be feared and honored, not despised. She was loyal to -the See of Rome; very pious and charitable toward all religious -establishments; no part of Southern Europe had been more diligent in -building churches, in going on pilgrimage, in maintaining the honor -of God and her own honor. Her knights prayed before they fought, and -they were praised already in chronicle and song. The troubadours sung -their noble deeds from hall to hall. The world looked on to see their -bravery and valor, and when they grew restless and went a-roving and -showed an increasing desire to extend their possessions and make -themselves lords of new acres, the rest of the world looked on with -envy and approval. Unless the Normans happened to come their way; that -of course was quite a different thing. - -We cannot help thinking that the readiness of the Englishman of to-day -to form colonies and to adapt himself to every sort of climate and -condition of foreign life, was anticipated and foreboded in those -Norman settlements along the shores of the Mediterranean sea. Perhaps -we should say again that the Northmen of a much earlier date were the -true [Pg133] ancestors of all English colonists with their roving -spirit and love of adventure, but the Normandy of the early part of -the eleventh century was a type of the England of to-day. Its power -was consolidated and the territory became too narrow for so much -energy to be pent up in. The population increased enormously, and the -familiar love of conquest and of seeking new fortunes was waked again. -The bees send out new swarms when summer comes, and, like the bees, -both Normans and Englishmen must have a leader and centralization of -the general spirit, else there is scattering and waste of the common -force. - -We might go on with this homely illustration of the bees to explain -the way in which smaller or larger groups of pilgrims, and adventurers -of a less pious inclination, had wandered southward and eastward, -toward the holy shrines of Jerusalem, or the rich harvest of Oriental -wealth and luxury. Not much result came from these enterprises, though -as early as 1026, we find the Duke of Naples allowing a company of -Norman wanderers to settle at Aversa, and even helping them to build -and fortify the town, and to hold it as a kind of out-post garrison -against his enemies in Capua. They were understood to be ready for -all sorts of enterprises, and the bitter flowers of strategy and -revolt appeared to yield the sweetest honey that any country-side -could offer. They loved a fight, and so they were often called in by -the different Italian princes and proved themselves most formidable -and trustworthy allies in case of sudden troubles. This is what an -historian of that time says about them: [Pg134] - -"The Normans are a cunning and revengeful people; eloquence and -dissimulation appear to be their hereditary qualities. They can stoop -to flatter; but unless they are curbed by the restraint of law they -indulge the licentiousness of nature and passion, and in their eager -search for wealth and dominion they despise whatever they possess and -hope whatever they desire. Arms and horses, the luxury of dress, the -exercises of hawking and hunting, are the delight of the Normans; but -on pressing occasions they can endure with incredible patience the -inclemency of every climate, and the toil and abstinence of a military -life." - -How we are reminded of the old vikings in this striking description! -and how we see certain changes that have overlaid the original Norse -and Danish nature. There are French traits now, like a not very thick -veneering of more delicate and polished wood upon the sturdy oak. - -Aversa was quickly made of great importance to that part of the world. -The Norman colony did good missionary work, and Robert Guiscard, the -chief Norman adventurer and founder of the kingdom of Naples, was -leader and inspirer of great enterprises. In following the history of -the time through many volumes, it is very disappointing to find such -slight reference to this most interesting episode in the development -of Norman civilization. - -In one of the green valleys of the Côtentin, near a small stream -that finds its way into the river Dove, there are still standing the -crumbling walls of an ancient Norman castle. The neighboring fields -still [Pg135] keep their old names of the Park, the Forest, and -the Dove-Cot; and in this way, if in no other, the remembrance is -preserved of an old feudal manor-house. Not long ago some huge oaks -were clustered in groups about the estate, and there was a little -church of very early date standing in the shade of a great cedar tree. -Its roof had a warlike-looking rampart, and a shapely tower with -double crosses lifted itself high against the sky. - -In the early years of the eleventh century there lived in this quiet -place an old Norman gentleman who was one of Duke Richard the Good's -best soldiers. He had wandered far and wide in search of gain and -glory. The Duke had given him command of ten armed men who formed -his body-guard, and after a long service at court this elder Tancred -returned to his tranquil ancestral home to spend the rest of his -days. He was poor, and he had a very large family. His first wife, -Muriel, had left several children, and their good step-mother treated -them all with the same tenderness and wise helpfulness that she had -shown to her own flock. The young de Hautevilles had received such -education as gentlemen gave their children in those days, and, above -every thing else, were expert in the use of arms and of horses and the -pleasures of the chase. They trained their falcons, and grew up brave -and strong. There were twelve sons, all trained to arms. Three of the -elder family were named William, Drogo, and Humphrey, and the sixth, -their half-brother, was Robert, who early won for himself the surname -of Guiscard, or the Wise. Tall fellows they were, these [Pg136] sons -of the Chevalier de Hauteville. One of the old French historians tells -us that they had an air of dignity, and even in their youth great -things were expected of them; it was easy to prophesy their brilliant -future. - -While they were still hardly more than boys, Serlon, their eldest -brother, who had already gone to court, killed one of Duke Robert's -gentlemen who had offered him some insult, and was banished to England -where he spent some time in the dreariness of exile, longing more -and more to get back to Normandy. This brought great sorrow to the -household in the Côtentin valley; it was most likely that a great -deal depended upon Serlon's success, and the eager boys at home were -looking to him for their own advancement. However, the disappointment -was not very long-lived, for at the time when Henry of France was -likely to lose his throne through the intrigues of his brother and his -mother, Constance of Provence, and came to the Duke of Normandy for -aid, Serlon came home again without being asked, and fought like a -tiger at the siege of Tillières. You remember that this siege lasted -a long time, and it gives us a good idea of the warfare of that age -to discover that every day there came out of the city gate an awesome -knight who challenged the conqueror to single combat. The son of brave -old Tancred was not frightened by even the sight of those unlucky -warriors who lay dead under the challenger's blows, and one morning -Serlon went to the gate at daybreak and called the knight out to fight -with him. [Pg137] - -The terrible enemy did not wait; he presently appeared in glistening -armor and mounted upon a fiery steed. He asked Serlon who he was, -and as if he knew by instinct that he had met his match at last, -counselled the champion of Normandy to run away, and not try to fight -with him. - -Nobody had recognized the banished man, who carefully kept the visor -of his helmet down over his face, and when the fight was over and the -enemy's head was off and borne at the head of his victorious lance, -he marched silently along the ranks of the Norman knights, who were -filled with pride and glory, but for all their cheering he was still -close-helmeted. Duke Robert heard the news of this famous deed, and -determined that such a valiant knight must not hide himself or escape, -so he sent a messenger to command the stranger to make himself known. -When he found that Serlon himself had been the hero, he ran to meet -him, and embraced him and held him to his heart, and still more, gave -back to him all the lands and treasures which had come to him by his -marriage and which had been confiscated when he was sent into exile. -All these glories of their elder brother made the other sons more -eager now than ever to show their prowess, but there was slight chance -in Normandy, for the war lasted but little longer. But when Robert -had put the French king on his throne again, he determined, as we -have seen already, to go on a pilgrimage. There was not much prospect -of winning great fame at home while young William the heir was so -unpopular and Alan of Brittany was his careful [Pg138] guardian. -The de Hautevilles were impatient at the prospect of years of petty -squabbles and treacherous intrigues; they longed for a broader field -for their energies. There was no such thing as staying at home and -training the falcons; their hungry young brothers and sisters were -pushing their way already, and the ancient patrimony was growing -less and less. So William and Drogo and Humphrey went away to seek -their fortunes like fairy-book princes, and hearing vague rumors of -Rainulf's invitation to his countrymen, and of his being made count of -the new possessions in Aversa, they turned their faces towards Italy. -We cannot help lingering a moment to fancy them as they ride away from -the door of their old home--the three brave young men together. The -old father looks after them wistfully, but his eyes are afire, and -he lives his own youth over again and wishes with all his heart that -he were going too. The little sisters cry, and the younger brothers -long for the day when their turn will come to go adventuring. The tame -falcons flutter and peck at their hoods, there where they stand on -their perches with fettered claws; the grass runs in long waves on the -green hill-sides and dazzles the eyes that look after the sons as they -ride towards the south; and the mother gives a little cry and goes -back into the dark hall and weeps there until she climbs the turret -stairs to see if she cannot catch one more look at the straight backs -and proud heads of the young knights, or even one little glint of -their horses' trappings as they ride away among the orchard leaves. -[Pg139] - -They would have to fight their way as best they could, and when they -reached Apulia at last they still found work enough for their swords. -South of Rome were the territories of the independent counts of Naples -and the republic of Amalfi. South of these the Greek possessions of -Lombardy, which had its own governor and was the last remnant of the -Eastern empire. - -The beautiful island of Sicily had been in the hands of the Moslems -and belonged to the African kingdom of Tunis. In 1038 the governor -of Lombardy believed he saw the chance that he had long been waiting -for, to add Sicily to his own dominions. The Arabs were fighting -among themselves and were split up already into several weak and -irreconcilable factions, and he begged the Normans to go and help his -own army to conquer them. After a while Sicily was conquered, but the -Normans were not given their share of the glory of the victories; on -the contrary, the Lombard governor was too avaricious and ungrateful -for his own good, and there was a grand quarrel when the spoils were -divided. Two years afterwards the indignant Normans came marching back -to attack Apulia, and defeated the Greeks at Cannæ so thoroughly that -they were only left in possession of a few towns. - -This was in 1043, and we cannot help feeling a great satisfaction at -finding William de Hauteville president of the new republic of Apulia. -Had not the three brothers shown their bravery and ability? Perhaps -they had only remembered their old father's wise talk, and profited by -his advice, and warning [Pg140] lest they should spend their strength -by being great in little things instead of aiming at nobler pieces of -work. All the high hopes which filled their hearts as they rode away -from Normandy must have come true. They were already the leaders in -Apulia, and had been foremost in the organization of an aristocratic -republic. Twelve counts were elected by popular suffrage, and lived at -their capital of Melfi, and settled their affairs in military council. -And William, as I have said, was president. - -Presently from East and West envious eyes began to look at this -powerful young state. Europe knew well enough what had come from -giving these Normans foothold in Gaul not so very long ago, and the -Pope and the emperors of the West and East formed a league to chase -the builders of this new Normandy out of their settlements. The two -emperors, however, were obliged to hurry back to defend their own -strongholds, and Leo the Tenth was left to fight his neighbors alone, -with the aid of some German soldiers, a mere handful, whom Henry the -Third had left. The Normans proposed fair terms to his Holiness, but -he ventured to fight the battle of Civitella, and was overpowered -and beaten, and taken prisoner himself. Then the shrewd Normans said -how grieved they had been to fight against the Father of the Church, -and implored him, captive as he was, to receive Apulia as a fief of -the Holy See. This seems very puzzling, until we stop to think that -the Normans would gain an established position among the Italian -powers, and this amounted to an alliance with the power of the papal -interests. [Pg141] - -William de Hauteville died, and the office of president, or first -count, passed to his next brother, Drogo, and after him to Humphrey. -One day, while Drogo was count, a troop of pilgrims appeared in -Amalfi, with their wallets and staves. This was no uncommon sight, -but at the head of the dusty company marched a young man somewhere -near twenty-five years of age, and of remarkable beauty. The high -spirit, the proud nobility in his face, the tone of his voice even, -showed him to be an uncommon man; his fresh color and the thickness -of his blond hair gave nobody a chance to think that he had come -from any of the Southern countries. Suddenly Drogo recognized one -of his step-brothers, whom he had left at home a slender boy--this -was Robert, already called Guiscard. He had gathered a respectable -little troop of followers--five knights and thirty men-at-arms made his -escort,--and they had been forced to put on some sort of disguise for -their journey, because the court of Rome, jealous of the growing power -of the Normans in Italy, did every thing to hinder their project, and -refused permission to cross their territories to those who were coming -from the North to join the new colony. Humbert de Hauteville was with -Robert--indeed the whole family, except Serlon, went to Italy sooner or -later after the old knight Tancred died; even the mother and sisters. - -Robert arrived in time for the battle of Civitella, and distinguished -himself amazingly. Indeed he was the inspirer and leader of the Norman -successes in the South, and to him rather than to either of his -[Pg142] elder brothers belongs the glory of the new Normandy. - -His frank, pleasant manners won friends and followers without -number, who loved him dearly, and rallied to his standard. He was -well furnished with that wiliness and diplomacy which were needed to -cope with Southern enemies, and his wild ambition led him on and on -without much check from feelings of pity, or even justice. Like many -other Normans, he was cruel, and his acts were those of a man who -sees his goal ahead, and marches straight toward it. While William -the Conqueror was getting ready to wear the crown of England, Robert -Guiscard was laying his plans for the kingdom of the two Sicilies. - -After a while Drogo was assassinated, and then Humphrey was put in -his place, but he and Robert were always on bad terms with each other -apparently. Robert's faults were the faults of his time, and yet -his restlessness and ambition seem to have given his brother great -disquietude; perhaps Humphrey feared him as a rival, but at any rate -he seems to have kept him almost a prisoner of state. The Guiscard -gained the votes of the people before long, when the count died and -left only some young children, and in 1054 he was made Count of Apulia -and general of the republic. We need not be surprised to find his -title much lengthened a little later; he demanded the ducal title -itself from Pope Nicholas, and styles himself "by the grace of God -and St. Peter, Duke of Apulia, Calabria, and hereafter of Sicily." -The medical and philosophical schools of Salerno, long renowned in -Italy, added lustre to his kingdom, and [Pg143] the trade of Amalfi, -the earliest of the Italian commercial cities, extending to Africa, -Arabia, India, with affiliated colonies in Constantinople, Antioch, -Jerusalem, and Alexandria, enriched his ample domain. Excelling in -the art of navigation, Amalfi is said to have discovered the compass. -Under her Norman dukes, she held the position of the queen of Italian -commerce, until the rise of the more famous cities of Pisa, Genoa, and -Venice.[3] - - [3] A. H. Johnson: "The Normans in Europe." - -Roger de Hauteville, the youngest brother of all, who was much like -Robert in every way, was the conqueror of Sicily, and the expedition -was piously called a crusade against the unbelievers. It was thirty -years before the rich island was added to the jurisdiction of Rome, -from which the Mussulmans had taken it. Roger was given the title -of count, but his dominion was on a feudal basis instead of being a -republic. This success induced Robert to make a campaign against the -Eastern empire, and the invasions continued as long as he lived. They -were not very successful in themselves, but they were influential in -bringing about great changes. The first crusade was an outcome of -these plans of Robert's, and all the altered relations of the East and -West for years afterward. - -We must go far ahead of the slow pace of our story of the Normans -in Normandy and England to give this brief sketch of the Southern -dukedoms. The story of the de Hautevilles is only another example -of Norman daring and enterprise. The spirit of adventure, of -conquest, of government, of chivalry, and personal [Pg144] ambition -shines in every page of it, and as time goes on we watch with joy -a partial fading out of the worse characteristics of cruelty and -avarice and trickery, of vanity and jealous revenge. "Progress in -good government," says Mr. Green in his preface to A Short History -of England, "is the result of social developments." The more we all -think about that, the better for us and for our country. No doubt the -traditions of Hasting the Northman and his barbarous piracies had -hardly died out before the later Normans came, first in scattered -groups, and then in legions, to settle in Italy. One cannot help -feeling that they did much to make amends for the bad deeds of their -ancestors. The south of Italy and the Sicilian kingdom of Roger were -under a wiser and more tolerant rule than any government of their -day, and Greeks, Normans, and Italians lived together in harmony and -peace that was elsewhere unknown. The people were industrious, and all -sorts of trades flourished, especially the silk manufacture. Perhaps -the soft air and easy, luxurious fashion of life quieted the Norman -restlessness a little. Who can tell? - -Yet we get a hint of a better explanation of the prosperity of the two -Sicilies in this passage from an old chronicle about King Roger: "He -was a lover of justice and most severe avenger of crime. He abhorred -lying; did every thing by rule, and never promised what he did not -mean to perform. He never persecuted his private enemies, and in war -endeavored on all occasions to gain his point without shedding of -blood. Justice and peace were universally observed throughout his -dominions." [Pg145] - -A more detailed account of the reigns of the De Hautevilles will be -found in the "Story of Sicily," but before this brief review of their -conquests is ended, it is only fair to notice the existing monuments -of Norman rule. The remains of Norman architecture, dating back to -their time, may still be seen in Palermo and other cities, and give -them a romantic interest. There are ruins of monasteries and convents -almost without number, and many churches still exist, though sometimes -more or less defaced by modern additions and ignorant restoration. The -Normans raised the standard of Western forms of architecture here as -they did elsewhere, and their simpler buildings make an interesting -contrast with Eastern types left by the Saracens. Outside the large -cities almost every little town has at least some fragments of Norman -masonry, and in Aderno--to note only one instance of the sort--there is -a fine Norman castle in excellent preservation, which is used as a -prison now. At Troina, a dreary mountain fortress, there is a belfry -and part of the wall of a cathedral that Roger I. built in 1078. It -was in Troina that he and his wife bravely established their court -fifteen years earlier, and withstood a four months' siege from the -Saracens. Galfridus, an old chronicler, tells sadly that the young -rulers only had one cloak between them, and grew very hungry and -miserable; but Eremburga, the wife, was uncomplaining and patient. -At last the count was so distressed by the sight of her pallor and -evident suffering, that he rallied his men and made a desperate -charge upon his foes, and was happily [Pg146] victorious. Galfridus -says of that day: "The single hand of Roger, with God's help, did -such execution that the corpses of the enemy lay around him on every -side like the branches of trees in a thick forest when strewn by a -tempest." Once afterward, when Roger was away fighting in Calabria, -Eremburga was formally left in command, and used to make the round -with the sentinels on the walls every night. - -We must look in Palermo for the noblest monuments of Norman days, -and beside the churches and palaces, for the tombs of the kings and -archbishops in San Rosario Cathedral. There lies Roger himself, -"mighty Duke and first King of Sicily." Mr. Symonds says[4]: "Very -sombre and stately are these porphyry resting-places of princes born -in the purple, assembled here from lands so distant, from the craggy -heights of Hohenstauffen, from the green orchards of Côtentin, from -the dry hills of Aragon. They sleep and the centuries pass by. Rude -hands break open the granite lids of their sepulchres to find tresses -of yellow hair, and fragments of imperial mantles embroidered with -the hawks and stags the royal hunter loved. The church in which they -lie changes with the change of taste in architecture and the manners -of successive ages. But the huge stone arks remain unmoved, guarding -their freight of mouldering dust beneath gloomy canopies of stone, -that tempers the sunlight as it streams from the chapel windows." - - [4] "Studies in Southern Italy." - -And again at Venosa, the little town where the poet Horace was born, -and where William de Hauteville with his brothers Drogo, Humphrey, -and [Pg147] Robert Guiscard are buried, we cannot do better than -quote the same charming writer: - -"No chapter of history more resembles a romance than that which -records the sudden rise and brief splendor of the house of Hauteville. -In one generation the sons of Tancred de Hauteville passed from the -condition of squires in the Norman vale of Côtentin to Kinghood in -the richest island of the Southern Sea. The Norse adventurers became -sultans of an Oriental capital. The sea-robbers assumed, together -with the sceptre, the culture of an Arabian court ... lived to mate -their daughters with princes and to sway the politics of Europe with -gold.... What they wrought, whether wisely or not, for the ultimate -advantage of Italy, endures to this day, while the work of so many -emperors, republics, and princes, has passed and shifted like the -scenes in a pantomime. Through them the Greeks, the Lombards, and -the Moors were extinguished in the South. The Papacy was checked -in its attempt to found a province of St. Peter below the Tiber. -The republics of Naples, Caëta, Amalfi, which might have rivalled -perchance with Milan, Genoa, and Florence, were subdued to a master's -hand. In short, to the Norman, Italy owed that kingdom of the two -Sicilies, which formed one third of her political balance; and which -proved the cause of all her most serious revolutions." - -Much has been lost of the detailed history of the Norman-Italian -states, and lost especially to English literature. If the development -of Southern Italy [Pg148] had gone steadily forward to this time, -with the eagerness and gathering force that might have been expected -from that vigorous impulse of the eleventh century, no doubt there -would have been a permanent factor in history rather than a limited -episode. The danger of the climate, to those born and reared in -Northern or Western Europe, was undoubtedly in the way of any -long-continued progress. To-day the Norman buildings look strangely -different from their surroundings, and are almost the only evidence -of the once brilliant and prosperous government of the Normans in the -South. One enthusiastic historian, who wrote before the glories of -the de Hautevilles had faded, would have us believe that "there was -more security in the thickets of Sicily than in the cities of other -kingdoms." - - [Illustration] - -[Pg149] - - [Illustration] - - - - -VIII. - -THE YOUTH OF WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. - - "One equal temper of heroic hearts - Made weak by time and fate, but strong in will - To strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield." - --TENNYSON. - - -There was one man, famous in history, who more than any other -Norman seemed to personify his race, to be the type of the Norman -progressiveness, firmness, and daring. He was not only remarkable -among his countrymen, but we are forced to call him one of the great -men and great rulers of the world. Nobody has been more masterful, -to use a good old Saxon word, and therefore he came to be master -of a powerful, venturesome race of people and gathered wealth and -widespread territory. Every thing would have slipped through his -fingers before he was grown to manhood if his grasp had not been like -steel and his quickness and bravery equal to every test. "He was born -to be resisted," says one writer;[5] "to excite men's jealousy and to -awaken their life-long animosity, only to rise triumphant above them -all, and to show to mankind the work that one man can do--one man of -fixed principles and resolute [Pg150] will, who marks out a certain -goal for himself, and will not be deterred, but marches steadily -towards it with firm and ruthless step. He was a man to be feared and -respected, but never to be loved; chosen, it would seem, by Providence -... to upset our foregone conclusions, and while opposing and crushing -popular heroes and national sympathies, to teach us that in the -progress of nations there is something required beyond popularity, -something beyond mere purity and beauty of character--namely, the mind -to conceive and the force of will to carry out great schemes and to -reorganize the failing institutions and political life of states. Born -a bastard, with no title to his dukedom but the will of his father; -left a minor with few friends and many enemies, with rival competition -at home and a jealous over-lord only too glad to see the power of his -proud vassal humbled, he gradually fights his way, gains his dukedom, -and overcomes competition at an age when most of us are still under -tutors and governors; extends his dominions far beyond the limits -transmitted to him by his forefathers, and then leaves his native soil -to seek other conquests, to win another kingdom, over which again -he has no claim but the stammering will of a weak king and his own -irresistible energy, and what is still more strange, securing the -moral support of the world in his aggression, and winning for himself -the position of an aggrieved person recovering his just and undoubted -rights. Truly the Normans could have no better representative of their -extraordinary power." - - [5] Johnson: "The Normans in Europe." - -William was only seven years old or a little more [Pg151] when his -father left him to go on pilgrimage. No condition could have appeared -more pitiable and desperate than his--even in his childhood we become -conscious of the dislike his character inspired. Often just and true -to his agreements, sometimes unexpectedly lenient, nothing in his -nature made him a winner and holder of friendship, though he was a -leader of men and a controller of them, and an inspirer of faithful -loyalty besides the service rendered him for fear's sake. His was -the rule of force indeed, but there is one thing to be particularly -noted--that in a licentious, immoral age he grew up pure and -self-controlled. That he did not do some bad things must not make us -call him good, for a good man is one who does do good things. But his -strict fashion of life kept his head clearer and his hands stronger, -and made him wide-awake when other men were stupid, and so again and -again he was able to seize an advantage and possess himself of the key -to success. - -While his father lived, the barons paid the young heir unwilling -respect, and there was a grim acquiescence in what could not be -helped. Alan of Brittany was faithful to his trust, and always -able to check any dissensions and plots against his ward. The old -animosity between him and Robert was quite forgotten, apparently; -but at last Alan was poisoned. Robert's death was the signal for a -general uprising of the nobles, and William's life was in peril for -a dozen years. He never did homage to the king of France, but for a -long time nobody did homage to him either; the barons disdained any -such [Pg152] allegiance, and sometimes appear to have forgotten their -young duke altogether in their bitter quarrels, and murders of men of -their own rank. We trace William de Talvas, still the bastard's fierce -enemy, through many plots and quarrels;--it appears as if he were -determined that his curse should come true, and made it the purpose -of his life. The houses of Montgomery and Beaumont were linked with -him in anarchy and treachery; it was the Montgomeries' deadly mischief -to which the faithful Alan fell victim. William himself escaped -assassination by a chance, and several of his young followers were -not so fortunate. They were all in the strong castle of Vaudreuil, a -place familiar to the descendants of Longsword, since it was the home -of Sperling, the rich miller, whom Espriota married. The history of -the fortress had been a history of crime, but Duke Robert was ready to -risk the bad name for which it was famous, and trust his boy to its -shelter. There had never been a blacker deed done within those walls -than when William was only twelve years old, and one of his playmates, -who slept in his chamber, was stabbed as he lay asleep. No doubt the -Montgomery who struck the cruel blow thought that he had killed the -young duke, and went away well satisfied; but William was rescued, and -carried away and hidden in a peasant's cottage, while the butchery -of his friends and attendants still went on. The whole country -swarmed with his enemies. The population of the Côtentin, always more -Scandinavian than French, welcomed the possibility of independence, -and the worst side of feudalism began to assert itself [Pg153] -boldly. Man against man, high rank against low rank, farmer against -soldier,--the bloody quarrels increased more and more, and devastated -like some horrible epidemic. - - [Illustration: A NORMAN PLOUGHMAN.] - -There were causes enough for trouble in the state of feudalism itself -to account for most of the uproar and disorder, let alone the claim -of the unwelcome young heir to the dukedom. It is very interesting -to see how, in public sentiment, there was always an undertone of -resentment to the feudal system, and of loyalty to the idea, at least, -of hereditary monarchy. Even Hugh the Great, of France, was governed -by it in his indifference to his good chances for seizing the crown -years before this time; and though the great empire of Charlemagne had -long since tottered to its fall and dismemberment, there [Pg154] was -still much respect for the stability and order of an ideal monarchical -government. - -The French people had already endured some terrible trials, but it was -not because of war and trouble alone that they hated their rulers, -for these sometimes leave better things behind them; war and trouble -are often the only way to peace and quietness. They feared the very -nature of feudalism and its political power. It seemed to hold them -fast, and make them slaves and prisoners with its tangled network and -clogging weights. The feudal lords were petty sovereigns and minor -despots, who had certain bonds and allegiances among themselves and -with each other, but they were, at the same time, absolute masters of -their own domain, and their subjects, whether few or many, were under -direct control and surveillance. Under the great absolute monarchies, -the very extent of the population and of the country would give a -greater security and less disturbance of the middle and lower classes, -for a large army could be drafted, and still there would be a certain -lack of responsibility for a large percentage of the subjects. Under -the feudal system there were no such chances; the lords were always -at war, and kept a painfully strict account of their resources. Every -field and every family must play a part in the enterprises of their -master, and a continual racking and robbing went on. Even if the lord -of a domain had no personal quarrel to settle, he was likely to be -called upon by his upholder and ally to take part with him against -another. In the government of a senate or an ecclesiastical council, -the common people [Pg155] were governed less capriciously; their -favor was often sought, even in those days, by the different factions -who had ends to gain, and were willing to grant favors in return; but -the feudal lords were quite independent, and could do as they pleased -without asking anybody's advice or consent. - -This concerns the relation of the serfs to their lords, but among the -lords themselves affairs were quite different. From the intricate -formalities of obligation and dependence, from the necessity for -each feudal despot's vigilant watchfulness and careful preparation -and self-control and quick-sighted decision, arose a most active, -well-developed class of nobles. While the master of a feudal castle -(or robber-stronghold, whichever we choose to call it) was absent on -his forays, or more determined wars, his wife took his place, and -ruled her dependents and her household with ability. The Norman women -of the higher classes were already famous far and wide through Europe, -and, since we are dealing with the fortunes of Normandy, we like to -picture them in their castle-halls in all their dignity and authority, -and to imagine their spirited faces, and the beauty which is always a -power, and which some of them had learned already to make a power for -good. - -No matter how much we deplore the condition of Normandy and the lower -classes of society, and sympathize with the wistfulness and enforced -patience of the peasantry; no matter how perplexed we are at the -slowness of development in certain directions, we are attracted and -delighted by other aspects. We turn our heads quickly at the sound -of [Pg156] martial music. The very blood thrills and leaps along -our veins as we watch the Norman knights ride by along the dusty -Roman roads. The spears shine in the sunlight, the horses prance, the -robber-castles clench their teeth and look down from the hills as if -they were grim stone monsters lying in wait for prey. The apple-trees -are in blossom, and the children scramble out of the horses' way; -the flower of chivalry is out parading, and in clanking armor, with -flaunting banners and crosses on their shields, the knights ride by -to the defence of Jerusalem. Knighthood was in its early prime, and -in this gay, romantic fashion, with tender songs to the ladies they -loved and gallantly defended, with a prayer to the Virgin Mary, their -patroness, because they reverenced the honor and purity of womanhood, -they fought through many a fierce fight, with the bitter, steadfast -courage of brave men whose heart is in their cause. It was an easy -step from their defiance of the foes of Normandy to the defence of -the Church of God. Religion itself was the suggester and promoter -of chivalry, and the Normans forgot their lesser quarrels and petty -grievances when the mother church held up her wrongs and sufferings -to their sympathy. It was to Christianity that the mediæval times -owed knighthood, and, while historians complain of the lawlessness of -the age, the crimes and violence, the social confusion and vulgarity, -still the poetry and austerity and real beauty of the knightly -traditions shine out all the brighter. Men had got hold of some new -suggestions; the best of them were examples of something better than -[Pg157] the world had ever known. As we glance over the list of rules -to which a knight was obliged to subscribe, we cannot help rejoicing -at the new ideal of christian manhood. - - [Illustration: ARMING A KNIGHT.] - -Rolf the Ganger had been proud rather than ashamed of his brutal -ferocity and selfishness. This new standard demands as good soldiery -as ever; in fact, a greater daring and utter absence of fear, but it -recognizes the rights of other people, and the single-heartedness and -tenderness of moral strength. It is a very high ideal. - -A little later than the time of William the Conqueror's youth, there -were formal ceremonies at the making of a knight, and these united -so surprisingly the poet's imaginary knighthood and the customs of -military life and obligations of religious life, that we cannot wonder -at their influence. [Pg158] - -The young man was first stripped of his clothes and put into a bath, -to wash all former contaminations from body and soul--a typical second -baptism, done by his own free will and desire. Afterward, he was -clothed first in a white tunic, to symbolize his purity; next in a red -robe, a sign of the blood he must be ready to shed in defending the -cause of Christ; and over these garments was put a tight black gown, -to represent the mystery of death which must be solved at last by him, -and every man. - -Then the black-robed candidate was left alone to fast and pray for -twenty-four hours, and when evening came, they led him to the church -to pray all night long, either by himself, or with a priest and his -own knightly sponsors for companions. Next day he made confession; -then the priest gave him the sacrament, and afterward he went to hear -mass and a sermon about his new life and a knight's duties. When this -was over, a sword was hung around his neck and he went to the altar, -where the priest took off the sword, blessed it, and put it on again. -Then the candidate went to kneel before the lord who was to arm him, -and was questioned strictly about his reasons for becoming a knight, -and was warned that he must not desire to be rich or to take his ease, -or to gain honor from knighthood without doing it honor; at last the -young man solemnly promised to do his duty, and his over-lord to whom -he did homage granted his request to be made a knight. - -After this the knights and ladies dressed him in his new garments, and -the spurs came first of all the armor, then the haubert or coat of -mail; next [Pg159] the cuirass, the armlets, and gauntlets, and, last -of all, the sword. Now he was ready for the /accolade/; the over-lord -rose and went to him and gave him three blows with the flat of the -sword on his shoulder or neck, and sometimes a blow with the hand on -his breast, and said: "In the name of God, of St. Michael and St. -George, I make thee knight. Be valiant and fearless and loyal." - -Then his horse was led in, and a helmet was put on the new knight's -head, and he mounted quickly and flourished his lance and sword, -and went out of the church to show himself to the people gathered -outside, and there was a great cheering, and prancing of horses, and -so the outward ceremony was over, and he was a dubbed knight, as the -old phrase has it--adopted knight would mean the same thing to-day; -he belonged to the great Christian brotherhood of chivalry. We have -seen how large a part religion played in the rites and ceremonies, -but we can get even a closer look at the spirit of knighthood if we -read some of the oaths that were taken by these young men, who were -the guardians and scholars of whatever makes for peace, even while -they chose the ways of war and did such eager, devoted work with -their swords. M. Guizot, from whose "History of France" I have taken -the greater part of this description, goes on to give twenty-six -articles to which the knights swore, not that these made a single -ritual, but were gathered from the accounts of different epochs. They -are so interesting, as showing the steady growth and development of -better ideas and purposes, that I copy them here. [Pg160] Indeed -we can hardly understand the later Norman history, and the crusades -particularly, unless we make the knights as clear to ourselves as we -tried to make the vikings. - -We must thank the clergymen of the tenth and eleventh centuries for -this new thought about the duties and relationships of humanity,--men -like Abelard and St. Anselm, and the best of their contemporaries. -It is most interesting to see how the church availed herself of the -feudal bonds and sympathies of men, and their warlike sentiment and -organization, to develop a better and more peaceful service of God. -Truthfulness and justice and purity were taught by the church's -influence, and licentiousness and brutality faded out as the new order -of things gained strength and brightness. Later the pendulum swung -backward, and the church used all the terrors of tyranny, fire, and -sword, to further her ends and emphasize her authority, instead of the -authority of God's truth and the peace of heavenly living. The church -became a name and cover for the ambitions of men. - -Whatever the pretences and mockeries and rivalries and thefts of -authority may be on the part of unworthy churchmen, we hardly need to -remind ourselves that in every age the true church exists, and that -true saints are living their holy, helpful lives, however shadowed -and concealed. Even if the harvest of grain in any year is called a -total loss, and the country never suffered so much before from dearth, -there is always enough wheat or corn to plant the next spring, and -the fewer handfuls the more [Pg161] precious it is sure to seem. In -this eleventh century, a century which in many ways was so disorderly -and cruel, we are always conscious of the presence of the "blameless -knights" who went boldly to the fight; the priests and monks of God -who hid themselves and prayed in cell and cloister. "It was feudal -knighthood and Christianity together," says Guizot, "which produced -the two great and glorious events of that time--the Norman conquest of -England, and the Crusades." - -These were the knight's promises and oaths as Guizot repeats them, -and we shall get no harm from reading them carefully and trying to -keep them ourselves, even though all our battles are of another sort -and much duller fights against temptations. It must be said that our -enemies often come riding down upon us in as fine a way and break a -lance with us in as magnificent a fashion as in the days of the old -tournaments. But our contests are apt to be more like the ancient -encounters with cruel treachery of wild beasts in desert places, than -like those at the gay jousts, with all the shining knights and ladies -looking on to admire and praise. - -The candidates swore: "First, to fear, reverence, and serve God -religiously, to fight for the faith with all their might, and to die a -thousand deaths rather than renounce Christianity; - -To serve their sovereign prince faithfully, and to fight for him and -fatherland right valiantly; - -To uphold the rights of the weaker, such as widows, orphans, and -damsels, in fair quarrel, exposing themselves on that account -according as need [Pg162] might be, provided it were not against -their own honor or against their king or lawful princes. - -That they would not injure any one maliciously, or take what was -another's, but would rather do battle with those who did so. - -That greed, pay, gain, or profit should never constrain them to do any -deed, but only glory and virtue. - -That they would fight for the good and advantage of the common weal. - -That they would be bound by and obey the orders of their generals and -captains, who had a right to command them. - -That they would guard the honor, rank, and order of their comrades, -and that they would, neither by arrogance nor by force, commit any -trespass against any one of them. - -That they would never fight in companies against one, and that they -would eschew all tricks and artifices. - -That they would wear but one sword, unless they had to fight against -two or more enemies. - -That in tourney or other sportive contests, they would never use the -point of their swords. - -That being taken prisoner in a tourney, they would be bound on their -faith and honor to perform in every point the conditions of capture, -besides being bound to give up to the victors their arms and horses, -if it seemed good to take them, being also disabled from fighting in -war or elsewhere without their victor's leave. - -That they would keep faith inviolably with all the [Pg163] world, and -especially with their comrades, upholding their honor and advantage -wholly in their absence. - -That they would love and honor one another, and aid and succor one -another whenever occasion offered. - -That having made vow or promise to go on any quest or adventure, they -would never put off their arms save for the night's rest. - -That in pursuit of their quest or adventure, they would not shun bad -and perilous passes, nor turn aside from the straight road for fear of -encountering powerful knights, or monsters, or wild beasts, or other -hindrance, such as the body and courage of a single man might tackle. - -That they would never take wage or pay from any foreign prince. - -That in command of troops or men-at-arms, they would live in the -utmost possible order and discipline, and especially in their own -country, where they would never suffer any harm or violence to be done. - -That if they were bound to escort dame or damsel, they would serve, -protect, and save her from all danger and insult, or die in the -attempt. - -That they would never offer violence to any dame or damsel, though -they had won her by deeds of arms. - -That being challenged to equal combat, they would not refuse without -wound, sickness, or other reasonable hindrance. - -That, having undertaken to carry out any enterprise, they would devote -to it night and day, unless they were called away for the service of -their king and country. [Pg164] - -That, if they made a vow to acquire any honor, they would not draw -back without having attained it or its equivalent. - -That they would be faithful keepers of their word and pledged faith, -and that, having become prisoners in fair warfare, they would pay to -the uttermost the promised ransom, or return to prison at the day and -hour agreed upon, on pain of being proclaimed infamous and perjured. - -That, on returning to the court of their sovereign, they would render -a true account of their adventures, even though they had sometimes -been worsted, to the king and the registrar of the order, on pain of -being deprived of the order of knighthood. - -That, above all things, they would be faithful, courteous, and humble, -and would never be wanting to their word for any harm or loss that -might accrue to them." - -It would not do to take these holy principles, or the pageant of -knight-errantry, for a picture of Normandy in general. We can only -remind ourselves with satisfaction that this leaven was working in the -mass of turbulent, vindictive society. The priests worked very hard -to keep their hold upon their people, and the authority of the church -proved equal to many a subtle weakness of faith and quick strain of -disloyalty. We should find it difficult to match the amazing control -of the state by the church in any other country,--even in the most -superstitiously devout epochs. When the priesthood could not make the -Normans promise to keep the peace altogether, they still obtained -an astonishing [Pg165] concession and truce. There was no fighting -from Wednesday evening at sunset until Monday morning at sunrise. -During these five nights and four days no fighting, burning, robbing, -or plundering could go on, though for the three days and two nights -left of the week any violence and crime were not only pardonable, but -allowed. In this Truce of God, not only the days of Christ's Last -Supper, Passion, and Resurrection were to remain undesecrated, but -longer periods of time, such as from the first day of Advent until -the Epiphany, and other holy seasons. If the laws of the Truce were -broken, there were heavy penalties: thirty years' hard penance in -exile for the contrite offender, and he must make reparation for all -the evil he had committed, and repay his debt for all the spoil. If he -died unrepentant, he was denied Christian burial and all the offices -of the church, and his body was given to wild beasts and the fowls of -the air. - -To be sure, the more ungodly portion of the citizens fought against -such strict regulations, and called those knights whom the priests -armed, "cits without spirit," and even harder names, but for twelve -years the Truce was kept. The free days for murder and theft were -evidently made the most of, and from what we can discover, it appears -as if the Normans used the Truce days for plotting rather than for -praying. Yet it was plain that the world was getting ready for great -things, and that great emergencies were beginning to make themselves -evident. New ideas were on the wing, and in spite of the despotism of -the church, sometimes by [Pg166] very reason of it, we can see that -men were breaking their intellectual fetters and becoming freer and -wiser. A new order of things was coming in; there was that certain -development of Christian ideas, which reconciles the student of -history in every age to the constant pain and perplexity of watching -misdirected energies and hindering blunders and follies. - -"It often happens that popular emotions, however deep and general, -remain barren, just as in the vegetable world many sprouts come to -the surface of the ground, and then die without growing any more or -bearing any fruit. It is not sufficient for the bringing about of -great events and practical results, that popular aspirations should -be merely manifested; it is necessary further that some great soul, -some powerful will, should make itself the organ and agent of the -public sentiment, and bring it to fecundity, by becoming its type--its -personification."[6] - - [6] Guizot. - - [Illustration: CONFERRING KNIGHTHOOD ON THE FIELD OF BATTLE.] - -In the middle of this eleventh century, the time of William the -Conqueror's youth, the opposing elements of Christian knighthood, and -the fighting spirit of the viking blood, were each to find a champion -in the same leader. The young duke's early years were a hard training, -and from his loveless babyhood to his unwept death, he had the bitter -sorrows that belong to the life of a cruel man and much-feared -tyrant. It may seem to be a strange claim to make for William the -Conqueror--that he represented Christian knighthood--but we must -remember that fighting was almost the first duty of [Pg167] man in -those days, and that this greatest of the Norman dukes, with all his -brutality and apparent heartlessness and selfishness, believed in his -church, and kept many of her laws which most of his comrades broke as -a matter of course. We cannot remind ourselves too often that he was a -man of [Pg168] pure life in a most unbridled and immoral age, if we -judge by our present standards of either purity or immorality. There -is always a temptation in reading or writing about people who lived -in earlier times, to rank them according to our own laws of morality -and etiquette, but the first thing to be done is to get a clear -idea of the time in question. The hero of Charlemagne's time or the -Conqueror's may prove any thing but a hero in our eyes, but we must -take him in relation to his own surroundings. The great laws of truth -and justice and kindness remain, while the years come and go; the -promises of God endure, but while there is, as one may say, a common -law of heavenly ordering, there are also the various statute laws that -vary with time and place, and these forever change as men change, and -the light of civilization burns brighter and clearer. - -In William the Conqueror's lifetime, every landed gentleman fortified -his house against his neighbors, and even made a secure and loathsome -prison in his cellar for their frequent accommodation. This seems -inhospitable, to say the least, and gives a tinge of falseness to such -tender admonitions as prevailed in regard to charity and treatment of -wayfarers. Yet every rich man was ambitious to go down to fame as a -benefactor of the church; all over Normandy and Brittany there was a -new growth of religious houses, and those of an earlier date, which -had lain in ruins since the Northmen's time, were rebuilt with pious -care. There appears to have been a new awakening of religious interest -in the year 1000, which lasted late into the century. There was a -[Pg169] surprising fear and anticipation of the end of the world, -which led to a vast number of penitential deeds of devotion, and it -was the same during the two or three years after 1030, at the close of -the life of King Robert of France. - -Normandy and all the neighboring countries were scourged by even worse -plagues than the feudal wars. The drought was terrible, and the famine -which followed desolated the land everywhere. The trees and fields -were scorched and shrivelled, and the poor peasants fought with the -wild beasts for dead bodies that had fallen by the roadside and in the -forests. Sometimes men killed their comrades for very hunger, like -wolves. There was no commerce which could supply the failure of one -country's crops with the overflow of another's at the other side of -the world, but at last the rain fell in France, and the misery was -ended. A thousand votive offerings were made for very thankfulness, -for again the people had expected the end of the world, and it had -seemed most probable that such an arid earth should be near its final -burning and desolation. - -In the towns, under ordinary circumstances, there was a style of -living that was almost luxurious. The Normans were skilful architects, -and not only their minsters and monasteries, but their houses -too, were fit for such proud inhabitants, and rich with hangings -and comfortable furnishings. The women were more famous than ever -for needlework, some of it most skilful in design, and the great -tapestries are yet in existence that were hung, partly for warmth's -sake, about the stone walls of the castles. [Pg170] Sometimes the -noble ladies who sat at home while their lords went out to the wars, -worked great pictures on these tapestries of various events of family -history, and these family records of battles and gallant bravery by -land and sea are most interesting now for their costume and color, -beside their corroboration of historical traditions. - -We have drifted away, in this chapter, from William the Conqueror -himself, but I believe that we know more about the Normandy which -he was to govern, and can better understand his ambitions, his -difficulties, and his successes. A country of priests and soldiers, -of beautiful women and gallant men; a social atmosphere already -alive with light, gayety, and brightness, but swayed with pride and -superstition, with worldliness and austerity; loyal to Rome, greedy -for new territory, the feudal lords imperious masters of complaining -yet valiant serfs; racked everywhere by civil feuds and petty wars and -instinctive jealousies of French and foreign blood--this was Normandy. -The Englishmen come and go and learn good manners and the customs of -chivalry, England herself is growing rich and stupid, for Harthacnut -had introduced a damaging custom of eating four great meals a day, -and his subjects had followed the fashion, though that king himself -had died of it and of his other habit of drinking all night long with -merry companions. [Pg171] - - [Illustration] - - - - -IX. - -ACROSS THE CHANNEL. - - "------------------------------One decree - Spake laws to them, and said that, by the soul - Only, the nations should be great and free." - --WORDSWORTH. - - -It is time to take a closer look at England and at the shameful -degradations of Æthelred's time. The inroads of the Danes read like -the early history of Normandy, and we must take a step backward in -the condition of civilization when we cross to the other side of -the Channel. There had been great changes since Ælfred's wise and -prosperous reign, or even since the time of Æthelred's predecessor, -Eadgar, who was rowed in his royal-barge at Chester by eight of his -vassal kings--Kenneth of Scots, Malcolm of Cumberland, Maccus of the -Isles, and five Welsh monarchs. The lord of Britain was gracious -enough to do the steering for so noble a company of oarsmen, and it -was considered the proudest day that ever had shone upon an English -king. - -We must remind ourselves of the successive waves of humanity which -had overspread England in past ages, leaving traces of each like -less evident geologic [Pg172] strata. From the stone and bronze age -people, through the Celts with their Pictish and Scottish remnant, -through the Roman invasion, and the Saxon, more powerful and enduring -than any from our point of view, we may trace a kinship to our Normans -across the water. But the English descendants of Celts, Danes, Angles, -Saxons, and Jutes needed to feel a new influence and refreshing of -their better instincts by way of Normandy. - -Perhaps each one of the later rulers of Britain thought he had fallen -upon as hard and stormy times and had as much responsibility as -anybody who ever wielded a sceptre, but in the reign of the second -Æthelred, there are much greater dramas being played, and we feel, -directly we get a hint of it, as children do who have been loitering -among petty side-shows on their way to a great play. Here come the -Danes again, the kings of Denmark and the whole population of Norway -one would think, to read the records, and this time they attack -England with such force and determination that within less than forty -years a Danish king is master of Britain. - -If Æthelred had been a better man this might never have happened, but -among all the Saxon kings he seems to have been the worst--thoroughly -bad, weak, cowardly, and cruel. He was sure to do things he had better -have left alone, and to neglect his plain duty. Other kings had fallen -on as hard, perplexing times as he, but they had been strong enough -to keep some sort of control of themselves at any rate. Dunstan the -archbishop warned the [Pg173] people, when Æthelred was crowned, that -they had no idea of the trouble that was coming, and through the whole -reign things went from bad to worse. Dreadful things happened which -we can hardly blame the silly king for--like a plague among cattle, -and the burning of London in 982; and a few years afterward there was -a terrible invasion of the Norwegians, and we have seen that aid and -comfort were ready for them over in Bayeux and the pirate cities of -Normandy. - -Now we first hear of the Danegelt, great sums of money, always -doubling and increasing, that were paid the Northmen as bribes to go -away and leave England in peace. The paying of this Danegelt became -a greater load than the nation could carry, for the pirates liked -nothing better than to gather a great fleet of ships every few months -and come to anchor off the coast, sending a messenger to make the -highwayman's favorite request, your money or your life! One of the -first sums boldly demanded of Æthelred's aldermen was ten thousand -pounds. We can see how rapidly the wealth of England had increased, -for in Ælfred's time the fine for killing a king was a hundred and -twenty shillings, and this was considered a great sum of money; the -penalty for taking a peasant's life was only five shillings, which -makes us understand, without any doubt, the scarceness and value of -money. Here are some extracts from the English chronicle, which had -been kept since Bede's time and for many years after this, which will -show how miserably every thing was going on: [Pg174] - -1001. "The army [the Danes of course] went over the land and did as -was their wont. Slew and burned ... it was sad in every way for they -never ceased from their evil." - -1002. "In this year the king and his witan resolved, that tribute -would be paid and peace made with them, on condition that they should -cease from their evil." This they accepted and were paid, £24,000. - -1006. "At midwinter the Winchester folk might see an insolent and -fearless army as they went by their gate to the sea, and fetched -them food and treasure over fifty miles from the sea. Then was there -so great awe of the army that no one could think or devise how they -should be driven from the country. Every shire in Wessex had they -cruelly marked with burning and with harrying. The king began then -with his witan earnestly to consider what might seem most advisable to -them all, so that the country might be protected ere it were at last -undone." This time the tribute was £36,000, and another time the ships -put to sea with a Danegelt of £48,000. - -England grew more and more miserable and shamefully unable to defend -herself, the captains of her fleet were incapable or treacherous, and -at last, when some of the ships had been wrecked and there had been -some sad disasters at sea, the chronicle has a more despairing tone -than ever. "It was as if all counsel had come to an end," the writer -says, "and the king and aldermen and all the high witan went home, and -let the toil of all the nation lightly perish." [Pg175] - -Æthelred the Unready won for himself, in his reign of thirty-eight -years, the hearty contempt and distrust of all his people. There -is a temptation to blame him for the misery of England, and to -attribute it all to his faults and to the low aims and standards of -his character, to his worthless ambitions. But, in a general way, -the great men, or notorious men of history, who stand out before a -dim and half-forgotten background, are only typical of their time -and representative of it. One very good man, or bad man, cannot be -absolutely a single specimen of his kind; there must be others who -rank with him, and who have been his upholders and influencers. So -while the story of any nation is in its early chapters, and seems to -be merely an account of one ruler or statesman after another, we must -not forget that each symbolized his day and generation,--a brave leader -of a brave race, or a dull or placid or serene representative of a -secure, inactive age. - -Although there was blundering enough and treachery in Æthelred's -reign, there was a splendid exception in the victories and -steadfastness of the city of London, which was unsuccessfully attacked -again and again by the Danes. The heathen, as the English called their -enemies, were lucky in their two leaders, the king of Norway, and the -king of Denmark. Olaf, the first-named, was converted after a while, -and going from the islands of Orkney to England, he was baptized -there, and the English bishops were very kind to him, and Æthelred -gave him some presents, and made him promise that he would not come -plundering to England any more. [Pg176] We are quite surprised to -hear that the promise was kept. Swegen the Dane promised too, but he -appeared again after a while, and Æthelred thought he would improve -upon the fashion of paying Danegelt by ordering a general massacre of -all the Danes instead. Afterward somebody tried to excuse such a piece -of barbarianism by saying that the Danes had plotted against the king, -but even if they had, Æthelred showed a wretched spirit. It was a time -of peace, but he sent secret messengers all through the country, and -as the English were only too glad to carry out such orders, there was -a terrible slaughter of men, women, and children. - -Next year Swegen came back to avenge the wrong, all the more readily -because his own sister and her husband and son were among the -murdered, and the poor woman had made a prophecy, as she fell, dying, -that misery and vengeance should fall upon the English for their -sins. For a long time afterward the Danes were very fierce and kept -England in fear and disorder. Once they laid siege to Canterbury, and -when it had fallen into their hands they demanded Danegelt from the -Archbishop, a very good old man. He had a heart full of pity for his -poor people already so abominably taxed and oppressed in every way, -and was brave enough to squarely refuse, so the Danes slew him with -horrible torture; one might tell many such stories of the cruelty and -boldness of the invaders. Æthelred was perfectly helpless or else -cowardly and indifferent, and presently Swegen, who had gone back -to the North returned with a great fleet and a swarm of followers, -[Pg177] and not long afterward he conquered every sort of opposition, -even that of the brave Londoners, and was proclaimed king of England. -Here was a change indeed! the silly Saxon king and his wife and -children fled across the sea to Normandy, and Swegen sat upon the -throne. He began to reign in splendid state; he had the handsomest -ships afloat, all decked out with figures of men and birds and beasts -wrought in silver and amber and gold, and fine decorations of every -sort. No doubt he had made fine plans and meant to do great deeds, but -he died suddenly within a very short time, and the people believed he -was frightened to death by a vision. - -Æthelred was in Normandy at the court of Richard the Fearless. You -remember that Richard's sister Emma went over to England to marry -the unready king. Æthelred had one older son, Eadmund Ironside, -beside the two boys who were Emma's children, and the hearts of the -English turned to their old king, and at last they sent for him to -come back, in spite of his faults. He made many fine promises, and -seems to have done a great deal better most of the time during the -last two years that he lived. Perhaps he had taken some good lessons -from the Norman court. But Cnut, Swegen's son, came back to England, -just before he died, as fearless as a hawk, and led his men from one -victory to another, and Æthelred faded out of life to everybody's -relief. When he was dead at last, the witan chose Cnut for king in -his stead, but the Londoners, who were rich and strong, and who hated -the Danes bitterly--the Londoners would have none of the pirates to -[Pg178] reign over them, and elected young Eadmund Ironside, a valiant -soldier and loyal-hearted fellow who feared nothing and was ready to -dare every thing. The two young kings were well matched and fought six -great battles, in most of which Ironside gained the advantage, but -at last the Danes beat him back--and though everybody was ready for a -seventh battle, the witan showed their wisdom for once and forbade any -more fighting, and somehow managed to proclaim peace. The young kings -treated each other most generously, and called each other brother, and -were very cordial and good-natured. They agreed to divide the kingdom, -so that Eadmund Ironside had all England south of the Thames--East -Anglia and Essex and London. Cnut took all the northern country and -owned Eadmund for his over-lord, but within the year Cnut reigned -alone. Eadmund died suddenly--some say that he was murdered, and some -that he had worn himself out with his tremendous activity and anxiety. -It is a great temptation to follow out the story of such a man, and -especially because he lived in such an important time, but we must -hurry now to the point where Norman and English history can be told -together, and only stop to explain such things as will make us able to -understand and take sides in the alliance of the two vigorous, growing -nations. - - [Illustration: KING CNUT. - -(From the Register of Hyde Abbey.)] - -Cnut's life, too, is endlessly interesting. He began by behaving like -a pirate, and the latter part of his reign was a great reform and a -very comfortable time for England, so scarred and spoiled by war. In -the beginning there was a great question about [Pg179] the kingship. -In those days it was a matter of great importance that the king should -be able to rule and able to fight, and the best and most powerful -member of the royal family was the proper one to choose. The English -for a long time had elected their kings, and Cnut, though he held half -the country, was very careful not to seize the rest by force. We -[Pg180] watch with great interest his wielding of rude politics before -the witan; he called them into council and laid his claim before them. - -Eadmund Ironside had left two little sons, but nobody thought of their -being his successors. Indeed Cnut showed a great fear of the royal -family, and took care that his rivals should be disposed of; he knew -that the witan and everybody else were tired of the everlasting war -and bloodshed. He was fierce and downright in his demands, and in -the end the heirs of Ironside were all passed over--the Athelings or -princes were all set aside, and Cnut the Dane was king of England. - -Ironside's brother, Eadwy, of whom the best things are said, was -outlawed, and died within a few months under very suspicious -circumstances. The two little boys, Ironside's sons, were sent out of -the country to Cnut's half-brother, the king of Sweden, with orders -that they should be put out of the way. The king felt such pity for -the innocent children, that he sent them away to Hungary instead of -having them murdered. The Hungarian king, Stephen, was a saint and a -hero, and he was very kind to the poor exiles, and brought them up -carefully. One died young, but we shall hear again about the other. - -Cnut did a very surprising thing next. He sent for Queen Emma to come -back again from the Norman court to marry him. She must have been a -good deal older than he, but she was still a beautiful woman, and -marked with the famous Norman dignity and grace. Cnut promised that if -they should ever have a son born, he should be the next [Pg181] king -of England. Emma's two elder sons, Ælfred and Eadward, were left in -Normandy, and there they grew up quite apart from their mother, and -thinking much more of their Norman descent and belonging than of their -English heritage. - -Cnut now appears in the light of a model sovereign for those days. He -had renounced all his pagan ideas, and been christened and received -into the Church. We might expect that he would have pushed his own -countrymen forward and all the Danish interests, but it was quite -the other way. At the beginning of his reign he had executed several -powerful English nobles whose influence and antagonism he had reason -to fear; but now he favored the English in a marked way, and even -ordered his ships and all the pirates and fighting men back to the -North. It seems very strange, now, that a king of England ever reigned -over Sweden and Denmark, and Norway beside, but it seems as if Cnut -were prouder of being king of England than of all his other powers -and dignities. He was not only very gracious and friendly with his -English subjects at home, but he sent them abroad to be bishops, and -displeased the Danish parishes by such arrangements. - -We all know the story of the rising tide, and Cnut's reproof to his -courtiers on the sea-shore. As we read about him we are reminded -a little of Rolf the Ganger, and his growth from pirate fashions -to a more gentle and decent humanity. The two men were not so very -unlike after all, but I must confess that I think with a good deal of -sympathy [Pg182] of Cnut's decision to go on a pilgrimage to Rome. It -was expecting a good deal of the young sea-rover that he should stay -quietly at home to rule his kingdom. The spirit of adventure stirred -in his veins, and we may be sure that he enjoyed his long and perilous -overland journey to Italy. He made the road safer for his countrymen -who might also have a pious desire to worship at the famous foreign -shrines. He complained to the emperor and the priests at Rome about -the robber-chiefs who pounced down upon travellers from their castles -in the Alps, and they promised to keep better order. The merchants -and pilgrims were often laden with rich offerings for the churches, -besides goods which they wished to sell, and the robbers kept watch -for them. Their ruined fortresses are still perched along the Alpine -passes, and one cannot help hoping that Cnut had some exciting -disputes with his enemies, and a taste of useful fighting and proper -discipline among the bold marauders. - -He wrote a famous letter about his pilgrimage, directed to the -archbishops, and bishops, the great men, and all the people. He tells -whom he saw in Rome--the Pope, and the German Emperor, and other great -lords of the earth; and says, with pride, that every one has treated -him handsomely, and what fine presents he has had given him to carry -home. He had come to Rome for the good of his people, and for the -salvation of his own soul, he tells them seriously; and one thing he -did for England was to complain of the heavy taxes the church had put -upon it, and the Pope promised that such injustice [Pg183] should -not happen any more. There is something very touching in the way -that he says he had made a great many good resolves about his future -life, and that he is not ashamed to own that he has done wrong over -and over again, but he means, by God's help, to amend entirely. He -vows to Heaven that he will govern his life rightly, and rule his -kingdom honestly and piously, and that neither rich nor poor shall be -oppressed or hardshipped. There never was a better letter, altogether, -and Cnut kept his promises so well that the old Anglo-Saxon chronicle, -which aches with stories of war and trouble, grows quite dull now in -the later years of his reign. There was nothing to tell any more, the -monks thought who kept the record; but we know, for that very reason, -that the English farms flourished, and the wheat fields waved in the -summer wind, the towns grew rich, and the merchants prosperous; and -when the English-Northman king died, it was a sad day for England. -Cnut was only forty years old, but that was a long time for a king to -live. His son, Harold Harefoot, reigned in his stead, and many of the -old troubles of the country sprang up at once, as if they had only -been asleep for a little while, and were by no means out-grown or -ended. - -Harold Harefoot was not in the least pious, and behaved himself -with most unreasonable folly, and fortunately died at the close of -four years of insult and unworthiness. Then Harthacnut, the younger -brother, was made king, and he promptly demanded a Danegelt, the most -hateful of taxes, and did [Pg184] a great many things which only -reopened the breach between Dane and Englishman, though it had seemed -to be smoothed over somewhat in his father's time. Harold had done one -brutal thing that towered above all the rest. The two princes who had -been living in Normandy thought there might be some chance of their -gaining a right to the throne, and the younger one, Ælfred, had come -over to England with his knights and gentlemen. Harold seized them and -was most cruel; he first blinded his half-brother and then had him put -to death. This made a great noise in Normandy, and there is one good -thing to be said about Harthacnut, that he was bitterly angry with his -brother, and also with Earl Godwine, a famous nobleman, who was the -most powerful man in England next the king. He was Cnut's favorite and -chief adviser, but Harthacnut suspected that he had a hand in Ælfred's -murder. Nobody has ever been quite clear about the matter. Godwine -and all his lords swore that he was innocent, and gave the king a -magnificent ship with all sorts of splendors belonging to it, besides -nearly a hundred men in full armor, and gold bracelets to make them as -grand as could be. So the king accepted Godwine's oath in view of such -a polite attention, but he asked Eadward to leave the Norman court and -come over to live with him. Eadward came, and in two years he was king -of England, Harthacnut having died a wretched drunken death. - -So again there was a descendant of Ælfred the Great and the house of -Cerdic on the throne. Eadward was the last of the line, and in his -day began [Pg185] the most exciting and important chapter of English -history--the Norman Conquest. - -We have come quickly along the line of Danish kings, and now it is -time to stop and take a more careful look at the state of manners and -customs in England, and make ourselves sure what the English people of -that time were like, how they lived in their houses, and what changes -had come to the country in general. There were certain hindrances to -civilization, and lacks of a fitting progress and true growth. Let -us see what these things were, and how the greater refinement of the -Normans, their superior gifts and graces, must come into play a little -later. There was some deep meaning in the fusion of the two peoples, -and more than one reason why they could form a greater nation together -than either Normans or Englishmen could alone. - -First, the dwellers on English soil had shown a tendency, not -yet entirely outgrown, to fall back into a too great indulgence -in luxurious living. When the storm and strain of conquest, of -colonization, had spent itself, the Englishmen of Eadward's and Cnut's -time betook themselves to feasting and lawlessness, of the sort that -must undermine the vigor of any people. The fat of the land tempted -them in many ways, and they sank under such habits as quickly as they -had risen under the necessities that war makes for sacrifices and -temperance. They were suffering, too, from their insularity; they -were taken up with their own affairs, and had kept apart from the -progress of the rest of Europe. There was a new wave and impulse of -scholarship, which had not yet reached [Pg186] them. It was ebb-tide -in England in more ways than one; and time for those Normans to appear -who, to use the words of one of their historians, "borrow every thing -and make it their own, and their presence is chiefly felt in increased -activity and more rapid development of institutions, literature, and -art. Thus ... they perfect, they organize every thing, and everywhere -appear to be the master spirits of their age." - -The English people had become so impatient of the misrule of Cnut's -sons, that the remembrance of Cnut's glories was set aside for the -time being, and no more Danish kings were desired. "All folk chose -Eadward to king," says the chronicle, and evidently the hearts of the -people were turned, full of hope and affection, to the exiled son of -Æthelred and Emma, who had been since his childhood at the Norman -court. His murdered brother Ælfred had been canonized by the romantic -sympathy of his English friends; he was remembered now as a saintly -young martyr to English patriotism, and the disreputable reign of -Cnut's sons had made the virtues of the ancient race of English kings -very bright by comparison. The new king must be of English blood and -a link with past prosperity. The son of Eadmund Ironside was an exile -also in the distant court of Hungary, but Eadward, a gentle, pious -man, was near at hand, and there were a thousand voices ready to shout -for him even while Harthacnut lay unburied in the royal robes and -trappings. - -There was an opposition on the part of the Danes, who were naturally -disinclined to any such change, [Pg187] and when the formal election -and consecration of the new king took place, some months after this -popular vote, all Earl Godwine's power and influence were brought to -bear before certain important votes could be won. Indeed, at first -Eadward himself was apparently hard to persuade to accept his high -office. He seems to have been much more inclined to a religious -life than to statesmanship, but between much pushing from behind in -Normandy and the eager entreaties of his English friends, he was -forced to make his way again across the Channel. There are interesting -accounts, which may or may not be true, of his conversations with -Godwine; but the stronger man prevailed. The very promise he made -to uphold the new king's rights might make Eadward feel assured and -hopeful of some stability and quietness in his reign. England was -far behind Normandy in social or scholarly progress; to reign over -Englishmen did not appear the most rewarding or alluring career to -the fastidious, delicate, cloister-man. The rough-heartiness and -red-cheeked faces of his subjects must have contrasted poorly with his -Norman belongings, so much more refined and thoughtful, not to say -adroit and dissembling. England was still divided into four parts, as -Cnut had left it. His scheme of the four great earldoms had proved a -bad one enough, for it had only made the nation weaker, and kept up -continual rivalries and jealousies between the lords of Northumbria, -Mercia, East Anglia, and Wessex. The northern territory was chiefly -Danish in its traditions, and though there was a nominal subjection -to the king, Northumbria was [Pg188] almost wholly independent of -any over-rule. In Mercia, Lady Godiva and Earl Leofric were spending -their lives and their great wealth, chiefly in furthering all sorts of -religious houses and good works of the churches. - -The greatest earl of all was Godwine of Wessex, the true leader of -the English and a most brave and loyal man. Cnut had trusted him, and -while there were enough jealous eyes to look at his kingly prosperity, -and malicious tongues ready to whisper about his knowledge of young -Ælfred's murder, or his favor and unrighteous advancement of his own -family to places of power, Godwine still held the confidence of a -great faction among the English people. His son Harold was earl of -East Anglia, and they were lawful governors, between them, of the -whole southern part of the kingdom. It was mainly through Godwine's -influence that Eadward was crowned king, and we may look to the same -cause for his marriage with the earl's daughter Edith, but the line -of English princes, of whom Godwine hoped to be ancestor, never -appeared, for the king was childless, and soon made an enemy of his -father-in-law. Some people say that Godwine did not treat his royal -son with much respect having once put him on the throne. Eadward too -never was able to forget the suspicion about Ælfred's murder, so -the breach between him and the great earl was widened year by year. -Eadward was not the sturdy English monarch for whom his people had -hoped; he was Norman at heart, as a man might well be who had learned -to speak in the foreign tongue, and had made the friendships of -his [Pg189] boyhood and manhood in the duke's court and cloisters. -Priestcraft was dearer to him than statecraft, and his name of The -Confessor showed what almost saintly renown he had won from those who -were his friends and upholders. - -It did not suit very well that one Norman gentleman after another came -to London to fill some high official position. Eadward appeared to -wish to surround himself wholly with Normans, and the whole aspect of -the English court was changed little by little. The king proved his -own weakness in every way--he was as like Æthelred the Unready as a -good man could be like a bad one. - -Godwine grew more and more angry, and his determination to show that -England could do without the crowds of interlopers who were having -every thing their own way worked him disaster for a time. There was -a party of the king's friends journeying homeward to Normandy, who -stopped overnight in the city of Dover and demanded its hospitality -in insolent fashion. The Dover men would not be treated like slaves, -and a fight followed in which the Frenchmen were either killed or -driven out of the town. Eadward of course sided with his friends, -and was very indignant; he sent orders to Earl Godwine, who was -governor of the region, to punish the offenders, but Godwine refused -squarely unless the men should have been fairly tried and given a -chance to speak for themselves. This ended in a serious quarrel, and -the king gained a victory without any battle either, for there was a -sudden shifting of public feeling in Eadward's favor--Godwine's own -men forsook him [Pg190] and were loyal to the crown, and the great -earl was banished for conscience sake, he and all his family, for the -king even sent away his own wife, though he kept all her lands and -treasures, which was not so saint-like and unworldly as one might -have expected. One of Godwine's sons had proved himself a very base -and treacherous man, and the earl had shielded him; this was one -reason why his defence of English liberty was so overlooked by his -countrymen, but the Normans had a great triumph over this defeat, and -praised the pious king and told long stories of his austere life, his -prayers, and holy life. After he was canonized these stories were -lengthened still more, but while he was yet without a halo some of his -contemporaries charge him with laziness and incapacity. He certainly -was lacking in kingly qualities, but he gained the respect and love -of many of his subjects, and was no doubt as good as so weak a man -could be. After his death Englishmen praised him the more because they -liked William the Conqueror the less, and as for the Normans they -liked anybody better than Harold, who had been a much more formidable -opponent in his claim to the English crown. Mr. Freeman says: "------------ -The duties of secular government ... were ... always something which -went against the grain. His natural place was not on the throne of -England, but at the head of a Norman abbey.... For his virtues were -those of a monk; all the real man came out in his zeal for collecting -relics, in his visions, in his religious exercises, in his gifts to -churches and monasteries, in his desire to mark his [Pg191] reign as -its chief result, by the foundation of his great abbey of Saint Peter -at Westminster. In a prince of the manly piety of Ælfred things of -this sort form only a part, a pleasing and harmonious part, of the -general character. In Eadward they formed the whole man." - -The chronicler who writes most flatteringly of him acknowledges that -he sometimes had shocking fits of bad temper, but that he was never -betrayed into unbecoming language. On some occasions he was hardly -held back by Godwine or Harold from civil war and massacre; though he -was conscientious within the limit of his intelligence, and had the -art of giving a gracious refusal and the habit of affability and good -manners. William of Malmesbury, the chronicler, tells us that he kept -his royal dignity, but that he took no pleasure in wearing his robes -of state, even though they were worked for him by his affectionate -queen. Like his father, he was ever under the dominion of favorites, -and this was quickly enough discovered and played upon by Norman -ecclesiastics and Norman and Breton gentlemen in search of adventure -and aggrandizement. It makes a great difference whether we read the -story of this time in English or in French records. Often the stories -are directly opposite to each other, and only the most careful steps -along the path keep one from wandering off one way or the other -into unjust partisanship. Especially is this true of Godwine, the -confessor's great contemporary. He seems, at any rate, to have been -a man much ahead of his time in knowledge of affairs and foresight -of the probable effects [Pg192] from the causes of his own day. -His brother earls were jealous of him; the Church complained of his -lack of generosity; even his acknowledged eloquence was listened to -incredulously; and his good government of his own provinces, praised -though it was, did not gain him steady power. His good government -made him, perhaps more than any thing else, the foremost Englishman -of his time, and presently we shall see how deep a feeling there -was for him in England, and how much confidence and affection were -shown in his welcome back from exile, though he had been allowed to -go away with such sullen disapproval. Godwine's wife, Gytha, was a -Danish woman, which was probably a closer link with that faction in -the northern earldom than can be clearly understood at this late day. -Lord Lytton's novel, called "Harold," makes this famous household seem -to live before our eyes, and the brief recital of its fortunes and -conditions here cannot be more than a hint of the real romance and -picturesqueness of the story. - -The absence of Godwine in Flanders--a whole year's absence--had taught -his countrymen what it was to be without him. They were sadly annoyed -and troubled by the king's continued appointment of Normans to every -place of high honor that fell vacant. Bishoprics and waste lands alike -were pounced upon by the hangers-on at court, and castles were lifting -their ugly walls within sight of each other almost, here and there in -the quiet English fields. Even in London itself the great White Tower -was already setting its strong foundations; [Pg193] a citadel for the -town, a fort to keep the borderers and Danes at bay were necessary -enough to a country, but England was being turned into another -Normandy and Brittany, with these new houses that were built for war, -as if every man's neighbor were his enemy. The square high towers were -no fit places for men to live in who tilled the soil and tended their -flocks and herds. There were too many dark dungeons provided among the -foundation stones beside, and the English farmers whispered together -about their new townsfolk and petty lords, and feared the evil days -that were to come. - -The ruined Roman houses and strange tall stones of the Druid temples -were alike thrown down and used to build these new castles. Men who -had strayed as far as the Norman coasts had stories enough to tell; -what landmarks of oppression these same castles were in their own -country, and how the young Duke William had levelled many of them to -the ground in quarrelsome Normandy. There was no English word for this -awesome new word--/castles!/ The free and open halls of the English -thanes were a strange contrast to the new order of dwelling-places. -Robert of Jumièges had been made Archbishop of Canterbury, and a -host of his countrymen surrounded the king more and more closely and -threatened to deprive the English of their just rights. It was this -monk Robert who had "beat into the king's head" that his brother -Ælfred had come to his death through Earl Godwine. - -It is very easy to tell the story of the Normans from the English -side. Let us cross the Channel again [Pg194] to Rouen and see what -effect the condition of English affairs was having upon the young -duke. It would not be strange if his imagination were busy with some -idea of enlarging his horizon by a look at his neighbors. Eadward -had no heir, they had talked together oftentimes, perhaps, about -the possibility of making one noble great kingdom by the joining of -England and Normandy. Every day more stories reached his ears of the -wealth and fruitfulness of the Confessor's kingdom. - - [Illustration] - -[Pg195] - - [Illustration] - - - - -X. - -THE BATTLE OF VAL-ÈS-DUNES. - - "Who stood with head erect and shining eyes, - As if the beacon of some promised land - Caught his strong vision, and entranced it there." - --A. F. - - -The Viking's grandchildren had by no means lost their love for -journeying by land or sea. As in old Norway one may still find bits of -coral and rudely shaped precious stones set in the quaintly wrought -silver ornaments made by the peasants, so in Normandy there are pieces -of Spanish leather and treasures from the east and from the south, -relics of the plundering of a later generation. Roger de Toesny, one -of William's fiercest enemies, does not become well-known to us until -we trace out something of his history as a wanderer before he came to -join Talvas in a well-planned rebellion. - -In Duke Richard the Good's time there was a restless spirit of -adventure stirring in Norman hearts, and the foundations were laid of -the Southern kingdoms which made such a change in Europe. A Norman -invasion of Spain came to nothing in comparison with those more -important settlements, but in 1018 Roger de Toesny carried the Norman -[Pg196] arms into the Spanish peninsula. A long time before this -Richard the Fearless had persuaded a large company of his Scandinavian -subjects to wander that way, being pagan to the heart's-core and -hopelessly inharmonious. Roger followed them on a grand crusade -against the infidel Saracen, and also hoped to gain a kingdom for -himself. He was of the noblest blood in Normandy, of Rolf the Ganger's -own family, and well upheld the warlike honor of his house in his -daring fights with the infidel. Almost unbelievable stories are told -of his cannibal-like savagery with his captives, but the very same -stories are told of another man, so we will not stop to moralize upon -Roger's wickedness. He married the Spanish countess of Barcelona, who -did homage to the king of France, and every thing looked prosperous at -one time for his dominion, but it never really took root after all, -and de Toesny went back again to Normandy, and blazed out instantly -with tremendous wrath at the pretentions of William the Bastard. He -could not believe that the proud Norman barons and knights would ever -submit to such a degradation. De Talvas was only too glad to greet so -sympathetic an ally, and the opposition to the young duke took a more -formidable shape than ever before. - -All through William's earliest years the feudal lords spent most -of their strength in quarrelling with each other, but de Toesny's -appearance gave the signal for a league against the ruler whom they -despised. William was no longer a child, and rumors of his premature -sagacity, and his uncommon strength and quickness in war, were -flying about from town [Pg197] to town and warned his enemies that -they had no time to lose if they meant to crush him down. He was a -noble-looking lad and had shown a natural preference for a soldier's -life; at fifteen he had demanded to be made a knight of the old Norman -tradition in which lurked a memory of Scandinavian ceremonies. None -save Duke William could bend Duke William's bow, and while these -glowing accounts of him were written from a later standpoint, and his -story might easily be read backward, as a fulfilment of prophecy, we -can be sure, at least, that his power asserted itself in a marked -way, and that he soon gained importance and mustered a respectable -company of followers as the beginning of a brilliant and almost -irresistible court and army. Even King Henry of France was jealous -of his vassal's rising fame and popularity, and felt obliged to pay -William a deference that his years did not merit. All through the -first twelve years men felt that the boy William's life was in danger, -and that, whatever respect Henry paid him, was likely to be changed to -open animosity and disdain the moment that there was a good excuse. -We have a glimpse now and then of the lonely lad at his sport in -the forest about Falaise and Valognes, where he set apart preserves -for hunting. We follow him from Alan of Brittany's wardship, to the -guardian he chose himself, who held the place of tutor with that of -captain-general of the Norman army, but, guardian or no guardian, he -pushed forward single-handed, and mastered others, beside himself, in -a way that the world never will cease to wonder at. [Pg198] - -Roger de Toesny refused allegiance to begin with, and with loud -expressions of his scorn of the Bastard, began to lay waste his -neighbors' lands as if they, too, had been Saracens and merited any -sort of punishment. We first hear the name of De Beaumont, famous -enough ever since, in an account of a battle which some of Roger's -outraged victims waged against him. Grantmesnil, too, is a name that -we shall know very well by and by, when William has gone over to -England with his Norman lords. Normandy never got over its excitement -and apparent astonishment at William's presence and claims; but -even in his boyhood he was the leader of a party. "So lively and -spirited was he, that it seemed to all a marvel," says one of the old -chroniclers, with enthusiasm. When he began to take deep interest in -his affairs, the news of revolts and disorderliness in the country -moved him to violent fits of irritation, but he soon learned to hide -these instinctively, and the chronicle goes on to say that he "had -welling up in his child's heart all the vigor of a man to teach the -Normans to forbear from all acts of irregularity." In this outbreak -against de Toesny he found an irresistible temptation to assert his -mastery, and boy as he was, he really made himself felt; De Toesny was -killed in the fierce little battle, and his death gave a temporary -relief from such uprisings; but William comes more and more to the -front, and all Normandy takes sides either for or against him. This -was no insignificant pretender, but one to be feared; his guardians -and faithful men who had held to him for good or bad reasons, were -mostly put out of the way [Pg199] by their enemies, and there was -nobody at last who could lead the Bastard's men to battle better than -he could himself. - -Henry of France had been biding his time, and now Guy of Burgundy, the -son of William's cousin, whom he had welcomed kindly at his feudal -court, puts in a claim to the dukedom of Normandy. He helped forward -a conspiracy, and one night, while William was living in his favorite -castle at Valognes, the jester came knocking with his bauble, and -crying at the chamber door, begging him to fly for his life: "They are -already armed; they are getting ready; to delay is death!" cried poor -Golet the fool; and his master leaped out of bed, seized his clothes, -and ran to the stables for his horse. Presently he was galloping away -toward Falaise for dear life, and to this day the road he took is -called the Duke's road. This was in 1044, and William was nineteen -years old. He was not slow to understand that the rebels had again -risen, and that the conspiracy was more than a conspiracy; it was a -determined insurrection. All the night long, as he rode across the -country in the bright moonlight, he was thinking about his plans, no -doubt, and great energies and determinations were suddenly waked in -his heart. This was more than a dislike of himself and the tan-yard -inheritance; it was the old rivalry of the Frenchmen and Northmen. The -old question of supremacy and race prejudice was to be fought over -once more and for the last time with any sort of distinctness. This -was not the petty animosity of one baron or another; it was almost the -whole nobility of Normandy against their duke. [Pg200] - -There was one episode of the duke's journey which is worth telling: -He had ridden for dear life, and had forded many a stream, and one, -more dangerous, tide inlet where the rivers Oune and Vire flowed out -to sea; and when he got safe across, he went into the Church of St. -Clement, in the Bayeux district, to kneel down and say his prayers. - -As the sun rose, he came close to the church and castle of Rye, and -the Lord of Rye was standing at the castle gate in the clear morning -air. William spurred his horse, and was for hurrying by, but this -faithful vassal, whose name was Hubert, knew him, and stopped him, and -begged to be told the reason of such a headlong journey. The Lord of -Rye was very hospitable, and the tired duke dismounted, and was made -welcome in the house; and presently a fresh horse was brought out for -him, and the three brave sons of the loyal house were mounted also -to ride by his side to Falaise. This hospitality was not forgotten. -Later, in England, their grateful guest set them in high places, and -favored them in princely fashion. Guy, of Burgundy had been brought up -with William as a friend and kinsman, and had been treated with great -generosity. He was master of some great estates, and one of these was -a powerful border fortress between Normandy and France. His friends -were many, and he found listeners enough to his propositions. Born of -the princely houses of Burgundy and Normandy, he claimed the duchy as -his inherited right; and while so many in court and camp were ashamed -of their lawful leader, and ready to deny his authority, came Guy's -opportunity. [Pg201] - -William was cautious, and not without experience. When he was only a -baby he had caught at the straw on which he lay, and would not let go -his hold, and this sign of his future power and persistence had been -proved a true one. The quarrelsome, lawless lords felt that their days -of liberty for themselves, and oppression of everybody else, would -soon be over if they did not strike quickly. They dreaded so strong -and stern a master, and rallied to the standard of the Bastard's -rival, Guy of Burgundy. - -There were some of the first nobles of the Côtentin who forsook -their young duke for this rival who was hardly Norman at all, as -they usually decided such points. His Norman descent was on the -spindle side rather than the sword, to use the old distinction, and -his mother's ancestors would not have prevented him in other days -from being called almost a Frenchman. There is a tradition that Guy -promised to divide the lands of Normandy with his allies, keeping only -the old French grant to Rolf for himself, and this must have been -the cause of the treason of the descendants of Rolf's and William -Longsword's loyal colonists. It would amaze us to see the change in -the life and surroundings of the feudal lords even in the years of -William's minority. The leader of the barons in the revolt was the -Viscount of Coutances, the son of that chief who had defeated Æthelred -of England and his host nearly half a century before. He lived in a -castle on the river Oune, near which he afterward built his great St. -Saviour's Abbey. This was the central point of the insurrection, and -from his tower Neal of St. [Pg202] Saviour could take a wide survey -of his beautiful Côtentin country with its plough-land and pastures -and forests, the great minster of Lessay, and the cliffs and marshes; -the sturdy castles of his feudal lords scattered far and wide. There -came to Saint Saviour's also Randolf of Bayeux, and Hamon of Thorigny -and of Creuilly, and Grimbald of Plessis, and each of them made his -fortress ready for a siege, and swore to defend Guy of Burgundy and -to use every art of war and even treachery to subdue and disgrace -William. I say "even treachery," but that was the first resort of -these insurgents rather than the last. They had laid the deep plot to -seize and murder him at Valognes, and Grimbald was to have struck the -blow. - -King Henry of France was another enemy at heart. It is difficult at -first to understand his course toward his young neighbor. He never -had fairly acknowledged him, and William on his part had never put -his hands into the king's and announced with the loyal homage of his -ancestors that he was Henry's man. While Normandy was masterless in -William's youth, there was a good chance, never likely to come again -in one man's lifetime, for the king to assert his authority and to -seize at least part of the Norman territory. The discontent with the -base-born heir to the dukedom might not have been enough by itself to -warrant such usurpation, but then, while the feudal lords were in such -turmoil and so taken up with, for the most part, merely neighborhood -quarrels; while they had so little national and such fierce sectional -feeling, would have [Pg203] been the time for an outsider to enrich -himself at their expense. It was not yet time for Normandy to be -provoked into a closer unification by any outside danger. The French -and Scandinavian factions were still distinct and suspicious of each -other, but it was already too late when King Henry at last, without -note or warning, poured his soldiers across the Norman boundary and -invaded the Evreçin; too late indeed in view of what followed, and in -spite of the temporary blazing up of new jealousies and the revival -of old grievances and hatreds. Henry won a victory and triumph for -the time being; he demanded the famous border castle of Tillières and -insisted that it should be destroyed, and though the brave commander -held out for some time even against William's orders, he finally -surrendered. Henry placed a strong garrison there at once, and after -getting an apparently strong hold on Normandy there followed a time -of peace. The king seemed to be satisfied, but no doubt the young -duke's mind was busy enough with a forced survey of his enemies, -already declared or still masked by hypocrisy, and of his own possible -and probable resources. A readiness to do the things that must be -done was making a true man of Duke William even in his boyhood. For -many years he had seen revolt and violence grow more easy and more -frequent in his dukedom; the noise of quarrels and fighting grew -louder and louder. In his first great battle at Val-ès-dunes the rule -of the Côtentin lords and Guy of Burgundy, or the rule of William the -Bastard, struggled for the mastery. [Pg204] - -It was a great battle in importance rather than in numbers. William -called to his loyal provinces for help, and the knights came riding -to court from the romance-side of Normandy, while from the Bessin and -the Côtentin the rebels came down to meet them. It seems strange that, -when William represents to us the ideal descendant of the Northmen, -the Scandinavian element in his dukedom was the first to oppose him. -For once King Henry stood by his vassal, and when William asked for -help in that most critical time, it was not withheld. Henry had not -been ashamed to take part with the Norman traitors in past times, -and now that there was a chance of breaking the ducal government in -pieces and adding a great district to France, we are more than ever -puzzled to know why he did not make the most of the occasion. Perhaps -he felt that the rule of the dukes was better than the rule of the -mutinous barons of the Côtentin, and likely, on the whole, to prove -less dangerous. So when William claimed protection, it was readily -granted, and the king came to his aid at the head of a body of troops, -and helped to win the victory. - -We hear nothing of the Norman archers yet in the chronicler's story -of the fight. They were famous enough afterward, but this battle was -between mounted knights, a true battle of chivalry. The place was -near the river Orne, and the long slopes of the low hills stretched -far and wide, covered with soft turf, like the English downs across -the Channel, lying pleasantly toward the sun. Master Wace writes the -story of the day in the "Roman de Rou," [Pg205] and sketches the -battle-field with vivid touches of his pen. Mr. Freeman says, in a -note beneath his own description, that he went over the ground with -Mr. Green, his fellow-historian, for company, and Master Wace's book -in hand for guide. In the "Roman de Rou" there is a hint that not -only the peasantry, but the poorer gentlemen as well, were secretly -on William's side, that the prejudice and distrust toward the feudal -lords was very great, and that there was more confidence in a -sovereign than in the irksome tyranny of less powerful lords. - -The barons of Saxon Bayeux and Danish Coutances were matched against -the loyal burghers of Falaise, Romanized Rouen, and the men of the -bishop's cities of Liseux and Evreux. King Henry stopped at the little -village of Valmeray to hear mass, as he came up from the south with -his followers, and presently the duke joined them in the great plain -beyond. The rebels are there too; the horses will not stand in place -together, they have caught the spirit of the encounter, and the bright -bosses of the shields; the lances, tied with gay ribbons, glitter and -shine, as the long line of knights bends and lifts and wavers like -some fluttering gay decoration,--some many-colored huge silken splendor -all along the green grass. The birds fly over swiftly, and return as -quickly, puzzled by the strange appearance of their country-side. -Their nests in the grass are trampled under foot--the world is alive -with men in armor, who laugh loudly and swear roundly, and are there -for something strange, to kill each other if they can, rather than -live, for the sake of [Pg206] Normandy. Far away the green fields -stretch into the haze, the cottages look like toys, and the sheep and -cattle feed without fear in the pastures. Church towers rise gray and -straight-walled into the blue sky. It is a great day for Normandy, and -her best knights and gentlemen finger their sword-hilts, or buckle -their saddle-girths, and wait impatiently for the battle to begin on -that day of Val-ès-dunes. - -Among the Côtentin lords was Ralph of Tesson, lord of the forest of -Cinquelais and the castle of Harcourt-Thury. Behind him rode a hundred -and twenty knights, well armed and gallant, who would follow him to -the death. He had sworn on the holy relics of the saints at Bayeux to -smite William wherever he met him, yet he had no ground for complaint -against him. His heart fell when he saw his rightful lord face to -face. A tanner's grandson, indeed, and a man whose father and mother -had done him wrong; all that was true, yet this young Duke William was -good to look upon, and as brave a gentleman as any son of Rolf's, or -the fearless Richard's. Ralph Tesson (the Badger they called him), a -man both shrewd and powerful, stood apart, and would not rank himself -and his men with either faction, and his knights crowded round him, to -remind him that he had done homage once to William, and would fight -against his natural lord. The Côtentin lords were dismayed and angry, -they promised him great rewards, but nothing touched him, and he stood -silent, a little way from the armies. The young duke and the king -noticed him, and the six-score-and-six brave knights in his troop, all -with their [Pg207] lances raised and trimmed with their ladies' silk -tokens. William said that they would come to his aid; neither Tesson -nor his men had any grudge against him. - -Suddenly Tesson put spurs to his horse, and came dashing across the -open field, and all the lords and gentlemen held their breath as -they watched him. "Thury! Thury!" he shouted as he came, and "Thury! -Thury!" the cry echoed back again from the distance. He rode straight -to the duke; there was a murmur from the Côtentin men; he struck the -duke gently with his glove. It was but a playful mockery of his vow to -the saints at Bayeux; he had struck William, but he and his knights -were William's men again; the young duke said, "Thanks to thee!" and -the fight began, all the hotter for the anger of the deserted barons -and their desire for revenge. The day had begun with a bad omen for -their success. "/Dexaide!/" the old Norman war-cry, rang out, and -those who had followed the lilies of France cried "/Montjoie Saint -Denis!/" as they fought. - -Nowadays, a soldier is a soldier, and men who choose other professions -can keep to them, unless in their country's extremity of danger, -but in that day every man must go to the wars, if there were need -of him, and be surgeon or lawyer, and soldier too; yes, even the -priests and bishops put on their swords and went out to fight. It -would be interesting to know more names on the roll-call that day at -Val-ès-dunes, but we can almost hear the shouts to the patron saints, -and the clash of the armor. King [Pg208] Henry fought like a brave -man, and the storm of the battle raged fiercest round him. The knights -broke their lances, and fought sword to sword. There was no play of -army tactics and man[oe]uvring, but a hand-to-hand fight, with the sheer -strength of horse and man. Once King Henry was overthrown by the -thrust of a Côtentin lance, and sprang up quickly to show himself to -his men. Again he was in the thickest of the encounter, and was met -by one of the three great rebel chiefs and thrown upon the ground, -but this Lord of Thorigny was struck, in his turn, by a loyal French -knight, and presently his lamenting followers carried him away dead -on his shield like any Spartan of old. And the king honored his valor -and commanded that he should be buried with splendid ceremonies in a -church not far from the battlefield. Long afterward the Norman men and -women loved to sing and to tell stories about the young Duke William's -bravery and noble deeds of arms in that first great fight that made -him duke from one end of Normandy to the other. He slew with his own -hand the noblest and most daring warrior of Bayeux. Master Wace, -the chronicler, tells us how William drove the sharp steel straight -through his hardy foe, and how the body fell beneath his stroke and -its soul departed. Wace was a Bayeux man himself, and though he was a -loyal songster and true to his great duke, he cannot help a sigh of -pride and sorrow over Hardrez' fate. - -Neal of St. Saviour fought steadily and cheered his men eagerly as -the hour went on, but Randolf of Bayeux felt his courage begin to -fail him. Hamon [Pg209] was dead. Their great ally, Hardrez, had -been the flower of his own knights, and he was lying dead of a cruel -sword-thrust there in plain sight. He lost sight of Neal, perhaps, for -he was suddenly afraid of betrayal, and grieved that he had ever put -his helmet on. There is a touching bit of description in the "Roman de -Rou" just now. The battle pleased him no more, is told in the quaint -short lines. He thought how sad it was to be a captive, and sadder -still to be slain. He gave way feebly at every charge; he wandered -to and fro aimlessly, a thing to be stumbled over, we fancy him, now -in the front of the fight, now in the rear; at last he dropped his -lance and shield. "He stretched forth his neck and rode for his life," -says Master Wace, quite ashamed of his countryman. But we can see the -poor knight's head drooping low, and his good, tired horse--the better -man of the two--mustering all his broken strength to carry his master -beyond the reach of danger. All the cowards rode after him pell-mell, -but brave Saint Saviour fought to the last and held the field until -his right arm failed and he could not strike again. The French pressed -him hard, the Norman men looked few and spent, and the mighty lord of -the Côtentin knew that all hope was lost. There on the rising ground -of Saint Lawrence the last blow was struck. - -Away went the rebels in groups of three or four--away for dear life -every one of them, riding this way and that, trying to get out of -reach of their enemies and into some sort of shelter. The duke chased -them like a hound on the track of hares on, on [Pg210] toward Bayeux, -past the great Abbey of Fontenay and the Allemagne quarries, until -they reached the river Orne with its deep current. Men and horses -floundered in the water there, and many hot wounds tinged it with -a crimson stain. They were drowned, poor knights, and poor, brave -horses too. They went struggling and drifting down stream; the banks -were strewn with the dead; and the mill-wheels of Borbillon, a little -farther down, were stopped in their slow turning by the strange wreck -and floating worthless fragments of those lords and gentlemen who had -lost the battle of the Val-ès-dunes. - -And William was the conqueror of Normandy. Guy of Burgundy was a -traitor to his friends, and won a heritage of shame for his flight -from the field. We hear nothing of him while the fight went on, only -that he ran away. It appears that he must have been one of the first -to start for a place of safety, because they blame him so much; there -is nothing said about all the rebels running away together a little -later. That was the fortune of war and inevitable; not personal -cowardice, they might tell us. Guy of Burgundy was the man who had -led the three Côtentin lords out by fair promises and taunts about -their bastard duke, and he should have been brave and full of prowess, -since he undertook to be the rival of so brave a man. He did not go -toward the banks of the fateful river, but in quite another direction -to his own castle of Brionne, and a troop of his vassals escaped with -him and defended themselves there for a long time, until William -fairly starved them out like rats in a hole. They held [Pg211] their -own bravely, too, and no man was put to death when they surrendered, -while Guy was even allowed to come back to court. Master Wace stoutly -maintains that they should have been hung, and says long afterward -that some of those high in favor at court were the traitors of the -great rebellion. - -Strange to say, nobody was put to death. Mr. Freeman says of this -something that gives us such a clear look at William's character -that I must copy it entire. "In those days, both in Normandy and -elsewhere, the legal execution of a state criminal was an event that -seldom happened. Men's lives were recklessly wasted in the endless -warfare of the times, and there were men, as we have seen, who did not -shrink from private murder, even in its basest forms. But the formal -hanging or beheading of a noble prisoner, so common in later times, -was, in the eleventh century, a most unusual sight. And, strange as -it may sound, there was a sense in which William the Conqueror was -not a man of blood. He would sacrifice any number of lives to his -boundless ambition; he did not scruple to condemn his enemies to cruel -personal mutilations; he would keep men for years as a mere measure -of security, in the horrible prison-houses of those days; but the -extinction of human life in cold blood was something from which he -shrank." - -At the time of the first great victory, the historian goes on to -say, William was of an age when men are commonly disposed to be -generous, and the worst points of his character had not begun to show -themselves. Later in life, when he had broken the [Pg212] rule, or -perhaps we must call it only his prejudice and superstition, we find -that the star of his glory is already going down, pale and spent, into -the mists of shame and disappointment. - -None of the traitors of the Val-ès-dunes were treated harshly, -according to the standard of the times. The barons paid fines and gave -mortgages, and a great many of them were obliged to tear down their -robber castles, which they had built without permission from the duke. -This is the reason that there are so few ruins in Normandy of the -towers of that date. The Master of St. Saviour's was obliged to take -himself off to Brittany, but there was evidently no confiscation of -his great estates, for we find him back again at court the very next -year, high in the duke's favor and holding an honorable position. -He lived forty-four years after this, an uncommon lifetime for a -Norman knight, and followed the Conqueror to England, but he got -no reward in lands and honor, as so many of his comrades did. Guy -of Burgundy stayed at court a little while, and then went back to -his native province and devoted himself to making plots against his -brother, Count William. Grimbald de Plessis fared the worst of all the -conspirators; he was taken to Rouen and put into prison weighted down -with chains, and given the poorest of lodgings. He confessed that he -had tried to murder William that night at Valognes, when the court -jester gave warning, and said that a knight called Salle had been his -confederate. Salle denied the charge stoutly and challenged De Plessis -to fight a judicial combat, but before the day came the [Pg213] -scheming, unlucky baron from the Saxon lands was found dead in his -dungeon. The fetters had ground their way into his very bones, and he -was buried in his chains, for a warning, while his estates were seized -and part of them given to the church of Bayeux. - -Now, at last, the Norman priests and knights knew that they had a -master. For some time it was surprisingly quiet in Normandy, and the -country was unexpectedly prosperous. The great duchy stood in a higher -rank among her sister kingdoms than ever before, and though there was -another revolt and serious attacks from envious neighbors, yet the -Saxons of the Bessin and the Danes of the Côtentin were overthrown, -and Normandy was more unitedly Norman-French than ever. There had been -a long struggle that had lasted from Richard the Fearless' boyhood -until now, but it was ended at last, to all intents and purposes. Even -now there is a difference between the two parts of Normandy, though so -many years have passed; but the day was not far off after this battle -of Val-ès-dunes when the young conqueror could muster a great army and -cross the channel into England. "The Count of Rouen," says Freeman, -"had overcome Saxons and Danes within his own dominions, and he was -about to weld them into his most trusty weapons, wherewith to overcome -Saxons and Danes beyond the sea." - -Perhaps nothing will show the barbarous cruelty of these times or -William's fierce temper better than the story of Alençon and its -punishment. William Talvas, the young duke's old enemy, formed a -rebellious league with Geoffry of Anjou, and they undertook [Pg214] -to hold Alençon against the Normans. When William came within sight of -the city, he discovered that they had sufficient self-confidence to -mock at him and insult him. They even spread raw skins over the edge -of the city walls, and beat them vigorously, yelling that there was -plenty of work for the tanner, and giving even plainer hints at what -they thought of his mother's ancestry. - -William was naturally put into a great rage, and set himself and his -army down before the walls his enemies thought so invincible. He swore -"by the splendor of God" that he would treat them as a man lops a tree -with an axe, and, sure enough, when the siege was over, and Alençon -was at the Conqueror's mercy, he demanded thirty-two captives of war, -and nose, hands, and feet were chopped off, and presently thrown back -over the walls into the town. - - [Illustration] - -[Pg215] - - [Illustration] - - - - -XI. - -THE ABBEY OF BEC. - - "He heard across the howling seas, - Chime convent bells on wintry nights." - --MATTHEW ARNOLD. - - -The only way of escaping from the obligations of feudalism and -constant warfare was by forsaking the follies of the world altogether -for the shelter of a convent, and there devoting one's time and -thought to holy things. A monastic life often came to be only an -excuse for devotion to art or to letters, or served merely to cover -the distaste for military pursuits. It was not alone ecclesiasticism -and a love for holy living and thoughts of heaven that inspired -rigid seclusion and monkish scorn of worldliness. Not only popular -superstition or recognition of true spiritual life and growth of the -Church made up the Church's power, but the presence of so much secular -thought and wisdom in the fold. Men of letters, of science, and -philosophy made it often more than a match for the militant element of -society, the soldiery of Normandy, and the great captains, who could -only prove their valor by the strength of their strategy and their -swords. William was quick to recognize the vast strength of the clergy -and the [Pg216] well-protected force of cloistered public opinion. -A soldier and worldly man himself, he arrayed himself on the side of -severe self-repression and knightly chastity and purity of life, and -kept the laws of the convent in high honor; while he mixed boldly with -the rude warfare of his age. He did not think himself less saintly -because he was guilty of secret crimes against his rivals. A skilful -use of what an old writer calls "the powder of succession" belonged as -much to his military glory as any piece of field-tactics and strategy. -He was anxious to stand well in the Pope's estimation, and the ban and -malediction of the Church was something by all means to be avoided. -The story of his marriage shows his bold, adventurous character and -determination in a marked way, and his persistence in gaining his ends -and winning the approval of his superior, in spite of obstacles that -would have daunted a weaker man. To gain a point to which the Church -objected he must show himself stronger than the Church. - - [Illustration: DOORWAY OF CATHEDRAL, CHARTRES.] - -So there were two great forces at work in Normandy: this military -spirit, the love of excitement, of activity, and adventure; and this -strong religious feeling, which often made the other its willing -servant, and was sometimes by far the most powerful of the two. -Whether superstition or true, devout acceptance and unfolding of -the ideas of the Christian religion moved the Normans and their -contemporaries to most active service of the Church, we will not -stop to discuss. The presence of the best scholars and saints in any -age is a leaven and inspiration of that age, and men cannot help -being more or less [Pg217] influenced by the dwelling among them of -Christ's true disciples and ministers. That there was a large amount -of credulity, of superstitious rites and observances, we cannot doubt, -neither can we question that these exercised an amazing control over -ignorant minds. Standing so near to a pagan ancestry, the people of -large, and, relatively speaking, remote districts of Normandy, were no -doubt confused by lingering vestiges of the older forms of belief. As -yet, religion, in spite of the creeds of [Pg218] knighthood, showed -itself more plainly in stone and mortar, in vestments, and fasts, -and penances, and munificent endowments, than in simple truth and -godliness of life. A Norman nobleman, in the time of the Conqueror, -or earlier, thought that his estate would lack its chief ornament -if he did not plant a company of monks in some corner of it. It was -the proper thing for a rich man to found a monastery or religious -house of some sort or other, and this was a most blessed thing for -the scholars of their time. The profession of letters was already -becoming dignified and respectable, and the students of the Venerable -Bede, and other noble teachers from both north and south, had already -scattered good seeds through the states of Europe. It was in this -time that many great schools were founded, and in the more peaceful -years of the early reign of the Conqueror, religion and learning found -time to strike a deeper root in Normandy than ever before. There was -more wealth for them to be nourished with, the farms were productive, -and the great centres of industry and manufacture, like Falaise, -were thriving famously. It was almost as respectable to be a monk as -to be a soldier. There is something very beautiful in these earlier -brotherhoods--a purer fashion of thought and of life, a simplicity of -devotion to the higher duties of existence. But we can watch here, as -in the later movements in England and Italy, a gradual change from -poverty and holiness of life, to a love of riches and a satisfaction -with corrupt ceremonies and petty authority. The snare of worldliness -finds its victims always, and the temptation was easy then, [Pg219] -as it is easy now, to forget the things that belong to the spirit. We -have seen so much of the sword and shield in this short history that -we turn gladly away for a little space to understand what influences -were coming from the great abbeys of Bec and Saint Evreuil, and to -make what acquaintance we can with the men who dwelt there, and held -for their weapons only their mass-books and their principles of -education and of holy living. Lanfranc we must surely know, for he was -called the right-hand man of the Conqueror; and now let us go back a -little way and take a quick survey of the founding of the Abbey of -Bec, and trace its history, for that will help us to understand the -monastic life, and the wave of monasticism that left so plain a mark -upon the headlands and valleys of Normandy. Both in England and Norman -France, you can find the same red-roofed villages clustered about high -square church towers, with windows in the gray stone walls that look -like dim fret-work or lace-work. The oldest houses are low and small, -but the oldest minsters and parish churches are very noble buildings. - -The first entrance into one of the old cathedrals is an event in one's -life never to be forgotten. It grows more beautiful the longer one -thinks of it; that first impression of height and space, of silence -and meditation; the walls are stored with echoes of prayers and -chanting voices; the windows are like faded gardens, with their sober -tints and gleams of brighter color. The saints are pictured on them -awkwardly enough, but the glory of heaven beams through the old glass -upon the worn tombstones in [Pg220] the floor; the very dust in the -rays of sunlight that strike across the wide, solemn spaces, seems -sacred dust, and of long continuance. We shut out this busy world when -we go into the cathedral door, and look about us as if this were a -waiting-room from whence one might easily find conveyance to the next -world. There is a feeling of nearness to heaven as we walk up the -great aisle of what our ancestors called, reverently enough, God's -house. One is suddenly reminded of many unseen things that the world -outside gives but little chance to think about. We are on the journey -heavenward indeed. There where many centuries have worn away the trace -of worldliness and the touch of builders' tools, so that the building -itself seems almost to have grown by its own life and strength, you -think about the builders and planners of such dignity and splendor -more than any thing, after all. Who were the men that dared to lift -the roof and plant the tall pillars, and why did they, in those poor, -primitive times, give all they had to make this one place so rich and -high. The bells ring a lazy, sweet chime for answer, and if you catch -a glimpse of some brown old books in the sacristy, and even spell out -the quaint records, you are hardly satisfied. We can only call them -splendid monuments of the spirit of the time (almost uncivilized, -according to our standard) when nevertheless there was a profound -sentiment of worship and reverence. - - [Illustration: CANTERBURY CATHEDRAL.] - -Besides this, we are reminded that the lords of church and state were -able, if it pleased them, to command the entire service of their -vassals. All the [Pg222] liberties and aids and perquisites that -belonged to rank ceased where the lowest rank ended, at the peasant. -He was at anybody's command and mercy who chanced to be his master; -he had but precious few rights and claims of his own. When Christ -taught his disciples that whosoever would be chief among them must -become as a servant, he suggested a truth and order of relationship -most astonishing and contrary to all precedent. He that would be chief -among Hebrews or Normans, chief, alas, even in our own day, is still -misled by the old idea that the greatest is the master of many men. -Worldly power and heavenly service are always apt to be mistaken for -each other. - -In an age when every man claimed the right of private war against -every other man, unless he were lord or vassal, we naturally look -for ferocity, and understand that the line between private war and -simple robbery and murder was not very clearly kept. Those who were -comparatively unable to defend themselves were the chief sufferers, -and of course many peace-loving men were obliged to take on the -appearance of fighters, and be ready for constant warfare in all its -shapes. There was only the one alternative--first to the universal -dissension of a nationality of armed men, and later to the more -orderly and purposeful system of knighthood,--simply to retreat -from the world altogether and lead a strictly religious life. The -famous order of the Benedictine monks was built up in Normandy with -surprising devotion. A natural love and respect for learning, which -had long been smouldering half-neglected, [Pg223] now burst into -a quick blaze in the hearts of many of the descendants of the old -Norse skalds and Sagamen. While the Augustinian order of monks is -chiefly famous for building great cathedrals, and the mendicant -friars have left many a noble hospital as their monuments, so the -Benedictines turned their energies toward the forming of great -schools. The time has passed when the Protestant world belittled -itself by contemptuously calling the monks lazy, sensual, and idle, -and by seeing no good in these ancient communities. Learning of every -sort, and the arts, as well, would have been long delayed in their -development, if it had not been for such quiet retreats, where those -men and women who chose could turn their thoughts toward better -employments than the secular world encouraged or even allowed. The -Benedictines were the most careful fosterers of scholarship; their -brethren of monastic fame owed them a great deal in every way. - -There was a noble knight named Herluin, who lived in the time of Duke -Robert the Devil, and who was for thirty-seven years a knight-at-arms. -He was a descendant of one of Rolf's companions, his lineage was of -the very best, and his estates made part of the original grant of -Charles the Simple. Herluin was vassal to Count Gilbert of Brionne, -and had proved himself a brave and loyal knight, both to his overlord -and the duke. He was high in favor, and unusually tender-hearted and -just to those in trouble. We cannot help wishing that it had seemed -possible to such a man that he should stay in the world and leaven -society by his example, but to a thoughtful [Pg224] and gentle soul -like Herluin the cloister offered great temptations. There was still -great turbulence even among ecclesiastics--the worst of them "bore -arms and lived the life of heathen Danes.... The faith of Herluin -nearly failed him when he saw the disorder of one famous monastery, -but he was comforted by accidentally beholding the devotions of one -godly brother, who spent the whole night in secret prayer. He was thus -convinced that the salt of the earth had not as yet wholly lost its -savor."[7] - - [7] Freeman. - -Our pious knight forsook the world, and with a few companions devoted -himself to building a small monastery on his own estate at Burneville, -near Brionne. The church was consecrated, and its founder received -benediction from his bishop, who ordained him a priest and made him -abbot of the little community. Herluin was very diligent in learning -to read, and achieved this mighty task without neglecting any of the -work which he imposed upon himself day by day. Soon he grew famous -in all that part of Normandy for his sanctity and great wisdom in -explaining the Bible. But it was discovered that the site of his -flourishing young establishment was not well chosen; an abbey must -possess supplies of wood and water, and so the colony was removed to -the valley of a small stream that flows into the Lisle, near the town -of Brionne. In the old speech of the Normans this brook was called -a beck; we have the word yet in verse and provincial speech; and it -gave a name to the most famous and longest remembered perhaps of all -the Norman [Pg225] monasteries. Mr. Freeman says: "The hills are -still thickly wooded; the beck still flows through rich meadows and -under trees planted by the waterside, by the walls of what was once -the renowned monastery to which it gave its name. But of the days of -Herluin no trace remains besides these imperishable works of nature. -A tall tower, of rich and fanciful design, one of the latest works of -mediæval skill, still attracts the traveller from a distance; but of -the mighty minster itself, all traces, save a few small fragments, -have perished.... The truest memorial of that illustrious abbey is now -to be found in the parish church of the neighboring village. In that -lowly shelter is still preserved the effigy with which after-times had -marked the resting-place of the founder. Such are all the relics which -now remain of the house which once owned Lanfranc and Anselm as its -inmates. - -"In this valley it was that Herluin finally fixed his infant -settlement, devoting to it his own small possession." - -"By loving this world," he said, when he pleaded for his poor peasants -in Gilbert of Brionne's court--"By loving this world and by obeying man -I have hitherto much neglected God and myself. I have been altogether -intent on training my body, and I have gained no education for my -soul. If I have ever deserved well of thee, let me pass what remains -of life in a monastery. Let me keep thy affection and with me give to -God what I had of thee." - -Herluin was not left alone in his enterprise; one companion after -another joined him, and presently [Pg226] there was a busy company of -monks at Bec. They subjected themselves to all sorts of self-denials -and privations, working hard at building their new home, at ditching, -gardening, or wood-cutting, and chanting their prayers with entire -devotion. Herluin allowed himself one scanty meal a day, and went -about his work poorly dressed, but serving God in most humble fashion. -This was the story of many small religious houses and their founders, -but we cannot help tracing the beginning of the abbey of Bec with -particular interest for the sake of Lanfranc, who has kept its memory -alive and made it famous in Norman and English history. - -The story of this friar of Bec, who came to be archbishop of -Canterbury, and whose influence and power were only second, a few -years later, to William the Conqueror's own, reads like a romance, as -indeed does many another story of that romantic age. He was born at -Pavia, the City of the Hundred Towers, in Lombardy, and belonged to -an illustrious family. He was discovered in early boyhood to be an -uncommon scholar, and even in his university course he became well -known by his brilliant talents and fine gift of oratory. He was looked -upon as almost invincible in debate while he was still a school-boy, -and when he left college it was supposed that he would give the -benefit of his attainments and growth to his native city. For a little -while he did stay there, and began his career, but he appears to have -been made restless by a love of change and adventure, and a desire to -see the world, and next we find him going northward with a [Pg227] -company of admiring scholars, as if on pilgrimage, but in the wrong -direction! The enthusiastic little procession crossed the St. Bernard -pass into France and for some reason went to Avranches, where Lanfranc -taught a school and quickly became celebrated. In spite of the more -common profession or trade of fighting, there was never a time when -learning or the profession of letters was more honored, and the -Normans yielded to none of their contemporaries in the respect they -had for scholars. - -Lanfranc became dissatisfied with the honor and glory of his success -at Avranches; and presently, in quest of something more deep and -satisfying--more in accordance with the craving of his spiritual -nature, left his flourishing school and again started northward. -The country was very wild and unsafe for a solitary wayfarer; and -presently, so the tradition runs, he was attacked by a band of -robbers, beaten, and left tied to a tree without food or money or any -prospect of immediate release. The long hours of the night wore away -and he grew more and more desperate; at last he bethought himself of -spiritual aid as a last resort, and tried to repeat the service of -the church. Alas! he could not remember the prayers and hymns, and in -his despair he vowed a pious vow to God that he would devote himself -to a holy life if his present sufferings might be ended. In good -season some charcoal burners played the welcome part of deliverers and -Lanfranc, yet aching with the pinch of his fetters and their galling -knots, begged to know of some holy house near by, and was directed to -Herluin's hermitage and the humble brotherhood of Bec. [Pg228] - -The little colony of holy men was all astir that day. Soldiers and -sober gentlemen were tilling the soil and patiently furthering their -rural tasks. Herluin himself, the former knight-at-arms, was clad -in simple monkish garb, and playing the part of master-mason in the -building of a new oven. Out from the neighboring thicket comes a -strange figure, pale yet from his uncomforted vigil, and prays to -be numbered with those who give their lives to the service of God. -"This is surely a Lombard!" says Herluin, wonderstruck and filled -with sympathy; and when he discovers the new brother's name and eager -devotion, he kneels before him in love and reverence. It was a great -day for the abbey of Bec. - -Such learning and ability to teach as Lanfranc's could not be hidden; -indeed the church believed in using a man's great gifts, and each -member was bound to give of his bounty in her service. The brothers -who could till the ground and hew timber and build ovens kept at their -tasks, and all the while Lanfranc, the theologian and teacher, the -man of letters, gathered a company of scholars from far and wide. Bec -became a famous centre of learning, and even from Italy and Greece -young men journeyed to his school, and, as years went by, he was -venerated more and more. His quick understanding and cleverness saved -him many a disaster, and we recognize in him a charming inheritance -of wit and good humor. He had the individuality and characteristics -of his Italian ancestry, while he was that rare man in any social -circle of his age, or even a later age,--a true man of the world. A -Norman of the Normans in his adopted [Pg229] home, he was yet able to -see Normandy, not as the world itself, but only a factor in it, and -to put it and its ambitions and possessions in their true relation -to wider issues. There was no such churchman-statesman as Lanfranc -in the young duchy, and his fame and glory were felt more and more. -William the duke himself might well set his wits at work to conquer -this formidable opponent of his marriage, and win him over to his -following, and the first attack was not by conciliatory measures. -Lanfranc received a formidable order to quit the country and leave his -abbey of Bec on penalty of worse punishment. - -The future archbishop of English Canterbury meekly obeyed his temporal -lord, and set out through the forest with a pitiful straggling escort -affectingly futile in its appearance. He himself was mounted on -the worst old stumbling horse in the despoiled abbey stables, and -presently they meet the duke out hunting in most gallant array with -a lordly following of knights and gentlemen. It looks surprisingly -as if shrewd Lanfranc had arranged the scene beforehand. Along he -comes on his feeble steed, limping slowly on the forest path; he, the -greatest prior and book-man of Normandy, turned out of the house and -home that his own learning had made famous through Christendom. "Under -Lanfranc," says the chronicler, "the Normans first fathomed the art -of letters, for under the six dukes of Normandy scarce any one among -the Normans applied himself to liberal studies, nor was there any -learning found till God, the provider of all things, brought Lanfranc -to Normandy." All this, no doubt, flashed through [Pg230] William's -mind, and the prior of Bec's Italian good-humor proved itself the best -of weapons. "Give me a better horse," he cried, "and you shall see me -go away faster." The duke laughed in spite of himself, and Lanfranc -won a chance of pleading his cause. Before they parted they were -sworn friends, and the prior's knowledge of civil law and of theology -and of human nature (not least by any means of his famous gifts) were -for once and all at the duke's service. He supported the cause of the -unlawful marriage, and even won a dispensation from the Pope, long -desired and almost hopeless, in William's favor. - -But the abbey of Bec was a great power for good in its time, and -carried a wonderful influence for many years. In the general scarcity -of books in those days before printing, the best way of learning was -to listen to what each great scholar had to say, and the students -went about from school to school, and lingered longest at places -like Bec, where the best was to be found. The men here were not only -the patrons of learning and the guarders of their own copies of the -ancient classics, but they taught the children of the neighborhood, -and sheltered the rich and poor, the old people and the travellers, -who wandered to their gates. They copied missals, they cast bells for -churches, they were the best of farmers, of musicians, of artists. -While Lanfranc waged his great battle with Berengarius about the -doctrine of the Eucharist, and came out a victorious champion for -the church, and won William's cause with the Pope with most skilful -pleading of the value of Norman loyalty to the See of Rome, his -humbler brethren [Pg231] tended their bees and ploughed straight -furrows and taught the country children their letters. Such a centre -of learning and of useful industry as Bec was the best flower of -civilization. Lanfranc himself was true to his vow of humility. -We catch some delightful glimpses of his simple life, and one in -particular of his being met on a journey by some reverential pilgrims -to his school. He was carefully carrying a cat behind him on the -saddle, comfortably restrained from using her claws, and Lanfranc -explained that he had sometimes been grievously annoyed by mice at his -destination, and had provided this practical ally. One can almost see -the twinkle in the good man's eyes, and the faces of the surprised -scholars who had been looking forward with awe and dread to their -first encounter with so renowned a man. - - [Illustration] - -[Pg232] - - [Illustration] - - - - -XII. - -MATILDA OF FLANDERS. - - "It had been easy fighting in some plain, - Where victory might hang in equal choice; - But all resistance against her is vain." - --MARVELL. - - -We have occasionally had a glimpse of Flanders and its leading men -in the course of our Norman story; but now the two dukedoms were to -be linked together by a closer tie than either neighborhood, or a -brotherhood, or antagonism in military affairs. While Normandy had -been gaining new territory and making itself more and more feared by -the power of its armies, and had been growing richer and richer with -its farms and the various industries of the towns, Flanders was always -keeping pace, if not leading, in worldly prosperity. - -Flanders had gained the dignity and opulence of a kingdom. Her people -were busy, strong, intelligent craftsmen and artists, and while her -bell-towers lifted themselves high in the air, and made their chimes -heard far and wide across the level country, the weavers' looms and -the women's clever fingers were sending tapestries to the walls of the -Vatican, and frost-like laces to the ladies of Spain. [Pg233] - -The heavy ships of Flanders went and came with the richest of freights -from her crowded ports; her picture-painters were at work, her gardens -were green, and her noblemen's houses were filled with whatever -a luxurious life could demand or invent. As the country became -overcrowded, many of the inhabitants crossed over to Scotland, and -gained a foothold, sometimes by the sword, and oftener by the plough -and spade and weaver's shuttle. The Douglases and the Leslies, Robert -Bruce and all the families of Flemings, took root then, and, whether -by art or trade, established a right to be called Scotsmen, and to -march in the front rank when the story is told of many a brave day in -Scottish history. - -The Count of Flanders was nominally vassal of both Rome and France, -but he was practically his own man. Baldwin de Lisle, of the -Conqueror's time, was too great a man to need anybody's help, or -to be bought or sold at will by an over-lord. He stood well as the -representative of his country's wealth and dignity. A firm alliance -with such a neighbor was naturally coveted by such a far-seeing man as -the young duke; and besides any political reasons, there was a closer -reason still, in the love that had sprung up in his heart for Matilda, -the count's daughter. In 1049, he had been already making suit for -her hand, for it was in that year when the Council of Rheims forbade -the banns, on some plea of relationship that was within the limit set -by the Church. William's whole existence was a fight for his life, -for his dukedom, for his kingdom of England, and he was not wanting -in courage in this long siege of [Pg234] church and state, when the -woman he truly loved was the desired prize. If history can be trusted, -she was a prize worth winning; if William had not loved her, he would -not have schemed and persisted for years in trying to win her in spite -of countless hindrances which might well have ended his quest if he -had been guided only by political reasons for the alliance. - -His nobles had eagerly urged him to marry. Perhaps they would have -turned their eyes toward England first if there had been a royal -princess of Eadward's house, but failing this, Flanders was the best -prize. The Norman dukedom must not be left without an heir, and this -time there must be no question of the honesty of the heir's claim and -right to succession. Normandy had seen enough division and dissension, -and angry partisanship during the duke's own youth, and now that he -had reached the age of twenty-four, and had made himself master of -his possessions, and could take his stand among his royal neighbors, -everybody clamored for his marriage, and for a Lady of Normandy. -He was a pure man in that time of folly and licentiousness. He was -already recognized as a great man, and even the daughter of Baldwin of -Flanders might be proud to marry him. - -Matilda was near the duke's own age, but she had already been married -to a Flemish official, and had two children. She was a beautiful, -graceful woman, and it is impossible to believe some well-known old -stories of William's rude courtship of her, since her father evidently -was ready to favor the marriage, and [Pg235] she seems to have -been a most loyal and devoted wife to her husband, and to have been -ready enough to marry him hastily at the end of a most troublesome -courtship. The great Council of Rheims had forbidden their marriage, -as we have already seen, and the pious Pope Leo had struck blows right -and left among high offenders of the Church's laws; a whole troop -of princes were excommunicated or put under heavy penances, and the -Church's own officials were dealt justly with according to their sins. -When most of these lesser contemporaries were properly sentenced, a -decree followed, which touched two more illustrious men: the Count -of Flanders was forbidden to give his daughter to the Norman duke -for a wife, and William, in his turn, was forbidden to take her. For -four long years the lovers--if we may believe them to be lovers--were -kept apart on the Pope's plea of consanguinity. There is no evidence -remaining that this was just, yet there truly may have been some -relationship. It is much easier to believe it, at any rate, than that -the count's wife Adela's former child-marriage to William's uncle -could have been put forward as any sort of objection. - -We must leave for another chapter the affairs of Normandy and -William's own deeds during the four years, and go forward with this -story of his marriage to a later time, when in the course of Italian -affairs, a chance was given to bring the long courtship to a happy -end. Strangely enough this came by means of the De Hautevilles and -that Norman colony whose fortunes we have already briefly traced. In -the [Pg236] conflict with Pope Leo, when he was forced to yield to -the Normans' power and to recognize them as a loyal state, William -either won a consent to his wedding or else dared to brave the -Pope's disapproval. While Leo was still in subjection the eager duke -hurried to his city of Eu, near the Flemish border, and met there -Count Baldwin and his daughter. There was no time spent in splendid -processions and triumphal pageants of the Flemish craftsmen; some -minor priest gave the blessing, and as the duke and his hardly-won -wife came back to the Norman capital there was a great cheering and -rejoicing all the way; and the journey was made as stately and pompous -as heart could wish. There was a magnificent welcome at Rolf's old -city of Rouen; it was many years since there had been a noble lady, a -true duchess, on the ducal throne of Normandy. - -But the spirit of ecclesiasticism held its head too high in the -pirates' land to brook such disregard of its canons, even on the part -of its chief ruler. There was an uncle of William's, named Mauger, who -was primate of the Norman church. He is called on every hand a very -bad man--at any rate, his faults were just the opposite of William's, -and of a sensual and worldly stamp. He was not a fit man for the -leader of the clergy, in William's opinion. Yet Mauger was zealous -in doing at least some of the duties of his office--he did not flinch -from rebuking his nephew! All the stories of his life are of the -worst sort, unless we give him the credit of trying to do right in -this case, but we can too easily remember the hatred that he and all -his family bore toward the [Pg237] bastard duke in his boyhood, and -suspect at least that jealousy may have taken the place of scorn and -despising. One learns to fear making point-blank decisions about the -character of a man so long dead, even of one whom everybody blamed -like Mauger. His biographers may have been his personal enemies, and -later writers have ignorantly perpetuated an unjust hue and cry. - -Perhaps Lanfranc may be trusted better, for he too blamed the duke for -breaking a holy law,--Lanfranc the merry, wise Italian, who loved his -fellow-men, and who was a teacher by choice and by gift of God. All -Normandy was laid under a ban at this time for the wrong its master -had done. Lanfranc rebuked the assumed sinner bravely, and William's -fierce stern temper blazed out against him, and ordered a vicious -revenge of the insult to him and to his wife. The just William, who -kept Normandy in such good order, who stood like a bulwark of hewn -stone between his country and her enemies, was the same William who -could toss severed hands and feet over the Alençon wall, and give -orders to burn the grain stacks and household goods of the abbey -of Bec. We have seen how the duke and the abbot met, and how they -became friends again, and Lanfranc made peace with Pope Leo and won -him the loyalty of Normandy in return. Very likely Lanfranc was glad -to explain the truth and to be relieved from upholding such a flimsy -structure as the church's honor demanded. At any rate, William gladly -paid his Peter's pence and set about building his great abbey of -St. Etienne, in Caen, for a penance, and made [Pg238] Lanfranc its -prelate, and Matilda built her abbey of the Holy Trinity, while in -four of the chief towns of Normandy hospitals were built for the old -and sick people of the duchy. We shall see more of these churches -presently, but there they still stand, facing each other across the -high-peaked roofs of Caen; high and stately churches, the woman's -tower and the man's showing characteristics of boldness and of -ornament that mark the builders' fancy and carry us in imagination -quickly back across the eight hundred years since they were planned -and founded. Anselm, Maurilius, and Lanfranc, these were the teachers -and householders of the great churches, and one must have a new -respect for the young duke and duchess who could gather and hold three -such scholars and saintly men to be leaders of the church in Normandy. - -There were four sons and three daughters born to William and Matilda, -and there is no hint of any difference or trouble between the duke -and his wife until they were unable to agree about the misconduct of -their eldest son. Matilda's influence for good may often be traced -or guessed at in her husband's history, and there are pathetic -certainties of her resignation and gentleness when she was often -cruelly hurt and tried by the course of events. - -Later research has done away with the old idea of her working the -famous Bayeux tapestry with the ladies of her court to celebrate the -Conqueror's great deeds; but he needed no tribute of needle-work, nor -she either, to make them remembered. They have both left pictures -of themselves done in fadeless [Pg239] colors and living text of -lettering that will stand while English words are spoken, and Norman -trees bloom in the spring, and Norman rivers run to the sea, and the -towers of Caen spring boldly toward the sky. - -We cannot be too thankful that so much of these historic churches -has been left untouched. When it is considered that at five separate -times the very fiends of destruction and iconoclasm seem to have been -let loose in Normandy, it is a great surprise that there should be so -many old buildings still in existence. From the early depredations of -the Northmen themselves, down to the religious wars of the sixteenth -century and the French revolution of the eighteenth, there have -been other and almost worse destroying agencies than even the wars -themselves. Besides the natural decay of masonry and timber, there was -the very pride and growing wealth of the rich monastic orders and the -large towns, who liked nothing better than to pull down their barns -to build greater and often less interesting ones. The most prosperous -cities naturally build the best churches, as they themselves increase, -and naturally replace them oftenest, and so retain fewest that are of -much historical interest in the end. The most popular weapon in the -tenth and eleventh centuries was fire; and the first thing that Norman -assailants were likely to do, was to throw burning torches over the -walls into the besieged towns. Again and again they were burnt--houses, -churches, and all. - -The Normans were constantly improving, however, in their fashions of -building, and had made a great advance upon the Roman architecture -which [Pg240] they had found when they came to Neustria. Their work -has a distinct character of its own, and perhaps their very ignorance -of the more ornate and less effective work which had begun to prevail -in Italy, gave them freedom to work out their own simple ideas. -Instead of busying themselves with petty ornamentation and tawdry -imagery, they trusted for effect to the principles of height and -size. Their churches are more beautiful than any in the world; their -very plainness and severity gives them a beautiful dignity, and their -slender pillars and high arches make one think of nothing so much as -the tall pine forests of the North. What the Normans did with the idea -of the Roman arch, they did too in many other ways. They had a gift of -good taste that was most exceptional in that time, and especially in -that part of Europe; and whatever had been the power and efficiency -of the last impulse of civilization from the South, this impulse from -the North did a noble work in its turn. Normandy herself, in the days -of William and Matilda, was fully alive and pervaded with dreams of -growth and expansion. - - [Illustration: CRYPT OF MOUNT ST. MICHEL.] - -Nobody can tell how early the idea of the conquest of England began -to be a favorite Norman dream. In those days there was always a -possibility of some day owning one's neighbor's land, and with weak -Eadward on the throne of England, only too ready to listen to the -suggestions and demands of his Norman barons and favorite counsellors, -it must have seemed always an easier, not to say more possible, thing -to take one step farther. There was an excellent antechamber across -the Channel for the crowded court [Pg242] and fields of Normandy, -and William and Eadward were old friends and companions. In 1051, when -Normandy was at peace, and England was at any rate quiet and sullen, -submissive to rule, but lying fast, bound like a rebellious slave that -has been sold to a new master, William and a fine company of lords and -gentlemen went a-visiting. - -All those lords and gentlemen kept their eyes very wide open, and took -good notice of what they saw. - -It was not a common thing by any means, for a great duke to go -pleasuring. He was apt to be too busy at home; but William's affairs -were in good order, and his cousin of England was a feeble man and -more than half a Norman; besides, he had no heir, and in course of -time the English throne would lack a proper king. The idea of such a -holiday might have pleased the anxious suitor of Matilda of Flanders, -too, and have beguiled the hard time of waiting. Nobody stopped -to remember that English law gave no right of succession to mere -inheritance or descent. Ralph the Timid was Æthelred's grandson; but -who would think of making him king instead of such a man as William? -The poor banished prince at the Hungarian court, half a world away, -was not so much as missed or wished for. Godwine was banished, Harold -was in Ireland; besides, it must be urged that there was something -fine in the notion of adding such a state as Normandy to England. -England was not robbed, but magnificently endowed by such a proposal. - -Eadward was amiably glad to see this brave Duke of the Normans. There -was much to talk over [Pg243] together of the past; the present had -its questions, too, and it was good to have such a strong arm to lean -upon; what could have been more natural than that the future also -should have its veil drawn aside, not too rashly or irreverently? When -Eadward had been gathered to his fellow saints, pioneered by visions -that did not fade, and panoplied by authentic relics--nay, when the man -of prayers and cloistered quietness was kindly taken away from the -discordant painfulness of an earthly kingdom, what more easy than to -dream of this warlike William in his place; William, a man of war and -soldiery, for whom the government of two great kingdoms in one, would -only harden and employ the tense muscles and heavy brain; would only -provide his own rightful business? And, while Eadward thought of this -plan, William was Norman, too, and with the careful diplomacy of his -race, he joined the daring and outspokenness of old Rolf the Ganger; -he came back with his lords and gentlemen to Normandy, weighed down -with presents--every man of them who had not stayed behind for better -gain's sake. He came back to Normandy the acknowledged successor to -the English crown. Heaven send dampness now and bleak winds, and let -poor Eadward's sufferings be short! There was work for a man to do -in ruling England, and Eadward could not do it. The Englishmen were -stupid and dull; they ate too much and drank too much; they clung with -both hands to their old notions of state-craft and government. It was -the old story of the hare and the tortoise, but the hare was fleet of -foot and would win. [Pg244] - -Win? Yes, this race and that race; and yet the tortoise was going to -be somehow made over new, and keep a steady course in the right path, -and learn speed, and get to be better than the old tortoise as the -years went on and on. - -Eadward had no right to will away the kingship of England; but this -must have been the time of the promise that the Normans claimed, and -that their chroniclers have recorded. All Normandy believed in this -promise, and were ready to fight for it in after years. It is most -likely that Eadward was only too glad, at this date, to make a private -arrangement with the duke. He was on the worst of terms just then with -Godwine and his family, and consequently with the displeased English -party, who were their ardent upholders. Indeed, a great many of these -men were in Ireland with Harold, having turned their backs upon a king -and court that were growing more friendly to Normandy and disloyal to -England day by day. - -The very next year after William's triumphal visit the Confessor was -obliged to change his course in the still stormier sea of English -politics. The Normans had shown their policy too soon, and there was -a widespread disapproval, and an outcry for Godwine's return from -exile. Baldwin of Flanders, and King Henry of France, had already been -petitioning for his pardon, and suddenly Godwine himself came sailing -up the Thames, and London eagerly put itself under his control. Then -Eadward the Confessor consented to a reconciliation, there being -no apparent alternative, and a troop of disappointed and [Pg245] -displaced foreigners went back to Normandy. Robert of Jumièges, -was among them. The Anglo-Saxon chronicle tells us gravely, that -at Walton-on-the-Naze, "they were lighted on a crazy ship, and the -archbishop betook himself at once over the sea, leaving behind him his -pall and all his christendom here in the land even as God willed it, -because he had taken upon him that worship as God willed it not." The -plea for taking away his place was "because he had done more than any -to cause strife between Godwine and the king"; and Godwine's power was -again the strongest in England. - -The great earl lived only a few months longer, and when he died -his son Harold took his place. Already the eyes of many Englishmen -were ready to see in him their future king. Already he stands out a -bold figure, with a heart that was true to England, and though the -hopes that centred in him were broken centuries ago, we cannot help -catching something of the hope and spirit of the time. We are almost -ready to forget that this brave leader, the champion of that elder -English people, was doomed to fall before the on-rushing of a new -element of manhood, a tributary stream that came to swell the mighty -channel of the English race and history. William the Norman was busy -at home, meanwhile. The old hostility between Normandy and Flanders, -which dated from the time of William Longsword's murder, was now at -a certain end, by reason of the duke's marriage. Matilda, the noble -Flemish lady, the descendant of good King Ælfred of England, had -brought peace and friendliness as not the least of [Pg246] her dowry, -and all fear of any immediate antagonism from that quarter was at an -end. - -By the alliance with the kings of France, the Norman dukes had been -greatly helped to gain their present eminence, and to the Norman dukes -the French kings, in their turn, owed their stability upon their own -thrones; they had fought for each other and stood by each other again -and again. Now, there was a rift between them that grew wider and -wider--a rift that came from jealousy and fear of the Normans' wealth -and enormous growth in strength. They were masters of the Breton -country, and had close ties of relationship, moreover, with not only -Brittany, but with Flanders and the smaller county of Ponthieu, which -lay between them and the Flemings. Normandy stretched her huge bulk -and strength between France and the sea; she commanded the French -rivers, the French borders; she was too much to be feared; if ever her -pride were to be brought down, and the old vassalage insisted upon, it -could not be too soon. Henry forgot all that he owed to the Normans' -protection, and provoked them by incessant hostilities--secret and open -treacheries,--and the fox waged war upon the lion, until a spirit of -enmity was roused that hardly slept again for five hundred years. - -There were other princes ready enough to satisfy their fear and -jealousy. The lands of the conspirators stretched from Burgundy to -the Pyrenees. Burgundy, Blois, Ponthieu, Aquitaine, and Poictiers all -joined in the chase for this William the Bastard, the chief of the -hated pirates. All the old gibes and [Pg247] taunts, and contemptuous -animosity were revived; now was the time to put an end to the Norman's -outrageous greed of power and insolence of possession, and the great -allied army divided itself in two parts, and marched away to Normandy. - -King Henry's brother, Odo, turned his forces toward Rouen, and the -king himself took a more southerly direction, by the way of Lisieux to -the sea. They meant, at any rate, to pen the duke into his old Danish -region of the Côtentin and Bessin districts; all his eastern lands, -the grant from Charles the Simple, with the rest, were to be seized -upon and taken back by their original owners. - -Things had changed since the battle of Val-ès-dunes. There was no -division now among the Norman lords, and as the word to arm against -France was passed from one feudal chieftain to another, there was a -great mustering of horse and foot. So the king had made up his mind -to punish them, and to behave as if he had a right to take back the -gift that was unwillingly wrung from Charles the Simple. Normandy is -our own, not Henry's, was the angry answer; and Ralph of Tesson, and -the soldiers of Falaise, the Lord of Mortain, the men of Bessin, and -the barons of the Côtentin were ready to take the field, and stand -shoulder to shoulder. There had been a change indeed, in Normandy; and -from one end of it to the other there was a cry of shame and treachery -upon Henry, the faithless ally and overlord. They had learned to know -William as a man not against their interests but with them, and for -them and the glory of Normandy; and they had [Pg248] not so soon -forgotten the day of Val-ès-dunes and their bitter mistake. - -The king's force had come into the country by the frontier city of -Aumale, and had been doing every sort of damage that human ingenuity -could invent between conqueror and vanquished. It was complained -by those who escaped that the French were worse than Saracens. Old -people, women, and children were abused or quickly butchered; men -were taken prisoners; churches and houses were burnt or pulled to -pieces. There was a town called Mortemer which had the ill-luck to -be chosen for the French head-quarters, because it was then a good -place for getting supplies and lodging, though now there is nothing -left of it but the remains of an ancient tower and a few dwellings and -gardens. Here the feasting and revelry went on as if Normandy were -already fallen. All day there were raids in the neighboring country, -and bringing in of captives, and plunder; and William's spies came -to Mortemer, and went home to tell the duke the whole story of the -hateful scene. There was a huge army collected there fearless of -surprise; this was the place to strike a blow, and the duke and his -captains made a rapid march by night so that they reached Mortemer -before daylight. - -There was no weapon more cherished by the pirates' grandchildren -than a blazing fire-brand, and the army stole through the town while -their enemies still slept, stupid with eating and drinking, or weary -from the previous day's harrying. They waked to find their houses -in flames, the roofs crackling, a horrid [Pg249] glare of light, a -bewilderment of smoke and shouts; the Normans ready to kill, to burn, -to pen them back by sturdy guards at the streets' ends. There was -a courageous resistance to this onslaught, but from early morning -until the day was well spent the fight went on, and most of the -invaders were cut to pieces. The dead men lay thick in the streets, -and scattered everywhere about the adjacent fields. "Only those were -spared who were worth sparing for the sake of their ransom. Many a -Norman soldier, down to the meanest serving-man in the ranks, carried -off his French prisoner; many a one carried off his two or three -goodly steeds with their rich harness. In all Normandy there was not -a prison that was not full of Frenchmen."[8] All this was done with -scarcely any loss to the Normans, at least so we are told, and the -news came to William that same evening, and made him thank God with -great rejoicing. It would seem as if only a God of battles could be a -very near and welcome sovereign to this soldier-lord of Normandy. - - [8] Freeman. - -The victor had still another foe to meet. The king's command was -still to be vanquished, and perhaps it might be done with even less -bloodshed. The night had fallen, and he chose Ralph of Toesny, son -of that Roger who sought the Spanish kingdom, the enemy of his own -ill-championed childhood, to go as messenger to the king's tent. The -two chieftains cannot have been encamped very far apart, for it was -still dark when Ralph rode fast on his errand. He crept close to where -the king lay in the darkness, [Pg250] and in the glimmer of dawn he -gave a doleful shout: "Wake, wake, you Frenchmen! You sleep too long; -go and bury your friends who lie dead at Mortemer"; then he stole away -again unseen, while the startled king and his followers whispered -together of such a terrible omen. Ill news travels apace; they were -not long in doubt; a panic seized the whole host. Not for Rouen now, -or the Norman cities, but for Paris the king marched as fast as he -could go; and nobody gave him chase, so that before long he and his -counts were safe at home again with the thought of their folly for -company. Craft is not so fine a grace as courage; but craft served -the Normans many a good turn; and this was not the least glorious of -William's victories, though no blood was spilt, though the king was -driven away and no sword lifted to punish him. The Normans loved a -bit of fun; we can imagine how well they liked to tell the story of -spoiling half an army with hardly a scratch for themselves, and making -the other half take to its heels at the sound of Ralph de Toesny's -gloomy voice in the night. There were frequent hostilities after this -along the borders, but no more leagues of the French counts; there was -a castle of Breteuil built to stand guard against the king's castle -of Tillières, and William Fitz-Osbern was made commander of it; there -was an expedition of the Count of Maine, aided by Geoffrey Martel and -a somewhat unwilling Breton prince, against the southern castle of -Ambrières. But when William hastened to its relief the besiegers took -to flight, except the Lord of Maine, who was captured and put into -[Pg251] prison until he was willing to acknowledge himself the duke's -vassal; and after this there were three years of peace in Normandy. - -It had grown to be a most orderly country. William's famous curfew -bell was proved to be an efficient police force. Every household's -fire was out at eight o'clock in winter, and sunset in summer, and -its lights extinguished; every man was in his own dwelling-place then -under dire penalty; he was a strict governor, but in the main a just -one--this son of the lawless Robert. He upheld the rights of the poor -landholders and widows, and while he was feared he was respected. It -was now that he gave so much thought to the rights of the Church, or -the following out of his own dislike, in the dismissal of his Uncle -Mauger, the primate of the duchy. - -There is still another battle to be recorded in this chapter,--one -which for real importance is classed with the two famous days of -Val-ès-dunes and Hastings,--the battle fought at Varaville, against the -French king and his Angevine ally, who took it into their silly heads -to go a-plundering on the duke's domain. - -Bayeux and Caen were to be sacked, and all the surrounding country; -besides this, the allies were going to march to the sea to show the -Bastard that he could not lock them up in their inland country and -shake the key in their faces. William watched them as a cat watches -a mouse and lets the poor thing play and feast itself in fancied -security. He had the patience to let the invaders rob and burn, and -spoil the crops; to let them live in his towns, [Pg252] and the -French king himself hold a temporary court in a fine new abbey of -the Bessin, until everybody thought he was afraid of this mouse, and -that all the Normans were cowards; then the quick, fierce paw struck -out, and the blow fell. It is a piteous story of war, that battle of -Varaville! - -There was a ford where the French, laden with their weight of spoils, -meant to cross the river Dive into the district of Auge. On the -Varaville side the land is marshy; across the river, and at no great -distance, there is a range of hills which lie between the bank of -the Dive and the rich country of Lisieux. The French had meant to -go to Lisieux when they started out on their other enterprise. But -William had waited for this moment; part of the army under the king's -command had crossed over, and were even beginning to climb the hills. -The rear-guard with the great baggage trains were on the other bank, -when there was a deplorable surprise. William, with a body of trained -troops, had come out from Falaise; he had recruited his army with all -the peasants of the district; armed with every rude weapon that could -be gathered in such haste, they were only too ready to fall upon the -French mercilessly. - - [Illustration: A NORMAN ARCHER.] - -The tide was flowing in with disastrous haste, and the Frenchmen had -not counted upon this awful foe. Their army was cut in two; the king -looked down in misery from the height he had thoughtlessly gained. -Now we hear almost for the first time of that deadly shower of Norman -arrows, famous enough since in history. Down they came with their -sharp talons; the poor French were huddling together at [Pg253] the -river's brink; there was no shelter; the bowmen shot at them; the -peasants beat them with flails and scythes; into the rushing water -they went, and floated away writhing. There was not a man left alive -in troop after troop, and there were men enough of the Normans who -knew the puzzling, marshy ground to chase and capture those other -troopers who tried to run away. Alas for the lilies of France! how -they were trailed in the mire of that riverside at Varaville! It was -a massacre rather than a battle, and Henry's spirit was humbled. -"Heavy-hearted, he never held spear or shield again," says the -chronicle. There were no more expeditions against Normandy in his -time; he sued for a truce, and paid as the price for it, the castle -of Tillières, and so that stronghold came back to its rightful lords -again. Within two years he died, being an old man, and we can well -believe a disappointed one. Geoffrey Martel died too, that year, the -most troublesome of the Bastard's great neighbors. This was 1060; -and it was in that year that Harold of England first came over to -Normandy--an unlucky visit enough, as time proved. His object was -partly to take a look at the political state of Gaul; but if he meant -to sound the [Pg254] hearts of the duke's neighbors in regard to him, -as some people have thought, he could not have chosen a more unlucky -time. If he meant to speak for support in case William proved to be -England's enemy in days to come, he was too late; those who would have -been most ready to listen were beyond the reach of human intrigues, -and their deaths had the effect of favoring William's supremacy, not -disputing it. - -There is no record of the great earl's meeting the Norman duke at all -on this first journey. If we had a better account of it, we might -solve many vexed questions. Some scholars think that it was during -this visit that Harold was inveigled into taking oath to uphold -William's claim to the English crown, but the records nearly all -belong to the religious character of the expedition. Harold followed -King Cnut's example in going on a pilgrimage to Rome, and brought back -various treasures for his abbey of Waltham, the most favored religious -house of his earldom. He has suffered much misrepresentation, no -doubt, at the hands of the monkish writers, for he neglected their -claims in proportion as he favored their secular brethren, for whom -the abbey was designed. A monk retired from the world for the benefit -of his own soul, but a priest gave his life in teaching and preaching -to his fellow-men. We are told that Harold had no prejudice against -even a married priest, and this was rank heresy and ecclesiastical -treason in the minds of many cloistered brethren. [Pg255] - - [Illustration] - - - - -XIII. - -HAROLD THE ENGLISHMAN. - - "The languid pulse of England starts - And bounds beneath your words of power." - --WHITTIER. - - -Just here we might well stop to consider the true causes and effects -of war. Seen in the largest way possible, from this side of life, -certain forces of development are enabled to assert themselves only -by outgrowing, outnumbering, outfighting their opposers. War is the -conflict between ideas that are going to live and ideas that have -passed their maturity and are going to die. Men possess themselves -of a new truth, a clearer perception of the affairs of humanity; -progress itself is made possible with its larger share of freedom -for the individual or for nations only by a relentless overthrowing -of outgrown opinions. It is only by new combinations of races, new -assertions of the old unconquerable forces, that the spiritual kingdom -gains or rather shows its power. When men claim that humanity can only -move round in a circle, that the world has lost many things, that the -experience of humanity is like the succession of the seasons, and -that there is reproduction but not progression, it is well to take -a [Pg256] closer look, to see how by combination, by stimulus of -example, and power of spiritual forces and God's great purposes, this -whole world is nearer every year to the highest level any fortunate -part of it has ever gained. Wars may appear to delay, but in due time -they surely raise whole nations of men to higher levels, whether by -preparing for new growths or by mixing the new and old. Generals of -battalions and unreckoned camp-followers alike are effects of some -great change, not causes of it. And no war was ever fought that was -not an evidence that one element in it had outgrown the other and was -bound to get itself manifested and better understood. The first effect -of war is incidental and temporary; the secondary effect makes a link -in the grand chain of the spiritual education and development of the -world. - -We grow confused in trying to find our way through the intricate -tangle of stories about the relation of Harold and William to each -other, with their promises and oaths and understanding of each other's -position in regard to the throne of England. Of course, William knew -that Harold had a hope of succeeding the Confessor. There was nobody -so fit for it in some respects as he--nobody who knew and loved England -any better, or was more important to her welfare. He had fought for -her; he was his father's son, and the eyes of many southern Englishmen -would turn toward him if the question of the succession were publicly -put in the Witanagemôt. He might have defamers and enviers, but the -Earl of the West Saxons was the foremost man in England. [Pg257] He -had a right to expect recognition from his countrymen. The kingship -was not hereditary, and Eadward had no heirs if it had been. Eadward -trusted him; perhaps he had let fall a hint that he meant to recommend -his wise earl as successor, even though it were a repetition of -another promise made to William when Harold was a banished man and the -house of Godwine serving its term of disgrace and exile. - -It appears that Eadward had undergone an intermediate season of -distrusting either of these two prominent candidates for succession. -But the memory of Eadward Ironside was fondly cherished in England, -and his son, Eadward the Outlaw, the lawful heir of the crown, was -summoned back to his inheritance from Hungary. There was great -rejoicing, and the Atheling's wife and his three beautiful children, a -son and two daughters, were for a time great favorites and kindled an -instant loyalty all too soon to fade. Alas! that Eadward should have -returned from his long banishment to sicken and die in London just as -life held out such fair promises; and again the Confessor's mind was -troubled by the doubtful future of his kingdom. - -On the other hand, if we trust to the Norman records now,--not always -unconfirmed by the early English historians,--we must take into -account many objections to, as well as admissions of, Harold's claim. -Eadward's inclination seems often to swerve toward his Norman cousin, -who alone seemed able to govern England properly or to hold her -jealous forces well in hand. The great English earls were [Pg258] -in fact nearly the same as kings of their provinces. There was much -opposition and lack of agreement between them; there was a good -deal of animosity along the borders in certain sections, and a deep -race prejudice between the Danes of Northumberland and the men of -the south. The Danes from oversea were scheming to regain the realm -that had belonged to their own great ruler Cnut, and so there was a -prospect of civil war or foreign invasion which needed a strong hand. -Harold's desire to make himself king was not in accordance with the -English customs. He was not of the royal house; he was only one of -the English earls, and held on certain grounds no better right to -pre-eminence than they. Leofric and Siward would have looked upon him -as an undeserving interloper, who had no right to rule over them. "The -grandsons of Leofric, who ruled half England," says one historian, -"would scarcely submit to the dominion of an equal.... No individual -who was not of an ancient royal house had ever been able to maintain -himself upon an Anglo-Saxon throne." - -Before we yield too much to our natural sentiment over the story of -this unfortunate "last of the Saxon kings," it is well to remember the -bad and hindering result to England if Harold had conquered instead of -fallen on the battle-field of Hastings. The weakness of England was in -her lack of unity and her existing system of local government. - - [Illustration: GUY, COUNT OF PONTHIEU. BAYEUX TAPESTRY.] - -There are two or three plausible stories about Harold's purpose in -going to Normandy. It is sometimes impossible in tracing this portion -of [Pg259] history through both English and Norman chronicles to find -even the same incidents mentioned. Each historian has such a different -proof and end in view, and it is only by the closest study, and a good -deal of guesswork beside, that a reasonable account of Harold's second -visit, and the effects of it, can be made out. We may listen for a -moment to the story of his being sent by Eadward to announce that the -English crown was to be given to the Norman duke by [Pg260] Eadward's -own recommendation to the council, or we may puzzle our way through -an improbable tale that Godwine's son, Wolfnoth, and grandson, Hakon, -were still held by William as hostages between Eadward and Godwine, -though Godwine's family had long since been formally reinstated and -re-endowed. Harold is supposed to have gone over to demand their -release, though Eadward mournfully warned him of danger and treachery. - -The most probable explanation is that Harold was bound on a pleasure -excursion with some of his family either to Flanders or some part of -his own country, and was shipwrecked and cast ashore on the coast of -Ponthieu. All accounts agree about this, though they differ so much -about the port he meant to make and his secret purpose. - -In those days wrecking was a sadly common practice, and the more -illustrious a rescued man might be, the larger ransom was demanded. -When we reflect that much of the brutal and lawless custom of wrecking -survived almost if not quite to our own time in England, we cannot -expect much from the leniency of the Count of Ponthieu's subjects, or -indeed much clemency from that petty sovereign himself. Harold was -thrown into prison and suffered many things there before the Duke of -Normandy could receive his message and come to his relief. - -We might imagine for ourselves now a fine historical picture of -William the Conqueror seated in his palace at Rouen, busy with -affairs of church and state. He has grown stouter, and his face shows -marks of thought and care which were not all there [Pg261] when -he went to England. His hair is worn thin by his helmet, and the -frank, courteous look of his youth has given place to sternness and -insistance, though his smile is ready to be summoned when occasion -demands. He is a man who could still be mild with the gentle, and -pleasantry was a weapon and tool if it were not an unconscious habit. -Greater in state and less in soul, says one historian, who writes of -him from an English standpoint at this hour in his career. A Norman -gentleman lived delicately in those days; he was a worthy successor -of a Roman gentleman in the luxurious days of the empire, but not yet -enfeebled and belittled by ease and extravagance--though we do listen -with amusement to a rumor that the elegant successors of Rolf the -Ganger were very dependent upon warm baths, and a good sousing with -cold water was a much dreaded punishment and penance. The reign of the -valet had become better assured than the reign (in England) of the -offspring of Woden and the house of Cerdic. - -But we forget to watch the great Duke of the Normans as he sits in -his royal chamber and listens to a messenger from the prisoned Earl -of the West Saxons. It is a moment of tremendous significance, for by -the assistance of winds and waves Harold has fallen into his power. He -must tread carefully now and use his best cleverness of strategy and -treacherous artifice. How the bystanders must have watched his face, -and listened with eager expectation for his answer. The messenger -pleads Harold's grievous condition; hints of famine, torture, and -death itself [Pg262] have been known to escape this brutal Count of -Ponthieu who keeps the great Englishman in his dungeon as if he were -a robber. Perhaps he only wishes to gain a greater ransom, perhaps he -acts in traitorous defiance of his Lord of Normandy's known friendship -for England. - -William replies at last with stern courtesy. He is deeply grieved, we -can hear him say, for the earl's misfortune, but he can only deal in -the matter as prince with prince. It is true that Guy of Ponthieu is -his vassal and man, but Guy is governor of his coast, and makes his -own laws. It will cost great treasure to ransom this noble captive, -but the matter must be carefully arranged, for Guy is hot-tempered and -might easily be provoked into sending Harold's head to Rouen without -his body. Yet half the Norman duchy shall be spent if need be for such -a cause as the English earl's release. - -Fitz-Osbern, the duke's seneschal and Malet de Graville, and the noble -attendants of the palace murmur a pleased assent as the half-satisfied -messenger is kindly dismissed. They detect an intrigue worthy of -the best Norman ability, and know by William's face that he has -unexpectedly gained a welcome control over events. - -The liberation of Harold was effected after much man[oe]uvring, -necessary or feigned, and when he appeared before William it was as -a grateful man who was in debt not only for his release from danger -and discomfort, but for a great sum of money and a tract of valuable -landed property. - - [Illustration: MOUNT ST. MICHEL.] - -It is impossible not to suspect that Guy of [Pg264] Ponthieu and -William were in league with each other, and when the ransom was paid, -the wrecker-count became very amiable, and even insisted upon riding -with a gay company of knights to the place where the Norman duke came -with a splendid retinue to meet his distinguished guest. William -laid aside the cumbrous forms of court etiquette and hurried to the -gates of the Chateau d'Eu to help Harold to dismount, and greeted -him with cordial affection, as friend with friend. Harold may well -have been dazzled by his reception at the most powerful court in that -part of the world. To have a welcome that befitted a king may well -have pleased him into at least a temporary acknowledgment of his -entertainer's majestic power and rights. No doubt, during that unlucky -visit it seemed dignity enough to be paraded everywhere as the great -duke's chosen companion and honored friend and guest. At any rate, -Harold's visit seems to have given occupation to the court, and we -catch many interesting glimpses of the stately Norman life, as well -as the humble, almost brutal, condition of the lower classes, awed -into quietness and acquiescence by the sternness and exactness of -William's rule. It must be acknowledged that if the laws were severe -they prevented much disorder that had smouldered in other times in the -lower strata of society; men had less power and opportunity to harm -each other or to enfeeble the state. - - [Illustration: OLD HOUSES, DÔL.] - -No greater piece of good luck could have befallen the duke than to win -the post of Harold's benefactor, and he played the part gallantly. -Not only the duke but the duchess treated their guest with [Pg265] -uncommon courtesy, and he was admitted to the closest intimacy with -the household. If Harold had been wise he would have gone back to -England as fast as sails could carry him, but instead of that he -lingered on, equally ready to applaud the Norman exploits in camp and -court, and to show his entertainers what English valor could achieve. -He went with the duke on some petty expedition against the rebellious -Britons, but it is hard to make out a straight story of that -enterprise. But there is a characteristic story of Harold's strength -in the form of a tradition that when the Norman army was crossing the -deep river Coesnon, which pours into the sea under the wall of Mount -St. Michel, some of the troops were being swept away by the waves, -when [Pg266] Harold rescued them, taking them with great ease, at -arm's length, out of the water. - -There is a sober announcement in one of the old chronicles, that the -lands of Brittany were included in Charles the Simple's grant to Rolf, -because Rolf had so devastated Normandy that there was little there to -live upon. At the time of William's expedition, Brittany itself was -evidently taking its turn at such vigorous shearing and pruning of the -life of its fertile hills and valleys. The Bretons liked nothing so -well as warfare, and when they did not unite against a foreign enemy, -they spent their time in plundering and slaughtering one another. -Count Conan, the present aggressor, was the son of Alan of Brittany, -William's guardian. Some of the Bretons were loyal to the Norman -authority, and Dôl, an ancient city renowned for its ill luck, and -Dinan were successively vacated by the rebels. Dinan was besieged by -fire, a favorite weapon in the hands of the Normans; but later we find -that both the cities remained Breton, and the Norman allies go back to -their own country. There is a hint somewhere of the appearance of an -army from Anjou, to take the Bretons' part, but the Norman chroniclers -ignore it as far as they can. - -It is impossible to fix the date of this campaign; indeed there may -have been more than one expedition against Brittany. Still more -difficult is it to learn any thing that is undisputed about the famous -oath that Harold gave to William, and was afterward so completely -punished for breaking. Yet, while we do not know exactly what the -oath was, [Pg267] Harold's most steadfast upholders have never been -able to deny that there was an oath, and there is no contradiction, -on the English side, of the whole affair. His best friends have been -silent about it. The most familiar account is this, if we listen to -the Norman stories: Harold entered into an engagement to marry one of -William's daughters, who must have been very young at the time of the -visit or visits to Normandy, and some writers claim that the whole -cause of the quarrel lay in his refusal to keep his promise. There -is a list beside of what appears to us unlikely concessions on the -part of the English earl. Harold did homage to the duke, and formally -became his man, and even promised to acknowledge his claim to the -throne of England at the death of the Confessor. More than this, he -promised to look after William's interest in England, and to put him -at once into possession of the Castle of Dover, with the right of -establishing a Norman garrison there. William, in return, agreed to -hold his new vassal in highest honor, giving him by and by even the -half of his prospective kingdom. When this surprising oath was taken, -Harold was entrapped into swearing upon the holiest relic of Norman -saints which had been concealed in a chest for the express purpose. -With the superstitious awe that men of his time felt toward such -emblems, this not very respectable act on William's part is made to -reflect darkly upon Harold. Master Wace says that "his hand trembled -and his flesh quivered when he touched the chest, though he did not -know what was in it, and how much more distressed he was when he -[Pg268] found by what an awful vow he had unwittingly bound his soul." - -So Harold returned to England the duke's vassal and future son-in-law, -according to the chronicles, but who can help being suspicious, after -knowing how Harold was indebted to the duke and bound with cunningly -contrived chains until he found himself a prisoner? William of -Poitiers, a chronicler who wrote in the Conqueror's day, says that -Harold was a man to whom imprisonment was more odious than shipwreck. -It would be no wonder if he had made use of a piece of strategy, and -was willing to make any sort of promise simply to gain his liberty. - -The plot of the relic-business put a different face upon the whole -matter, and yet, even if Harold was dazzled for the time being by -William's power and splendor, one must doubt whether he would have -given up all his ambition of reigning in England. He was already -too great a man at home to play the subject and flatterer with much -sincerity, even though his master were the high and mighty Duke of the -Normans, and he had come from a ruder country to the fascination and -elegance of the Norman court. Whatever the oath may have been that -Harold gave at Bayeux, it is certain that he broke it afterward, and -that his enemies made his failure not only an affair of state, but of -church, and waged a bitter war that brought him to his sad end. - -Now, the Norman knights might well look to it that their armor was -strong and the Norman soldiers provide themselves with arrows and -well-seasoned bows. It was likely that Harold's promise was no -[Pg269] secret, and that some echo of it reached from one end of -the dukedom to the other. There were great enterprises on foot, and -at night in the firelight there was eager discussion of possible -campaigns, for though the great Duke William, their soldier of -soldiers, had bent the strength of his resistless force upon a new -kingdom across the Channel and had won himself such a valuable ally, -it was not likely that England would be ready to fall into his hand -like a ripe apple from the bough. There was sure to be fighting, but -there was something worth fighting for; the petty sorties against the -provincial neighbors of Normandy were hardly worth the notice of her -army. Men like the duke's soldiers were fit for something better than -such police duty. Besides, a deep provocation had not been forgiven -by those gentlemen who were hustled out of England by Godwine and his -party, and many an old score would now stand a chance of repayment. - -Not many months were passed before the news came from London that the -holy king Eadward was soon to leave this world for a better. He was -already renowned as a worker of miracles and a seer of visions, and -the story was whispered reverently that he had given his ring to a -beggar who appeared before him to ask alms in the middle of a crowd -assembled at the dedication of a church. The beggar disappeared, but -that very night some English pilgrims on their way to Jerusalem are -shelterless and in danger near the holy city. Suddenly a company of -shining acolytes approach through the wilderness, carrying two tapers -before an old man, as if he were [Pg270] out on some errand of the -church. He stops to ask the wondering pilgrims whence they come and -whither they are going, and guides them to a city and a comfortable -lodging, and next morning tells them that he is Saint John the -Evangelist. More than this, he gives them the Confessor's ring, with -a message to carry back to England. Within six months Eadward will -be admitted to paradise as a reward for his pure and pious life. The -message is carried to the king by miraculous agency that same night, -and ever since he prays and fasts more than ever, and is hurrying -the builders of his great Westminster, so that he may see that holy -monument of his piety dedicated to the service of God before he dies. - -The Norman lords and gentlemen who listened to this tale must have -crossed themselves, one fancies, and craved a blessing on the saintly -king, but the next minute we fancy also that they gave one another a -glance that betokened a lively expectation of what might follow the -news of Eadward's translation. - -Twice in the year, at Easter and Christmas, the English king wore his -crown in the great Witanagemôt and held court among his noblemen. -In this year the midwinter Gemôt was held at the king's court at -Westminster, instead of at Gloucester, to hallow the Church of St. -Peter, the new shrine to which so much more of the Confessor's thought -had gone than to the ruling of his kingdom. - -But in the triumphant days to which he had long looked forward, his -strength failed faster and faster, and his queen, Edith, the daughter -of Godwine, had [Pg271] to take his place at the ceremonies. The -histories of that day are filled with accounts of the grand building -that Eadward's piety had reared. He had given a tenth part of all -his income to it for many years, and with a proud remembrance of the -Norman churches with which he was familiar in his early days, had made -Westminster a noble rival of them and the finest church in England. -The new year was hardly begun, the Witan had not scattered to their -homes, before Eadward the Confessor was carried to his tomb--the last -of the sons of Woden. He had reigned for three and twenty years, and -was already a worn old man. - - "Now, in the falling autumn, while the winds - Of winter blew across his scanty days - He gathered up life's embers----" - -But as he lay dying in the royal palace at Westminster everybody -was less anxious about the king, than about the country's uncertain -future. Harold had been a sort of under-king for several years, and -had taken upon himself many of the practical duties of government. -He had done great deeds against the Welsh, and was a better general -and war-man than Eadward had ever been. Nobody had any hope of the -Confessor's recovery, and any hour might find the nation kingless. The -Atheling's young son was a feeble, incompetent person, and wholly a -foreigner; only the most romantic and senseless citizen could dream -of making him Lord of England in such a time as that. There were a -thousand rumors afloat; every man had his theory and his prejudice, -and at last there must have been a general feeling of relief [Pg272] -when the news was told that the saint-king was dead in his palace and -had named Harold as his successor. The people clung eagerly to such a -nomination; now that Eadward was dead he was saint indeed, and there -was a funeral and a coronation that same day in the minster on the -Isle of Thorney; his last word to the people was made law. - -No more whispering that Harold was the Duke of the Normans' man, and -might betray England again into the hands of those greedy favorites -whom the holy king had cherished in his bosom like serpents. No -more fears of Harold's jealous enemies among the earls; there was a -short-sighted joy that the great step of the succession had been made -and settled fast in the consent of the Witan, who still lingered; to -be dispersed, when these famous days were at an end, by another king -of England than he who had called them together. - - [Illustration: FUNERAL OF EADWARD THE CONFESSOR. (FROM THE BAYEUX - TAPESTRY.)] - -The king had prophesied in his last hours; he had seen visions and -dreamed dreams; he had said that great sorrows were to fall upon -England for her sins, and that her earls and bishops and abbots were -but ministers of the fiend in the eye of God; that within a year and -a day the whole land would be harried from one end to another with -fire and slaughter. Yet, almost with the same breath, he recommends -his Norman friends, "those whom in his simplicity he spoke of as men -who had left their native land for love of him," to Harold's care, and -does not seem to suspect their remotest agency in the future harrying. -True enough some of the Norman officers were loyal to him and to -England. This death-bed scene [Pg273] is sad and solemn. Norman -Robert the Staller was there, and Stigand, the illegal archbishop; -Harold, the hope of England, and his sister, the queen, who mourns now -and is very tender to her [Pg274] royal husband, who has given her a -sorry lot with his cold-heartedness toward her and the dismal exile -and estrangement he has made her suffer. He loves her and trusts her -now in this last day of life, and her woman's heart forgets the days -that were dark between them. He even commends her to Harold's care, -and directs that she must not lose the honors which have been hers as -queen. - -There is a tradition that when Eadward lay dying he said that he was -passing from the land of the dead to the land of the living, and the -chronicle adds: "Saint Peter, his friend, opened to him the gates -of Paradise, and Saint John, his own dear one, led him before the -Divine Majesty." The walls that Eadward built are replaced by others; -there is not much of his abbey left now but some of the foundation -and an archway or two. But his tomb stands in a sacred spot, and the -prayers and hymns he loved so devoutly are said and sung yet in his -own Westminster, the burying-place of many another king since the -Confessor's time. - - [Illustration] - -[Pg275] - - [Illustration] - - - - -XIV. - -NEWS FROM ENGLAND. - - "Great men have reaching hands." - --SHAKESPEARE. - - -So Harold was crowned king of England. Our business is chiefly with -what the Normans thought about that event, and while London is divided -between praises of the old king and hopes of the new one, and there -are fears of what may follow from Earl Tostig's enmity; while the -Witan are dispersing to their homes, and the exciting news travels -faster than they do the length and breadth of the country, we must -leave it all and imagine ourselves in Normandy. - -Duke William was at his park of Quevilly, near Rouen, and was on his -way to the chase. He had been bending his bow--the famous bow that was -too strong for other men's hands--and just as he gave it to the page -who waited to carry it after him, a man-at-arms came straight to his -side; they went apart together to speak secretly, while the bystanders -watched them curiously and whispered that the eager messenger was an -Englishman. - -"Eadward the king is dead," the duke was told, [Pg276] but that not -unexpected news was only half the message. "Earl Harold is raised to -the kingdom." - -There came an angry look into the duke's eyes, and the herald -left him. William forgot his plans for the hunt; he strode by his -retainers; he tied and untied his mantle absent-mindedly, and -presently went down to the bank of the Seine again and crossed over -in a boat to his castle hall. He entered silently, and nobody dared -ask what misfortune had befallen him. His companions followed him and -found him sitting on a bench, moving restlessly to and fro. Then he -became quieter; he leaned his head against the great stone pillar and -covered his face with his mantle. Long before, in the old Norse halls, -where all the vikings lived together, if a man were sick or sorry or -wished for any reason to be undisturbed, he sat on his own bench and -covered his head with his cloak; there was no room where he could be -alone; and after the old custom, in these later days, the knights of -William's court left him to his thoughts. Then William Fitz-Osbern, -the "bold-hearted," came into the quiet hall humming a tune. The -awe-struck people who were clustered there asked him what was the -matter; then the duke looked up. - -"It is in vain for you to try to hide the news," said the Seneschal. -"It is blazing through the streets of Rouen. The Confessor is dead, -and Harold holds the English kingdom." - -The duke answered gravely that he sorrowed both for the death of -Eadward and for the faithlessness of Harold. [Pg277] - - [Illustration: STIGAND, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY.] - -"Arise and be doing," urges Fitz-Osbern. "There is no need for -mourning. Cross the sea and snatch the kingdom out of the usurper's -hand," and in this way stern thought and dire purpose were thrown -into the duke's holiday. The messenger had brought a lighted torch in -his hand that was equal to kindling great plans that winter day in -Normandy. [Pg278] - -William and all his men, from the least soldier to the greatest, -knew that if they wished for England the only way to get it was to -fight for it. There had never been such a proof of their mettle as -this would be. The Normans who went to Italy had no such opponents as -Harold and the rest of the Englishmen fighting on their own ground -for their homes and their honor; but Norman courage shone brightest -in these days. This is one of the places where we must least of all -follow the duke's personal fortunes too closely, or forget that the -best of the Normans were looking eagerly forward to the possession of -new territory. Many of their cleverest men, too, were more than ready -to punish the English for ejecting them from comfortable positions -under Godwine's rule, and were anxious to reinstate themselves -securely. There was no such perilous journey before the army as the -followers of the Hautevilles had known, while their amazing stories -of gain and glory incited the Normans at home to win themselves new -fortunes. It is a proof that civilization and the arts of diplomacy -were advancing, when we listen (and the adventurers listened too) -while excuse after excuse was tendered for the great expedition. The -news of Harold's accession was simply a welcome signal for action, -but the heir of Rolf the Ganger was a politician, an astute wielder -of public opinion, and his state-craft was now directed toward giving -his desire to conquer England and reign over it a proper aspect in the -eyes of other nations. - -The right of heritage was fast displacing [Pg279] everywhere the -people's right to choose their kings. The feudal system was close and -strong in its links, but while Harold had broken his oath of homage -to William, that alone was not sufficient crime. Such obligations -were not always unbreakable, and were too much a matter of formality -and temporary expediency to warrant such an appeal to the common law -of nations as William meant to make. As nearly as we can get at the -truth of the matter, the chief argument against Harold the Usurper -was on religious grounds--on William's real or assumed promise of the -succession from Eadward, and Harold's vow upon the holy relics of -the saints at Rouen. This at least was most criminal blasphemy. The -Normans gloried in their own allegiance to the church. Their duke was -blameless in private life and a sworn defender and upholder of the -faith, and by this means a most formidable ally was easily won, in the -character of Lanfranc the great archbishop. - -Lanfranc and William governed Normandy hand in hand. In tracing -the history of this time the priest seems as familiar with secular -affairs, with the course of the state and the army and foreign -relations, as the duke was diligent in attending ecclesiastical synods -and church services. It was a time of great rivalry and uncertainty -for the papal crown; there was a pope and an anti-pope just then who -were violent antagonists, but Archdeacon Hildebrand was already the -guide and authority of the Holy See. Later he became the Pope famous -in history as Gregory VII. We are startled to find that the expedition -against England was made to [Pg280] take the shape of a crusade, even -though England was building her own churches, and sending pilgrims to -the Holy Land, and pouring wealth most generously into the church's -coffers. "Priests and prelates were subject to the law like other -men," that was the trouble; and "a land where the king and his Witan -gave and took away the staff of the bishop was a land which, in the -eyes of Rome, was more dangerous than a land of Jews or Saracens." -"It was a policy worthy of William to send to the threshold of the -apostles to crave their blessing on his intended work of reducing -the rebellious land, and it was a policy worthy of one greater than -William himself, to make even William, for once in his life, the -instrument of purposes yet more daring, yet more far-sighted, than his -own. On the steps of the papal chair, and there alone, had William and -Lanfranc to cope with an intellect loftier and more subtle than even -theirs."[9] - - [9] Freeman: "The Norman Conquest." - -William sent an embassy to Harold probably very soon after the receipt -of the news of his coronation. The full account of both the demand and -its reply have been forgotten, but it is certain that whatever the -duke's commands were they were promptly disobeyed, and certain too -that this was the result that William expected and even desired. He -could add another grievance to his list of Harold's wrongdoings, and -now, beside the original disloyalty, William could complain that his -vassal had formally refused to keep his formal promise and obligation. -Then he called a council of Norman nobles at Lillebonne and laid his -plans before them. - -[Pg281] - - [Illustration: NORMANDY (IN 1066).] - -[Pg282] - -It was a famous company of counsellors and made up of the duke's -oldest friends. There were William Fitz-Osbern, and the duke's -brother Odo of Bayeux, whose priesthood was no hindrance to his good -soldiery; Richard of Evreux, the grandson of Richard the Fearless; -Roger of Beaumont and the three heroes of Mortemer; Walter Giffard; -Hugh de Montfort and William of Warren; the Count of Mortain and -Roger Montgomery and Count Robert of Eu. All these names we know, and -familiar as they were in Normandy, they were, most of them, to strike -deeper root in their new domain of England. We do not find that they -objected now to William's plans, but urged only that they had no right -to speak for the whole country, and that all the Norman barons ought -to be called together to speak for themselves. - -This was a return to the fashions of Rolf's day, when the adventurers -boasted on the banks of the Seine that they had no king to rule over -them, and were all equal; that they only asked for what they could win -with their swords. We do not find any other record of a parliament in -Normandy; perhaps nothing had ever happened of late which so closely -concerned every armed man within the Norman borders. The feudal barons -had a right to speak now for themselves and their dependants, and in -the great ducal hall of the castle at Lillebonne William duke told -them his story and called upon them for help. He had a great wish to -revenge Harold's treatment of him by force of arms, and asked the -noble company of barons what aid they would [Pg283] render; with how -many men and how many ships and with what a sum of money they would -follow him and uphold the weighty and difficult enterprise. - -Now we find many of the barons almost unwilling; even doubtful of the -possibility of conquering such a kingdom as England. After insisting -that they had longed to go plundering across the Channel, and that the -old love for fighting burned with as hot a fire as ever within their -breasts, the chronicles say that this Norman parliament asked for time -to talk things over in secret before the duke should have any answer. -We are given a picture of them grouped around this and that pleader -for or against the duke, and are told that they demurred, that they -objected to crossing the sea to wage war, and that they feared the -English. For a moment it appears as if the whole mind of the assembly -were opposed to the undertaking. They even feared if they promised -unusual supplies of men and treasure that William would forever keep -them up to such a difficult standard of generosity. I must say that -all this does not ring true or match at all with the Norman character -of that time. It would not be strange if there were objectors among -them, but it does not seem possible when they were so ready to -go adventuring before and after this time; when they were after -all separated by so short a time from Rolf the Ganger's piracies, -that many could have been so seriously daunted by the prospect of -such limited seafaring as crossing the Channel. It appears like an -ingenious method of magnifying the greatness and splendor of the -Norman victory, and the valiant leadership of the duke and his most -trusted aids. [Pg284] - -William Fitz-Osbern was chosen to plead with the barons, and persuade -them to follow the duke's banner. He reminded them that they were -William's vassals, and that it would be unwise to disappoint him. -William was a stern man and fearful as an enemy. If any among them -loved their ease, and wished to avoid their lawful tribute of service, -let them reflect that they were in the power of such a mighty lord and -master. What was their money worth to them if the duke branded them as -faithless cowards, and why did they wish to disgrace their names and -take no part in this just and holy war against the usurper? - -These were the arguments we can fancy brave Fitz-Osbern giving them -one by one if indeed they hung back and were close-fisted or afraid. -They commissioned him at last to speak for them at the next hearing, -and when he boldly promised for each man double his regular fee and -allotment--for the lord of twenty knights forty knights, and "for -himself, of his love and zeal, sixty ships armed and equipped and -filled with fighting men," the barons shouted at first "No, no!" and -the hall at Lillebonne echoed with the noise. - -But it was all settled finally, and we are told that the duke himself -talked with his barons one by one, and that at last they were as eager -as he. The whole objection seems to have been made for fear that their -doubled and extraordinary tribute should be made a precedent, but the -duke promptly gave his word of honor that it should not be so, and -their estates should not be permanently weighted beyond [Pg285] their -ability. The scribes took down the record of the knights and soldiers -that each baron had promised, and from this time there was a hum and -stir of war-making in Normandy, and that spring there were more women -than men in the fields tending the growing crops. - -The duke set himself seriously to work. All the barons of his duchy -and all their men were not enough to depend upon for the overthrowing -of England. William must appeal to his neighbors for help, and in -this he was aided by the Pope's approval, and the blessing that was -promised to those who would punish Harold and his countrymen, traitors -to the Holy Church. The spoils of England were promised to all who -would win a share in them, and adventurers flocked from east, north, -and south to enroll themselves in the Norman ranks. Alan of Brittany -was ready to command his forces in person and to come to William's -assistance, and so was Eustace of Boulogne, but the French nobles -who gathered about their young King Philip, still under Baldwin of -Flanders's guardianship, were by no means willing to help forward any -thing that would make their Norman rivals any more powerful than they -were already. From Flanders there were plenty of adventurers, and some -high noblemen who needed little urging to join their fortunes to such -an expedition, and William sent embassies to more distant countries -still, with better or worse results. There is a tradition that even -the Normans of Sicily came northward in great numbers. - -The most important thing, next to carrying a [Pg286] sufficient force -into England, was to leave the Norman borders secure from invasion. If -they were repulsed in England and returned to find they had lost part -of Normandy, that would be a sorry fate indeed, and the duke exerted -himself in every way to leave his territory secure. - -The most powerful alliance was that with the papal court at Rome. Here -Lanfranc could serve his adopted country to good effect. Hildebrand's -power was making itself felt more and more, and it was he who most -ardently desired and fostered the claim of the Church to a mastery of -all the crowns of Christendom. "The decree went forth, which declared -Harold to be a usurper and William to be the lawful claimant of -the English crown. It would even seem that it declared the English -king and all his followers to be cut off from the communion of the -faithful. William was sent forth as an avenger to chastise the wrong -and perjury of his faithless vassal. But he was also sent forth as a -missionary, to guide the erring English into the true path, to teach -them due obedience to Christ's vicar, and to secure a more punctual -payment of the temporal dues of his apostle. The cause of the invasion -was blessed, and precious gifts were sent as the visible exponents -of the blessing. A costly ring was sent, containing a relic, holier, -it may be, than any on which Harold had sworn--a hair of the prince -of the apostles. And with the ring came a consecrated banner."[10] -These were, after all, more formidable weapons than the Norman arrows. -They inspired [Pg287] not only courage, but a sense of duty and of -righteous service of God. Alas for poor humanity that lends itself so -readily to wrongdoing, and even hopes to win heaven by making this -earth a place of bloodshed and treachery. Now, William had something -besides English lands and high places for knight and priest alike on -conquered soil--he could give security and eminence in the world to -come. Heaven itself had been promised by its chief representative -on earth to those who would fight for the Duke of Normandy against -England. Hildebrand had made a last appeal to the holy assembly of -cardinals when he told the story of the profaned relics and Harold's -broken oath, and had urged the willing fathers of the church to -consider how pious and benevolent it would be to Christianize the -barbarous and heathen Saxons. Nobody took pains to remember that the -priesthood of England owned a third of the English lands, and ruled -them with a rod of iron. So long as England would not bend the knee to -Rome, what did all that matter? - - [10] Freeman, "The Norman Conquest." - -One significant thing happened at this time. Who should make his -appearance at the duke's court but Tostig, the son of Godwine, eager, -no doubt, to plot against Harold, and to take a sufficient revenge for -the banishment and defeat by means of which he was then an outcast. -He did not linger long, for the busy duke sent him quickly away, not -uncommissioned for the war that was almost ready to begin. - -Harold also had set himself at work to gather his forces and to be -in readiness for an attack which was sure to come. Another enemy was -first in the field, [Pg288] for in the spring Tostig appeared in -the Isle of Wight, the captain of a fleet of ships that were manned -by Flemish and Norman men. He had received aid from William, and -proceeded to wreak his vengeance upon the Kent and Sussex villages -over which his father had once ruled. He does not appear to have -gained any English allies, except at the seaport of Sandwich, where he -probably hired some sailors; then he went northward from there with -sixty ships and attacked the coast of Godwine's earldom. He made great -havoc in the shore towns, but Eadwine and Morkere of Northumberland -hurried to meet him with their troops and drove him away, so that -with only twelve ships left he went to Scotland, where Malcolm, the -Scottish king received him with a hearty welcome, and entertained him -politely the rest of the summer. They had lately been sworn enemies, -but now that Tostig was fighting against England, Malcolm put aside -all bygone prejudice. - - [Illustration: ENGLAND.] - -In the summer of that eventful year, Tostig first proposed to the king -of Denmark that he should come to England and help him to recover his -earldom. Swegen had the good sense to refuse, and then the outlaw went -on to Norway to make further proposals to Harold Hardrada, who also -listened incredulously, but when Tostig suggested that Harold should -be king of England, and that he would only ask to be under-king of the -northern territory, that he would do homage to Harold and serve him -loyally, the great Norwegian chieftain consented to make ready for an -expedition. He seems to have been much like Rolf the Ganger, and a -true, valiant viking at heart. [Pg290] The old saga whence the story -comes makes us forget the plottings and claims of Rome and the glories -of Norman court life; the accounts of Harold Hardrada's expedition are -like a breath of cold wind from the Northern shores, and the sight -of a shining dragon-ship stealing away between the high shores of a -fiord, outward-bound for a bout of plundering. But the saga records -also the fame and prowess of that other Harold, the son of Godwine, -and magnifies the power of such an enemy. - -Perhaps the English king trusted at first in the ability of the -northern earls to take care of their own territory, and only tried to -stand guard over the southern coast. - -He gathered an army and kept it together all the latter part of the -summer, a most unprecedented and difficult thing in those days; and -with help from the local forces, or what we should call the militia, -his soldiers kept guard along the shores of Sussex and Kent. We cannot -estimate what a troublesome step forward in the art of warfare this -was for Englishmen, who were used to quick forced marches and decisive -battles, and a welcome dispersion after the cessation of whatever -exciting cause or sudden summons had gathered them. - -Harold's ships patrolled the Channel and the footsoldiers paced the -downs, but food, always hard to obtain, became at last impossible, and -in September the army broke ranks. Harold himself went back to London, -whither the fleet was also sent, but on the way it met with disaster, -and many of the ships were lost and many more began to leak and were -reluctantly [Pg291] judged unseaworthy. The whole southern coast was -left undefended; it was neither the king's fault nor the subjects' -fault. Both had done their best,--but the crops must be gathered then -or not at all, and at any rate, the army was weakened by famine and a -growing belief in the uncertainty of attack. - -Alas for Harold's peace of mind! In those very days William the -Norman's host was clustering and gathering like bees just ready to -swarm, on the coast of Normandy, and from the mouth of the Bergen -fiord came Harold Hardrada with a great company, with a huge mass of -treasure, such as had not for years and years floated away from a -Northern haven. It seems as if he had determined to migrate, to crush -the English usurper, and then to establish himself as Cnut had done in -the richer southern kingdom. There must have been some knowledge in -Norway of the state of things in England and Normandy, but this famous -old adventurer was ready to fight whoever he met, and the Black Raven -was flying at his masthead. Bad omens cast their shadows over this -great expedition of the last of the sea-kings, but away he sailed to -the Shetland Islands and left his wife and daughters there, while he -gained new allies; and still farther south, Tostig came to meet him -with a new army which he had gathered in Flanders. An Irish chieftain -and a great lord from Iceland were there too, and down they all came -upon the defenceless country that was marked as their prey, burning -and destroying church and castle and humble homestead, daring the -Englishmen to come out and fight and drive them away again. We have -no time [Pg292] to trace their lawless campaign. The two northern -earls summoned their vassals, but in a few days after the Northmen had -landed they had taken, without much trouble it appears to us, the city -of York, and news was hurriedly sent to the king of England. - -What a grievous message! Harold, the son of Godwine, was ill, his -southern coast was undefended, still he could not forget the message -that William had sent to him late in the summer by a spy who had -crossed to Normandy, that the Normans would soon come and teach him -how many they were and what they could do. But a holy abbot consoled -the king by telling him that Eadward the Confessor had shown himself -in a vision and assured his successor of certain victory. - -The prophecy was proved to be true; the king summoned his strength -and his soldiers and marched to York. There King Harold was to set -up his new kingdom; he had not the desire for revenge that filled -Tostig's breast, and was anxious to prove himself a generous and wise -ruler. As he came toward the walls which had been so easily won, the -rival Harold's army comes in sight--first a great cloud of dust like -a whirlwind, and next the shining spears prick through and glitter -ominously. A little later Harold of England sends a message to his -brother Tostig. He shall have again his kingdom of Northumberland if -he will be loyal; and Tostig sends back a message in his turn to ask -what shall be the portion of Harold Hardrada. "Seven feet of English -ground for his grave," says the other Harold, and the fight begins. -[Pg293] - -Alas for the tall Northman, the winner of eighty castles from the -Saracens, the scourge of Moslem and robber in Palestine; the ally of -Sicily, of Russia, and the Greeks! Alas for the kingdom he had lightly -lost in Norway! Alas for the wife and daughters who were watching -all through those shortening September days in the Orkneys for the -triumphant return of the fleet--for Harold the saga-man and sea-king, -who built his hopes too high. He may be fierce with the old rage of -the Berserkers, and lay sturdily about him with his heavy two-handed -sword; he may mow down great swaths of Englishmen like grain, but the -moment comes when an arrow flies with its sharp whistle straight at -his throat, and he falls dead, and his best fighters fall in heaps -above him; the flag of the Black Raven of Norway is taken. Tostig is -dead, and Harold of England is winner of that great day at Stamford -Bridge, the last great victory that he and his men would ever win, -the last fight of England before the Conquest. Out of the crowd of -ships that had come from the North only four and twenty sailed away -again, and Harold made peace with the Orkney-men and the Icelanders -and the rest. Since that day there has been peace between England and -the countries of the Northern Seas. Harold's last victory was with -the past, one might say, with the Northmen of another age and time, -as if the last tie of his country were broken with the old warfare -and earlier enemies. New relationships were established, the final -struggle for mastery was decided. The battle of Stamford Bridge might -have been called a deadly [Pg294] game at jousting, and the English -knight receives the prize and rides home the victor of the tournament. -Yet that very day of triumph saw the approach of a new foe--the Norman -ships full of horses and men are ready to put out for the English -shore. Harold must fight another battle and lose it, and a new order -of things must begin in Britain. The Northmen and the Normans; it is a -long step between the two, and yet England's past and her future meet; -the swordsmen's arms that ache from one battle must try their strength -again in another; but the Normans bring great gifts at the point of -their arrows--without them "England would have been mechanical, not -artistic; brave, not chivalrous; the home of learning, not of thought." - -Three days after the fight Harold sits at a splendid banquet among -his friends, and a breathless messenger comes in fleet-footed with -bad news. Muster your axemen and lances, Harold, King of the English; -the Normans have come like a flight of locusts and are landing on the -coast of Kent. - - [Illustration] - -[Pg295] - - [Illustration] - - - - -XV. - -THE BATTLE OF HASTINGS. - - "I see thy glory, like a shooting star, - Fall to the base earth from the firmament! - Thy sun sets weeping in the lowly west." - --SHAKESPEARE. - - -Early in the summer there was a sound of wood-chopping and a crash of -falling trees in the forests of Normandy, and along her shores in the -shipyards the noise of shipwrights' mallets began, and the forging of -bolts and chains. The hemp-fields enlarge their borders, and catch the -eye quickly with their brilliant green leafage. There is no better -trade now than that of the armorer's, and many a Norman knight sees -to it that the links of his chain-mail jerkin and helmet are strongly -sewn, and that he is likely to be well defended by the clanking habit -that he must buckle on. Horses and men are drilling in the castle -yards, and every baron gathers his troop, and is stern in his orders -and authority. The churches are crowded, the priests are urging the -holy cause, and war is in everybody's mind. The cherry blossoms whiten -and fall, the apple-trees are covered with rosy snow, mid-summer sees -the young fruit greaten on the boughs, the sun rides high in the sky, -[Pg296] and the soldiers' mail weighs heavy; through the country-lanes -go troops of footmen and horsemen. You can see the tips of their -unstrung bows moving above the hedges, and their furled banners with -heraldic device or pious seal. They are all going toward the sea, -toward the mouth of the river Dive. The peasant women and children -stand in their cottage doors and watch the straggling processions on -their way. It is indeed a cause to aid with one's prayers, this war -against the heathen English. - -All summer long, armed men were collecting at William's head-quarters -from every part of Normandy, or wherever his summons had wakened -a favorable response. If we can believe the chroniclers, the army -was well paid and well fed and kept in good order. It became a -question which army would hold its ground longest; Harold's, on the -Sussex downs, or William's, by the Dive. At last, news was brought -that the Englishmen were disbanded, then the Frenchmen--as we begin -to hear our Normans called,--the Frenchmen begin to make ready for -their expedition. There may have been skirmishes by sea in the hot -weather, but it was not until early autumn that William gave orders to -embark. There are different stories about the magnitude of the force. -The defeated party would have us believe that they were enormously -overpowered, and so set the numbers very high; the conquerors, on the -other hand, insist that they had not quantity so much as quality to -serve them in the fight, and that it was not the size of their army -but the valor of it that won the day. We are told that there were six -hundred and ninety-six [Pg297] ships and fourteen thousand men; we -are told also that there were more than three thousand ships and sixty -thousand men, all told; and other accounts range between these two -extremes. - - [Illustration: NORMAN VESSEL. (FROM BAYEUX TAPESTRY.)] - -For a month the Norman army waited at the mouth of the Dive for a -south wind, but no south wind blew, while an adverse storm scattered -them and strewed the shore with Norman bodies. At last, the duke took -advantage of a westerly breeze and set sail for St. Valery, off the -coast of Ponthieu, from whence he hoped to go more easily over to -England. At the famous abbey of St. Valery he was saying his prayers -and watching the weather-cocks for fifteen days, and he and his -captains made generous offerings at the holy shrines. The monks came -out at last in solemn procession bearing their sacred relics, and the -Norman host knelt devoutly and did homage. [Pg298] At Caen, in June, -the two great minsters had been dedicated, and William and Matilda had -given their young daughter Cecily to the service of God, together with -rich offerings of lands and money. In their own churches, therefore, -and at many another Norman altar beside, prayer and praise never -ceased in those days while Harold was marching to Stamford Bridge. - -At last, on Wednesday, the twenty-seventh of September, the wind went -round to the southward, and the great fleet sailed. The soldiers -believed that their prayers had been answered, and that they were the -favorites of heaven. They crowded on board the transport-ships, and -were heedless of every thing save that they were not left behind, and -had their armor and weapons ready for use. The trumpets were playing, -their voices cried loud above the music that echoed back in eager -strains from the shore. The horsemen shouted at their horses, and -the open ships were plainer copies of the dragon-ships of old; they -carried gayly dressed gentlemen, and shining gonfanons, and thickets -of glittering spears. The shields were rich with heraldic blazoning, -and the golden ship, Mora, that the Duchess Matilda had given to the -duke, shone splendid on the gray water, as just at evening William -himself set sail and turned the gilded figure of a boy blowing an -ivory trumpet, like some herald of certain victory, toward the shore -of Kent. The Pope's sacred banner was given to the welcome breeze, -and William's own standard, figured with the three lions of Normandy, -fluttered and spread itself wide. The [Pg299] colored sails looked -gay, the soldiers sang and cheered, and away they went without a fear, -these blessed Normans of the year 1066. On the Mora's masthead blazed -a great lantern when the darkness fell. It was a cloudy night. - -In the early morning, the Mora being lighter-laden than the rest, -found herself alone on the sea, out of sight of either land or ships, -but presently the loitering forest of masts rose into view. At nine -o'clock William had landed at Pevensey on the Sussex shore. As he -set foot for the second time on English soil, he tripped and fell, -and the bystanders gave a woful groan at such a disastrous omen. "By -the splendor of God," cried the duke, in his favorite oath, "I have -taken seizin of my kingdom; see the earth of England in my two hands!" -at which ready turn of wit a soldier pulled a handful of thatch -from a cottage roof and gave it to his master for a further token -of proprietorship. This also was seizin of all that England herself -embraced. - -There was nobody to hinder the Normans from landing or going where -they pleased. At Pevensey they stayed only one day for lack of -supplies, and then set out eastward toward Hastings. In the Bayeux -tapestry, perhaps the most reliable authority so far as it goes, there -is an appealing bit of work that pictures a burning house with a woman -and little child making their escape. The only places of safety, we -are told elsewhere, were the churchyards and the churches. William's -piety could hardly let him destroy even an enemy's sacred places of -worship. [Pg300] - -The next few days were filled with uncertainty and excited expectancy. -Clearly there was no army in the immediate neighborhood of Hastings; -the Normans had that part of the world to themselves apparently, and -hours and days went by leaving them undisturbed. Many a voice urged -that they might march farther into the country, but their wary leader -possessed his soul in patience, and at last came the news of the great -battle in the north, of Harold's occupation of York, and the terrible -disaster that had befallen the multitude of Harold Hardrada and -Tostig, with their allies. Now, too, came a message to the duke from -Norman Robert the Staller, who had stood by the Confessor's death-bed, -and who kept a warm heart for the country of his birth, though he had -become a loyal Englishman in his later years. Twenty thousand men have -been slain in the north, he sends word to William; the English were -mad with pride and rejoicing. The Normans were not strong enough nor -many enough to risk a battle; they would be like dogs among wolves, -and would be worse than overthrown. But William was scornful of such -advice--he had come to fight Harold, and he would meet him face to -face--he would risk the battle if he had only a sixth part as many men -as followed him, eager as himself for his rights. - - [Illustration: WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. (BAYEUX TAPESTRY.)] - -Harold had bestirred his feasting and idle army, and held council of -his captains at York. Normans and French and the men of Brittany had -landed at Pevensey in numbers like the sand of the sea and the stars -of heaven. If only the south wind had [Pg302] blown before, so that -he might have met these invaders with his valiant army, too soon -dispersed! To have beaten back William and then have marched north -to Stamford Bridge, that, indeed, would have been a noble record. -Now the Normans were burning and destroying unhindered in the south; -what should be done? And every captain-baron of the English gave his -word that he would call no man king but Harold the son of Godwine; -and with little rest from the battle just fought, they made ready -to march to London. They knew well enough what this new invasion -meant; a prophetic dread filled their hearts, for it was not alone -out of loyalty to Harold, but for love of England, that these men of -different speech and instincts must be pushed off the soil to which -they had no lawful claim. - -The fame of the northern victory brought crowds of recruits to the -two banners, the Dragon of Wessex and Harold's own standard, the -Fighting Man, as they were carried south again. Nothing succeeds like -success; if Harold could conquer the great Hardrada, it were surely -not impossible to defeat the Norman duke. So the thanes and churchmen -alike rallied to the Fighting Man. The earls of the north half -promised to follow, but they never kept their word; perhaps complete -independence might follow now their half-resented southern vassalage. -At least they did not mean to fight the battles of Wessex until there -was no chance for evasion. But while Harold waited at London, men -flocked together from the west and south, and he spent some days in -his royal house at Westminster, heavy-hearted and full [Pg303] of -care in his great extremity. He was too good a general, he had seen -too much of the Norman soldiery already to underrate their prowess in -battle; he shook his head gloomily when his officers spoke with scorn -of their foes. One day he went on a pilgrimage to his own abbey at -Waltham, and the monks' records say that, while he prayed there before -the altar and confessed his sins and vowed his fealty to God, who -reigns over all the kingdoms of the earth; while he lay face downward -on the sacred pavement, the figure of Christ upon the cross bowed its -head, as if to say again, "It is finished." Thurkill, the sacristan, -saw this miracle, and knew that all hope must be put aside, and that -Harold's cause was already lost. - -Next, the Norman duke sent a message to Westminster by a monk from the -abbey of Fécamp, and there was parleying to and fro about Harold's -and William's rival claims to the English crown. It was only a -formal challenging and a final provocation to the Englishmen to come -and fight for their leader, there where the invaders had securely -entrenched and established themselves. "Come and drive us home if you -dare, if you can!" the Normans seemed to say tauntingly, and Harold -saw that he must make haste lest the duke should be strengthened -by reinforcements or have time to make himself harder to dislodge. -William's demand that he should come down from the throne had been -put into insolent words, and the Kentish people were being pitifully -distressed and brought to beggary by the host of foreigners. Yet -Gyrth, the son of Godwine, begged [Pg304] his royal brother to stay -in London; to let him go and fight the Normans; and the people begged -Harold, at the last moment, to listen to such good counsel. But Harold -refused; he could never play coward's part, or let a man who loved -him fight a battle in his stead; and so when six days were spent he -marched away to the fight where the two greatest generals the world -held must match their strength one against the other, hand to hand. -The King of England had a famous kingdom to lose, the Duke of Normandy -had a famous kingdom to win. - - [Illustration: A NORMAN MINSTREL.] - -On the night before the fourteenth of October, the armies stood before -each other near Hastings, on the field of Senlac, now called Battle. -They made their camps hastily; for hosts of them the rude shelters -were a last earthly dwelling-place and habitation of earthly hopes -or fears. Through the Norman encampment went bands of priests, and -the Normans prayed and confessed their sins. The Bishop of Coutances -and Duke William's half-brother Odo, Bishop of Bayeux, both these -high officials of the Church were there to stay the hands of their -parishioners, and uphold the devout fighters in this crusade. Odo -made the soldiers promise that whoever survived the morrow's battle -would never again eat meat on Saturday; by such petty means he hoped -to gain success at the hands of God who rules battles on a larger -scope, and who, through the quarrels and jealousies of men, brings -slowly near the day when justice shall be done on earth as it is in -heaven. They sang hymns; the watch-fires flickered and faded; the gray -morning dawned, and there in the [Pg305] dim light stood the English -on a hillside that jutted like a promontory into the marshy plain. A -woodland lay behind them, as if the very trees of the English soil had -mustered with the men; in the thickest of the ranks was Harold's royal -banner, the Fighting Man, and Harold himself stood close beside it -with his brothers. The awful battle-axes, stained yet with the blood -of those who died at Stamford Bridge, were in every man's hand, and -every man was sheltered by his shield and kept silence. The Normans -saw their foes stand waiting all together shoulder to shoulder, yet -there was silence--an awful stillness in which to see so vast a host of -men, and yet not hear them speak. The English had feasted that night, -and sung their songs, and told the story of the northern fight. How -their battle-axes looked gray and cold as the light dawned more and -more! The Normans knew that they might feel the bitter edges and the -cleaving steel of them ere the day was spent. [Pg306] - -Archers first, behind them the lancers, and behind all, the horsemen; -so the Normans were placed, high-hearted and bold with their great -errand. To gain is better than to keep; by night this England might -be theirs in spite of the battle-axes. While the day was yet young, -Taillefer, the minstrel, went riding boldly out from the ranks singing -the song of Roland and Charlemagne at Roncesvalles, tossing his sword -lightly and fast into the air and catching it deftly as he galloped -to the English lines. There sat the duke on his horse that was a -present from the king of Spain. His most holy relics were hung about -his neck; as he glanced from Taillefer along his army front he could -see the Côtentin men, led by Neal of Saint Saviour, and his thoughts -may have gone back quickly to the battle of his early youth at -Val-ès-dunes. What a mighty host had gathered at his summons! All his -Norman enemies were his followers now; he had won great championship, -and if this day's fortune did not turn against him, the favor of the -Holy Mother Church at Rome, the church of the apostles and martyrs, -was won indeed; and no gift in Christendom would be more proudly -honored than this kingdom of England made loyal to the papal crown. -William the Bastard, the dishonored, insulted grandson of a Falaise -tanner,--William, the Duke of proud Normandy, at the head of a host, -knocking at the gates of England; nay, let us set the contrast wider -yet, and show Rolf the Ganger, wet by salt spray on the deck of his -dragon-ship, steering boldly southward, and William, Duke of the -Normans, rich and great, a master of masters, and soon [Pg307] to be -king of a wide and noble land, and winner of a great battle, if the -saints whom he worshipped would fight upon his side. - -Taillefer has killed his two men, and been killed in his turn; his -song has ended, and his sword has dropped from his hand. The Normans -cry "/Dex aide! Dex aide! Ha Rou!/" and rush boldly up the hill to -Harold's palisades. The arrows flew in showers, but the English stand -solid and hew at the horsemen and footmen from behind their shields. -Every man, even the king, was on foot; they shouted "Out! out!" as the -Normans came near; they cried "God Almighty!" and "Holy Cross!" and -at this sound Harold must have sadly remembered how the crucifix had -bowed its head as he lay prone before it. And the fight grew hotter -and hotter, the Normans were beaten back, and returned again fiercely -to the charge, down the hill, now up the hill over the palisades, -like a pouring river of men, dealing stinging sword-thrusts--dropping -in clumsy heaps of javelin-pricked and axe-smitten lifelessness; from -swift, bright-eyed men becoming a bloody mass to stumble over, or -feebly crying for mercy at the feet that trampled them; so the fight -went on. Harold sent his captains to right and left, and William -matched his captains against them valiantly. The Norman arrows were -falling blunted and harmless from the English shields, and he told the -archers to shoot higher and aim so that the arrows might fall from -above into the Englishmen's faces. There was no sound of guns or smoke -of powder in that day, only a fearful wrangling and chopping, and a -whir of [Pg308] arrow and lance and twang of bowstring. Yes, and a -dolorous groaning as closer and closer the armies grappled with each -other, hand to hand. - -Hour after hour the day spent itself, and the fight would never be -done. There was a cry that the duke was dead, and he pulled off his -helmet and hurried along the lines to put new courage into his men. -The arrows were dropping like a deadly rain, the axemen and lancers -were twisted and twined together like melted rock that burns and -writhes its way through widening crack and crevice. The hot flood of -Normans in chain-mail and pointed helmets sweeps this way, and the -English with their leathern caps and their sturdy shoulders mailed -like their enemies, swinging their long-handled weapons, pour back -again, and so the day draws near its end, while the races mix in -symbolic fashion in the fight as they must mix in government, in -blood, in brotherhood, and in ownership of England while England -stands. - -Harold has fallen, the gleaming banner of the Fighting Man, with its -golden thread and jewelry, is stained with blood and mire. An arrow -has gone deep into the king's eye and brain; he has fallen, and -his foes strike needless blows at his poor body, lest so valiant a -spirit cannot be quieted by simple death. The English have lost the -fight, there is a cry that they are flying, and the Normans hear it -and gather their courage once more; they rally and give chase. All -at once there is a shout that thrills them through and through--a -glorious moment when they discover that the day is won. William the -Bastard is William the Conqueror, a sad word for many [Pg309] English -ears in days to come; to us the sign of great gain that was and is -England's--of the further advance of a kingdom already noble and -strong. The English are strongest, but the Normans are quickest. The -battle has been given to Progress, and the Norman, not the Saxon, had -the right to lead the way. - - [Illustration: SOLDIER IN CLOAK.] - -But the field of Senlac makes a sad and sorry sight as the light of -the short October day is fading and the pale stars shine dimly through -the chilly mist that gathers in from the sea. It is not like the -bright Norman weather; the slow breeze carries a faint, heavy odor -of fallen leaves, and the very birds give awesome cries as they fly -over the battle-field. There are many of the victors who think of the -spoils of England, but some better men remember that it is in truth a -mighty thing to have conquered such a country. What will it mean in -very truth that England is theirs? [Pg310] - -Later, William the Conqueror and his knights are resting and feasting -and bragging of their deeds, there where Harold's standards were -overthrown and the banner of the Three Lions of Normandy waves in the -cool night wind. The living men look like butchers from the shambles, -and the dead lie in heavy heaps; here and there a white face catches -a ray of light and appeals for pity in its dumb loneliness. There are -groans growing ever fainter, and cries for help now and then, from a -soldier whose wits have come back to him, though he lay stunned and -maimed among those who are forever silent. There go weeping men and -women with litters--they cannot find the king, and they must lead the -woman who loved him best of all the earth, Edith the Swan-throated, -through this terrible harvest-field to discover his wounded body among -the heaps of slain. He must be buried on the sea-shore, the Norman -duke gives command to William Malet, and so guard forever the coast he -tried to defend. - -The heralds of victory set sail exultantly across the brown water -of the Channel; the messengers of defeat go mourning to London and -through the sorrowful English towns. Harold the son of Godwine, and -his brother, Gyrth the Good--yes, and the flower of all Southern -England; no man of Harold's own noble following lived to tell the -story and to bewail this great defeat. There were some who lived to -talk about it in after days;--and there was one good joy in saying that -as the Normans pursued them after the day was lost, they hid in ambush -in the fens and routed their pursuers with deadly, [Pg311] unexpected -blows. But the country side looked on with dismay while William fought -his way to London, not without much toil and opposition, but at last -the humbled earldoms willingly or unwillingly received their new lord. -Since Eadgar the underwitted Atheling was not fit for the throne, -and the house of Godwine had fallen, William the Norman was made -monarch of England, and there was a king-crowning in Westminster at -Christmas-tide. - - [Illustration] - -[Pg312] - - [Illustration] - - - - -XVI. - -WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. - - "Then in his house of wood with flaxen sails - She floats, a queen, across the fateful seas." - --A. F. - - -Rather than follow in detail the twenty-one years of William's English -reign, we must content ourselves with a glance at the main features -of it. We cannot too often remind ourselves of the resemblance -between the life and growth of a nation and the life and growth of -an individual; but while William the Conqueror is in so many ways -typical of Normandy, and it is most interesting to follow his personal -fortunes, there are many developments of Norman character in general -which we must not overlook. William was about forty years old when the -battle of Hastings was fought and won; Normandy, too, was in her best -vigor and full development of strength. The years of decadence must -soon begin for both; the time was not far distant when the story of -Normandy ends, and it is only in the history of France and of England -that the familiar Norman characteristics can be traced. Foremost in -vitalizing force and power of centralization and individuality, while -so much of Europe was [Pg313] unsettled and misdirected toward petty -ends, this duchy of Rolf the Ganger seems, in later years, like a -wild-flower that has scattered its seed to every wind, and plants for -unceasing harvests, but must die itself in the first frost of outward -assailment and inward weakness. - - * * * * * - -The march to London had been any thing but a triumphant progress, and -the subjects of the new king were very sullen and vindictive. England -was disheartened, her pride was humbled to the dust, and many of -her leaders had fallen. In the dark winter weather there was sorrow -and murmuring; the later law of the curfew bell, a most wise police -regulation, made the whole country a prison. - -A great deal of harrying had been thought necessary before the people -were ready to come to William and ask him to accept the crown. William -had a great gift for biding his time, and in the end the crown was -proffered, not demanded. We learn that the folk thought better of -their conqueror at last, that Cnut was remembered kindly, and the -word went from mouth to mouth that England might do worse than take -this famous Christian prince to rule over her. Harold had appealed -to heaven when the fight began at Senlac, but heaven had given the -victory to other hands. The northern earls had forsaken them, and at -any rate the Norman devastations must be stopped. If William would -do for England what he had done for his own duchy and make it feared -for valor and respected for its prosperity like Normandy, who could -ask more? So the [Pg314] duke called a formal council of his high -noblemen and, after careful consideration, made known his acceptance! -There was a strange scene at the coronation in Westminster. Norman -horsemen guarded the neighboring streets, a great crowd of spectators -filled the church, and when the question was put to this crowd, -whether they would accept William for their king, there was an eager -shout of "Yea! yea! King William!" Perhaps the Normans had never heard -such a noisy outcry at a solemn service. Again the shout was heard, -this time the same question had been repeated in the French tongue, -and again the answer was "Yea! yea!" - -The guards outside thought there was some treachery within, and -feared that harm might come to their leader, so, by way of antidote -or revenge, they set fire to the buildings near the minster walls. -Out rushed the congregation to save their goods or, it might be, -their lives, while the ceremony went on within, and the duke himself -trembled with apprehension as he took the solemn oath of an English -king, to do justice and mercy to all his people. There was a new crown -to be put on,--what had become of the Confessor's?--but at last the rite -was finished and William, king of the English, with his priests and -knights, came out to find a scene of ruin and disorder; it was all -strangely typical--the makeshift splendors, the new order of church and -state, the burning hatred and suspicions of that Christmas-tide. Peace -on earth, good-will to men! alas, it was any thing but that in the -later years of William's reign. [Pg315] - -No doubt he built high hopes and made deep plans for good governance -and England's glory. He had tamed Normandy to his guiding as one -tames a wild and fiery horse, and there seemed to be no reason why -he could not tame England. In the beginning he attempted to prove -himself lenient and kind, but such efforts failed; it was too plain -that the Normans had captured England and meant to enjoy the spoils. -The estates belonging to the dead thanes and ealdormen, who fought -with Harold, were confiscated and divided among the Normans: this -was the fortune of war, but it was a bitter grievance and injustice. -O, for another Godwine! cried many a man and woman in those days. O, -for another Godwine to swoop down upon these foreign vultures who -are tearing at England's heart! But even in the Confessor's time -there was little security for private property. We have even seen the -Confessor's own wife banished from his side without the rich dowry she -had brought him, and Godwine's estates had been seized and refunded -again, as had many another man's in the reign of that pious king whom -everybody was ready to canonize and deplore. - -After the king had given orders to his army to stop plundering and -burning, there was a good deal of irregular depredation for which he -was hardly responsible. He was really king of a very small part of -England. The army must not be disbanded, it must be kept together -for possible defence, but the presence of such a body of rapacious -men, who needed food and lodging, and who were not content [Pg316] -unless they had some personal gain from the rich country they had -helped to win, could not help being disastrous. Yet there is one -certain thing--the duke meant to be master of his new possessions, -and could use Englishmen to keep his Norman followers in check, -while he could indulge his own countrymen in their love of power and -aggrandizement at England's expense. There are touching pictures of -his royal progress through the country in the early part of his reign; -the widows of thanes and the best of the churls would come out with -their little children, to crave mercy and the restitution of even -a small part of their old estates to save them from beggary. Poor -women! it was upon them that the heaviest burden fell; the women of a -war-stricken country suffer by far the most from change and loss; not -the heroes who die in battle, or the heroes who live to tell the story -of the fight, and who have been either victors or vanquished. Men are -more reasonable; they have had the recompense of taking part in the -struggle. If they have been in the wrong or in the right, great truths -have come home to them as they stood sword in hand. - -The Norman barons, who had followed their leader beyond the Channel, -had been won by promises, and these promises must be kept. They were -made rich with the conquered lands, and given authority, one would -think, to their heart's content. They were made the king's magistrates -and counsellors, and as years went by there was more and more -resentment of all this on the part of the English. They hated their -Norman lords; they hated the [Pg317] taxes which the king claimed. -The strong point of the Saxon civilization was local self-government -and self-dependence; but the weak point was the lack of unity and -want of proper centralization and superintendence. William was wise -in overcoming this; instead of giving feudalism its full sway and -making his Norman barons petty monarchs with right of coinage and full -authority over their own dominion, he claimed the homage and loyalty, -the absolute allegiance of his subjects. But for his foresight in -making such laws, England might have been such a kingdom as Charles -the Simple's or Hugh Capet's, and hampered with feudal lords greater -than their monarch in every thing but name. - -In England, at last, every man held his land directly from the king -and was responsible to him. The Witanagemôt was continued, but turned -into a sort of feudal court in which the officials of the kingdom, the -feudal lords, had places. The Witan became continually a smaller body -of men, who were joined with those officers of the royal power higher -than they. It must be remembered that the Conqueror did not make his -claim to the throne because he had won his right by the sword. He -always insisted that he was the lawful successor to Eadward, and the -name of Harold the Usurper was omitted from the list of English kings. -Following this belief or pretence he was always careful to respect the -nationality of the country, and made himself as nearly as possible an -Englishman. His plans for supplanting the weakness and insularity of -many English institutions by certain Continental [Pg318] fashions, -wrought a tremendous change, and put the undeveloped and self-centred -kingdom that he had won, on a footing with other European powers. The -very taxes which were wrung from the unwilling citizens, no doubt, -forced them to wider enterprise and the expansion of their powers of -resource. Much of England's later growth has sprung from seed that -was planted in these years--this early springtime of her prosperity, -when William's stern hands swept from field and forest the vestiges -of earlier harvests, and cleared the garden grounds into leafless -deserts, only to make them ready for future crops. - -The very lowest classes were more fortunate under William's rule -than they had been in earlier times. Their rights and liberties -were extended, and they could claim legal defence against the -tyrannies of their masters. But the upper ranks of people were much -more dissatisfied and unhappy. The spirit of the laws was changed; -the language of the court was a foreign language; and the modified -feudalism of the king put foreigners in all high places, who could -hold the confiscated estates, and laugh at the former masters now -made poor and resourceless. The folk-land had become /Terra Regis/; -England was only a part of Normandy, and the king was often away, -busier with the affairs of his duchy than of his kingdom. Yet, as -had often happened before in this growing nation's lifetime, a -sure process of amalgamation was going on, and though the fire of -discontent was burning hot, the gold that was England's and the gold -that was Normandy's were being melted together and growing into a -greater [Pg319] treasure than either had been alone. We can best -understand the individuality and vital force of the Norman people by -seeing the difference their coming to England has made in the English -character. We cannot remind ourselves of this too often. The Norman -of the Conqueror's day was already a man of the world. The hindering -conditions of English life were localism and lack of unity. We can see -almost a tribal aspect in the jealousies of the earldoms, the lack of -sympathy or brotherhood between the different quarters of the island. -William's earls were only set over single shires, and the growth of -independence was rendered impossible; and his greatest benefaction to -his new domain was a thoroughly organized system of law. As we linger -over the accounts of his reign, harsh and cruel and unlovable as he -appears, it is rather the cruelty of the surgeon than of a torturer -or of a cut-throat. The presence of the Normans among the nations of -the earth must have seemed particularly irritating and inflammatory, -but we can understand, now that so many centuries have smoothed away -the scars they left, that the stimulus of their energy and their hot -ambition helped the rest of the world to take many steps forward. - -While we account for the deeds of the fighting Normans, and their -later effects, we must not forget their praying brethren who stood -side by side with them, lording it over the English lands and reaching -out willing hands for part of the spoils. We must thank them for their -piety and their scholarship, and for the great churches they founded, -even while we [Pg320] laugh at the greed and wordliness under their -monkish cloaks. Lanfranc was made bishop of Canterbury, and wherever -the Conqueror's standard was planted, wherever he gained foothold, as -the tide of his military rule ebbed and flowed, he planted churches -and monasteries. Especially he watched over his high-towered Battle -Abbey, which marked the spot where the banner of the Fighting Man was -defeated and the banner of the Three Lions of Normandy was set up in -its place. - -Before we go further we must follow the king back to his duchy in -the spring after that first winter in England. Three Englishmen -were chosen to attend his royal highness, and although they might -easily guess that there was something more than mere compliment in -this flattering invitation, these northern earls, Eadwine, Morkere, -and Waltheof (the Bear's great-grandson), were not anxious to hurry -forward the open quarrel which William himself was anxious to avoid. -Nothing could have been more unsafe in the unsettled condition of -England than to have left these unruly leaders to plot and connive -during his absence; besides, it would be a good thing to show such -rough islanders the splendours of the Norman court. - -The Norman chroniclers are not often willing to admit that England -was in any respect equal to their own duchy, but when they have to -describe William's triumphant return, they forget their prudence and -give glowing accounts of the treasure of gold and silver that he -brings with him, and even the magnificent embroideries, tapestries -and [Pg321] hangings, and clerical vestments,--though they have so -lately tried to impress upon their readers that heathen squalor of -social life across the Channel which the Christian had sought to -remedy. Church after church was richly endowed with these spoils, -and the Conqueror's own Church of St. Stephen at Caen fared best of -all. Beside the English wealth we must not forget the goods of Harold -Hardrada, which had been brought with such mistaken confidence for -the plenishing of his desired kingdom. There is a tradition of a -mighty ingot of gold won in his Eastern adventures, so great that -twelve strong youths could scarcely carry it. Eadwine and Morkere of -Northumberland must have looked at that with regretful eyes. - -Whatever the English prejudice might have been, the Normans had every -reason to be proud of their seventh duke. He had advanced their -fortunes in most amazing fashion, and they were proud of him indeed -on the day when he again set his foot on Norman ground. The time of -year was Lent. Spring was not yet come, but it might have been a -summer festival, if one judged by the way that the people crowded from -the farthest boundaries of the country to the towns through which -William was to pass. It was like the glorious holidays of the Roman -Empire. The grateful peasants fought and pushed for a sight of their -leader. The world is never slow to do honor to its great soldiers and -conquerors. The duke met his wife at Rouen, and that was the best -moment of all; Matilda had ruled Normandy wisely and ably during his -five or six [Pg322] months' absence, with old Roger de Beaumont for -her chief counsellor. - -The royal procession trailed its gorgeous length from church to -church and from city to city about the duchy; the spoils of England -seemed inexhaustible to the wondering spectators, and those who had -made excuse to lag behind when their bows and lances were needed, -were ready enough now to clutch their hands greedily in their empty -pockets and follow their valiant countrymen. William himself was not -slow in letting the value of his new domain be known; the more men the -better in that England which might be a slippery prize to hold. He had -many a secret conference with Lanfranc, who had been chief adviser -and upholder of the invasion. The priest-statesman seems almost a -greater man than the soldier-statesman; many a famous deed of that -age was Lanfranc's suggestion, but nobody knew better than these two -that the conquest of England was hardly more than begun, and long and -deep their councils must have been when the noise of shouting in the -streets had ended, and the stars were shining above Caen. - -No city of Normandy seems more closely connected with those days than -Caen. As one walks along its streets, beneath the high church towers -and gabled roofs of the houses, it is easy to fancy that more famous -elder generation of Normans alive again, to people Caen with knights -and priests and minstrels of that earlier day. The Duchess Matilda -might be alive yet and busy with her abbey church of Holy Trinity and -her favorite household of nuns; [Pg323] the people shout her praises -admiringly, and gaze at her lovingly as she passes through the street -with her troop of attendants. Caen is prosperous and gay. "Large, -strong, full of draperies and all sorts of merchandise; rich citizens, -noble dames, damsels, and fine churches," says Froissart years -afterwards. Even this very year one is tempted to believe that one -sees the same fields and gardens, the same houses, and hears the same -bells that William the Conqueror saw and heard in that summer after he -had become king of England. - -And in Bayeux, too, great portions of the ancient city still remain. -There where the Northmen made their chief habitation, or in Rouen -or Falaise, we can almost make history come to life. Perhaps the -great tapestry was begun that very summer in Bayeux; perhaps the -company of English guests, some of those noble dames well-skilled in -"English work" of crewel and canvas, were enticed by Bishop Odo into -beginning that "document in worsted" which more than any thing else -has preserved the true history of the Conquest of England. Odo meant -to adorn his new church with it, and to preserve the account of his -own part in the great battle and its preliminaries, with the story -of Harold's oath and disloyalty, and William's right to the crown. -There is an Italian fashion of drawing in it--the figures are hardly -like Englishmen or Normans in the way they stand or make gestures to -each other in the rude pictures. Later history has associated the -working of these more than fifteen hundred figures with Matilda and -her maidens, as a tribute to the [Pg324] Conqueror's valor, but there -are many evidences to the contrary. The old idea that the duchess -and her women worked at the tapestry, and said their prayers while -the army had gone to England, seems improbable the more one studies -the work itself. Yet tradition sometimes keeps the grain of truth in -its accumulation of chaff. There is no early record of it, and its -historical value was rediscovered only in 1724 by a French antiquary. -The bright worsteds of it still keep their colors on the twenty-inches -wide strip of linen, more than two hundred feet in length. Odo is -said to have given it to his chapter at Bayeux, and it has suffered -astonishingly little from the ravages of time. - -But we must return to Norman affairs in England. Odo himself and -William Fitz-Osbern had been made earls of the Counties Palatine of -Kent and Hereford, and were put in command in William's absence. The -rapacity of these Norman gentlemen was more than their new subjects -could bear. The bishop at least is pretty certain to have covered his -own greedy injustice by a plea that he was following out the king's -orders. Revolt after revolt troubled the peace of England. Harold's -two sons were ready to make war from their vantage-ground in Ireland; -the Danes and Scots were also conspiring against the new lord of the -English. At last some of the Normans themselves were traitorous and -troublesome, but William was fully equal to such minor emergencies as -these. He went back to England late in 1067, after spending the summer -and autumn in Normandy, and soon found himself busy [Pg325] enough -in the snarl of revolt and disagreement. One trouble followed another -as the winter wore away. The siege of Exeter was the most conspicuous -event, but here too William was conqueror, and Southwestern England -was forced to submit to his rule. At Easter-tide a stately embassy -was sent to bring over the Duchess Matilda from Normandy, and when it -returned she was hallowed as Queen by Ealdred the archbishop. Let us -hope that, surrounded by her own kindred and people, she did not see -the sorrowful English faces of those women who had lost husband and -home together, and who had been bereft of all their treasures that -strangers might be enriched. - - [Illustration: DEATH OF HAROLD. BAYEUX TAPESTRY.] - -There is a curious tradition that a little while after this, much woe -was wrought because those other Norman ladies, whose lords had come -over to England to [Pg326] fight and remained to plunder, refused to -join them, because they were not fond of the sea, and thought that -they were not likely to find better fare and lodging. Very likely -the queen's residence in her new possessions had a good effect, but -some of the Norman men were obliged to return altogether, their -wives having threatened to find new partners if they were left alone -any longer. It may have been an excuse or a jest, because so many -naturally desired to see their own country again. - - [Illustration: NORMAN LADY. COTTON MSS.] - -Both Saxons and Normans paid great deference to the instinctive -opinions of women. When such serious matters as going to war were -before them, a woman's unreasoning prejudice or favor of the -enterprise was often taken into account. They seem to have almost -taken the place of the ancient auguries! However, it is not pleasant -to feminine conceit to be told directly that great respect was also -paid to the neighing of horses! [Pg327] - -Henry, the king's youngest son, was born not long after the queen's -arrival, and born too in Northern England the latest and hardest won -at that time of the out-lying provinces. The very name that was given -to the child shows a desire for some degree of identification with -new interests. William and Matilda certainly had England's welfare at -heart, for England's welfare was directly or indirectly their own, -and this name was a sign of recognition of the hereditary alliance -with Germany; with the reigning king and his more famous father. -There is nothing more striking than the traditional slander and -prejudice which history preserves from age to age. Seen by clearer -light, many reported injustices are explained away. If there was in -England then, anything like the present difficulty of influencing -public opinion to quick foresight and new decisions, the Conqueror -and Baldwin of Flanders' daughter had any thing but an easy path -to tread. Selfish they both may have been, and bigoted and even -cruel, but they represented a better degree of social refinement and -education and enlightenment. Progress was really what the English of -that day bewailed and set their faces against, though they did not -know it. William and Matilda had to insist upon the putting aside -of worn-out opinions, and on coming to England had made the strange -discovery that they must either take a long step backward or force -their subjects forward. They were not conscious reformers; they were -not infallibly wise missionaries of new truth, who tried actually to -give these belated souls a wider outlook upon life, but let us stop to -recognize the fact that no [Pg328] task is more thankless than his -who is trying to go in advance of his time. Men have been burnt and -hanged and disgraced and sneered at for no greater crime; in fact, -there is nothing that average humanity so much resents as the power -to look ahead and to warn others of pitfalls into which ignorant -shortsightedness is likely to tumble. Nothing has been so resented -and assailed as the thorough survey of England, and the record of -its lands and resources in the Domesday Book. Yet nothing was so -necessary for any sort of good government and steady oversight of the -nation's affairs. We only wonder now that it was not made sooner. The -machinery of government was of necessity much ruder then. No doubt -William's tyranny swept its course to and fro like some Juggernaut car -regardless of its victims, yet for England a unified and concentrated -force of government was the one thing to be insisted upon; Harold and -his rival earls might have been hindering, ineffectual rulers of the -country's divided strength and jealous partisanship. - -Yet the future right direction and prosperity of England was poor -consolation to the aching hearts of the women of that time, or the -landless lords who had to stand by and see new masters of the soil -take their places. What was won by William's sword must be held by -his sword, and the more sullen and rebellious the English grew, the -more heavily they were taxed and the faster the land was rid of them. -They were chased into the fens, and pursued with fire and bloodshed. -"England was made a great grave," says Dickens, "and men and beasts -lay dead [Pg329] together." The immediate result of the Conqueror's -rule was like fire and plough and harrow in a piece of new land. - - [Illustration: BATTLE AXES. BAYEUX TAPESTRY.] - -It was a sad and tiresome lifetime, that of the Conqueror; just -or unjust toward his new subjects, they hated him bitterly; his -far-sighted plans for the country's growth and development gave -as much displeasure as the smallest of his personal prejudices or -selfish whims. Every man's hand was against him, and hardly an eye -but flashed angrily at the sight of the king. Eadward the Confessor, -pious ascetic, and relic-worshipper, had loved the chase as well -as this warlike successor of his ever loved it, and had been very -careful of his royal hunting-grounds, [Pg330] but nobody raised an -outcry against his unsaintly love of slaughtering defenceless wild -creatures, or thought him the less a meek and gentle soul, beloved by -angels and taught by them in visions. But ever since, the Conqueror's -love of hunting has been an accusation against him as if he were the -only man guilty of it, and his confiscation of the Hampshire lands -to make new forest seemed the last stroke that could be borne. The -peasants' cottages were swept away and the land laid waste. Norman -was master and Englishman was servant. The royal train of horses and -dogs and merry huntsmen in gay apparel clattered through the wood, -and from hiding-places under the fern men watched them and muttered -curses upon their cruel heads. There were already sixty-eight royal -forests in different parts of the kingdom before New Forest was begun. -Everybody thought that England had never seen such dark days, but so -everybody thought when the Angles and Saxons and Jutes came, and even -so vigorous a pruning and digging at the roots as this made England -grow the better. - -Large tracts of the hunting-grounds had been unfit for human -habitation, and it was better to leave them to the hares and deer. -Wide regions of the country, too, were occupied by the lowest class -of humanity, who lived almost in beastly fashion, without chance -of enlightenment or uplifting. They were outlaws of the worst sort -who could not be brought into decent order or relationship with -respectable society, and it was better for these to be chased -from their lairs and forced to accept the [Pg331] companionship -of townsfolk. With these, however, there were many who suffered -undeserved. Among the rank weeds of England there were plucked many -blooming things and useful growths of simple, long-established -home-life and domestic affection. When fire was leaping high at the -city gates it is impossible not to regret its enmity against dear -and noble structures of the past, even though it cleared the way -for loftier minsters and fairer dwelling-places. In criticising and -resenting such a reign as William the Norman's over England, we must -avoid a danger of not seeing the hand of God in it, and the evidences -of an overruling Providence, which works in and through the works -of men and sees the end of things from the beginning as men cannot. -There may be overstatement in William of Malmesbury's account of -the bad condition of the country at the time of the Conquest, but -the outlines of it cannot be far from right. "In process of time," -he says, "the desire after literature and religion had decayed for -several years before the arrival of the Normans. The clergy, contented -with a very slight degree of learning, could scarcely stammer out -the words of the sacraments, and a person who understood grammar was -an object of wonder and astonishment. The nobility were given up to -luxury and wantonness. The commonalty, left unprotected, became a -prey to the most powerful, who amassed fortunes by either seizing -on their property or selling their persons into foreign countries; -although it be an innate quality of this people to be more inclined to -revelling than to the accumulation of wealth. Drinking was a [Pg332] -universal practice, in which they passed whole nights, as well as -days. They consumed their whole substance in mean, despicable houses, -unlike Normans and French, who, in noble and splendid mansions, lived -with frugality." "There cannot be a doubt," says Mr. Bruce in his -interesting book about the Bayeux tapestry, "that by the introduction -of the refinements of life the condition of the people was improved, -and that a check was given to the grosser sensualities of our nature. -Certain it is that learning received a powerful stimulus by the -Conquest. At the period of the Norman invasion a great intellectual -movement had commenced in the schools on the Continent. Normandy had -beyond most other parts profited by it. William brought with him to -England some of the most distinguished ornaments of the school of his -native duchy; the consequence of this was that England henceforward -took a higher walk in literature than she had ever done before." One -great step was the freeing of the lower classes; there was one rank of -serfs, the churls, who were attached to the land, and were transferred -with it, without any power of choosing their employer or taking any -steps to improve their condition. Another large class, the thews, were -the absolute property of their owners. William's law that every slave -who had lived unchallenged a year and a day in any city or walled -town in the kingdom should be free forever, was, indeed, "a door of -hope to many," besides the actual good effects of town life, the -natural rivalry and promotion of knowledge, the stimulus given to the -cultivation and refinements of social [Pg333] life. He protected the -early growth of a public sentiment, which was finally strong enough to -venture to assert its rights and to claim recognition. He relentlessly -overthrew the flourishing slave-trade of the town of Bristol and no -doubt made many enemies by such an act. - -Whatever may have been the king's better nature and earlier purposes -in regard to his kingdom and duchy, as he grew older one finds his -reputation growing steadily worse. He must have found the ruling of -men a thankless task, and he apparently cared less and less to soften -or control the harshness of his underrulers and officers. His domestic -relations had always been a bright spot in his stern, hard life, but -at length even his beloved wife Matilda no longer held him first, and -grieved him by favoring their troublesome son Robert, who was her -darling of all their children. Robert and his mother had been the -nominal governors of Normandy when he was still a child and his father -was away in England. They seem to have been in league ever afterward, -for when Robert grew up he demanded Normandy outright, which made -his father angry, and the instant refusal provoked Master Curt-hose -to such an extent that he went about from court to court in Europe -bewailing the injustice that had been shown him. He was very fond of -music and dancing, and spent a great deal of money, which the queen -appears to have been always ready to send him. He was gifted with a -power of making people fond of him, though he was not good for very -much else. - -After a while William discovered that there was a [Pg334] secret -messenger who carried forbidden supplies to the rebellious prince, -and the messenger happily had time to betake himself to a convenient -convent and put on the dress and give, let us hope, heart-felt vows of -monkhood. This is what Orderic Vitalis reports of a meeting between -the king and queen: "Who in the world," sighs the king, "can expect -to find a faithful and devoted wife? The woman whom I loved in my -soul, and to whom I entrusted my kingdom and my treasures, supports -my enemies; she enriches them with my property; she secretly arms -them against my honor--perhaps my life." And Matilda answered: "Do not -be surprised, I pray you, because I love my eldest born. Were Robert -dead and seven feet below the sod, and my blood could raise him to -life, it should surely flow. How can I take pleasure in luxury when -my son is in want? Far from my heart be such hardness! Your power -cannot deaden the love of a mother's heart." The king did not punish -the queen, we are assured gravely; and Robert quarrelled with his -brothers, and defied his father, and won his mother's sympathy and -forbearance to the end. He found the king of France ready to uphold -his cause by reason of the old jealousy of William's power, and while -he was ensconced in the castle of Gerberoi, and sallying out at his -convenience to harry the country, William marched to attack him, and -the father and son fought hand to hand without knowing each other -until the king was thrown from his horse. Whereupon Robert professed -great contrition, and some time afterward, the barons having [Pg335] -interceded and Matilda having prayed and wept, William consented to a -reconciliation, and even made his son his lieutenant over Normandy and -Brittany. - -In 1083 the queen died, and there was nobody to lift a voice against -her prudence and rare virtue, or her simple piety. There was no better -woman in any convent cell of Normandy, than the woman who had borne -the heavy weight of the Norman crown, and who had finished the sorry -task as best she could, of reigning over an alien, conquered people. -The king's sorrow was piteous to behold, and not long afterward -their second son, Richard, was killed in the New Forest, a place of -misfortune to the royal household. Another trouble quickly followed, -which not only hurt the king's feelings, but made him desperately -angry. - - [Illustration: ODO, BISHOP OF BAYEUX.] - -William had been very kind to all his kinsfolk on his mother's side, -and especially to his half-brother, Odo, the Bishop of Bayeux. He -had loaded him with honors, and given him, long ago, vice-regal -authority in England. Even this was not enough for such an aspiring -ecclesiastic, and, under the pretence of gathering tax-money (no doubt -insisting that it was to serve [Pg336] the miserliness and greed of -the king), he carried on a flourishing system of plundering. After -a while it was discovered that he had an ambition to make himself -Pope of Rome, and was using his money for bribing cardinals and -ingratiating himself with the Italian nobles. He bought himself a -palace in Rome and furnished it magnificently, and began to fit out -a fleet of treasure-ships at the Isle of Wight. One day when they -were nearly ready to set sail, and the disloyal gentlemen who were -also bound on this adventure were collected into a comfortable group -on shore, who should appear among them but William himself. The king -sternly related what must have been a familiar series of circumstances -to his audience: Odo's disloyalty when he had been entirely trusted, -his oppression of England, his despoiling of the churches and the -confiscation of their lands and treasures, lastly that he had even -won away these knights to go to Rome with him; men who were sworn to -repulse the enemies of the kingdom. - -After Odo's sins were related in detail, he was seized, but loudly -lamented thereat, declaring that he was a clerk and a minister of the -Most High, and that no bishop could be condemned without the judgment -of the Pope. The people who stood by murmured anxiously, for nobody -knew what might be going to happen to them also. Crafty William -answered that he was seizing neither clerk, nor prelate, nor Bishop -of Bayeux, only his Earl of Kent, his temporal lieutenant, who must -account to him for such bad vice-regal administration, and for four -[Pg337] years after that Odo was obliged to content himself with close -imprisonment in the old tower of Rouen. - -Those four years were in fact all that remained of the Conqueror's -earthly lifetime, and dreary years they were. In 1087 William returned -to Normandy for the last time. The French king was making trouble; -some say that the quarrel began between the younger members of the -family, others that Philip demanded that William should do homage -for England. Ordericus Vitalis, the most truthful of the Norman -historians, declares that the dispute was about the proprietorship of -the French districts of the Vexin. - -The Conqueror was an old man now, older than his years; he had never -quite recovered from his fall when Robert unhorsed him at the castle -of Gerberoi; besides he had suffered from other illness, and had grown -very stout, and the doctors at Rouen were taking him in charge. The -king of France joked insolently about his illness, and at the end of -July William started furiously on his last campaign, and no doubt -took vast pleasure in burning the city of Mantes. When the fire was -down he rode through the conquered town, his horse stepped among some -smouldering firebrands and reared, throwing his clumsy rider suddenly -forward against the high pommel of the saddle, a death-blow from -which he was never to recover. He was carried back to Rouen a worse -case for the doctors' skill than ever, and presently fever set in, -and torture followed torture for six long weeks. The burning fever, -the midsummer heat, the flattery or neglect of his [Pg338] paid -attendants; how they all reminded him and made him confess at last -his new understanding and sorrow for the misery he had caused to many -another human being! Yet we can but listen forgivingly as he says: "At -the time my father went of his own will into exile, leaving to me the -Duchy of Normandy, I was a mere child of eight years, and from that -day to this I have always borne the weight of arms." - -The three sons, Rufus William, Robert Curt-hose, and Henry Beauclerc, -were all eager to claim their inheritance, but the king sends for -Anselm, the holy abbot, and puts them aside while he makes confession -of his sins and bravely meets the prospect of speedy death. He gives -directions concerning the affairs of England and Normandy, gives -money and treasure to poor people and the churches; he even says -that he wishes to rebuild the churches which were so lately burnt at -Mantes. Then he summons his sons to his bedside and directs those -barons and knights who were present to be seated, when, if we may -believe Ordericus the Chronicler, the Conqueror made an eloquent -address, reviewing his life and achievements and the career of many -of his companions. The chronicle writers had a habit of putting -extremely pious and proper long speeches into the mouths of dying -kings, and as we read these remarks in particular we cannot help a -suspicion that the old monk sat down in his cell some time afterward -and quietly composed a systematic summary of what William would -have said, or ought to have said if he could. Yet we may believe in -the [Pg339] truth of many sentences. We do not care for what he -expressed concerning Mauger or King Henry, the battle of Mortemer or -Val-ès-dunes, but when he speaks of his loyalty to the Church and his -friendship with Lanfranc, and Gerbert, and Anselm, of his having built -seventeen monasteries and six nunneries, "spiritual fortresses in -which mortals learn to combat the demons and lusts of the flesh"; when -he tells his sons to attach themselves to men of worth and wisdom and -to follow their advice, to follow justice in all things and spare no -effort to avoid wickedness, to assist the poor, infirm, and honest, to -curb and punish the proud and selfish, to prevent them from injuring -their neighbors, devoutly to attend holy church, to prefer the worship -of God to worldly wealth;--when he says these things we listen, and -believe that he was truly sorry at last for the starving homeless -Englishmen who owed him their death, for even the bitter resentment he -showed for the slaughter of a thousand of his brave knights within the -walls of Durham. He dares not give the ill-gotten kingdom of England -to anybody save to God, but if it be God's will he hopes that William -Rufus may be his successor. Robert may rule Normandy. Henry may take -five thousand pounds' weight of silver from the treasury. It is true -that he has no land to dwell in, but let him rest in patience and be -willing that his brothers should precede him. By and by he will be -heir of everything. - -At last the king unwillingly gives permission for Odo's release -along with other prisoners of state. [Pg340] He prophesies that Odo -will again disturb the peace and cause the death of thousands, and -adds that the bishop does not conduct himself with that chastity and -modesty which become a minister of God. For a last act of clemency -he gives back to Baudri, the son of Nicolas, all his lands, "because -without permission he quitted my service and passed over into Spain. -I now restore them to him for the love of God; I do not believe that -there is a better knight under arms than he, but he is changeable and -prodigal, and fond of roving into foreign countries." - -On the morning of the eighth of September the great soul took its -flight. The king was lying in restless, half-breathless sleep or -stupor when the cathedral bells began to ring, and he opened his eyes -and asked what time it was. They told him it was the hour of prime. -"Then he called upon God as far as his strength sufficed, and on our -holy lady, the blessed Mary, and so departed while yet speaking, -without any loss of his senses or change of speech." - -"At the time when the king departed this world, many of his servants -were to be seen running up and down, some going in, others coming -out, carrying off the rich hangings and the tapestry, and whatever -they could lay their hands upon. A whole day passed before the corpse -was laid upon its bier, for they who were wont before to fear him now -left him lying alone. But when the news spread much people gathered -together, and bishops and barons came in long procession. The body was -well tended and carried to Caen as he had before commanded. There was -no bishop in the province, nor abbot, nor noble [Pg341] prince, who -did not go to the burying if he could, and there were besides many -monks, priests, and clerks." - -So writes Master Wace in his long rhyme of the Conquest; but the rhyme -does not end as befits the Conqueror's fame. The chanting monks had -hardly set the body down within the church, at the end of its last -journey, when there was a cry of fire without, and all the people -ran away and left the church empty save for the few monks who stayed -beside the bier. When the crowd returned the service went on again, -but just as the grave was ready a vavasour named Ascelin, the son of -Arthur, pushed his way among the bishops and barons, and mounted a -stone to make himself the better heard--"Listen to me, ye lords and -clerks!" he cries; "ye shall not bury William in this spot. This -church of St. Stephen is built on land that he seized from me and my -house. By force he took it from me, and I claim judgment. I appeal to -him by name that he do me right." - -"After he had said this he came down. Forthwith arose great clamor in -the church, and there was such tumult that no one could hear the other -speak. Some went, others came; and all marvelled that this great king, -who had conquered so much and won so many cities and so many castles, -could not call so much land his own as his body might be covered in -after death." - -We cannot do better than end with reading the Saxon chronicle, which -is less likely to be flattering than the Norman records. [Pg342] - -"Alas, how false and unresting is this earth's weal! He that erst was -a rich king, and lord of many lands; had then of all his lands but -seven feet space; and he that was once clad with gold and gems, lay -overspread with mold! If any one wish to know what manner of man he -was, or what worship he had, or of how many lands he was the lord, -then will we write of him as we have known him; for we looked on him -and somewhile dwelt in his herd. - -"This King William that we speak about was a very wise man and very -rich; more worshipped, and stronger than any of his foregangers were. -He was mild to the good men that loved God, and beyond all metes stark -to those who withsaid his will. On that same ground where God gave him -that he should win England, he reared a noble minster and set monks -there and well endowed it. - -"Eke he was very worshipful. Thrice he wore his king-helm (crown), -every year as oft as he was in England. At Easter he wore it at -Winchester; at Pentecost at Westminster; at midwinter at Gloucester, -and then were with him all the rich men over all England: archbishops -and diocesan bishops; abbots and earls; thanes and knights. Truly he -was so stark a man and wroth that no man durst do any thing against -his will. He had earls in his bonds who had done against his will. -Bishops he set off their bishoprics, and abbots off their abbacies, -and thanes in prison. And at last he did not spare his brother Odo; -him he set in prison. Betwixt other things we must not forget the good -peace that he [Pg343] made in this land, so that a man that was worth -aught might travel over the kingdom unhurt with his bosom full of -gold. And no man durst slay another man though he had suffered never -so mickle evil from the other. - -"He ruled over England, and by his cunning he had so thoroughly -surveyed it, that there was never a hide of land in England that he -wist not both who had it and what its worth was, and he set it down in -his writ. Wales was under his weald, and therein he wrought castles; -and he wielded Manncynn withal. Scotland he subdued by his mickle -strength. Normandy was his by kin--and over the earldom that is called -Mans he ruled. And if he might have lived yet two years he had won -Ireland, and without any armament. - -"Truly in his time men had mickle taxing and many hardships. He let -castles be built, and poor men were sorely taxed. The king" (we might -in justice read oftener the king's officers)--"The king was so very -stark, and he took from his subjects many marks of gold and many -hundred pounds of silver, and that he took of his people some by -right and some by mickle unright, for little need. He was fallen into -covetousness, and greediness he loved withal. - -"The king and the head men loved much, and over much, the getting in -of gold and silver, and recked not how sinfully it was got so it but -came to them.... - -"He set many deer-friths and he made laws therewith, that whosoever -should slay hart or hind, him [Pg344] man should blind. And as he -kept to himself the slaying of the harts, so eke did he the boars. He -loved the high deer as much as if he were their father. Eke he set as -to the hares that they should go free. His rich men bemoaned, and his -poor men murmured, but he recked not the hatred of them all, and they -must follow the king's will if they would have lands or goods or his -favor. - -"Wa-la-wa! that any man should be so moody, so to upheave himself -and think himself above all other men! May God Almighty have -mild-heartedness on his soul and give him forgiveness of his sins! -These things we have written of him both good and evil, that men may -choose the good after their goodness, and withal flee from evil, and -go on the way that leadeth all to heaven's kingdom." - - [Illustration] - -[Pg345] - - [Illustration] - - - - -XVII. - -KINGDOM AND DUKEDOM. - - "Yes, while on earth a thousand discords ring, - Man's senseless uproar mingling with his toil, - Still do thy quiet ministers move on." - --MATTHEW ARNOLD. - - -William Rufus hurried away to claim the kingdom of England before his -father died. Robert was at Abbeville, some say, with his singers and -jesters, making merry over the prospect of getting the dukedom. Henry -had put his five thousand pounds of silver into a strong box and gone -his ways likewise. Normandy was in the confusion that always befell a -country in those days while one master had put off his crown and the -next had not put it on. There were masses being said in the Norman -churches for the good of the Conqueror's soul, and presently, as the -autumn days flew by and grew shorter and shorter, news was received -that the English had received William Rufus and made him king with -great rejoicing. There was always much to hope from the accession of a -new monarch; he was sure to make many promises, and nobody knew that -he would not keep every one of them. - -But neither in England nor Normandy did the [Pg346] outlook promise -great security. Robert was made duke, and Robert had plenty of -friends, whose love and favor were sure to last as long as his money -held out. He had a better heart than his brothers, but he was not -fit for a governor. "Robert, my eldest-born, shall have Normandy -and Maine," the Conqueror had told his barons on his death-bed. "He -shall serve the king of France for the same. There are many brave men -in Normandy; I know none equal to them. They are noble and valiant -knights, conquering in all lands whither they go. If they have a good -captain, a company of them is made to be dreaded, but if they have not -a lord whom they fear, and who governs them severely, the service they -render will soon be but poor. The Normans are worth little without -strict justice; they must be bent and bowed to their ruler's will, and -whoso holds them always under his foot and curbs them tightly, may get -his business well done by them. Haughty are they and proud, boastful -and arrogant; difficult to govern, and needing to be at all times kept -under, so that Robert will have much to do and to provide in order to -manage such a people." - -The dying king may have smiled grimly at the thought that Robert's -ambition knew not what it asked. The gay gentleman had given his -father trouble enough, but the weight of Normandy should be his to -carry. The red prince, William, had been a dutiful son, and he wished -him joy of England. He was order-loving, and had a head for governing. -"Poor lads!" the old father may have sighed more than once. It was -all very well to be princes and [Pg347] knights and gay riders and -courtiers, but the man who has a kingdom to govern must wend his ways -alone, with much hindrance and little help. - -The two courts bore little likeness to the Conqueror's as time went -on, and there was endless dissension among the knights. In England -the Normans complained greatly of the division of the kingdom and -the duchy. Odo, who had regained his earldom of Kent, was full of -mischievous, treacherous plans, and had no trouble in persuading other -men that they stood no chance of holding their lands or keeping their -rights under Rufus; it would be much better to overthrow him and to do -homage to Robert of Normandy in the old fashion. Robert was careless -and easy, and William was strong and self-willed. Robert was ready to -favor this party at once, and after a while William discovered what -was going on, and found the rebels under Odo were fortifying their -castles and winning troops of followers to their side--in fact, England -was all ready for civil war. The king besieged Odo forthwith in the -city of Rochester, and there was a terrible end to the revolt. Robert -had been too lazy or too inefficient to keep his promise of coming -to the aid of his allies, and disease broke out in the garrison and -raged until Odo sent messengers to ask forgiveness, and to promise -all manner of loyalty and penitence. The king was in a state of fury, -and meant to hang the leaders of the insurrection and put the rest -to death by the most ingenious tortures that could be invented. At -last, however, his own barons and officers made piteous pleas for the -lives [Pg348] of their friends and relatives, and in the end they -were driven out and deprived of their English estates, and Odo was -altogether banished from the country. No longer an earl, he went back -much humbled to his bishopric of Bayeux, which Robert had been foolish -enough to restore to him. But the intrigues went on. The Norman -barons in England were separated from their hereditary possessions -in Normandy, and William Rufus owed the safety of his crown to the -upholding of the English. Presently he went over to Normandy, where -things were getting worse and worse under Robert's rule, and announced -his intention of seizing the silly duke's dominions. Robert had -already sold the Côtentin to Henry for a part of the five thousand -pounds in the strong box, and after a good deal of dissension, and a -prospect of a long and bloody war, which the nobles on both sides did -every thing they could to prevent, the brothers made up their quarrel. -They signed an agreement that the one who outlived the other should -inherit all the lands and wealth, and then they made a league to go -and fight Henry Beauclerc, who was living peaceably enough on his -honestly-got Côtentin possessions. They chased him out of the country -to the French Vexin, where he spent a forlorn year or two; but he -could afford to wait for his inheritance, as the Conqueror had told -him long before. - -William Rufus went back to England, and in the course of time there -was a war with the Scotch, who were defeated again and again and -finally made quiet. Then the Welsh rebelled in their turn and [Pg349] -were much harder to subdue. Robert got the king of France to join -forces with him soon afterward, and that war was only avoided by the -payment to France by Rufus of an enormous sum of money. - -All this time William Rufus was doing some good things for his -kingdom and a great many more bad ones that there is not time to -describe. After Lanfranc's death the king grew worse and worse; he -was apparently without any religious principle, and there was always -a quarrel between him and the priests about the church money, which -both of them wanted. When bishops and abbots died the king would -not appoint their successors, and took all the tithes for himself. -His chief favorite was a low-born, crafty, wicked man named Ralph -Flambard, and the two were well matched. William Rufus had little of -the gift for business that made his father such a practical statesman -and organizer, and, in fact, his boisterous, lawless, indecent manner -of living shocked even the less orderly of his subjects. He had the -lower and less respectable of the Norman qualities, and something of -the rudeness of the worst of his more remote ancestry crops out in -his conduct. Once when he was very ill and was afraid that he was -going to die with all his sins on his head, he sent for Anselm, the -holy prior, his father's friend and counsellor, and appointed him to -the archbishopric of Canterbury, which had been vacant ever since -Lanfranc's death four years before. Rufus' guilty conscience was -quieted, and the people of England were deeply thankful for such a -prelate, but before long the king and Anselm naturally did not find -[Pg350] each other harmonious, and after a brave fight for what he -believed to be the right, Anselm appealed to Rome and left England -with orders never to return. - -Robert was the same careless man that he had been in his youth; -through war and peace, danger and security, he lived as if there -were no to-morrow to provide for and no future to be dreaded. I have -sketched the course of affairs as briefly as possible in both England -and Normandy, as if the only men within their borders were these two -incompetent brothers who so ill became the Conqueror's "kingly helm," -as Master Wace loves to call the crown. But the church builders were -still at work like ants busy with their grains of sand, towers were -rising, knights were fighting and parading, ladies were ordering their -households, the country men and women were tilling the green fields -of both countries and gathering in their harvests year by year. There -had been trouble now and then, as we have just seen, between the -kingdom and the duchy, between both of them and their border foes, but -almost ten years went by, and the children who had played with their -toys and sighed over their horn books the summer that William the -Conqueror died were now men and women grown. It would not seem like -the old Normandy if the news of some new great enterprise did not run -like wildfire through the towns and country lanes. The blood of the -Northmen was kindled with the blood of all Christendom at the story -of the Turks' capture of the Holy Sepulchre and the blessed city of -Jerusalem. The knights of Sicily were already on their journey by sea -and shore; the mother church [Pg351] at Rome called to her children -in every land to defend her holiest shrines against the insolence of -the heathen. - -Duke Robert was most zealous. To go on pilgrimage had been many a -knight's ambition, but this was the greatest pilgrimage of all. -Robert, as usual, had no money, but to his joy he succeeded in making -a bargain with his more thrifty English brother, and pledged Normandy -to William Rufus for five years for the sum of something less than -seven thousand pounds. Away he went with his lords and gentlemen; -they wore white crosses on their right shoulders, and sang hymns as -they marched along. Not only lords and gentlemen made up this huge -procession of thousands and thousands, but men of every station--from -the poor cottages and stately halls alike. If any better persuasion -had been needed than the simple announcement that the Turks had taken -Jerusalem, it had come by way of Peter the Hermit's preaching. This -had created a religious frenzy that the world had never known; from -town to town the great preacher had gone with an inexhaustible living -stream of persuasive eloquence always at his lips. Women wept and -prayed and gave their jewels and rich garments, and men set their -teeth and clenched their hands, armed themselves and followed him. - -England did not listen at first, and William Rufus chuckled over his -good bargain, and taxed his unwilling subjects more heavily than ever -to get the money to pay his crusader brother. England would listen by -and by, but in this first crusade she took [Pg352] little part, while -the Normans and Frenchmen and all their neighbors spent three years of -fearful suffering and hardship in the strange countries of the East; -at last they won the Holy Sepulchre. The Turks were still fighting to -win it back again; they were dangerous enemies, and the Christian host -was dwindling fast. The cry was sent again through Europe for more -soldiers of the Holy Cross. - -Here we come face to face again with the old viking spirit: under all -the fast-increasing luxury that threatened to sap and dull the life of -Normandy, the love of adventure and fierce energy of character were -only sleeping. The most sentimental and pleasure loving of Robert's -knights could lightly throw off his ribbons and gay trappings, and -buckle on his armor when the summons came. Quickly they marched and -fiercely they fought in the holy wars, and so it came about that the -Norman banners were planted at the gates of Jerusalem and Antioch, and -new kingdoms were planted in the East. This is not the place to follow -the Crusaders' fortunes, or the part that the Norman Sicilians played -in the great enterprise of the Middle Ages. At least it must make but -an incident in my scheme of the Story of the Normans. - - * * * * * - -There is a familiar modern sound in the bewailings of our old -chroniclers over their taxes. Resentment and pathos were blended then -as they are now in such complaints, but though William Rufus was not -the least of such extortionate offenders, he gave much of the money -back in fine buildings; the [Pg353] famous Great Hall of Westminster -was built in his day, and the stout wall that surrounded his father's -Tower of London, besides a noble bridge across the Thames. - -When people expected unfailing generosity and gold thrown to the -crowd oftener than in these days, it is difficult to see how the king -could satisfy popular expectation without preliminary taxation. Yet -the wails of the chroniclers go up like the chirp of the grasshopper. -There was one mistaken scheme of benevolence in the endowment of -charities, which have borne bitter fruit of pauperism ever since, for -which taxation might well have been spared. - -William Rufus died in the year 1100, in the New Forest. The peasants -believed that it was enchanted and accursed, and that evil spirits -flew about among the trees on dark and stormy nights. There was a -superstition that it was a fated place to those who belonged to the -Conqueror's line. Another prince had been killed there, named Richard, -too--the son of Duke Robert of Normandy. - -The last year of the Red King's reign had been peaceful. The Witan -gathered to meet him at Westminster and Winchester and Gloucester, and -he reigned unchallenged from Scotland to Maine, and there was truce -with the French king at Paris. One August morning he went out to the -chase after a jolly night at one of the royal hunting-lodges. The -party scattered in different directions, and the king and Sir Walter -Tyrrel, a famous sportsman, were seen riding away together, and their -dogs after them. That night a poor forester, a lime-burner, was going -[Pg354] through the forest with his clumsy cart, and stumbled over -the king's body, which lay among the ferns with an arrow deep in the -breast. He lifted it into the cart and carried it to Winchester, where -it was buried next day with little sorrow. There were few bells tolled -and few prayers said, for the priests owed little to any friendliness -of William Rufus. - -There were many stories told about his death. Tyrrel said that the -arrow was shot by an unknown hand, and that he had run away for fear -that people should accuse him of the murder, which they certainly did! -Others said that Tyrrel shot at a stag and the arrow glanced aside -from an oak, but nobody knows now, and in those days too many people -were glad that the king was dead, to ask many questions or to try to -punish any one. - -Robert might have claimed the kingdom now because of the old -agreement, but he was still in the East fighting for Jerusalem. -Henry Beauclerc had been one of the huntsmen that fatal morning, so -he hurried to Winchester and claimed the crown. He made more good -promises than any of his predecessors, and the people liked him -because he was English-born, and so they made another Norman king. -Henry Beauclerc reigned over England thirty-five years, and won -himself another name of the Lion of Justice. He did not treat his -brother Robert justly, however he may have deserved his title in other -ways; but he had a zoölogical garden and brought wild beasts from -different quarters of the earth, and he fostered a famous love of -learning, [Pg355] and put Ralph Flambard in the Tower as soon as he -possibly could, and more than all, chose an excellent woman for his -wife, Maud, the good daughter of the Scottish King Malcolm. He was an -untruthful man, but a great man for all that, and made a better king -than some that England had already endured. In many ways his reign was -a gain to England. There was a distinct advance in national life, and -while the English groaned under his tyranny they could not help seeing -that he sought for quietness and order and was their best champion -against the worse tyranny of the nobles. Mr. Freeman believes that -the Saxon element was the permanent one in English history, and that -the Norman conquest simply modified it somewhat and was a temporary -influence brought to bear for its improvement. It is useless to argue -the question with such odds of learning and thought as his against -one, but the second invasion of Northmen by the roundabout way of -Normandy, seems as marked a change as the succession of the Celts to -the Britons, or the Saxons to the Danes. The Normans had so distinctly -made a great gain in ideas and civilization, that they were as much -foreigners as any Europeans could have been to the Anglo-Saxons of -that eleventh century, and their coming had a permanent effect, -besides a most compelling power. It seems to me that England would -have disintegrated without them, not solidified, and a warring handful -of petty states have been the result. - -Yet undoubtedly through many centuries of history writing the English -of the Conqueror's day have been made to take too low a place in the -scale of [Pg356] civilization. As a nation, they surely responded -readily to the Norman stimulus, but the Normans had never found so -good a chance to work out their own ideas of life and achievement as -on English soil in the first hundred years after the Conquest. In many -respects the Saxon race possesses greater and more reliable qualities -than any other race; stability, perseverance, self-government, -industry are all theirs. Yet the Normans excelled them in their genius -for great enterprises and their love of fitness and elegance in social -life and in the arts. Indeed we cannot do better than to repeat here -what has been quoted once already. "Without them England would have -been mechanical, not artistic; brave, not chivalrous; the home of -learning, not of thought." - -It has also been the fashion to ignore the influence of five hundred -years' contact between Roman civilization and the Saxon inhabitants -of Great Britain. Surely great influences have been brought to bear -upon the Anglo-Saxon race. That the making of England was more -significant to the world and more valuable than any manifestation -of Norman ability, is in one way true, but let us never forget that -much that has been best in English national life has come from the -Norman elements of it rather than the Saxon. England the colonizer, -England the country of intellectual and social progress, England the -fosterer of ideas and chivalrous humanity, is Norman England, and the -Saxon influence has oftener held her back in dogged satisfaction and -stubbornness than urged her forward to higher levels. The power of -holding back is necessary to [Pg357] the stability, of a kingdom, but -not so necessary as the - - "Glory of going on and still to be----" - -The conjunction of Norman and Saxon elements has made England the -great nation that she is. - -It is too easy as we draw near the end of this story of the Normans -to wander into talk about the lessons of Norman history and to fall -into endless generalizations. Let us look a little longer at Henry -Beauclerc's time while Robert, under the shadow of his name of duke, -spends enough dreary blinded years in prison to give him space to -remember again and again the misspent years of his youth and his -freedom; while Henry plots and plans carefully for the continuance -of his family upon the throne of England and Normandy, only to be -disappointed at every turn. His son is coming from France with a gay -company and is lost in the White Ship with all his lords and ladies, -and the people who hear the news do not dare to tell the king, and at -last send a weeping little lad into the royal presence to falter out -the story of the shipwreck. What a touch of humanity is there! The -king never smiled afterward, but he plotted on and went his kingly -ways, "the last of those great Norman kings who, with all their vices, -their cruelty, and their lust, displayed great talents of organization -and adaptation, guided England with a wise, if a strong, hand through -the days of her youth, and by their instinctive, though selfish, love -of order paved the way for the ultimate rise of a more stable, yet a -freer government." - -The last Norman Duke of Normandy was really [Pg358] that young Prince -William, who was drowned in the White Ship off the port of Barfleur, -whom Henry had invested with the duchy and to whom the nobility had -just done homage. After his death, the son of Robert made claim to -the succession, and the greater proportion of the Normans upheld his -claim, and the king of France openly favored him, but he died of a -wound received in battle, and again Henry, rid of this competitor, -built an elaborate scheme upon the succession of his daughter Matilda, -whom he married to Geoffrey Plantagenet, son of the Count of Anjou. -But for all this, after the king's death, the law of succession was -too unsettled to give his daughter an unquestioned claim. Hereditary -title was not independent yet of election by the nobles, and Matilda's -claims were by many people set aside. There were wars and disorders -too intricate and dreary to repeat. Stephen, Count of Boulogne, son -of that Count Stephen of Blois who married the Conqueror's daughter -Adela, usurped the throne of England, and there was a miserable time -of anarchy in both England and Normandy. And as the government passed -away in this apparently profitless interregnum to the houses of Blois -and of Anjou, so Normandy seems like Normandy no longer. Her vitality -is turned into different channels, and it is in the history of England -and of France and of the Low Countries that we must trace the further -effect of Norman influence. [Pg359] - - [Illustration] - - - - -XVIII. - -CONCLUSION. - - "I looked: aside the dust-cloud rolled,---- - The Waster seemed the Builder too; - Upspringing from the ruined Old - I saw the New." - --WHITTIER. - - -It will be clearly seen that there is great apparent disproportion -between certain parts of this sketch of the rise and growth of the -Norman people. I have not set aside the truth that Normandy was not -reunited to France until 1204, and I do not forget that many years lie -between that date and the time when I close my account of the famous -duchy. But the story of the growth of the Normans gives one the key -to any later part of their history, and I have contented myself with -describing the characters of the first seven dukes and Eadward the -Confessor, who were men typical of their time and representative of -the various types of national character. Of the complex questions in -civic and legal history I am not competent to speak, nor does it seem -to me that they properly enter into such a book as this. With Mr. -Freeman's learned and exhaustive work at hand as a book of reference, -the readers of this story of Normandy will find all their puzzles -solved. [Pg360] - -But I hope that I have made others see the Normans as I have seen -them, and grow as interested in their fortunes as I have been. They -were the foremost people of their time, being most thoroughly alive -and quickest to see where advances might be made in government, in -architecture, in social life. They were gifted with sentiment and with -good taste, together with fine physical strength and intellectual -cleverness. In the first hundred years of the duchy they made -perhaps as rapid progress in every way, and had as signal influence -among their contemporaries, as any people of any age,--unless it is -ourselves, the people of the young republic of the United States, who -might be called the Normans of modern times. For with many of the -gifts and many of the weaknesses (and dangers, too) of our viking -ancestry, we have repeated the rapid increase of power which was a -characteristic of our Norman kindred; we have conquered in many fights -with the natural forces of the universe where they fought, humanity -against humanity. Much of what marked the Northman and the Norman -marks us still. - -The secret of Normandy's success was energetic self-development and -apprehension of truth; the secret of Normandy's failures was the -secret of all failures--blindness to the inevitable effects of certain -causes, and unwillingness to listen to her best and most far-seeing -teachers. Carlyle said once to a friend: "There has never been a -nation yet that did any thing great that was not deeply religious." -The things that are easy and near are chosen, instead of [Pg361] -the things that make for righteousness. When luxury becomes not the -means, but the end of life, humanity's best weapons grow rusty, and -humanity's best intelligence is dulled and threatens to disappear. -The church forgets her purpose and invites worshippers of the church -instead of worshippers of God. The state is no longer an impersonated -administrator of justice and order, but a reservoir from which to -plunder and by which to serve private ends. - -I am not able to speak of the influence of the Normans upon the later -kingdom of France, the France of our day, as I confess the writer of -such a book as this should have been, but there is one point which has -been of great interest as the southward course of the Northmen has -been eagerly followed. - -It has been the common impression that there was a marked growth of -refinement and courtliness, of dignified bearing and imaginative -literature connected with the development of the French men and women -of early times, to the gradual widening of which the modern world had -been indebted for much of its best social attainment. - -I think that a single glance at the France of the ninth and tenth -centuries will do away with any belief in its having been the -sole inspirer or benefactor. The Franks were products of German -development, and were not at that time pre-eminent for social culture. -They were a ruder people by far than the Italians or even the people -of Spain, less developed spiritually, and wanting in the finer -attributes of human instinct or perception. Great as they already -[Pg362] were, no one can claim that quickness of tact or special -intolerance of ill-breeding came from their direction. Dante speaks, a -little later than this, of the "guzzling Germans," and though we must -make allowance for considerable race prejudice, there was truth, too, -in his phrase. Not from the Franks, therefore, but from among the very -rocks and chasms of the viking nature, sprang a growth of delicate -refinement that made the yellow-haired jarls and the "sea-kings' -daughters" bring a true, poetical, and lovely spirit to Normandy, -where they gave a soul to the body of art and letters that awaited -them. Each nation had something to give to the other, it is true, but -it was the Northern spirit that made the gifts of both available and -fruitful to humanity. - -It may rightly be suggested that the standard of behavior was low -everywhere in the tenth century, according to our present standards, -but it is true that there was a re-kindling of light in the North, -which may be traced in its continued reflections through Norway to -Normandy, and thence to France and England and the world. We have -only to remind ourselves of the development of literature in Iceland -and the building of governmental and social strength and dignified -individuality, to see that the Northmen by no means owed every thing -to the influence of French superiority and precedence. We have only to -compare the tenth century with the eleventh, to see what an impulse -had been given. The saga-lovers and the clear-eyed people of the North -were gifted with a spark of grace peculiarly their own. [Pg363] - -There is a pretty story told by an English traveller in Norway, who -met a young woman leading an old blind beggar through the street of a -poor, plain village. She was descended from one of the noble families -of ancient times; it was her pleasure and duty to serve the friendless -old man. But the traveller insists that never, among the best people -he has met, has he found such dignity and grace as this provincial -woman wore, who knew nothing of courts or the world's elegance. There -was a natural nobility in her speech and manner which the courtliest -might envy, and which might adorn the noblest palace and be its most -charming decoration. It is easy to write these words with sympathy, -and perhaps the traveller's half-forgotten story has been embellished -unconsciously with the memory in my mind of kindred experiences in -that country of the North. Plainness and poverty make gentle blood -seem more gracious still, and the green mountain-sides and fresh air -of old Norway have not yet ceased to inspire simple, unperverted -souls, from whose life a better and higher generation seems more than -possible. - -The impulses that make toward social development are intermittent. -There is the succession of growing time and brooding time, of summer -and winter, in the great ages of the world. If we look at the -Normans as creatures of a famous spring where Europe made a bold and -profitable advance in every way, I think that we shall not be far from -right. - -In telling their story in this imperfect way I have not been unmindful -of the dark side of their [Pg364] character, but what they were is -permanent, while what they were not was temporary. The gaps they left -were to be filled up by other means--by the slow processes by which -God in nature and humanity evolves the best that is possible for the -present with something that forestalls the future. The stones that -make part of a cathedral wall are shaped also with relation to the -very dome. - -Here, at the beginning of the Norman absorption into England, I -shall end my story of the founding and growth of the Norman people. -The mingling of their brighter, fiercer, more enthusiastic, and -visionary nature with the stolid, dogged, prudent, and resolute -Anglo-Saxons belongs more properly to the history of England. Indeed, -the difficulty would lie in not knowing where to stop, for one may -tell the two races apart even now, after centuries of association and -affiliation. There are Saxon landholders, and farmers, and statesmen -in England yet--unconquered, unpersuaded, and un-Normanized. But the -effect on civilization of the welding of the two great natures cannot -be told fairly in this or any other book--we are too close to it and -we ourselves make too intimate a part of it to judge impartially. If -we are of English descent we are pretty sure to be members of one -party or the other. Saxon yet or Norman yet, and even the confusion -of the two forces renders us not more able to judge of either, but -less so. We must sometimes look at England as a later Normandy; and -yet, none the less, as the great leader and personified power that -she is and has been these many hundred years, drawing her strength -[Pg365] from the best of the Northern races, and presenting the world -with great men and women as typical of these races and as grandly -endowed to stand for the representatives of their time in days to -come, as the men and women of Greece were typical, and live yet in our -literature and song. In the courts and stately halls of England, in -the market-places, and among followers of the sea or of the drum, we -have seen the best triumphs and glories of modern humanity, no less -than the degradations, the treacheries, and the mistakes. In the great -pageant of history we can see a nation rise, and greaten, and dwindle, -and disappear like the varying lifetime of a single man, but the force -of our mother England is not yet spent, though great changes threaten -her, and the process of growth needs winter as well as summer. Her -life is not the life of a harborless country, her fortunes are the -fortunes of her generosity. But whether the Norman spirit leads her to -be self-confident or headstrong and wilful, or the Saxon spirit holds -her back into slowness and dulness, and lack of proper perception -in emergencies or epochs of necessary change, still she follows the -right direction and leads the way. It is the Norman graft upon the -sturdy old Saxon tree that has borne best fruit among the nations--that -has made the England of history, the England of great scholars and -soldiers and sailors, the England of great men and women, of books and -ships and gardens and pictures and songs! There is many a gray old -English house standing among its trees and fields, that has sheltered -and nurtured many a generation of loyal and [Pg366] tender and brave -and gentle souls. We shall find there men and women who, in their -cleverness and courtliness, their grace and true pride and beauty, -make us understand the old Norman beauty and grace, and seem to make -the days of chivalry alive again. - -But we may go back farther still, and discover in the lonely mountain -valleys and fiord-sides of Norway even a simpler, courtlier, and -nobler dignity. In the country of the sagamen and the rough sea-kings, -beside the steep-shored harbors of the viking dragon-ships, linger -the constantly repeated types of an earlier ancestry, and the flower -of the sagas blooms as fair as ever. Among the red roofs and gray -walls of the Norman towns, or the faint, bright colors of its country -landscapes, among the green hedgerows and golden wheat-fields of -England, the same flowers grow in more luxuriant fashion, but old -Norway and Denmark sent out the seed that has flourished in richer -soil. To-day the Northman, the Norman, and the Englishman, and a young -nation on this western shore of the Atlantic are all kindred who, -possessing a rich inheritance, should own the closest of kindred ties. - - [Illustration] - -[Pg367] - - [Illustration] - - - - -INDEX. - - - A - - Adela, 112 - - Ælfred, the Confessor's brother, 184, 188 - - Ælfred the Great, 103, 171; fines, 173 - - Ælfgifu, see Emma of Normandy - - Æthelred the Unready, 102, 171; English contempt for, 175; flees - to Normandy, 177 - - Alan of Brittany, 70, 126, 137; death of, 151 - - Alençon, siege of, 213; Lord of, see William de Talvas - - Ambrières, 250 - - Anglo-Saxons, 106, 365 - - Anjou, 358 - - Anselm, 238, 338, 349 - - Apulia, 131, 139; allegiance to Rome, 140 - - Architecture, 239, 240 - - Argentan, 97 - - Arlette, 122 - - Arnulf of Flanders, 63, 71, 87 - - Arrows, 252, 307 - - Ascelin, 340 - - Aumale, 248 - - Auxerre, 108 - - Aversa, 133, 139 - - Avranches, 248 - - - B - - Baldwin of Flanders, 121 - - Battle, 304 - - Baudri, 340 - - Bayeux, Northmen in, 40, 59; Richard the Fearless educated in, 62; - description of, 323 - - Bayeux tapestry, 238, 299, 323 - - Beaumont, house of, 152, 198, 282 - - Bec, abbey of, 219 - - Benedictines, 222 - - Berengarius, 230 - - Berenger, Count of Bayeux, 40 - - Bergen, 14, 291 - - Bernard the Dane, 60, 61, 75 - - Bernard Harcourt, 68 - - Bernard de Senlis, 59, 61; plot of, 76 - - Bertha, wife of Robert of France, 100 - - Bessin, 247 - - Blaatand Harold, 81 - - Borbillon, 210 - - Botho the Dane, 47, 60, 75 - - Breteuil, castle of, 250 - - Brionne, 224 - - Brittany, 58; Danish settlements in, 61; enmity between Normandy - and, 76; tributary to Normandy, 246; William's expedition against, - 265; aids William, 285 - - Bruce, Robert, 233 - - Burgundy, 54, 246; king of, 86; Henry of, 106 - - Burneville, 224 - - - C - - Caen, 113; William builds Church of St. Stephen in, 237; 298, 321, - 322, 340 - - Canterbury, archbishop of, 176 - - Carloman, 85 - - Carlyle, 360 - - Cathedrals, 219 - - Celts, 172 - - Chalons, Hugh, Count of, 108, 110 - - Charlemagne, 11, 19; empire of, 34, 52, 88 - - Charles the Fat, 54, 56 - - Charles the Simple, 34; resists Rolf's invasion, 37; captivity of, - 56 - - Chartres, Count of, 38; siege of, 41, 109 - - Chivalry, Norman, 93, 116 - - Civitella, battle of, 140, 141 - - Cloister life, 215 - - Cnut the Dane, 106, 119; banishment of English nobles, 120; chosen - king, 177; his improvement and England's, 178; pilgrimage to Rome, - 182; letter of, 182; death, 183 - - Côtentin, 103, 113; castles of, 116; over-population of, 116; home - of the Hautevilles, 134; rebellions, 152, 202; designs of Henry - of France toward, 247; men at Hastings, 306; sold by Robert of - Normandy, 348 - - Coutances, bishop of, 304 - - Crusades, 143, 351 - - Curfew bell, 251 - - - D - - Danegelt, the, 173 - - Danes in Bayeux, 74; in England, 103; inheritance from, in - Northern England, 187; schemes for regaining England, 258 - - Dante, 362 - - Dickens' "Child's History of England," 328 - - Dinan, 266 - - Dive, river, 297 - - Dôl, 110, 266 - - Domesday Book, 328 - - Douglas, Scottish family of, 233 - - Drayton, 28 - - Dreux, county of, 109 - - Dunstan, 172 - - Durham, 339 - - - E - - Eadgyth (or Edith), the Confessor's wife, 188, 270 - - Eadgyth the Swan-throated, 310 - - Eadmund Ironside, 104, 177; poisoned, 178 - - Eadward the Confessor, 184; pious character of, 186; weakness of, - 188, 240; likeness to Æthelred, 189; preference for Normans, 191; - promises the crown to William, 242; also to Harold, 257; illness - and death, 269; love of hunting, 329 - - Eadward the Outlaw, 257 - - Eadwine, Earl of Mercia, 320 - - Eadwy, 180 - - Emma of Normandy (or Ælfgifu), 102; marriage to Æthelred, 105; - flight to Normandy of, 106; sons of, 118; marries Cnut of England, - 180 - - England, Danes in, 103; low condition of, 106; under misrule of - Æthelred, 173; election of kings in, 179; same king as Denmark and - Scandinavia, 181; under Cnut, 181; behind Norman civilization, 185; - division into earldoms, 187; building of castles in, 193; conquest - of, planned in Normandy, 240; Harold made king, 272; conquest of, - by William, 308; English character, 365 - - Epte, St. Claire on, 44 - - Eremburga, 145 - - Ericson, Leif, 18 - - Ermenoldus, 113 - - Espriota, 66; second marriage, 80, 96, 152 - - Estrith, 121, 123 - - Eu, 236 - - Eustace of Boulogne, 285 - - Evreux, 40 - - Exeter, siege of, 325 - - Exmes, 97, 111, 113 - - - F - - Falaise, 92; industries of, 97; Robert in, 121; the Conqueror in, - 197 - - Fécamp, 89, 111, 303 - - Feudal system, 54, 154; in England, 316 - - Fitz-Osbern; see William Fitz-Osbern. - - Flails used as weapons, 76 - - Flanders, Baldwin of, 121 - - Flanders, civilization of, 232; aids William, 285 - - Fleming, Scottish families of, 233 - - Forests, Norman, 95; English, 330 - - France, 54, 361 - - Franks, 55, 361 - - Freeman's (E. A.) History of the Norman Conquest, 190, 205, 224, - 225, 280, 286, 355, 359 - - Froissart, 323 - - Fulbert the Tanner, 122 - - - G - - Gaul, 20 - - Geirrid the Norsewoman, 7 - - Geoffrey Martel, 250; dies, 252 - - Geoffrey Plantagenet, 358 - - Gerberga, 72; courage of, 82-85 - - Gerberoi, 334, 337 - - Germany, 54; sympathy for Louis Outremer, 83, 361 - - Gisla, 43 - - Godfrey of Brittany, 101 - - Godiva, Lady, 188 - - Godwine, Earl of Wessex, 184; character and gifts, 188; a - king-maker, 188; influence in England and banishment, 192; returns, - 244; remembrance of, in England, 315 - - Golet the Fool, 199 - - Gorm of Denmark, 30, 81 - - Gottfried, 19 - - Grantmesnil, 198 - - Greece, typical characters of, 365 - - Greenland, 16, 18 - - Gregory VII., (or Hildebrand), 279, 285, 298 - - Grimbald of Plessis, 202; imprisonment of, 212 - - Guizot's history of France, 159 - - Guy of Burgundy, 199; pretends to the ducal crown, 200; beaten at - Val-ès-dunes, 210 - - Gyda, 30 - - Gytha, Godwine's wife, 192 - - Gyrth, son of Godwine, 303 - - - H - - Haarfager, Harold, 15; kingdom and marriage, 30; tyrannies of, 32 - - Haman of Thorigny, 202 - - Harold Blaatand 81, 82 - - Harold Hardrada, 288, 290, 294 - - Harold, son of Godwine, 192; in Ireland, 242; in Normandy, 253; - desires to succeed Eadward, 256; shipwrecked in Ponthieu, 260; - received by William of Normandy, and visits him, 264; at Mt. St. - Michel, 265; promises to marry one of William's daughters, 267; - oath on the relics, 267; again in Normandy, 267; made king of - England, 272; battle of Hastings, 300 - - /Ha Rou/, 49 - - Harthacnut, 170; becomes king, 183; dies, 184 - - Hasting the pirate, 38; Italian robberies, 130-144 - - Hastings, battle of, 299 - - Hauteville, Drogo of, 138 - - Hauteville, Humbert of, 141 - - Hauteville, Humphrey of, 138 - - Hauteville, Roger of, 143 - - Hauteville, Serlon of, 136; bravery of, 138, 141 - - Hauteville, Tancred of, 132, 135, 141 - - Hauteville, William of, president of Apulia, 139 - - Hautevilles, Family of the, 236 - - Hebrides, 2, 29, 50 - - Henry Beauclerc, 327; his father's legacy, 339, 348; seizes the - English crown, 354; death of his son, 357 - - Henry of Burgundy, 137 - - Henry of France, 197, 199; William's enemy, 202; Godwine's - partisan, 244 - - Herleva (or Arlette), 122 - - Herluin of Bec, 223; becomes prior, 224 - - Herluin of Montreuil, 81 - - Hildebrand, archdeacon, see Gregory VII. - - Hugh Capet, 63, 88, 98 - - Hugh the Great, Count of Paris, 56, 63, 153 - - - I - - Iceland, colonization of, 16, 32; expedition to England from, 291; - literature, 32, 92, 362 - - Italy, 54 - - - J - - Jersey, island of, 93 - - Jerusalem, Robert's pilgrimage to, 126 - - Jumièges, 35 - - - K - - Kent, 288, 290 - - Knighthood, 156; oaths of, 161 - - - L - - Land-holding, Norman system of, 46 - - Lanfranc, 219, 226; met by pilgrims, 231; brings about William's - marriage, 237; William's ally, 279; Bishop of Canterbury, 320 - - Laon, castle of, 72 - - Leo, Pope of Rome, 235, 236 - - Leofric, 188; grandsons of, 258 - - Leslies, Scottish family of, 233 - - Lillebonne, 282 - - Lisieux, 247, 252 - - Lisle, Baldwin de, 233 - - London, 177, 192, 302 - - Long Serpent, 12 - - Longsword, see William Longsword. - - Lorraine, 54 - - Lothair, 86 - - Louis Outremer, 71; in Rouen, 77; loses the battle with Normandy, - 82; death of, 86 - - - M - - Maine, Count of, 280 - - Malcolm, 288 - - Mantes, 337 - - Matilda of Flanders, 233; marries William of Normandy, 237; builds - Church of the Holy Trinity in Caen, 238; influence in Normandy, - 245; gives William a ship, 298; rules Normandy in his absence, 325; - favors her son Robert, 334; dies, 335 - - Mauger, 90; Archbishop of Rouen, 112, 124; opposition to William - and Matilda's marriage, 236; dismissal of, by William, 251 - - Mauritius, 238 - - Mercia, 187 - - Michael, Emperor of Constantinople, 128 - - Mirmande, 111 - - Monasticism, 215; value of, to Normandy, 230 - - Montgomery, house of, 152 - - Morkere, 288, 320 - - Mortain, Count of, 282 - - Mortemer, battle of, 248 - - Mount St. Michel, 265 - - - N - - Navarre, 54 - - Neal of St. Saviour, 201; at Val-ès-dunes, 208; goes to Brittany, - 202; at Hastings, 306 - - Neustria, 35, 79 - - Normandy, Rolf's voyage to, 29, 34; formerly called Neustria, - 35; independence of, 44; division of, 46; improvement of, 47; - loyalty to France, 57; relations with France, 60; holds its own - against Louis Outremer, 82; first money coined in, 84; the Norman - character, 91; manufactures of, 92; chivalry in, 93; attacked - by Æthelred, 103; changes in, 115; Christianity in, 118; social - progress of, 132; colonies in Southern Italy, 133; feudalism in, - 153; knighthood of, 156; churches of, 168; plague in, 169; Æthelred - escapes to, 177; state of religion in, 217; architecture, 239, - 240; enmity between Flanders and, 245; victory at Mortemer, 248; - craftiness of, 250; victory at Varaville, 252; Harold in, 268; - governed by William and Lanfranc, 279; preparation for war in, 295; - wins the battle of Hastings, 300; influence of Norman character, - 356-360 - - Norman women, 323, 326 - - Northmen, voyages of, 4; literature of, 9; arts of the, 11; - ship-building of, 12; in Bayeux, 59 - - Norway, coast of, 1; metals in, 4; home-life in, 6; reputation of, - 9; ships of, 12-14; colonies of, 19; women in, 23; pirates, 26; - Haarfager's government of, 30 - - - O - - Odo of Bayeux, 282, 304, 323; made Earl of Kent, 324; Italian - plot, 336; release from prison, 339; plots of, 347 - - Odo of France, 247 - - Olaf of Norway, 109, 175 - - Ordericus Vitalis, chronicle of, 334, 337 - - Orkneys, 1, 30, 293 - - Oslac, 60 - - Osmond de Centeville, 72 - - Otho William, 107 - - Otto of Germany, 86 - - - P - - Palermo, 146 - - Palgrave, Sir Francis, 89, 91 - - Paris, plundering of, 19, 40; borders of Normandy near, 125 - - Pavia, Lanfranc born in, 226 - - Peasantry, Norman, 93; complaint of, 95; parliament of and - commune, 96; in England, 330 - - Peter the Hermit, 351 - - Pevensey, 299 - - Philip, King of France, 337 - - Poictiers, 246 - - Ponthieu, 246; Harold shipwrecked in, 260; William's ships sail - for, 297 - - Popa, 43, 45, 60 - - Pyrenees, 246 - - - Q - - Quevilly, 275 - - - R - - Ragnar Lodbrok, 25 - - Rainulf of Ferrières, 68 - - Ralph Flambard, 349 - - Ralph of Tesson, 206 - - Ralph of Toesny, 249 - - Randolph of Bayeux, 202 - - Raoul of Ivry, 96; against the peasants, 97, 98 - - Ravens, black, 15 - - Renaud, 110 - - Richard of Evreux, 282 - - Richard the Fearless, 62; boyhood of, 66; made duke, 68; sent to - Laon, 71; charters of, 84; death of, 89 - - Richard the Good, 90; character of, 92; unruly subjects of, 96; - first peer of France, 99; marriage of, 101; war with Burgundy, 106; - war with Dreux, 108; death at Fécamp, 111 - - Richard the Third Duke, 110; becomes duke, 112; is poisoned, 113 - - Robert Curt-hose, 333; inherits Normandy, 339, 345; his character, - 350; goes on pilgrimage, 351; imprisonment, 357 - - Robert of Eu, 282 - - Robert of France, 98; wit of, 99 - - Robert Guiscard, 134; reaches Amalfi, 141; becomes duke, 142 - - Robert of Jumièges, 193 - - Robert the Magnificent, 112; bad name of, 114; enemy of England, - 118; marries the tanner's daughter, 122; goes on pilgrimage, 125; - dies, 129 - - Robert the Staller, 273, 300 - - Roger of Beaumont, 282, 322 - - Roger of Toesny, 195; colony in Spain, 196 - - Rögnwald, Jarl, of Möre, 31, 44 - - Rolf Ganger, ships, 29; profession, 32; siege of Rouen, 35; good - government, 41; made duke, 42; christened, 45; married Gisla, 45; - death, 50; tomb at Rouen, typical character, 53; tower in Rouen, - 78; hall in Rouen, 121; Cnut's likeness to, 157, 278, 282, 306 - - Romance language, 55 - - /Roman de Rou/, 94, 112, 204, 209, 267, 340 - - Roman roads, 92 - - Rome, Church of, 118 - - Rouen, 20; siege of, 35; Rolf's wedding in, 45; Rolf's palace - in, 50; Richard the Fearless' coronation in, 69; ruins in, 86; - reception of William and Matilda in, 236 - - Rudolph of Burgundy, 57 - - Rye, castle of, 200 - - - S - - Sagamen, 8 - - Sandwich, 288 - - Salle, 212 - - Sanglac, battle of, 104 - - Saxons, 287 - - Scandinavian peninsula, 1-3 - - Sea-kings, 9 - - Senlac, 304, 309 - - Shakespeare, 91 - - Sicily, 131, 139; Norman ruins in, 145; aids William, 285; - crusades of, 350 - - Siward of Northumberland, 258 - - Slavery, William's suppression of, 332 - - Spain, 20, 25, 306 - - Sperling, 80, 152 - - Stamford Bridge, battle of, 293, 298, 305 - - Stephen of Blois, 358 - - Stephen of Boulogne, 358 - - Stigand, 273 - - St. Michel's Mount, 101 - - Sturlesson, Snorro, 28 - - St. Valery, 297 - - Sussex, 288, 290, 299 - - Swegen, King of Denmark, 175 - - - T - - Taillefer the minstrel, 306 - - Taxes, 352 - - Tennyson, Lord, 28 - - /Terra Regis/, 318 - - Thurkill the sacristan, 303 - - Tillières, 109; siege of, 136; castle of, 250 - - Tostig, 287, 292 - - Truce of God, 165 - - Turf-Einar, 32 - - - V - - Val-ès-dunes, battle of, 205; changes since, 247 - - Valmeray, 205 - - Valognes, William's escape from, 199 - - Varaville, battle of, 251 - - Vaudreuil, 152 - - Venerable Bede, the, 218 - - Venosa (tomb of the Hautevilles), 146 - - Vermandois, Count of, 56; death of, 63 - - Vexin, district of the, 125, 337, 348 - - Vigr, island of, 29 - - Vikings, 9, 366 - - Vinland, 18 - - - W - - Wace, Master, 112, see /Roman de Rou/. - - Walter Giffard, 282 - - Walter Tyrrel, 353 - - Waltham, abbey of, 254, 303 - - Waltheof, 320 - - Westminster, 191, 269, 302, 311, 314, 353 - - Wight, isle of, 288; Odo's rendezvous in, 336 - - William the Conqueror, 104, 114; father of, 116; mother of, 122; - homage of barons to, 126; typical character of, 149; purity of - life, 167; Roger of Toesny an enemy to, 196; Guy of Burgundy's - rebellion, 199; not a man of blood in a certain sense, 211; mastery - in Normandy, 213; revenge upon Alençon, 214; meets Lanfranc, 229; - marries Matilda, 237; goes to England, 242; receives news of - Harold's shipwreck, 260; at Chateau d'Eu, 264; hears of Harold's - coronation, 275; embassy to Harold, 280; council at Lillebonne, - 282; at Hastings, 299; march to London, 313; coronation at - Westminster, 314; government of England, 316; returns to Normandy - in triumph, 321; at Mantes, 337; last illness and death, 337 - - William Fitz-Osbern, 250; at Rouen palace, 262; at Quevilly, 277, - 282; at Lillebonne, 284; made Count of Hereford, 324 - - William of Jumièges, 112 - - William Longsword, his youth, 43; education of, 56; his wife, 56; - lands in Brittany, 58; politics of, 60; government of, 62; death, - 63; character of, 64; lingering enmity toward Flanders caused by - his murder, 245 - - William Malet, 310 - - William of Malmesbury, 331 - - William Rufus, 338; inherits the English crown, 339; goes to - England, 345; is murdered, 353; is buried at Winchester, 353 - - William, son of Richard the Fearless, 97 - - William de Talvas, 124; the bastard's enemy, 152; rebels against - William, 213 - - William of Warren, 282 - - Witanagemôt, 270, 275, 280, 317, 353 - - Women of Normandy, 101, 323, 326 - - - Y - - Yonge, Miss (Story of /The Little Duke/), 85 - - York, 292 - - - - - [Illustration] - - - - -The Story of the Nations. - - -MESSRS. G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS take pleasure in announcing that they have -in course of publication, in co-operation with Mr. T. Fisher Unwin, -of London, a series of historical studies, intended to present in a -graphic manner the stories of the different nations that have attained -prominence in history. - -In the story form the current of each national life is distinctly -indicated, and its picturesque and noteworthy periods and episodes are -presented for the reader in their philosophical relation to each other -as well as to universal history. - -It is the plan of the writers of the different volumes to enter into -the real life of the peoples, and to bring them before the reader as -they actually lived, labored, and struggled--as they studied and wrote, -and as they amused themselves. In carrying out this plan, the myths, -with which the history of all lands begins, will not be overlooked, -though these will be carefully distinguished from the actual history, -so far as the labors of the accepted historical authorities have -resulted in definite conclusions. - -The subjects of the different volumes have been planned to cover -connecting and, as far as possible, consecutive epochs or periods, so -that the set when completed will present in a comprehensive narrative -the chief events in the great STORY OF THE NATIONS; but it is, of -course, not always practicable to issue the several volumes in their -chronological order. - -The "Stories" are printed in good readable type, and in handsome 12mo -form. They are adequately illustrated and furnished with maps and -indexes. Price, per vol., cloth, $1.50. Half morocco, gilt top, $1.75. - -The following are now ready: - -GREECE. Prof. Jas. A. Harrison. - -ROME. Arthur Gilman. - -THE JEWS. Prof. James K. Hosmer. - -CHALDEA. 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Morse Stephens. - -THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE. C. W. C. Oman. - -SICILY. E. A. Freeman. - -THE TUSCAN REPUBLICS. Bella Duffy. - -POLAND. W. R. Morfill. - -PARTHIA. Geo. Rawlinson. - -JAPAN. David Murray. - -THE CHRISTIAN RECOVERY OF SPAIN. H. E. Watts. - -AUSTRALASIA. Greville Tregarthen. - -SOUTHERN AFRICA. Geo. M. Theal. - -VENICE. Alethea Wiel. - -THE CRUSADES. T. S. Archer and C. L. Kingsford. - -VEDIC INDIA. Z. A. Ragozin. - -BOHEMIA. C. E. Maurice. - -CANADA. J. G. Bourinot. - -THE BALKAN STATES. William Miller. - -BRITISH RULE IN INDIA. R. W. Frazer. - -MODERN FRANCE. André Le Bon. - -THE BUILDING OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE. Alfred T. Story. - - - [Illustration] - - - - -Heroes of the Nations. - -EDITED BY - -EVELYN ABBOTT, M.A., - -FELLOW OF BALLIOL COLLEGE, OXFORD. - - -A series of biographical studies of the lives and work of a number -of representative historical characters about whom have gathered the -great traditions of the Nations to which they belonged, and who have -been accepted, in many instances, as types of the several National -ideals. With the life of each typical character will be presented a -picture of the National conditions surrounding him during his career. - -The narratives are the work of writers who are recognized authorities -on their several subjects, and, while thoroughly trustworthy as -history, will present picturesque and dramatic "stories" of the Men -and of the events connected with them. - -To the Life of each "Hero" will be given one duodecimo volume, -handsomely printed in large type, provided with maps and adequately -illustrated according to the special requirements of the several -subjects. The volumes will be sold separately as follows: - - Large 12°, cloth extra $1 50 - Half morocco, uncut edges, gilt top 1 75 - -The following are now ready: - - «Nelson, and the Naval Supremacy of England.» By W. CLARK RUSSELL, - author of "The Wreck of the Grosvenor," etc. - - «Gustavus Adolphus and the Struggle of Protestantism for Existence.» - By C. R. L. FLETCHER, M.A., late Fellow of All Souls College. - - «Pericles, and the Golden Age of Athens.» By EVELYN ABBOTT, M.A. - - «Theodoric the Goth, the Barbarian Champion of Civilisation.» By - THOMAS HODGKIN, author of "Italy and Her Invaders," etc. - - «Sir Philip Sidney, and the Chivalry of England.» By H. R. FOX - BOURNE, author of "The Life of John Locke," etc. - - «Julius Cæsar, and the Organisation of the Roman Empire.» By W. WARD - FOWLER, M.A., Fellow of Lincoln College, Oxford. - - «John Wyclif, Last of the Schoolmen and First of the English - Reformers.» By LEWIS SERGEANT, author of "New Greece," etc. - - «Napoleon, Warrior and Ruler, and the Military Supremacy of - Revolutionary France.» By W. O'CONNOR MORRIS. - - «Henry of Navarre, and the Huguenots of France.» By P. F. WILLERT, - M.A., Fellow of Exeter College, Oxford. - - «Cicero, and the Fall of the Roman Republic.» By J. L. - STRACHAN-DAVIDSON, M.A., Fellow of Balliol College, Oxford. - - «Abraham Lincoln, and the Downfall of American Slavery.» By NOAH - BROOKS. - - «Prince Henry (of Portugal) the Navigator, and the Age of - Discovery.» By C. R. BEAZLEY, Fellow of Merton College, Oxford. - - «Julian the Philosopher, and the Last Struggle of Paganism against - Christianity.» By ALICE GARDNER. - - «Louis XIV., and the Zenith of the French Monarchy.» By ARTHUR - HASSALL, M.A., Senior Student of Christ Church College, Oxford. - - «Charles XII., and the Collapse of the Swedish Empire, 1682-1719.» - By R. NISBET BAIN. - - «Lorenzo de' Medici, and Florence in the 15th Century.» By EDWARD - ARMSTRONG, M.A., Fellow of Queens's College, Oxford. - - «Jeanne d'Arc. Her Life and Death.» By MRS. OLIPHANT. - - «Christopher Columbus. His Life and Voyages.» By WASHINGTON IRVING. - - «Robert the Bruce, and the Struggle for Scottish Independence.» By - SIR HERBERT MAXWELL, M.P. - - «Hannibal, Soldier, Statesman. Patriot; and the Crisis of the - Struggle between Carthage and Rome.» By W. O'CONNOR MORRIS, Sometime - Scholar of Oriel College, Oxford. - - «Ulysses S. Grant, and the Period of National Preservation and - Reconstruction, 1822-1885.» By LIEUT.-COL. WILLIAM CONANT CHURCH. - - «Robert E. Lee, and the Southern Confederacy, 1807-1870.» By PROF. - HENRY ALEXANDER WHITE, of the Washington and Lee University. - - «The Cid Campeador, and the Waning of the Crescent in the West.» By - H. BUTLER CLARKE, Fellow of St. John's College, Oxford. - - /To be followed by/: - - «Moltke, and the Military Supremacy of Germany.» By SPENCER - WILKINSON, London University. - - «Bismarck. The New German Empire, How it Arose and What it - Displaced.» By W. J. HEADLAM, M.A., Fellow of King's Collage. - - «Judas Maccabæus, the Conflict between Hellenism and Hebraism.» By - ISRAEL ABRAHAMS, author of the "Jews of the Middle Ages." - - «Henry V., the English Hero King.» By CHARLES L. KINGSFORD, - joint-author of the "Story of the Crusades." - - -G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS. NEW YORK AND LONDON. - - - - -TRANSCRIBER'S ENDNOTE. - -In the List of Illustrations, corrected the page number for "OLD -HOUSES, DÔL" to "265", and for the entry "FUNERAL OF EADWARD THE -CONFESSOR", to "273". - -Page 32: changed "literture" to "literature". - -Page 40: "whenever-they" to "whenever they". - -Page 101: "separted" to "separated". - -Page 142: the beginning quotation mark removed from "The medical and -philosophical schools ..." - -Page 145: "almosts without number," to "almost without number,". - -Page 161: opening quotation mark inserted before "First" in "The -candidates swore: First,". - -Page 174: the close quotation mark is missing from the paragraph -beginning '1002. "In this year ...'. It is not entirely clear where it -belongs; perhaps after 'evil.', where it has been placed. - -Page 178: The passage "all England south of the Thames--East Anglia and -Essex and London" seems wrong, as these areas are mostly north of the -Thames. - -Page 183: "out-grown" is retained, although "outgrown" appears in five -places. - -Page 222: "wordly" to "worldly". - -Page 247: "chieftan" to "chieftain". - -Page 320: "wordliness" to "worldliness". - -Page 325: changed comma to period after "as the winter wore away", and -period to comma after "was the most conspicuous event". - -Page 370: the page number for "Mantes" is changed to 337. - -Page 371: "victory ta Varaville" changed to "victory at Varaville". - -Page 372: "war with Burgundy, 106, with Dreux, 108;" to "war with -Burgundy, 106; war with Dreux, 108;". Also changed "Cnut's likeness -to, 157; 278. 282, 306" to "Cnut's likeness to, 157, 278, 282, 306". - -Page 373: "character, of, 64;" to "character of, 64;". - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Normans, by Sarah Orne Jewett - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NORMANS *** - -***** This file should be named 44920-8.txt or 44920-8.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/4/9/2/44920/ - -Produced by RichardW, sp1nd and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: The Normans - told chiefly in relation to their conquest of England - -Author: Sarah Orne Jewett - -Release Date: February 15, 2014 [EBook #44920] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NORMANS *** - - - - -Produced by RichardW, sp1nd and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - -</pre> - +<div>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 44920 ***</div> <div class="transnote">TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE: @@ -14403,387 +14364,6 @@ likeness to, 157; 278. 282, 306" to "Cnut's likeness to, 157, 278, <div><a href="#CONTENTS">Return to Table of Contents</a>.</div> </div> - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Normans, by Sarah Orne Jewett - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NORMANS *** - -***** This file should be named 44920-h.htm or 44920-h.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/4/9/2/44920/ - -Produced by RichardW, sp1nd and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: The Normans - told chiefly in relation to their conquest of England - -Author: Sarah Orne Jewett - -Release Date: February 15, 2014 [EBook #44920] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ASCII - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NORMANS *** - - - - -Produced by RichardW, sp1nd and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - -TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE: - -Original spelling and grammar has mostly been retained. Figures were -moved from within paragraphs to between paragraphs. Footnotes were -re-indexed and moved to the ends of the corresponding paragraphs. The -original page numbers are embedded in square brackets, e.g. "[Pg135]". - -TXT Versions only: Text that was originally italicized is in this -version marked before and after with /solidus characters/. Small caps -text is converted to all uppercase. The notation "^{n}" means that n -is superscript. Bold text is "surrounded by double angle quotation -marks". In this Latin-1 version, the oe and OE ligatures are -indicated by [oe] and [OE], respectively. - -More details are located in the TRANSCRIBER'S ENDNOTE. - - - - - THE NORMANS - - - - - [Illustration:/Frontispiece./ BIRTHPLACE OF WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. - FALAISE.] - - - - - THE STORY OF THE NATIONS - - THE NORMANS - - TOLD CHIEFLY IN RELATION TO THEIR CONQUEST - OF ENGLAND - - BY - SARAH ORNE JEWETT - - NEW YORK - G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS - LONDON: T. FISHER UNWIN - 1898 - - - - - COPYRIGHT, 1886 - BY - G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS - - The Knickerbocker Press, New York - - - - - TO - MY DEAR GRANDFATHER - DOCTOR WILLIAM PERRY, OF EXETER - - - - - [Illustration: EUROPE - AT THE CLOSE OF THE 11^{TH} CENTURY] - - - - - [Illustration] - - - - - CONTENTS. - - - I. - PAGE - - THE MEN OF THE DRAGON SHIPS 1-29 - - The ancient Northmen, 1-3 -- Manner of life, 4-6 -- Hall-life - and hospitality, 7 -- Sagamen, 8 -- Sea-kings and vikings, - 9 -- Charlemagne and the vikings, 11 -- Viking voyages and - settlements, 12-22 -- The Northmen in France, 23-27 -- Modern - inheritance from the Northmen, 28. - - - II. - - ROLF THE GANGER 30-51 - - Harold Haarfager, 30 -- Jarl Roegnwald, 32 -- Rolf's outlawry, - 33 -- Charles the Simple, 35 -- The Archbishop of Rouen, 37 -- - Hasting, 38 -- Siege of Bayeux, 40 -- Rolf's character, 41 -- - The founding of Normandy, 43 -- The king's grant, 45 -- Rolf's - christening, 46 -- Law and order, 48 -- Rolf's death, 50. - - - III. - - WILLIAM LONGSWORD 52-65 - - French influences; Charlemagne; Charles the Fat, 52-54 -- - Feudalism, 55 -- The Franks, 55 -- Norman loyalty to France, - 57 -- Longsword's politics, 60 -- The Bayeux Northmen, 61 -- - Longsword's love of the cloister, 63 -- Longsword's character, - 64. - - - IV. - - RICHARD THE FEARLESS 66-89 - - Longsword's son, 66 -- A Norman castle, 67 -- News of - Longsword's death, 69 -- His funeral, 70 -- Richard made duke, - 70 -- The guardianship of Louis of France, 72 -- Detention of - Richard and escape from Laon, 73-75 -- Hugh of Paris, 76 -- - Louis at Rouen, 77 -- Norman plots, 80 -- Harold Blaatand, 81 -- - Normandy against France, 82 -- Independence of Normandy, 84 -- - Normandy and England, 85 -- Gerberga, 85 -- Alliance with Hugh of - Paris; with Hugh Capet, 86-88 -- Death of Richard, 89. - - - V. - - DUKE RICHARD THE GOOD 90-114 - - Richard the Good's succession, 90 -- French influences, 91 -- - Lack of records, 91 -- Prosperity of the duchy, 92 -- Richard's - love of courtliness and splendor, 92 -- Wrongs of the common - people; their complaint, 93-95 -- Raoul of Ivry, 96 -- The - Flemish colony; the Falaise fair; Richard's brother William, - 97, 98 -- Robert of France, 99 -- Richard's marriage, 101 -- - AEthelred the Unready, 102 -- The Danes in England, 103 -- Emma of - Normandy, 105; Trouble with Burgundy, 107 -- The lands of Dreux, - 109 -- The Count-Bishop of Chalons, 110; Norman chroniclers, 112 - -- Ermenoldus; the third Richard and his murder, 112-114. - - - VI. - - ROBERT THE MAGNIFICENT 115-129 - - Power and wealth of Normandy, 115 -- The English princes, 118 - -- Cnut of England and Queen Emma, 119 -- Robert's lavishness; - Baldwin of Flanders, 120-122 -- The tanner's daughter, 122 -- - Norman pride and Robert's defiance of public opinion, 124 -- - Robert's pilgrimage to Jerusalem, 125 -- His death at Nicaea, 129. - - - VII. - - THE NORMANS IN ITALY 130-148 - - Hasting the pirate, 130 -- Early Norman colonies in the south - of Europe, 132 -- The Norman character, 134 -- Tancred de - Hauteville, 135 -- Serlon de Hauteville, 136 -- Sicily, 139 -- - Pope Leo the Tenth, 140 -- Robert Guiscard, 141 -- Rapid progress - of the Norman-Italian States and their prosperity, 142 -- Norman - architecture in Sicily, 145. - - - VIII. - - THE YOUTH OF WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR 149-170 - - Typical character of William, 149 -- Loneliness of his - childhood, 151 -- William de Talvas, 152 -- The feudal system, - 153 -- Christianity and knighthood, 156 -- Ceremonies at the - making of a knight, 157 -- The oaths of knighthood, 161 -- The - Truce of God, 166-170. - - - IX. - - ACROSS THE CHANNEL 171-194 - - Changes in England, 171 -- AEthelred, 172 -- The Danegelt, 173 - -- The Danes again, 175 -- Swegen, 177 -- Cnut, 178 -- Eadmund - Ironside, 180 -- Cnut's pilgrimage, 181 -- Godwine, 184 -- Eadward - the Confessor, 187 -- The Dover quarrel, 189 -- Normans in - England, 192 -- Castles, 193. - - - X. - - THE BATTLE OF VAL-ES-DUNES 195-214 - - Roger de Toesny, 196 -- William's boyhood, 198 -- Escape from - Valognes, 199 -- The Lord of Rye, 200 -- Guy of Burgundy, 201 - -- Rebellion, 202 -- Val-es-Dunes, 204 -- Ralph of Tesson, 206 - -- Neal of St. Saviour, 208 -- William's leniency, 211 -- His - mastery, 213 -- The siege of Alencon, 213. - - - XI. - - THE ABBEY OF BEC 215-231 - - Cloistermen, 215 -- Soldiery and scholarship, 216 -- Building of - religious houses, 218 -- Cathedrals, 220 -- Benedictines, 222 -- - Herluin and his abbey, 223 -- Lanfranc, 226 -- His influence in - Normandy, 229. - - - XII. - - MATILDA OF FLANDERS 232-254 - - Flanders, 232 -- Objections to William's marriage, 234 -- - Marriage of William and Matilda at Eu, 236 -- Mauger, 237 -- - Rebuilding of churches, 239 -- William's early visit to England, - 242 -- Godwine's return, 244 -- His death, 245 -- Jealousy of - France, 246 -- The French invasion of Normandy, 247 -- Battle of - Mortemer, 248 -- The curfew bell, 251 -- Battle of Varaville, 252 - -- Harold of England's visit, 254. - - - XIII. - - HAROLD THE ENGLISHMAN 255-274 - - Causes and effects of war, 255 -- Relations of William and - Harold, 256 -- Harold's unfitness as a leader of the English, - 257 -- His shipwreck on the coast of Ponthieu, 260 -- William's - palace in Rouen, 261 -- News of Harold's imprisonment by Guy of - Ponthieu, 262 -- Harold's release, 264 -- His life in Normandy, - 265 -- His oath, 267 -- Eadward's last illness, 269 -- Harold - named as successor, 272. - - - XIV. - - NEWS FROM ENGLAND 275-294 - - Harold made king, 275 -- William hears the news, 276 -- The - Normans begin to plan for war, 278 -- William's embassy, 280 - -- The council at Lillebonne, 280 -- The barons hold back, 282 - -- Lanfranc's influence at Rome, 286 -- Tostig, 287 -- Harold's - army, 290 -- Harold Hardrada, 291 -- The battle of Stamford - Bridge, 293. - - - XV. - - THE BATTLE OF HASTINGS 295-311 - - Normandy makes ready for war, 295 -- The army at St. Valery, - 297 -- William crosses the Channel, 298 -- The camp at Hastings, - 300 -- Harold of England, 302 -- Senlac, 304 -- The battle array, - 306 -- The great fight, 308 -- The Norman victory, 310. - - - XVI. - - WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR 312-344 - - Norman characteristics, 312 -- William's coronation, 314 -- - His plan of government, 316 -- Return to Normandy, 320 -- Caen, - 322 -- The Bayeux tapestry, 323 -- Matilda crowned queen, 325 - -- Difficulties of government, 327 -- The English forests, 330 - -- Decay of learning in Eadward's time, 331 -- William's laws - against slavery, 332 -- His son Robert, 333 -- The queen's death, - 335 -- Odo's plot, 335 -- William's injury at Mantes, 337 -- His - illness and death, 339 -- Description from /Roman de Rou/, 341. - - - XVII. - - KINGDOM AND DUKEDOM 345-358 - - William Rufus, 345 -- Robert of Normandy, 346 -- William Rufus - in England, 349 -- Duke Robert goes on pilgrimage, 351 -- Murder - of William Rufus, 353 -- Henry Beauclerc seizes the English - crown, 355 -- Death of Prince William, 358. - - - XVIII. - - CONCLUSION 359-366 - - Development of Norman character, 360 -- Northern influences, - 362 -- The great inheritance, 365. - - [Illustration] - - - [Illustration] - - - - - LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. - - - PAGE - - BIRTHPLACE OF WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. FALAISE. /Frontispiece/ - - MAP--EUROPE AT CLOSE OF ELEVENTH CENTURY 1 - - IRON SPEAR AND CHISEL 5 - - VIKING SHIP 13 - - VIKING 17 - - NORSE BUCKLE 21 - - NORWEGIAN FIORD 31 - - FLAILS AS MILITARY WEAPONS 77 - - ABBEY CHURCH OF ST. OUEN. (ROUEN) 87 - - QUEEN EMMA OR AELFGIFU 105 - - NORMAN COSTUMES 117 - - ROBERT, DUKE OF NORMANDY, CARRIED IN A LITTER TO JERUSALEM 127 - - NORMAN PLOUGHMAN 153 - - ARMING A KNIGHT 157 - - CONFERRING KNIGHTHOOD ON THE FIELD OF BATTLE 167 - - KING CNUT 179 - - DOORWAY OF CATHEDRAL, CHARTRES 217 - - CANTERBURY CATHEDRAL 221 - - CRYPT OF MOUNT ST. MICHEL 241 - - NORMAN ARCHER 253 - - GUY, COUNT OF PONTHIEU 259 - - MOUNT ST. MICHEL 263 - - OLD HOUSES, DOL 265 - - FUNERAL OF EADWARD THE CONFESSOR 273 - - STIGAND, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY 277 - - MAP--NORMANDY IN 1066 281 - - MAP--ENGLAND 289 - - NORMAN VESSEL 297 - - WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR 301 - - NORMAN MINSTREL 305 - - SOLDIER IN CLOAK 309 - - DEATH OF HAROLD 325 - - NORMAN LADY 326 - - BATTLE-AXES 329 - - ODO, BISHOP OF BAYEUX 335 - - -The ten illustrations in this volume which are from designs by Thomas -Macquoid, have been reproduced (through the courtesy of Messrs. Chatto -& Windus) from Mrs. Macquoid's "Pictures and Legends from Normandy -and Brittany," the American edition of which was published by G. P. -Putnam's Sons. - - [Illustration] - - - - - DUKES OF THE NORMANS. - - ROLF, - First Duke of the Normans, - r. 911-927. - | - WILLIAM - LONGSWORD, - r. 927-943. - | - RICHARD - THE FEARLESS, - r. 943-996. - | - +-----+------+ - | | - RICHARD EMMA, - THE GOOD, m. 1. AEthelred II. - r. 996-1026. of England; - | m. 2. Cnut of England - | and Denmark. - | - +-------+----------+ - | | - RICHARD III., ROBERT - r. 1026-1028. THE MAGNIFICENT, - r. 1028-1035. - | - WILLIAM - THE CONQUEROR, - r. 1035-1087. - | - +-------------------+----+--------+---------------+ - | | | | - ROBERT II., WILLIAM HENRY I., ADELA, - r. 1087-1096 RUFUS, r. 1106-1135. m. Stephen, - (from 1096 to 1100 r. 1096-1100. | Count of Blois - the Duchy was MATILDA | - held by his m. GEOFFRY STEPHEN - brother William), COUNT OF OF BLOIS, - and 1100-1106 ANJOU s. 1135. - (when he was AND - overthrown at MAINE - Tinchebrai by his (who won the - brother Henry). Duchy from - Stephen). - | - HENRY II., - invested with the - Duchy, 1150, - d. 1189. - | - +-----------+-------+ - | | - RICHARD JOHN, - THE LION-HEART, r. 1199-1204 - r. 1189-1199. (when Normandy - was conquered - by France). - -[Pg001] - - [Illustration] - - - - -THE STORY OF THE NORMANS. - - - - -I. - -THE MEN OF THE DRAGON SHIPS. - - "Far as the breeze can bear, the billows foam, - Survey our empire and behold our home."--BYRON. - - -The gulf stream flows so near to the southern coast of Norway, and -to the Orkneys and Western Islands, that their climate is much less -severe than might be supposed. Yet no one can help wondering why they -were formerly so much more populous than now, and why the people -who came westward even so long ago as the great Aryan migration, -did not persist in turning aside to the more fertile countries that -lay farther southward. In spite of all their disadvantages, the -Scandinavian peninsula, and the sterile islands of the northern seas, -were inhabited by men and women whose enterprise and intelligence -ranked them above their neighbors. - -Now, with the modern ease of travel and transportation, these poorer -countries can be supplied from other parts of the world. And though -the [Pg002] summers of Norway are misty and dark and short, and it -is difficult to raise even a little hay on the bits of meadow among -the rocky mountain slopes, commerce can make up for all deficiencies. -In early times there was no commerce except that carried on by the -pirates--if we may dignify their undertakings by such a respectable -name,--and it was hardly possible to make a living from the soil alone. -The sand dunes of Denmark and the cliffs of Norway alike gave little -encouragement to tillers of the ground, yet, in defiance of all our -ideas of successful colonization, when the people of these countries -left them, it was at first only to form new settlements in such places -as Iceland, or the Faroe or Orkney islands and stormiest Hebrides. But -it does not take us long to discover that the ancient Northmen were -not farmers, but hunters and fishermen. It had grown more and more -difficult to find food along the rivers and broad grassy wastes of -inland Europe, and pushing westward they had at last reached the place -where they could live beside waters that swarmed with fish and among -hills that sheltered plenty of game. - -Besides this they had been obliged not only to make the long journey -by slow degrees, but to fight their way and to dispossess the people -who were already established. There is very little known of these -earlier dwellers in the east and north of Europe, except that they -were short of stature and dark-skinned, that they were cave dwellers, -and, in successive stages of development, used stone and bronze and -iron tools and weapons. Many relics of [Pg003] their home-life and -of their warfare have been discovered and preserved in museums, and -there are evidences of the descent of a small proportion of modern -Europeans from that remote ancestry. The Basques of the north of -Spain speak a different language and wear a different look from any -of the surrounding people, and even in Great Britain there are some -survivors of an older race of humanity, which the fairer-haired Celts -of Southern Europe and Teutons of Northern Europe have never been able -in the great natural war of races to wholly exterminate and supplant. -Many changes and minglings of the inhabitants of these countries, -long establishment of certain tribes, and favorable or unfavorable -conditions of existence have made the nations of Europe differ widely -from each other at the present day, but they are believed to have come -from a common stock, and certain words of the Sanscrit language can be -found repeated not only in Persian and Indian speech to-day, but in -English and Greek and Latin and German, and many dialects that have -been formed from these. - -The tribes that settled in the North grew in time to have many -peculiarities of their own, and as their countries grew more and more -populous, they needed more things that could not easily be had, and a -fashion of plundering their neighbors began to prevail. Men were still -more or less beasts of prey. Invaders must be kept out, and at last -much of the industry of Scandinavia was connected with the carrying on -of an almost universal fighting and marauding. Ships must be built, -and there must be endless [Pg004] supplies of armor and weapons. -Stones were easily collected for missiles or made fit for arrows and -spear-heads, and metals were worked with great care. In Norway and -Sweden were the best places to find all these, and if the Northmen -planned to fight a great battle, they had to transport a huge quantity -of stones, iron, and bronze. It is easy to see why one day's battle -was almost always decisive in ancient times, for supplies could not -be quickly forwarded from point to point, and after the arrows were -all shot and the conquered were chased off the field, they had no -further means of offence except a hand-to-hand fight with those who -had won the right to pick up the fallen spears at their leisure. So, -too, an unexpected invasion was likely to prove successful; it was a -work of time to get ready for a battle, and when the Northmen swooped -down upon some shore town of Britain or Gaul, the unlucky citizens -were at their mercy. And while the Northmen had fish and game and were -mighty hunters, and their rocks and mines helped forward their warlike -enterprises, so the forests supplied them with ship timber, and they -gained renown as sailors wherever their fame extended. - -There was a great difference, however, between the manner of life in -Norway and that of England or France. The Norwegian stone, however -useful for arrow-heads or axes, was not fit for building purposes. -There is hardly any clay there, either, to make bricks with, so that -wood has usually been the only material for houses. In the Southern -countries there had always been rude castles in which [Pg006] the -people could shelter themselves, but the Northmen could build no -castles that a torch could not destroy. They trusted much more to -their ships than to their houses, and some of their great captains -disdained to live on shore at all. - - [Illustration: IRON CHISEL FOUND IN AAMOT - PARISH, OESTERDALEN. - - IRON POINT OF A SPEAR WITH INLAID WORK OF SILVER, - FOUND AT NESNE, IN NORDLAND.] - -There is something refreshing in the stories of old Norse life; of its -simplicity and freedom and childish zest. An old writer says that they -had "a hankering after pomp and pageantry," and by means of this they -came at last to doing things decently and in order, and to setting the -fashions for the rest of Europe. There was considerable dignity in the -manner of every-day life and housekeeping. Their houses were often -very large, even two hundred feet long, with the flaring fires on a -pavement in the middle of the floor, and the beds built next the walls -on three sides, sometimes hidden by wide tapestries or foreign cloth -that had been brought home in the viking ships. In front of the beds -were benches where each man had his seat and footstool, with his armor -and weapons hung high on the wall above. The master of the house had -a high seat on the north side in the middle of a long bench; opposite -was another bench for guests and strangers, while the women sat on -the third side. The roof was high, there were a few windows in it, -and those were covered by thin skins and let in but little light. The -smoke escaped through openings in the carved, soot-blackened roof, and -though in later times the rich men's houses were more like villages, -because they made groups of smaller buildings for store-houses, for -guest-rooms, or for workshops all around, [Pg007] still, the idea of -this primitive great hall or living-room has not even yet been lost. -The later copies of it in England and France that still remain are -most interesting; but what a fine sight it must have been at night -when the great fires blazed and the warriors sat on their benches in -solemn order, and the skalds recited their long sagas, of the host's -own bravery or the valiant deeds of his ancestors! Hospitality was -almost made chief among the virtues. There was a Norwegian woman named -Geirrid who went from Heligoland to Iceland and settled there. She -built her house directly across the public road, and used to sit in -the doorway on a little bench and invite all travellers to come in and -refresh themselves from a table that always stood ready, spread with -food. She was not the only one, either, who gave herself up to such an -exaggerated idea of the duties of a housekeeper. - -When a distinguished company of guests was present, the pleasures of -the evening were made more important. Listening to the sagas was the -best entertainment that could be offered. "These productions were of -very ancient origin and entirely foreign to those countries where the -Latin language prevailed. They had little or nothing to do with either -chronology or general history; but were limited to the traditions of -some heroic families, relating their deeds and adventures in a style -that was always simple and sometimes poetic. These compositions, in -verse or prose, were the fruit of a wild Northern genius. They were -evolved without models, and disappeared at last without imitations; -and [Pg008] it is most remarkable that in the island of Iceland, of -which the name alone is sufficient hint of its frightful climate, -and where the very name of poet has almost become a wonder,--in this -very island the skalds (poets) have produced innumerable sagas and -other compositions during a space of time which covers the twelfth, -thirteenth, and fourteenth centuries."[1] - - [1] Depping: "Maritimes Voyages des Normands." - -The court poets or those attached to great families were most -important persons, and were treated with great respect and honor. No -doubt, they often fell into the dangers of either flattery or scandal, -but they were noted for their simple truthfulness. We cannot help -feeling such an atmosphere in those sagas that still exist, but the -world has always been very indulgent towards poetry that captivates -the imagination. Doubtless, nobody expected that a skald should always -limit himself to the part of a literal narrator. They were the makers -and keepers of legends and literature in their own peculiar form of -history, and as to worldly position, ranked much higher than the later -minstrels and troubadours or trouveres who wandered about France. - -When we remember the scarcity and value of parchment even in the -Christianized countries of the South, it is a great wonder that so -many sagas were written down and preserved; while there must have been -a vast number of others that existed only in tradition and in the -memories of those who learned them in each generation. - -If we try to get the story of the Northmen from [Pg009] the French -or British chronicler, it is one long, dreary complaint of their -barbarous customs and their heathen religion. In England the monks, -shut up in their monasteries, could find nothing bad enough to say -about the marauders who ravaged the shores of the country and did so -much mischief. If we believe them, we shall mistake the Norwegians and -their companions for wild beasts and heathen savages. We must read -what was written in their own language, and then we shall have more -respect for the vikings and sea-kings, always distinguishing between -these two; for, while any peasant who wished could be a viking--a -sea-robber--a sea-king was a king indeed, and must be connected with -the royal race of the country. He received the title of king by right -as soon as he took command of a ship's crew, though he need not have -any land or kingdom. Vikings were merely pirates; they might be -peasants and vikings by turn, and won their name from the inlets, the -viks or wicks, where they harbored their ships. A sea-king must be a -viking, but naturally very few of the vikings were sea-kings. - -When we turn from the monks' records, written in Latin, to the -accounts given of themselves by the Northmen, in their own languages, -we are surprised enough to find how these ferocious pagans, these -merciless men, who burnt the Southern churches and villages, and -plundered and killed those of the inhabitants whom they did not drag -away into slavery,--how these Northmen really surpassed their enemies -in literature, as much as in military achievements. Their laws and -government, their history [Pg010] and poetry and social customs, were -better than those of the Anglo-Saxons and the Franks. - -If we stop to think about this, we see that it would be impossible -for a few hundred men to land from their great row-boats and subdue -wide tracts of country unless they were superior in mental power, and -gifted with astonishing quickness and bravery. The great leaders of -armies are not those who can lift the heaviest weights or strike the -hardest blow, but those who have the mind to plan and to organize -and discipline and, above all, to persevere and be ready to take -a dangerous risk. The countries to the southward were tamed and -spiritless, and bound down by church influence and superstition -until they had lost the energy and even the intellectual power of -their ancestors five centuries back. The Roman Empire had helped to -change the Englishmen and many of the Frenchmen of that time into -a population of slaves and laborers, with no property in the soil, -nothing to fight for but their own lives. - -The viking had rights in his own country, and knew what it was to -enjoy those rights; if he could win more land, he would know how to -govern it, and he knew what he was fighting for and meant to win. -If we wonder why all this energy was spent on the high seas, and in -strange countries, there are two answers: first, that fighting was -the natural employment of the men, and that no right could be held -that could not be defended; but beside this, one form of their energy -was showing itself at home in rude attempts at literature. It is -surprising enough to find that both the quality and the quantity -[Pg011] of the old sagas far surpass all that can be found of either -Latin or English writing of that time in England. These sagas are all -in the familiar tongue, so that everybody could understand them, and -be amused or taught by them. They were not meant only for the monks -and the people who lived in cloisters. The legends of their ancestors' -beauty or bravery belonged to every man alike, and that made the -Norwegians one nation of men, working and sympathizing with each -other--not a mere herd of individuals. - -The more that we know of the Northmen, the more we are convinced how -superior they were in their knowledge of the useful arts to the people -whom they conquered. There is a legend that when Charlemagne, in the -ninth century, saw some pirate ships cruising in the Mediterranean, -along the shores of which they had at last found their way, he -covered his face and burst into tears. He was not so much afraid -of their cruelty and barbarism as of their civilization. Nobody -knew better that none of the Christian countries under his rule had -ships or men that could make such a daring voyage. He knew that -they were skilful workers in wood and iron, and had learned to be -rope-makers and weavers; that they could make casks for their supply -of drinking-water, and understood how to prepare food for their long -cruises. All their swords and spears and bow-strings had to be made -and kept in good condition, and sheltered from the sea-spray. - -It is interesting to remember that the Northmen's [Pg012] fleets were -not like a royal navy, though the king could claim the use of all the -war-ships when he needed them for the country's service. They were -fitted out by anybody who chose, private adventurers and peasants, all -along the rocky shores. They were not very grand affairs for the most -part, but they were all seaworthy, and must have had a good deal of -room for stowing all the things that were to be carried, beside the -vikings themselves. Sometimes there were transport vessels to take -the arms and the food and bring back the plunder. Perhaps most of -the peasants' boats were only thirty or forty feet long, but when we -remember how many hundreds used to put to sea after the small crops -were planted every summer, we cannot help knowing that there were a -great many men who knew how to build strong ships in Norway, and how -to fit them out sufficiently well, and man them and fight in them -afterward. You never hear of any fleets being fitted out in the French -and English harbors equalling these in numbers or efficiency. - - [Illustration: VIKING SHIP.] - -When we picture the famous sea-kings' ships to ourselves, we do not -wonder that the Northmen were so proud of them, or that the skalds -were never tired of recounting their glories. There were two kinds of -vessels: the last-ships, that carried cargoes; and the long-ships, or -ships-of-war. Listen to the splendors of the "Long Serpent," which -was the largest ship ever built in Norway. A dragon-ship, to begin -with, because all the long ships had a dragon for a figure-head, -except the smallest of them, which were called cutters, and only -carried [Pg014] ten or twenty rowers on a side. The "Long Serpent" -had thirty-four rowers' benches on a side, and she was a hundred and -eleven feet long. Over the sides were hung the shining red and white -shields of the vikings, the gilded dragon's head towered high at the -prow, and at the stern a gilded tail went curling off over the head of -the steersman. Then, from the long body, the heavy oars swept forward -and back through the water, the double thirty-four of them, and as it -came down the fiord, the "Long Serpent" must have looked like some -enormous centipede creeping out of its den on an awful errand, and -heading out across the rough water toward its prey. - -The crew used to sleep on the deck, and ship-tents were necessary for -shelter. There was no deep hold or comfortable cabin, for the ships -were built so that they could be easily hauled up on a sloping beach. -They had sails, and these were often made of gay colors, or striped -with red and blue and white cloths, and a great many years later than -this we hear of a crusader waiting long for a fair wind at the Straits -of the Dardanelles, so that he could set all his fine sails, and look -splendid as he went by the foreign shores. - -To-day in Bergen harbor, in Norway, you are likely to see at least -one or two Norland ships that belong to the great fleet that bring -down furs and dried fish every year from Hammerfest and Trondhjem -and the North Cape. They do not carry the red and white shields, or -rows of long oars, but they are built with high prow and stern, and -spread a great [Pg015] square brown sail. You are tempted to think -that a belated company of vikings has just come into port after a long -cruise. These descendants of the long-ships and the last-ships look -little like peaceful merchantmen, as they go floating solemnly along -the calm waters of the Bergen-fiord. - -The voyages were often disastrous in spite of much clever seamanship. -They knew nothing of the mariner's compass, and found their way -chiefly by the aid of the stars--inconstant pilots enough on such -foggy, stormy seas. They carried birds too, oftenest ravens, and -used to let them loose and follow them toward the nearest land. The -black raven was the vikings' favorite symbol for their flags, and -familiar enough it became in other harbors than their own. They were -bold, hardy fellows, and held fast to a rude code of honor and rank -of knighthood. To join the most renowned company of vikings in Harold -Haarfager's time, it was necessary that the champion should lift a -great stone that lay before the king's door, as first proof that he -was worth initiating. We are gravely told that this stone could not be -moved by the strength of twelve ordinary men. - -They were obliged to take oath that they would not capture women and -children, or seek refuge during a tempest, or stop to dress their -wounds before a battle was over. Sometimes they were possessed by a -strange madness, caused either by a frenzy of rivalry and the wild -excitement of their rude sports or by intoxicating liquors or drugs, -when they foamed at the mouth and danced wildly about, swallowing -burning coals, uprooting the very rocks and trees, destroying [Pg016] -their own property, and striking indiscriminately at friends and -foes. This berserker rage seems to have been much applauded, and -gained the possessed viking a noble distinction in the eyes of his -companions. If a sea-king heard of a fair damsel anywhere along the -neighboring coast, he simply took ship in that direction, fought for -her, and carried her away in triumph with as many of her goods as he -was lucky enough to seize beside. Their very gods were gods of war -and destruction, though beside Thor, the thunderer, they worshipped -Balder, the fair-faced, the god of gentle speech and purity, with -Freyr, who rules over sunshine and growing things. Their hell was a -place of cold and darkness, and their heaven was to be a place where -fighting went on from sunrise until the time came to ride back to -Valhalla and feast together in the great hall. Those who died of old -age or sickness, instead of in battle, must go to hell. Odin, who was -chief of all the gods, made man, and gave him a soul which should -never perish, and Frigga, his wife, knew the fate of all men, but -never told her secrets. - - [Illustration: VIKING.] - -The Northmen spread themselves at length over a great extent of -country. We can only wonder why, after their energy and valor led them -to found a thriving colony in Iceland and in Russia, to even venture -among the icebergs and perilous dismal coasts of Greenland, and from -thence downward to the pleasanter shores of New England, why they did -not seize these possessions and keep the credit of discovering and -settling America. What a change that would have made in the world's -history! Historians [Pg018] have been much perplexed at the fact of -Leif Ericson's lack of interest in the fertile Vinland, New England -now, which he visited in 986 and praised eloquently when he left it -to its fate. Vinland waited hundreds of years after that for the -hardy Icelander's kindred to come from old England to build their -houses and spend the rest of their lives upon its good corn-land and -among the shadows of its great pine-trees. There was room enough -for all Greenland, and to spare, but we cannot help suspecting that -the Northmen were not very good farmers, that they loved fighting -too well, and would rather go a thousand miles across a stormy sea -to plunder another man of his crops than to patiently raise their -own corn and wool and make an honest living at home. So, instead of -understanding what a good fortune it would be for their descendants, -if they seized and held the great western continent that stretched -westward from Vinland until it met another sea, they kept on with -their eastward raids, and the valleys of the Elbe and the Rhine, of -the Seine and Loire, made a famous hunting-ground for the dragon ships -to seek. The rich seaports and trading towns, the strongly walled -Roman cities, the venerated abbeys and cathedrals with their store of -wealth and provisions, were all equally exposed to the fury of such -attacks, and were soon stunned and desolated. What a horror must have -fallen upon a defenceless harbor-side when a fleet of the Northmen's -ships was seen sweeping in from sea at daybreak! What a smoke of -burning houses and shrieking of frightened people all day long; and -as [Pg019] the twilight fell and the few survivors of the assault -dared to creep out from their hiding-places to see the ruins of their -homes, and the ships putting out to sea again loaded deep with their -possessions!--we can hardly picture it to ourselves in these quiet days. - -The people who lived in France were of another sort, but they often -knew how to defend themselves as well as the Northmen knew how to -attack. There are few early French records for us to read, for the -literature of that early day was almost wholly destroyed in the -religious houses and public buildings of France. Here and there a few -pages of a poem or of a biography or chronicle have been kept, but -from this very fact we can understand the miserable condition of the -country. - -In the year 810 the Danish Norsemen, under their king, Gottfried, -overran Friesland, but the Emperor Charlemagne was too powerful for -them and drove them back. After his death they were ready to try -again, and because his huge kingdom had been divided under many -rulers, who were all fighting among themselves, the Danes were more -lucky, and after robbing Hamburg several times they ravaged the coasts -and finally settled themselves as comfortably as possible at the mouth -of the Loire in France. Soon they were not satisfied with going to -and fro along the seaboard, and took their smaller craft and voyaged -inland, swarming up the French rivers by hundreds, devastating the -country everywhere they went. - -In 845 they went up the Seine to Paris, and plundered [Pg020] Paris -too, more than once; and forty years later, forty thousand of them, -led by a man named Siegfried, went up from Rouen with seven hundred -vessels and besieged the poor capital for ten months, until they were -bought off at the enormous price of the whole province of Burgundy. -See what power that was to put into the hands of the sea-kings' crews! -But no price was too dear, the people of Paris must have thought, to -get rid of such an army in the heart of Gaul. They could make whatever -terms they pleased by this time, and there is a tradition that a few -years afterward some bands of Danish rovers, who perhaps had gone to -take a look at Burgundy, pushed on farther and settled themselves in -Switzerland. - -From the settlements they had made in the province of Aquitania, they -had long before this gone on to Spain, because the rich Spanish cities -were too tempting to be resisted. They had forced their way all along -the shore of the sea, and in at the gate of the Mediterranean; they -wasted and made havoc as they went, in Spain, Africa, and the Balearic -islands, and pushed their way up the Rhone to Valence. We can trace -them in Italy, where they burned the cities of Pisa and Lucca, and -even in Greece, where at last the pirate ships were turned about, -and set their sails for home. Think of those clumsy little ships out -on such a journey with their single masts and long oars! Think of -the stories that must have been told from town to town after these -strange, wild Northern foes had come and gone! They were like hawks -that came swooping down out of the sky, and though [Pg021] Spain and -Rome and Greece were well enough acquainted with wars, they must have -felt when the Northmen came, as we should feel if some wild beast from -the heart of the forest came biting and tearing its way through a city -street at noontime. - - [Illustration: NORSE BUCKLE WITH BYZANTINE DECORATION.] - -The whole second half of the ninth century is taken up with the -histories of these invasions. We must follow for a while the progress -of events in Gaul, or France as we call it now, though it was made -up [Pg022] then of a number of smaller kingdoms. The result of the -great siege of Paris was only a settling of affairs with the Northmen -for the time being; one part of the country was delivered from them -at the expense of another. They could be bought off and bribed for a -time, but there was never to be any such thing as their going back -to their own country and letting France alone for good and all. But -as they gained at length whole tracts of country, instead of the -little wealth of a few men to take away in their ships as at first, -they began to settle down in their new lands and to become conquerors -and colonists instead of mere plunderers. Instead of continually -ravaging and attacking the kingdoms, they slowly became the owners -and occupiers of the conquered territory; they pushed their way from -point to point. At first, as you have seen already, they trusted to -their ships, and always left their wives and children at home in the -North countries, but as time went on, they brought their families with -them and made new homes, for which they would have to fight many a -battle yet. It would be no wonder if the women had become possessed -by a love for adventure too, and had insisted upon seeing the lands -from which the rich booty was brought to them, and that they had been -saying for a long time: "Show us the places where the grapes grow -and the fruit-trees bloom, where men build great houses and live in -them splendidly. We are tired of seeing only the long larchen beams -of their high roofs, and the purple and red and gold cloths, and the -red wine and yellow wheat that you bring away. Why should we not -go [Pg023] to live in that country, instead of your breaking it to -pieces, and going there so many of you, every year, only to be slain -as its enemies? We are tired of our sterile Norway and our great -Danish deserts of sand, of our cold winds and wet weather, and our -long winters that pass by so slowly while the fleets are gone. We -would rather see Seville and Paris themselves, than only their gold -and merchandise and the rafters of their churches that you bring home -for ship timber." One of the old ballads of love and valor lingers yet -that the women used to sing: "/Myklagard and the land of Spain lie -wide away o'er the lee/." There was room enough in those far countries -where the ships went--why then do they stay at home in Friesland and -Norway and Denmark, crowded and hungry kingdoms that they were, of the -wandering sea-kings? - -As the years went on, the Northern lands themselves became more -peaceful, and the voyages of the pirates came to an end. Though the -Northmen still waged wars enough, they were Danes or Norwegians -against England and France, one realm against another, instead of -every man plundering for himself. - -The kingdoms of France had been divided and weakened, and, while -we find a great many fine examples of resistance, and some great -victories over the Northmen, they were not pushed out and checked -altogether. Instead, they gradually changed into Frenchmen themselves, -different from other Frenchmen only in being more spirited, vigorous, -and alert. They inspired every new growth of the [Pg024] religion, -language, or manners, with their own splendid vitality. They were like -plants that have grown in dry, thin soil, transplanted to a richer -spot of ground, and sending out fresh shoots in the doubled moisture -and sunshine. And presently we shall find the Northman becoming the -Norman of history. As the Northman, almost the first thing we admire -about him is his character, his glorious energy; as the Norman, we see -that energy turned into better channels, and bringing a new element -into the progress of civilization. - -The Northmen had come in great numbers to settle in Gaul, but they -were scattered about, and so it was easier to count themselves into -the population, instead of keeping themselves separate. Some of -these settlements were a good way inland, and everywhere they mixed -their language with the French for a time, but finally dropped it -almost altogether. In a very few years, comparatively speaking, they -were not Danes or Norwegians at all; they had forgotten their old -customs, and even their pagan gods of the Northern countries from -which their ancestors had come. At last we come to a time when we -begin to distinguish some of the chieftains and other brave men from -the crowd of their companions. The old chronicles of Scandinavia and -Denmark and Iceland cannot be relied upon like the histories of Greece -or Rome. The student who tries to discover when this man was born, -and that man died, from a saga, is apt to be disappointed. The more -he studies these histories of the sea-kings and their countries, the -more distinct picture he gets of a [Pg025] great crowd of men taking -their little ships every year and leaving the rocky, barren coasts -of their own country to go southward. As we have seen, France and -England and Flanders and Spain were all richer and more fruitful, and -they would go ashore, now at this harbor, now that, to steal all they -could, even the very land they trod upon. Now and then we hear the -name of some great man, a stronger and more daring sailor and fighter -than the rest. There is a dismal story of a year of famine in France, -when the north wind blew all through the weeks of a leafless spring, -the roots of the vines were frozen, and the fruit blossoms chilled -to the heart. The wild creatures of the forest, crazed with hunger, -ventured into the farms and villages, and the monks fasted more than -they thought best, and prayed the more heartily for succor in their -poverty. But down from the North came Ragnar Lodbrok, the great Danish -captain, with his stout-built vessels, "ten times twelve dragons of -the sea," and he and his men, in their shaggy fur garments, went -crashing through the ice of the French rivers, to make an easy prey -of the hungry Frenchmen--to conquer everywhere they went. And for one -Ragnar Lodbrok, read fifty or a hundred; for, though there are many -stories told about him, just as we think that we can picture him and -his black-sailed ships in our minds, we are told that this is only a -legend, and that there never was any Ragnar Lodbrok at all who was -taken by his enemies and thrown into a horrible dungeon filled with -vipers, to sing a gallant saga about his life and misdeeds. But if -there were no hero of [Pg026] this name, we put together little by -little from one hint and another legend a very good idea of those -quarrelsome times, when to be great it was necessary to be a pirate, -and to kill as many men and steal as much of their possession as one -possibly could. These Northmen set as bad an example as any traveller -since the world began. More than ninety times we can hear of them in -France and Spain and the north of Germany, and always burning and -ruining, not only the walled cities, but all the territory round -about. Shipload after shipload left their bones on foreign soil; again -and again companies of them were pushed out of France and England and -defeated, but from generation to generation the quarrels went on, and -we begin to wonder why the sea-coasts were not altogether deserted, -until we remember that the spirit of those days was warlike, and -that, while the people were plundered one year, they succeeded in -proving themselves masters the next, and so life was filled with hope -of military glory, and the tide of conquest swept now north, and now -south. - -From the fjords of Norway a splendid, hardy race of young men were -pushing their boats to sea every year. Remember that their own country -was a very hard one to live in with its long, dark winters, its rainy, -short summers when the crops would not ripen, its rocky, mountainous -surface, and its natural poverty. Even now if it were not for the -fishing the Norwegian peasant people would find great trouble in -gaining food enough. In early days, when the tilling of the ground was -less understood, it must [Pg027] have been hard work tempting those -yellow-haired, eager young adventurers to stay at home, when they -could live on the sea in their rude, stanch little ships, as well as -on land; when they were told great stories of the sunshiny, fruitful -countries that lay to the south, where plenty of food and bright -clothes and gold and silver might be bought in the market of war for -the blows of their axes and the strength and courage of their right -arms. No wonder that it seemed a waste of time to stay at home in -Norway! - -And as for the old men who had been to the fights and followed the -sea-kings and brought home treasures, we are sure that they were -always talking over their valiant deeds and successes, and urging -their sons and grandsons to go to the South. The women wished their -husbands and brothers to be as brave as the rest, while they cared -a great deal for the rich booty which was brought back from such -expeditions. What a hard thing it must have seemed to the boys who -were sick or lame or deformed, but who had all the desire for glory -that belonged to any of the vikings, and yet must stay at home with -the women! - -When we think of all this, of the barren country, and the crowd of -people who lived in it, of the natural relish for a life of adventure, -and the hope of splendid riches and fame, what wonder that in all -these hundreds of years the Northmen followed their barbarous trade -and went a-ravaging, and finally took great pieces of the Southern -countries for their own and held them fast. - -As we go on with this story of the Normans, you [Pg028] will watch -these followers of the sea-kings keeping always some trace of their -old habits and customs. Indeed you may know them yet. The Northmen -were vikings, always restless and on the move, stealing and fighting -their way as best they might, daring, adventurous. The Norman of the -twelfth century was a crusader. A madness to go crusading against -the Saracen possessed him, not alone for religion's sake or for the -holy city of Jerusalem, and so in all the ages since one excuse after -another has set the same wild blood leaping and made the Northern -blue eyes shine. Look where you may, you find Englishmen of the same -stamp--Sir Walter Raleigh and Lord Nelson, Stanley and Dr. Livingstone -and General Gordon, show the old sea-kings' courage and recklessness. -Snorro Sturleson's best saga has been followed by Drayton's "Battle of -Agincourt" and Tennyson's "Charge of the Light Brigade" and "Ballad -of Sir Richard Grenville." I venture to say that there is not an -English-speaking boy or girl who can hear that sea-king's ballad this -very day in peaceful England or America without a great thrill of -sympathy. - - "At Flores in the Azores Sir Richard Grenville lay, - And a pinnace, like a fluttered bird, came flying from far away: - 'Spanish ships of war at sea! We have sighted fifty-three.'"---- - -Go and read that; the whole of the spirited story; but there is one -thing I ask you to remember first in all this long story of the -Normans: that however much it seems to you a long chapter of bloody -wars and miseries and treacheries that get to be almost [Pg029] -tiresome in their folly and brutality; however little profit it may -seem sometimes to read about the Norman wars, yet everywhere you will -catch a gleam of the glorious courage and steadfastness that have won -not only the petty principalities and dukedoms of those early days, -but the great English and American discoveries and inventions and -noble advancement of all the centuries since. - -On the island of Vigr, in the Folden-fiord, the peasants still show -some rude hollows in the shore where the ships of Rolf-Ganger were -drawn up in winter, and whence he launched them to sail away to the -Hebrides and France--the beginning of as great changes as one man's -voyage ever wrought. - - [Illustration] - -[Pg030] - - [Illustration] - - - - -II. - -ROLF THE GANGER. - - "Far had I wandered from this northern shore, - Far from the bare heights and the wintry seas, - Dreaming of these - No more." --A. F. - - -Toward the middle of the ninth century Harold Haarfager did great -things in Norway. There had always been a great number of petty kings -or jarls, who were sometimes at peace with each other, but oftener -at war, and at last this Harold was strong enough to conquer all the -rest and unite all the kingdoms under his own rule. It was by no means -an easy piece of business, for twelve years went by before it was -finished, and not only Norway itself, but the Orkneys, and Shetlands, -and Hebrides, and Man were conquered too, and the lawless vikings were -obliged to keep good order. The story was that the king had loved -a fair maiden of the North, called Gyda, but when he asked her to -marry him she had answered that she would not marry a jarl; let him -make himself a king like Gorm of Denmark! At this proud answer Harold -loved her more than ever, and vowed that he would never cut his hair -[Pg031] until he had conquered all the jarls and could claim Gyda's -hand. - - [Illustration: A NORWEGIAN FIORD.] - -The flourishing shock of his yellow hair became renowned; we can -almost see it ourselves waving prosperously through his long series of -battles. When he was king at last he chose Jarl Roegnwald of [Pg032] -Moere to cut the shining locks because he was the most valiant and -best-beloved of all his tributaries. - -Jarl Roegnwald had a family of sons who were noted men in their day. -One was called Turf-Einar, because he went to the Orkney islands and -discovered great deposits of peat of which he taught the forestless -people to make use, so that they and their descendants were grateful -and made him their chief hero. Another son was named Rolf, and he -was lord of three small islands far up toward the North. He followed -the respected profession of sea-robber, but though against foreign -countries it was the one profession for a jarl to follow, King Harold -was very stringent in his laws that no viking should attack any of his -own neighbors or do any mischief along the coasts of Norway. These -laws Rolf was not careful about keeping. - -There was still another brother, who resented Haarfager's tyrannies -so much that he gathered a fine heroic company of vikings and more -peaceable citizens and went to Iceland and settled there. This -company came in time to be renowned as the beginners of one of the -most remarkable republics the world has ever known, with a unique -government by its aristocracy, and a natural development of literature -unsurpassed in any day. There, where there were no foreign customs to -influence or pervert, the Norse nature and genius had their perfect -flowering. - -Rolf is said to have been so tall that he used to march afoot whenever -he happened to be ashore, rather than ride the little Norwegian -horses. He was nicknamed Gang-Roll (or Rolf), which means [Pg033] -Rolf the Walker, or Ganger. There are two legends which give the -reason why he came away from Norway--one that he killed his brother -in an unfortunate quarrel, and fled away to England, whither he was -directed by a vision or dream; that the English helped him to fit out -his ships and to sail away again toward France. - -The other story, which seems more likely, makes it appear that the -king was very angry because Rolf plundered a Norwegian village when -he was coming home short of food from a long cruise in the Baltic -Sea. The peasants complained to Harold Haarfager, who happened to be -near, and he called the great Council of Justice and banished his old -favorite for life. - -Whether these stories are true or not, at any rate Rolf came southward -an outlaw, and presently we hear of him in the Hebrides off the coast -of Scotland, where a company of Norwegians had settled after King -Harold's conquests. These men were mostly of high birth and great -ability, and welcomed the new-comer who had so lately been their -enemy. We are not surprised when we find that they banded together as -pirates and fitted out a famous expedition. Perhaps they did not find -living in the Hebrides very luxurious, and thought it necessary to -collect some merchandise and money, or some slaves to serve them, so -they fell back upon their familiar customs. - -Rolf's vessels and theirs made a formidable fleet, but although they -agreed that there should not be any one chosen as captain, or admiral, -as we should [Pg034] say nowadays, we do not hear much of any of the -confederates except Rolf the Ganger, so we may be sure he was most -powerful and took command whether anybody was willing or not. - -They came round the coast of Scotland, and made first for Holland, -but as all that part of the country had too often been devastated -and had become very poor, the ships were soon put to sea again. And -next we find them going up the River Seine in France, which was a -broader river then than it is now, and the highway toward Paris and -other cities, which always seemed to offer great temptations to the -vikings. Charles the Simple was king of France by right, but the only -likeness to his ancestor Charlemagne was in his name, and to that his -subjects had added the Simple, or the Fool, by which we can tell that -he was not a very independent or magnificent sort of monarch. The -limits of the kingdom of France, at that time, had just been placed -between the Loire and the Meuse, after many years of fighting between -the territories, and Charles was still contesting his right to the -crown. The wide empire of Charlemagne had not been divided at once -into distinct smaller kingdoms, but the heirs had each taken what -they could hold and fought for much else beside. Each pretended to be -the lawful king and was ready to hold all he could win. So there was -naturally little good-feeling between them, and not one could feel -sure that his neighbor would even help him to fight against a common -enemy. It was "Every one for himself, and devil take the hindmost!" -to quote the old proverb, which seldom has so literal an [Pg035] -application. King Charles the Simple, besides defending himself from -his outside enemies, was also much troubled by a pretender to the -crown, and was no doubt at his wit's end to know how to manage the -province of Neustria, lately so vexed by the foreign element within -its borders. It might be easy work for the troop of Northmen that had -followed Rolf. Besides the fact that they need not fear any alliance -against them, and had only Charles the Simple for their enemy, one of -his own enemies was quite likely to form a league with them against -him. - -The fleet from the Hebrides had come to anchor on its way up the Seine -at a town called Jumieges, five leagues from Rouen. There was no army -near by to offer any hindrance, and the work of pillaging the country -was fairly begun without hindrance when the news of the incursion was -told in Rouen. There the people were in despair, for it was useless -to think of defending their broken walls; the city was already half -ruined from such invasions. At any hour they might find themselves -at the mercy of these new pirates. But in such dreadful dismay the -archbishop, a man of great courage and good sense, whom we must honor -heartily, took upon himself the perilous duty of going to the camp -and trying to save the city by making a treaty. He had heard stories -enough, we may be sure, of the cruel tortures of Christian priests by -these Northern pagans, who still believed in the gods Thor and Odin -and in Valhalla, and that the most fortunate thing, for a man's life -in the next world, was that he should die in battle in this world. -[Pg036] - -There was already a great difference in the hopes and plans of the -Northmen: they listened to the archbishop instead of killing him at -once, and Rolf and his companions treated him and his interpreter -with some sort of courtesy. Perhaps the bravery of the good man won -their hearts by its kinship to their daring; perhaps they were already -planning to seize upon a part of France and to forsake the Hebrides -altogether, and Rolf had a secret design of founding a kingdom for -himself that should stand steadfast against enemies. When the good -priest went back to Rouen, I think the people must have been surprised -that he had kept his head upon his shoulders, and still more filled -with wonder because he was able to tell them that he had made a truce, -that he had guaranteed the assailants admission to the city, but that -they had promised not to do any harm whatever. Who knows if there were -not many voices that cried out that it was only delivering them to the -cruel foe, with their wives and children and all that they had in the -world. When the ships came up the river and were anchored before one -of the city gates near the Church of St. Morin, and the tall chieftain -and his comrades began to come ashore, what beating hearts, what -careful peeping out of windows there must have been in Rouen that day! - -But the chiefs had given their word of honor, and they kept it well; -they walked all about the city, and examined all the ramparts, the -wharves, and the supply of water, and gave every thing an unexpectedly -kind approval. More than this, they said that Rouen [Pg037] should be -their head-quarters and their citadel. This was not very welcome news, -but a thousand times better than being sacked and ravaged and burnt, -and when the ships had gone by up the river, I dare say that more than -one voice spoke up for Rolf the Ganger, and gratefully said that he -might not prove the worst of masters after all. Some of the citizens -even joined the ranks of the sea-king's followers when they went on in -quest of new adventure up the Seine. - -Just where the river Eure joins the Seine, on the point between the -two streams, the Norwegians built a great camp, and fortified it, -and there they waited for the French army. For once King Charles was -master of his whole kingdom, and he had made up his mind to resist -this determined invasion. Pirates were bad enough, but pirates who -were evidently bent upon greater mischief than usual could not be sent -away too soon. It was not long before the French troops, under the -command of a general called Regnauld, who bore the title of Duke of -France, made their appearance opposite the encampment, on the right -bank of the Eure. - -The French counts had rallied bravely; they made a religious duty of -it, for were not these Norwegians pagans? and pagans deserved to be -killed, even if they had not come to steal from a Christian country. - -There was one count who had been a pagan himself years before, but he -had become converted, and was as famous a Christian as he had been -sea-king. He had declared that he was tired of leading a life of wild -adventure, and had made peace with France [Pg038] twenty years before -this time; and the kingdom had given him the county of Chartres--so he -must have been a powerful enemy. Naturally he was thought to be the -best man to confer with his countrymen. There was a council of war -in the French camp, and this Hasting (of whom you will hear again by -and by) advised that they should confer with Rolf before they risked -a battle with him. Perhaps the old sea-king judged his tall successor -by his own experience, and thought he might like to be presented with -a county too, as the price of being quiet and letting the frightened -Seine cities alone. Some of the other lords of the army were very -suspicious and angry about this proposal, but Hasting had his way, and -went out with two attendants who could speak Danish. - -The three envoys made their short journey to the river-side as quickly -as possible, and presently they stood on the bank of the Eure. Across -the river were the new fortifications, and some of the sea-kings' men -were busy with their armor on the other shore. - -"Gallant soldiers!" cries the Count of Chartres; "what is your -chieftain's name?" - -"We have no lord over us," they shouted back again; "we are all equal." - -"For what end have you come to France?" - -"To drive out the people who are here, or make them our subjects, and -to make ourselves a new country," says the Northman. "Who are you?--How -is it that you speak our own tongue?" - -"You know the story of Hasting," answers the [Pg039] count, not -without pride--"Hasting, the great pirate, who scoured the seas with -his crowd of ships, and did so much evil in this kingdom?" - -"Aye, we have heard that, but Hasting has made a bad end to so good -a beginning"; to which the count had nothing to say; he was Lord of -Chartres now, and liked that very well. - -"Will you submit to King Charles?" he shouts again, and more men -are gathering on the bank to listen. "Will you give your faith and -service, and take from him gifts and honor?" - -"No, no!" they answer; "we will not submit to King Charles--go back, -and tell him so, you messenger, and say that we claim the rule and -dominion of what we win by our own strength and our swords." - -But the Frenchmen called Hasting a traitor when he brought this -answer back to camp, and told his associates not to try to force the -pagan entrenchments. A traitor, indeed! That was too much for the old -viking's patience. For all that, the accusation may have held a grain -of truth. Nobody knows the whole of his story, but he may have felt -the old fire and spirit of his youth when he saw the great encampment -and heard the familiar tones of his countrymen. It may be wrong to -suspect that he went to join them; but, at all events, Count Chartres -left the French camp indignantly, and nobody knows where he went, -either then or afterward, for he forsook his adopted country and left -it to its fate. They found out that he had given good advice to those -proud comrades of his, for when they attacked the enemy between the -rivers they were cut to [Pg040] pieces; even the duke of France, -their bold leader, was killed by a poor fisherman of Rouen who had -followed the Northern army. - -Now there was nothing to hinder Rolf, who begins to be formally -acknowledged as the leader, from going up the Seine as fast or as slow -as he pleased, and after a while the army laid siege to Paris, but -this was unsuccessful. One of the chiefs was taken prisoner, and to -release him they promised a year's truce to King Charles, and after -a while we find them back at Rouen again. They had been ravaging the -country to the north of Paris, very likely in King Charles's company, -for there had been a new division of the kingdom, and the northern -provinces no longer called him their sovereign. Poor Charles the -Simple! he seems to have had a very hard time of it with his unruly -subjects, and his fellow-knights and princes too, who took advantage -of him whenever they could find a chance. - -By this time we know enough of Rolf and his friends not to expect -them to remain quiet very long at Rouen. Away they went to Bayeux, -a rich city, and assaulted that and killed Berenger, the Count of -Bayeux, and gained a great heap of booty. We learn a great deal of the -manners and fashions of that early day when we find out that Berenger -had a beautiful daughter, and when the treasure was divided she was -considered as part of it and fell to Rolf's lot. He immediately -married her with apparent satisfaction and a full performance of -Scandinavian rites and ceremonies. - -After this the Northmen went on to Evreux and [Pg041] to some other -cities, and their dominion was added to, day by day. They began to -feel a certain sort of respect and care for the poor provinces now -that they belonged to themselves. And they ceased to be cruel to the -unresisting people, and only taxed them with a certain yearly tribute. -Besides this, they chose Rolf for their king, but this northern title -was changed before long for the French one of duke. Rolf must have -been very popular with his followers. We cannot help a certain liking -for him ourselves or being pleased when we know that his new subjects -liked him heartily. They had cursed him very often, to be sure, and -feared his power when he was only a pirate, but they were glad enough -when they gained so fearless and strong a man for their protector. -Whatever he did seemed to be with a far-sightedness and better object -than they had been used to in their rulers. He was a man of great -gifts and uncommon power, and he laid his plans deeper and was not -without a marked knowledge of the rude politics of that time--a good -governor, which was beginning to be needed more in France than a good -fighter even. - -Fighting was still the way of gaining one's ends, and so there was -still war, but it was better sustained and more orderly. These -Northerners, masters now of a good piece of territory, linked -themselves with some of the smaller scattered settlements of Danes at -the mouth of the river Loire, and went inland on a great expedition. -They could not conquer Paris this time either, nor Dijon nor Chartres. -The great walls of these cities and several others were not to -[Pg042] be beaten down, but there is a long list of weaker towns that -fell into their hands, and at last the French people could bear the -sieges no longer, and not only the peasants but the nobles and priests -clamored for deliverance. King Charles may have been justly called the -Simple, but he showed very good sense now. "We shall starve to death," -the people were saying. "Nobody dares to work in the field or the -vineyard; there is not an acre of corn from Blois to Senlis. Churches -are burnt and people are murdered; the Northmen do as they please. -See, it is all the fault of a weak king!" - -King Charles roused himself to do a sensible thing; he may have -planned it as a stroke of policy, and meant to avail himself of the -Northmen's strength to keep himself on his throne. He consulted his -barons and bishops, and they agreed with him that he must form a -league with their enemies, and so make sure of peace. As we read the -story of those days, we are hardly sure that Rolf was the subject -after this rather than the king. He did homage to King Charles, and -he received the sovereignty over most of what was to be called the -dukedom of Normandy. The league was little more than an obligation of -mutual defence, and King Charles was lucky to call Rolf his friend -and ally. The vigorous Norwegian was likely to keep his word better -than the French dukes and barons, who broke such promises with perfect -ease. Rolf's duty and his interest led him nearly in the same path, -but he was evidently disposed to do what was right according to his -way of seeing right and wrong. [Pg043] - -All this time he had been living with his wife Popa, the daughter -of Count Berenger, who was slain at Bayeux. They had two -children--William, and a daughter, Adela. According to the views of -King Charles and the Christian church of that time, the marriage -performed with Scandinavian rites was no marriage at all, though Rolf -loved his wife devotedly and was training his son with great care, so -that he might by and by take his place, and be no inferior, either, of -the young French princes who were his contemporaries. As one historian -says, the best had the best then, and this young William was being -made a scholar as fast as possible. - -For all this, when the king's messenger came to Rolf and made him an -offer of Gisla, the king's daughter, for a wife, with the seigneury of -all the lands between the river Epte and the border of Brittany, if he -would only become a Christian and live in peace with the kingdom, Rolf -listened with pleasure. He did not repeat now the words that Hasting -heard on the bank of the Eure, "We will obey no one!" while with -regard to the marriage he evidently felt free to contract a new one. - -It was all a great step upward, and Rolf's clear eyes saw that. If -he were not a Christian he could not be the equal of the lords of -France. He was not a mere adventurer any longer, the leader of a -band of pirates; other ambitions had come to him since he had been -governor of his territory. The pagan fanaticism and superstition of -his companions were more than half extinguished already; the old myths -of the Northern gods had not flourished in [Pg044] this new soil. At -last, after much discussion and bargaining about the land that should -be given, Rolf gave his promise once for all, and now we may begin to -call him fairly the Duke of Normandy and his people the Normans; the -old days of the Northmen in France had come to an end. For a good many -years the neighboring provinces called the new dukedom "the pirate's -land" and "the Northman's land," but the great Norman race was in -actual existence now, and from this beginning under Rolf, the tall -Norwegian sea-king, has come one of the greatest forces and powers of -the civilized world. - -I must give you some account of the ceremonies at this establishment -of the new duke, for it was a grand occasion, and the king's train -of noblemen and gentlemen, and all the Norman officers and statesmen -went out to do honor to that day. The place was in a village called -St. Claire, on the river Epte, and the French pitched their tents -on one bank of the river and the Normans on the other. Then, at the -hour appointed, Rolf came over to meet the king, and did what would -have astonished his father Roegnwald and his viking ancestors very -much. He put his hand between the king's hands and said: "From this -time forward I am your vassal and man, and I give my oath that I will -faithfully protect your life, your limbs, and your royal honor." - -After this the king and his nobles formally gave Rolf the title of -duke or count, and swore that they would protect him and his honor -too, and all the lands named in the treaty. But there is an old story -that, when Rolf was directed to kneel before [Pg045] King Charles and -kiss his foot in token of submission, he was a rebellious subject at -once. Perhaps he thought that some of his French rivals had revived -this old Frankish custom on purpose to humble his pride, but he said -nothing, only beckoned quietly to one of his followers to come and -take his place. Out steps the man. I do not doubt that his eyes were -dancing, and that his yellow beard hid a laughing mouth; he did not -bend his knee at all, but caught the king's foot, and lifted it so -high that the poor monarch fell over backward, and all the pirates -gave a shout of laughter. They did not think much of Charles the -Simple, those followers of Rolf the Ganger. - -Afterward the marriage took place at Rouen, and the high barons of -France went there with the bride, though it was not a very happy day -for Gisla, whom Rolf never lived with or loved. He was a great many -years older than she, and when she died he took Popa, the first wife -back again--if, indeed, he had not considered her the true wife all the -time. Then on that wedding-day he became a Christian too, though there -must have been more change of words and manner than of Rolf's own -thoughts. He received the archbishop's lessons with great amiability, -and gave part of his lands to the church before he divided the rest -among his new-made nobles. They put a long white gown or habit on -him, such as newly baptized persons wore, and he must have been an -amusing sight to see, all those seven days that he kept it on, tall -old seafarer that he was, but he preserved a famous dignity, and gave -estates to [Pg046] seven churches in succession on each day of that -solemn week. Then he put on his every-day clothes again, and gave his -whole time to his political affairs and the dividing out of Normandy -among the Norwegian chieftains who had come with him on that lucky -last voyage. - -It is said that Rolf himself was the founder of the system of -landholding according to the custom of feudal times, and of a regular -system of property rights, and customs of hiring and dividing the -landed property, but there are no state papers or charters belonging -to that early time, as there are in England, so nobody can be very -sure. At any rate, he is said to have been the best ruler possible, -and his province was a model for others, though it was the most modern -in Gaul. He caused the dilapidated towns and cities to be rebuilt, and -the churches were put into good repair and order. There are parts of -some of the Rouen churches standing yet, that Rolf rebuilt. - -There is a great temptation to linger and find out all we can of the -times of this first Count of Normandy--so many later traits and customs -date back to Rolf's reign; and all through this story of the Normans -we shall find a likeness to the first leader, and trace his influence. -His own descendants inherited many of his gifts of character--a -readiness of thought and speech; clear, bright minds, and vigor of -action. Even those who were given over to ways of vice and shame, had -a cleverness and attractiveness that made their friends hold to them, -in spite of their sins and treacheries. A great deal was thought of -learning and scholarship among the nobles and gentle folk of [Pg047] -that day, and Rolf had caught eagerly at all such advantages, even -while he trusted most to his Northern traditions of strength and -courage. If he had thought these were enough to win success, and had -brought up his boy as a mere pirate and fighter, it would have made a -great difference in the future of the Norman people and their rulers. -The need of a good education was believed in, and held as a sort of -family doctrine, as long as Rolf's race existed, but you will see in -one after another of these Norman counts the nature of the sea-kings -mixed with their later learning and accomplishments. - -We cannot help being a little amused, however, when we find that -young William, the grandson of old Roegnvald, loved his books so well -that he begged his father to let him enter a monastery. The wise, -good man Botho, who was his tutor, had taught him to be proud of his -other grandfather, Count Berenger, who belonged to one of the most -illustrious French families, and taught him also to follow the example -of the good clergymen of Normandy, as well as the great conquerors and -chieftains. By and by we shall see that he loved to do good, and to do -works of mercy, though his people called him William Longsword, and -followed him to the wars. - -Normandy was wild enough when Rolf came to rule there, but before he -died the country had changed very much for the better. He was very -careful to protect the farmers, and such laws were made, and kept, -too, that robbery was almost unknown throughout the little kingdom. -The peasants could leave their oxen or their tools in the [Pg048] -field now, and if by chance they were stolen, the duke himself was -responsible for the loss. A pretty story is told of Rolf that has also -been told of other wise rulers. He had gone out hunting one day, and -after the sport, while he and his companions were resting and having -a little feast as they sat on the grass, Rolf said he would prove the -orderliness and trustiness of his people. So he took off the two gold -bracelets which were a badge of his rank, and reached up and hung them -on a tree close by, and there they were, safe and shining, a long time -afterward, when he went to seek them. Perhaps this story is only a -myth, though the tale is echoed in other countries--England, Ireland, -and Lombardy, and others beside. At any rate, it gives an expression -of the public safety and order, and the people's gratitude to their -good kings. Rolf brought to his new home some fine old Scandinavian -customs, for his own people were knit together with close bonds in -Norway. If a farmer's own servants or helpers failed him for any -reason, he could demand the help of his neighbors without paying -them, and they all came and helped him gather his harvest. Besides, -the law punished nothing so severely as the crime of damaging or -stealing from a growing crop. The field was said to be under God's -lock, with heaven for its roof, though there might be only a hedge for -its wall. If a man stole from another man's field, and took the ripe -corn into his own barn, he paid for it with his life. This does not -match very well with the sea-kings' exploits abroad, but they were -very strict rulers, and very honest [Pg049] among themselves at home. -One familiar English word of ours--hurrah,--is said to date from Rolf's -reign. /Rou/ the Frenchmen called our Rolf; and there was a law that -if a man was in danger himself, or caught his enemy doing any damage, -he could raise the cry /Ha Rou!/ and so invoke justice in Duke Rolf's -name. At the sound of the cry, everybody was bound, on the instant, to -give chase to the offender, and whoever failed to respond to the cry -of /Ha Rou!/ must pay a heavy fine to Rolf himself. This began the old -English fashion of "hue and cry," as well as our custom of shouting -Hurrah! when we are pleased and excited. - -We cannot help being surprised to see how quickly the Normans became -Frenchmen in their ways of living and even speaking. There is hardly a -trace of their Northern language except a few names of localities left -in Normandy. Once settled in their new possessions, Rolf and all his -followers seem to have been as eager for the welfare of Normandy as -they were ready to devastate it before. They were proud not of being -Norsemen but of being Normans. Otherwise their country could not have -done what it did in the very next reign to Rolf's, nor could Rouen -have become so much like a French city even in his own lifetime. This -was work worthy of his power, to rule a people well, and lift them -up toward better living and better things. His vigor and quickness -made him able to seize upon the best traits and capabilities of his -new countrymen, and enforce them as patterns and examples, with no -tolerance of their faults. [Pg050] - -From the viking's ships which had brought Rolf and his confederates, -all equal, from the Hebrides, it is a long step upward to the Norman -landholders and quiet citizens with their powerful duke in his palace -at Rouen. He had shared the lands of Normandy, as we have seen, with -his companions, and there was a true aristocracy among them--a rule of -the best, for that is what aristocracy really means. No doubt there -was sin and harm enough under the new order of things, but we can see -that there was a great advance in its first duke's reign, even if we -cannot believe that all the fine stories are true that his chroniclers -have told. - -Rolf died in 927, and was a pious Christian according to his friends, -and had a lingering respect for his heathen idols according to his -enemies. He was an old man, and had been a brave man, and he is -honored to this day for his justice and his courage in that stormy -time when he lived. Some say that he was forty years a pirate before -he came to Normandy, and looking back on these days of seafaring and -robbery and violence must have made him all the more contented with -his pleasant fields and their fruit-trees and waving grain; with his -noble city of Rouen, and his gentle son William, who was the friend of -the priests. - -Rolf became very feeble in body and mind, and before his death he gave -up the rule of the duchy to his son. He lingered for several years, -but we hear nothing more of him except that when he lay dying he had -terrible dreams of his old pirate days, and was troubled by visions of -his slaughtered victims [Pg051] and the havoc made by the long-ships. -We are glad to know that he waked from these sorrows long enough to -give rich presents to the church and the poor, which comforted him -greatly and eased his unhappy conscience. He was buried in his city -of Rouen, in the cathedral, and there is his tomb still with a figure -of him in stone--an old tired man with a furrowed brow; the strength -of his fourscore years had become only labor and sorrow, but he looks -like the Norseman that he was in spite of the ducal robes of French -Normandy. There was need enough of bravery in the man who should fill -his place. The wars still went on along the borders, and there must -have been fear of new trouble in the duchy when this old chieftain -Rolf had lain down to die, and his empty armor was hung high in the -palace hall. - - [Illustration] - -[Pg052] - - [Illustration] - - - - -III. - -WILLIAM LONGSWORD. - - "For old, unhappy, far-off things - And battles long ago." --WORDSWORTH. - - -Before we follow the fortunes of the new duke, young William -Longsword, we must take a look at France and see what traditions and -influences were going to affect our colony of Northmen from that -side, and what relations they had with their neighbors. Perhaps the -best way to make every thing clear is to go back to the reign of the -Emperor Charlemagne, who inherited a great kingdom, and added to it -by his wars and statesmanship until he was crowned at Rome, in the -year 800, emperor not only of Germany and Gaul, but of the larger part -of Italy and the northeastern part of Spain. Much of this territory -had shared in the glories of the Roman Empire and had fallen with it. -But Charlemagne was equal to restoring many lost advantages, being -a man of great power and capacity, who found time, while his great -campaigns were going on, to do a great deal for the schools of his -country. He even founded a sort of normal school, where teachers were -fitted for their work, and his daughters were [Pg053] busy in copying -manuscripts; the emperor himself was fond of being read to when he was -at his meals, and used to get up at midnight to watch the stars. Some -of the interesting stories about him may not be true, but we can be -sure that he was a great general and a masterly governor and lawgiver, -and a good deal of a scholar. Like Rolf, he was one of the men who -mark as well as make a great change in the world's affairs, and in -whose time civilization takes a long step forward. When we know that -it took him between thirty and forty years to completely conquer the -Saxons, who lived in the northern part of his country, and we read the -story of the great battle of Roncesvalles in which the Basque people -won; when we follow Charlemagne (the great Charles, as his people love -to call him) on these campaigns which take up almost all his history, -we cannot help seeing that his enemies fought against the new order -of things that he represented. It was not only that they did not want -Charlemagne for their king, but they did not wish to be Christians -either, or to forsake their own religion and their own ideas for his. - -When he died he was master of a great association of countries which -for years yet could not come together except in name, because of their -real unlikeness and jealousy of each other. Charlemagne had managed to -rule them all, for his sons and officers, whom he had put in command -of the various provinces, were all dictated to by him, and were not -in the least independent of his oversight. His fame was widespread. -Embassies came to him from [Pg054] distant Eastern countries, and -no doubt he felt that he was establishing a great empire for his -successors. Thirty years after he died the empire was divided into -three parts, and thirty-four years later it was all broken up in -the foolish reign of his own great-grandson, who was called Charles -also, but instead of Charles the Great became known as Charles the -Fat. From the fragments of the old empire were formed the kingdoms of -France, of Italy, and of Germany, with the less important states of -Lorraine, Burgundy, and Navarre. But although the great empire had -fallen to pieces, each fragment kept something of the new spirit that -had been forced into it by the famous emperor. For this reason there -was no corner of his wide domain that did not for many years after his -death stand in better relation to progress, and to the influence of -religion, the most potent civilizer of men. - -All this time the power of the nobles had been increasing, for, -whereas, at first they had been only the officers of the king, and -were appointed to or removed from their posts at the royal pleasure, -they contrived at length to make their positions hereditary and to -establish certain rights and privileges. This was the foundation of -the feudal system, and such a growth was sure to strike deep root. -Every officer could hope to become a ruler in a small way, and to -endow his family with whatever gains and holdings he had managed to -make his own. And as these feudal chiefs soon came to value their -power, they were ready to fight, not only all together for their king -or over-lord, but for themselves; and one [Pg055] petty landholder -with his dependents would go out to fight his next neighbor, each -hoping to make the other his tributary. France proper begins to make -itself heard about in these days. - -If you have read "The Story of Rome," and "The Rise and Fall of the -Roman Empire," you can trace the still earlier changes in the old -province of Gaul. The Franks had come westward, a bold association -of German tribes, and in that fifth century when the Roman rule was -overthrown, they swarmed over the frontiers and settled by hundreds -and thousands in the conquered provinces. But, strange to say, as -years went on they disappeared; not because they or their children -went away again and left Gaul to itself, but because they adopted -the ways and fashions of the country. They were still called Franks -and a part of the country was called France even, but the two races -were completely mixed together and the conquerors were as Gallic as -the conquered. They even spoke the new language; it appears like an -increase or strengthening of the Gallic race rather than a subjugation -of it, and the coming of these Franks founded, not a new province of -Germany, but the French nation. - -The language was changed a good deal, for of course many Frankish or -German words were added, as Roman (or Romance) words had been added -before, to the old Gallic, and other things were changed too. In -fact we are not a bit surprised when we find that the German kings, -Charlemagne's own descendants, were looked upon as foreigners, and -some of the French leaders, the feudal lords and princes, [Pg056] -opposed themselves to their monarchs. They were brave men and ready to -fight for what they wanted. Charles the Fat could not keep himself on -his unsteady throne, and in Rolf's day France was continually at war, -sometimes at home, and almost always with the neighboring provinces -and kingdoms. Rolf's contemporary, Charles the Simple, lost his -kingship in 922, when his nobles revolted and put another leader in -his place, who was called Hugh the Great, Count of Paris. Charles the -Simple was kept a prisoner until he died, by a Count of Vermandois, of -whom he had claimed protection, and whose daughter William Longsword -had married. - -There was a great deal of treachery among the French nobles. Each was -trying to make himself rich and great, and serving whatever cause -could promise most gain. There was diplomacy enough, and talking -and fighting enough, but very little loyalty and care for public -welfare. In Normandy, a movement toward better things showed itself -more and more plainly; instead of wrangling over the fragments of an -old dismembered kingdom, Rolf had been carefully building a strong -new one, and had been making and keeping laws instead of breaking -laws, and trying to make goodness and right prevail, and theft and -treachery impossible. We must not judge those days by our own, for -many things were considered right then that are wrong now; but Rolf -knew that order and bravery were good, and that learning was good, and -so he kept his dukedom quiet, though he was ready enough to fight his -enemies, and he sent his son William [Pg057] Longsword to school, and -made him a good scholar as well as soldier. This was as good training -as a young man could have in those stormy times. - -Under Rolf, Normandy had held faithfully to the king, but under -his son's rule we find a long chapter of changes, for William was -constantly transferring his allegiance from king to duke. When he -succeeded his father, Normandy and France were at war--that is, Rolf -would not acknowledge any king but Charles, who was in prison, while -the usurper, Rudolph of Burgundy, was on the French throne. It is -very hard to keep track of the different parties and their leaders. -Everybody constantly changed sides, and it is not very clear what -glory there was in being a king, when the vassals were so powerful -that they could rebel against their sovereign and make war on him as -often as they pleased. Yet they were very decided about having a king, -if only to show how much greater they were by contrast. Duke Hugh of -Paris takes the most prominent place just at this time, and with his -widespread dominions and personal power and high rank, we cannot help -wondering that he did not put himself at the head of the kingdom. -Instead of that he chose to remain a subject, while he controlled -the king's actions and robbed him of his territory and kept him in -personal bondage. He had no objection to transferring his strange -loyalty from one king to another, but he would always have a king over -him, though at three different times there was nothing except his own -plans to hinder him from putting the crown of [Pg058] France upon -his own head. He had a stronger guiding principle than some of his -associates, and seems to have been a better man. - -From Charles the Simple had come the lands of Normandy, and to him -the first vow of allegiance had been made, and so both Rolf and -William took his part and were enemies to his usurper and his foes. -When William came into possession of his dukedom, one of his first -acts was to do homage to his father's over-lord, and he never did -homage to Rudolph the usurper until Charles was dead, and even then -waited three years; but Rudolph was evidently glad to be friends, and -presented Longsword with a grant of the sea-coast in Brittany. The -Norman duke was a formidable rival if any trouble should arise, and -the Normans themselves were very independent in their opinions. One of -Rolf's followers had long ago told a Frenchman that his chief, who had -come to Neustria a king without a kingdom, now held his broad lands -from the sun and from God. They kept strange faith with each other in -those days. Each man had his own ambitious plans, and his leagues and -friendships were only for the sake of bringing them about. This was -not being very grateful, but Rolf's men knew that the Breton lands -were the price of peace and alliance, and not a free gift for love's -sake by any means. - -As we try to puzzle out a distinct account of William's reign, we -find him sometimes the enemy of Rudolph and in league with Hugh of -Paris, sometimes he was in alliance with Rudolph, though he would not -call him king, and oftener he would have [Pg059] nothing to do with -either. It is very dull reading, except as we trace the characters of -the men themselves. - -Most of the Normans had accepted Christianity many years before, -in the time of Rolf, and had been christened, but a certain number -had refused it and clung to the customs of their ancestors. These -people had formed a separate neighborhood or colony near Bayeux, and -after several generations, while they had outwardly conformed to the -prevailing observances, they still remained Northmen at heart. They -were remarkable among the other Normans for their great turbulence and -for an almost incessant opposition to the dukes, and some of them kept -the old pagan devices on their shields, and went into battle shouting -the Northern war-cry of "/Thor aide!/" instead of the pious "/Dieu -aide!/" or "/Dex aide!/" of Normandy. - -Whatever relic of paganism may have clung to Rolf himself, it is -pretty certain that his son, half Frenchman by birth, was almost -wholly a Frenchman in feeling. We must remember that he was not the -son of Gisla the king's sister, however, but of Popa of Bayeux. There -was a brother or half-brother of hers called Bernard de Senlis, who -in spite of his father's murder and the unhappy beginning of their -acquaintance with Rolf, seems to have become very friendly with the -Norse chieftain. - -The fortunes of war were so familiar in those days and kept so many -men at fierce enmity with each other, that we are half surprised to -come upon this sincere, kindly relationship in the story of the early -[Pg060] Normans. Even Rolf's wife's foolish little nickname, "Popa," -under cover of which her own name has been forgotten,--this name of -puppet or little doll, gives a hint of affectionateness and a sign of -home-likeness which we should be very sorry to miss. As for Bernard -de Senlis, he protected not only the rights of Rolf's children and -grandchildren, but their very lives, and if it had not been for his -standing between them and their enemies Rolf's successors would never -have been dukes of Normandy. - -With all his inherited power and his own personal bravery, William -found himself in a very hard place. He kept steadfastly to his ideas -of right and might, and one thinks that with his half French and -half Northman nature he might have understood both of the parties -that quickly began to oppose each other in Normandy. He ruled as -a French prince, and he and his followers were very eager to hold -their place in the general confederacy of France, and eager too that -Normandy should be French in religion, manners, and customs. Yet they -did not wish Normandy to be absorbed into France in any political -sense. Although there were several men of Danish birth, Rolf's old -companions, who took this view of things, and threw in their lot with -the French party, like Botho, William's old tutor, and Oslac, and -Bernard the Dane, of whom we shall hear again, there was a great body -of the Normans who rebelled and made much trouble. - -William's French speech and French friends were all this time making -him distrusted and even disliked by a large portion of his own -subjects. There still [Pg061] remained a strong Northern and pagan -influence in the older parts of the Norman duchy; while in the new -lands of Brittany some of the independent Danish settlements, being -composed chiefly of the descendants of men who had forced their way -into that country before Rolf's time, were less ready for French rule -than even the Normans. Between these new allies and the disaffected -Normans themselves a grand revolt was organized under the leadership -of an independent Danish chief from one of the Breton provinces. The -rebels demanded one concession after another, and frightened Duke -William dreadfully; he even proposed to give up his duchy and to beg -the protection of his French uncle, Bernard de Senlis. We are afraid -that he had left his famous longsword at home on that campaign, until -it appears that his old counsellor, Bernard the Dane, urged him to go -back and meet the insurgents, and that a great victory was won and the -revolt ended for that time. The account of William's wonderful success -is made to sound almost miraculous by the old chronicles. - -The two Norman parties held separate territories and were divided -geographically, and each party wished to keep to itself and not be -linked with the other. The Christian duke who liked French speech -and French government might keep Christian Rouen and Evreux where -Frenchmen abounded, but the heathen Danes to the westward would rather -be independent of a leader who had turned his face upon the traditions -and beliefs of his ancestors. For the time being, these rebellious -subjects must keep their grudges and bear their wrongs as best they -might, [Pg062] for their opponents were the masters now, and William -was free to aim at still greater influence in French affairs as his -dominion increased. - -Through his whole life he was swayed by religious impulses, and, as -we have known, it was hard work at one time to keep him from being -a monk. Yet he was not very lavish in his presents to the church, -as a good monarch was expected to be in those days, and most of the -abbeys and cathedrals which had suffered so cruelly in the days of the -pirates were very poor still, and many were even left desolate. His -government is described as just and vigorous, and as a general thing -his subjects liked him and upheld his authority. He was very desirous -all the time to bring his people within the bounds of Christian -civilization and French law and order, yet he did not try to cast away -entirely the inherited speech or ideas of his ancestors. Of course his -treatment of the settlements to the westward and the Danish party in -his dominion must have varied at different times in his reign. Yet, -after he had made great efforts to identify himself with the French, -he still found himself looked down upon by his contemporaries and -called the Duke of the Pirates, and so in later years he concerned -himself more with his father's people, and even, so the tradition -goes, gave a new Danish colony direct from Denmark leave to settle -in Brittany. His young son Richard was put under the care, not of -French priests, but his own old tutor, Botho the Dane, and the boy and -his master were sent purposely to Bayeux, the very city which young -Richard's grandfather, Rolf, had helped to ravage. [Pg063] At Rouen -the Northman's language was already almost forgotten, but the heir to -the duchy was sent where he could hear it every day, though his good -teacher had accepted French manners and the religion of Rome. William -Longsword had become sure that there was no use in trying to be either -wholly Danish or wholly French, the true plan for a Duke of Normandy -was to be Dane and Frenchman at once. The balance seems to have swung -toward the Danish party for a time after this, and after a troubled, -bewildering reign to its very close, William died at the hands of his -enemies, who had lured him away to hold a conference with Arnulf, of -Flanders, at Picquigny, where he came to a mysterious and sudden death. - -The next year, 943, was a marked one in France and began a new order -of things. There was a birth and a death which changed the current -of history. The Count of Vermandois, the same man who had kept the -prison and helped in the murder of Charles the Simple, was murdered -himself--or at least died in an unexplained and horrible way, as men -were apt to do who were called tyrants and were regicides beside. His -dominion was divided among his sons, except some parts of it that Hugh -of Paris seized. This was the death, and the birth was of a son and -heir to Hugh of Paris himself. His first wife was an Englishwoman, -Eadhild, but she had died childless, to his great sorrow. This baby -was the son of his wife Hadwisa, the daughter of King Henry of -Germany, and he was called Hugh for his father; Hugh Capet, the future -king. After this Hugh of Paris [Pg064] changed his plans and his -policy. True enough, he had never consented to being a king himself, -but it was quite another thing to hinder his son from reigning over -France by and by. Here the Frenchman begins to contrast himself more -plainly against the Frank, just as we have seen the Norman begin to -separate himself from the Northman. Under Rolf Normandy had been -steadily loyal to King Charles the Simple; under William it had -wavered between the king and the duke; under Richard we shall see -Normandy growing more French again. - -Under William Longsword, now Frenchman, now Northman was coming to the -front, and everybody was ready to fight without caring so very much -what it was all about. But everywhere we find the striking figure of -the young duke carrying his great sword, that came to be the symbol of -order and peace. The golden hilt and long shining blade are familiar -enough in the story of William's life. Somehow we can hardly think of -him without his great weapon. With it he could strike a mighty blow, -and in spite of his uncommon strength, he is said to have been of a -slender, graceful figure, with beautiful features and clear, bright -color like a young girl's. His charming, cheerful, spirited manners -won friendship and liking. "He had an eye for splendor," says one -biographer; "well spoken to all, William Longsword could quote a text -to the priest, listen respectfully to the wise sayings of the old, -talk merrily with his young friends about chess and tables, discuss -the flight of the falcon and the fleetness of the hound." [Pg065] - -When he desired to be a monk, he was persuaded that his rank and -duties would not permit such a sacrifice, and that he must act his -part in the world rather than in the cloister, for Normandy's sake, -but in spite of his gay life and apparent fondness for the world's -delights and pleasures, when he died his followers found a sackcloth -garment and scourge under his splendid clothes. And as he lay dead -in Rouen the rough haircloth shirt was turned outward at the throat -so that all the people could see. He had not the firmness and -decision that a duke of Normandy needed; he was very affectionate -and impulsive, but he was a miserly person, and had not the power of -holding on and doing what ought to be done with all his might. - - [Illustration] - -[Pg066] - - [Illustration] - - - - -IV. - -RICHARD THE FEARLESS. - - "By many a warlike feat - Lopped the French lilies."--DRAYTON. - - -Around the city of Bayeux, were the head-quarters of the Northmen, and -both Rolf's followers and the later colonists had kept that part of -the duchy almost free from French influence. There Longsword's little -son Richard (whose mother was Espriota, the duke's first wife, whom -he had married in Danish fashion), was sent to learn the Northmen's -language, and there he lived yet with his teachers and Count Bernard, -when the news came of the murder of his father by Arnulf of Flanders, -with whom William had gone to confer in good faith. - -We can imagine for ourselves the looks of the little lad and his -surroundings. He was fond even then of the chase, and it might be on -some evening when he had come in with the huntsmen that he found a -breathless messenger who had brought the news of Lonsgword's death. We -can imagine the low roofed, stone-arched room with its thick pillars, -and deep stone casings to the windows, where the wind came in and made -the torches flare. At each end of [Pg067] the room would be a great -fire, and the servants busy before one of them with the supper, and -there on the flagstones, in a dark heap, is the stag, and perhaps some -smaller game that the hunters have thrown down. There are no chimneys, -and the fires leap up against the walls, and the smoke curls along the -ceiling and finds its way out as best it can. - -One end of the room is a step or two higher than the other, and here -there is a long table spread with drinking-horns and bowls, and -perhaps some beautiful silver cups, with figures of grapevines and -fauns and satyrs carved on them, which the Norse pirates brought home -long ago from Italy. The floor has been covered with rushes which the -girls of the household scatter, and some of these girls wear old Norse -ornaments of wrought silver, with bits of coral, that must have come -from Italy too. The great stag-hounds are stretched out asleep after -their day's work, and the little Richard is tired too, and has thrown -himself into a tall carved chair by the fire. - -Suddenly there comes the sound of a horn, and everybody starts and -listens. Was the household to be attacked and besieged? for friends -were less likely visitors than enemies in those rough times. - -The dogs bark and cannot be quieted, and again the horn sounds outside -the gate, and somebody has gone to answer it, and those who listen -hear the great hinges creak presently as the gate is opened and the -sound of horses' feet in the courtyard. The dogs have found that there -is no danger and creep away lazily to go to sleep again, but when the -[Pg068] men of the household come back to the great hall their faces -are sadly changed. Something has happened. - -Among them are two guests, two old counts whom everybody knows, and -they walk gravely with bent heads toward the boy Richard, who stands -by the smaller fire, in the place of honor, near his father's chair. -Has his father come back sooner than he expected? The boy's heart -must beat fast with hope for one minute, then he is frightened by the -silence in the great hall. Nobody is singing or talking; there is a -dreadful stillness; the very dogs are quiet and watching from their -beds on the new-strewn rushes. The fires snap and crackle and throw -long shadows about the room. - -What are the two counts going to do--Bernard Harcourt and Rainulf -Ferrieres? They are kneeling before the little boy, who is ready to -run away, he does not know why. Count Bernard has knelt before him, -and says this, as he holds Richard's small hand: "Richard, Duke of -Normandy, I am your liegeman and true vassal"; and then the other -count does and says the same, while Bernard stands by and covers his -face with his hands and weeps. - -Richard stands, wondering, as all the rest of the noblemen promise -him their service and the loyalty of their castles and lands, and -suddenly the truth comes to him. His dear father is dead, and he -must be the duke now; he, a little stupid boy, must take the place -of the handsome, smiling man with his shining sword and black horse -and purple robe and the feather with its shining clasp in the high -ducal [Pg069] cap that is as splendid as any crown. Richard must take -the old counts for his playfellows, and learn to rule his province -of Normandy; and what a long, sad, frightened night that must have -been to the fatherless boy who must win for himself the good name of -Richard the Fearless! - -Next day they rode to Rouen, and there, when the nobles had come, the -dead duke was buried with great ceremony, and all the people mourned -for him and were ready to swear vengeance on his treacherous murderer. -After the service was over Richard was led back from the cathedral to -his palace, and his heavy black robes were taken off and a scarlet -tunic put on; his long brown hair was curled, and he was made as fine -as a little duke could be, though his eyes were red with crying, and -he hated all the pomp and splendor that only made him the surer that -his father was gone. - -They brought him down to the great hall of the palace, and there he -found all the barons who had come to his father's burial, and the boy -was told to pull off his cap to them and bow low in answer to their -salutations. Then he slowly crossed the hall, and all the barons -walked after him in a grand procession according to rank--first the -Duke of Brittany and last the poorest of the knights, all going to the -Church of Notre Dame, the great cathedral of Rouen, where the solemn -funeral chants had been sung so short a time before. - -There were all the priests and the Norman bishops, and the choir sang -as Richard walked to his place near the altar where he had seen his -father sit [Pg070] so many times. All the long services of the mass -were performed, and then the boy-duke gave his promise, in the name -of God and the people of Normandy, that he would be a good and true -ruler, guard them from their foes, maintain truth, punish sin, and -protect the Church. Two of the bishops put on him the great mantle -of the Norman dukes, crimson velvet and trimmed with ermine; but -it was so long that it lay in great folds on the ground. Then the -archbishop crowned the little lad with a crown so wide and heavy that -one of the barons had to hold it in its place. Last of all, they gave -him his father's sword, taller than he, but he reached for the hilt -and held it fast as he was carried back to his throne, though Count -Bernard offered to carry it. Then all the noblemen did homage, from -Duke Alan of Brittany down, and Richard swore in God's name to be the -good lord of every one and to protect him from his foes. Perhaps some -of the elder men who had followed Rolf the Ganger felt very tenderly -toward this grandchild of their brave old leader, and the friends of -kind-hearted Longsword meant to be loyal and very fatherly to his -defenceless boy, upon whom so much honor, and anxiety too, had early -fallen. - -See what a change there was in Normandy since Rolf came, and what a -growth in wealth and orderliness the dukedom had made. All the feudal -or clannish spirit had had time to grow, and Normandy ranked as the -first of the French duchies. Still it would be some time yet before -the Danes and Norwegians of the north could cease to think of the -Normans as their brothers and cousins, and begin to [Pg071] call them -Frenchmen or Welskes, or any of the other names they called the people -in France or Britain. It was sure to be a hard dukedom enough for the -boy-duke to rule, and all his youth was spent in stormy, dangerous -times. - -His father had stood godfather--a very close tie--to the heir of the new -king of France, who was called Louis, and he was also at peace with -Count Hugh of Paris. Soon after Longsword's death King Louis appeared -in Rouen at the head of a body of troops, and demanded that he should -be considered the guardian and keeper of young Richard during his -minority. He surprised the counts who were in Rouen, and who were just -then nearly defenceless. It would never do for them to resist Louis -and his followers; they had no troops at hand; and they believed that -the safest thing was to let Richard go, for a time at any rate. It -was true that he was the king's vassal, and Normandy had always done -homage to the kings of France. And with a trusty baron for protection -the boy was sent away out of pleasant Normandy to the royal castle -of Laon. The Rouen people were not very gracious to King Louis, and -that made him angry. Indeed, the French king's dominion was none too -large, and everybody knew that he would be glad to possess himself -of the dukedom, or of part of it, and that he was not unfriendly to -Arnulf, who had betrayed William Longsword. So the barons who were -gathered at Rouen, and all the Rouen people, must have felt very -anxious and very troubled about Richard's safety when the French -horsemen [Pg072] galloped away with him. From time to time news came -that the boy was not being treated very well. At any rate he was not -having the attention and care that belonged to a duke of Normandy. The -dukedom was tempestuous enough at any time, with its Northman party, -and its French party, and their jealousies and rivalries. But they -were all loyal to the boy-duke who belonged to both, and who could -speak the pirate's language as well as that of the French court. If -his life were brought to an untimely end what a falling apart there -would be among those who were not unwilling now to be his subjects. No -wonder that the old barons were so eager to get Richard home again, -and so distrustful of the polite talk and professions of affection -and interest on King Louis's part. Louis had two little sons of his -own, and it would be very natural if he sometimes remembered that, -if Richard were dead, one of his own boys might be Duke of Normandy -instead--that is, if old Count Hugh of Paris did not stand in the way. - -So away went Richard from his pleasant country of Normandy, with -its apple and cherry orchards and its comfortable farms, from his -Danes and his Normans, and the perplexed and jealous barons. A young -nobleman, named Osmond de Centeville, was his guardian, and promised -to take the best of care of his young charge, but when they reached -the grim castle of Laon they found that King Louis' promises were not -likely to be kept. Gerberga, the French queen, was a brave woman, but -eager to forward the fortunes of her own household, and nobody took -much notice of the boy who was of so [Pg073] much consequence at home -in his own castle of Rouen. We cannot help wondering why Richard's -life did not come to a sudden end like his father's, but perhaps -Osmond's good care and vigilance gave no chance for treachery to do -its work. - -After a while the boy-duke began to look very pale and ill, poor -little fellow, and Osmond watched him tenderly, and soon the rest of -the people in the castle had great hopes that he was going to die. -The tradition says that he was not sick at all in reality, but made -himself appear so by refusing to eat or sleep. At any rate he grew so -pale and feeble that one night everybody was so sure that he could not -live that they fell to rejoicing and had a great banquet. There was no -need to stand guard any longer over the little chief of the pirates, -and nobody takes much notice of Osmond even as he goes to and from the -tower room with a long face. - -Late in the evening he speaks of his war-horse which he has forgotten -to feed and litter down, and goes to his stable in the courtyard with -a huge bundle of straw. The castle servants see him, but let him pass -as usual, and the banquet goes on, and the lights burn dim, and the -night wanes before anybody finds out that there was a thin little lad, -keeping very still, in the straw that Osmond carried, and that the two -companions were riding for hours in the starlight toward the Norman -borders. Hurrah! we can almost hear the black horse's feet clatter and -ring along the roads, and take a long breath of relief when we know -that the fugitives get safe to Crecy castle within the Norman lines -next morning. [Pg074] - -King Louis was very angry and sent a message that Richard must come -back, but the barons refused, and before long there was a great -battle. There could really be no such thing as peace between the -Normans and the kingdom of France, and Louis had grown more and more -anxious to rid the country of the hated pirates. Hugh the Great -and he were enemies at heart and stood in each other's way, but -Louis made believe that he was friendly, and granted his formidable -rival some new territory, and displayed his royal condescension in -various ways. Each of these rulers was more than willing to increase -his domain by appropriating Normandy, and when we remember the two -parties in Normandy itself we cannot help thinking that Richard's -path was going to be a very rough one to follow. His father's enemy, -Arnulf of Flanders, was the enemy of Normandy still, and always in -secret or open league with Louis. The province of Brittany was hard -to control, and while William Longsword had favored the French party -in his dominions he had put Richard under the care of the Northmen. -Yet this had not been done in a way to give complete satisfaction, -for the elder Danes clung to their old religion and cared nothing -for the solemn rites of the Church, by means of which Richard had -been invested with the dukedom. They were half insulted by such silly -pageantry, yet it was not to the leaders of the old pirate element -in the dukedom, but to the Christianized Danes, whose head-quarters -were at Rouen, that the guardianship of the heir of Normandy had -been given. He did not belong to the [Pg075] Christians, but to the -Norsemen, yet not to the old pagan vikings either. It was a curious -and perhaps a very wise thing to do, but the Danes little thought -when Longsword promised solemnly to put his son under their charge, -that he meant the Christian Danes like Bernard and Botho. There was -one thing that all the Normans agreed upon, that they would not be -the vassals and lieges of the king of France. They had promised it in -their haste when the king had come and taken young Richard away to -Laon, but now that they had time to consider, they saw what a mistake -it had been to make Louis the boy-duke's guardian. They meant to take -fast hold of Richard now that he had come back, and so the barons were -summoned, and when Louis appeared again in Normandy, with the spirit -and gallantry of a great captain, to claim the guardianship and to -establish Christianity, as well as to avenge the murder of Longsword, -if you please!--he found a huge army ready to meet him. - -Nobody can understand how King Louis managed to keep such a splendid -army as his in good condition through so many reverses. He had lost -heavily from his lands and his revenues, and there were no laws, so -far as we know, that compelled military service, but the ranks were -always full, and the golden eagle of Charlemagne was borne before the -king on the march, and the banner of that great emperor, his ancestor, -fluttered above his pavilion when the army halted. As for the Danes -(which means simply the Northern or Pirate party of Normandy), they -were very unostentatious soldiers and fought [Pg076] on foot, going -to meet the enemy with sword and shield. Some of them had different -emblems on their shields now, instead of the old red and white stripes -of the shields that used to be hung along the sides of the long-ships, -and they carried curious weapons, even a sort of flail that did great -execution. - -We must pass quickly over the long account of a feigned alliance -between Hugh of Paris and King Louis, their agreement to share -Normandy between themselves, and then Hugh's withdrawal, and Bernard -of Senlis's deep-laid plot against both the enemies of Normandy. It -was just at this time that there was a great deal of enmity between -Normandy and Brittany, and the Normans seem to be in a more rebellious -and quarrelsome state than usual. If there was one thing that they -clung to every one of them, and would not let go, it was this: that -Normandy should not be divided, that it should be kept as Rolf had -left it. Sooner than yield to the plots and attempted grasping and -divisions of Hugh and Arnulf of Flanders, and Louis, they would send -to the North for a fleet of dragon ships and conquer their country -over again. They knew very well that however bland and persuasive -their neighbors might become when they desired to have a truce, they -always called them filthy Normans and pirates behind their backs, and -were always hoping for a chance to push them off the soil of Normandy. -There was no love lost between the dukedoms and the kingdom. - - [Illustration: FLAIL AS A MILITARY WEAPON (1).] - - [Illustration: FLAIL AS A MILITARY WEAPON (2).] - -After some time Louis was persuaded again that Normandy desired -nothing so much as to call him her feudal lord and sovereign. Bernard -de Senlis [Pg077] assured him, for the sake of peace, that they were -no longer in doubt of their unhappiness in having a child for a ruler, -that they were anxious to return to the old pledge of loyalty that -Rolf gave to the successor of Charlemagne. He must be the over-lord -again and must come and occupy his humble city of Rouen. They were -tired of being harried, their land was desolated, and they would do -any thing to be released from the sorrows and penalties of war. Much -to our surprise, and very likely to his own astonishment too, we find -King Louis presently going to Rouen, and being received there with all -manner of civility and deference. Everybody hated him just as much as -ever, and distrusted him, and no doubt Louis returned the compliment, -but to outward view he was beloved and honored by his tributaries, -and the Norman city seemed quiet and particularly servile to its new -ruler and his bragging troops. Nobody understood exactly why they had -won their ends with so little trouble, and everybody [Pg078] was on -the watch for some amazing counterplot, and dared not trust either -friend or foe. As for Louis, they had shamed and tormented him too -much to make him a very affectionate sovereign now. To be sure he -ruled over Normandy at last, but that brought him perplexity enough. -In the city the most worthless of his followers was putting on the -airs of a conqueror and aggravating the Norman subjects unbearably. -The Frenchmen who had followed the golden eagle of Charlemagne so -long without any reward but glory and a slender subsistence, began -to clamor for their right to plunder the dukedom and to possess -themselves of a reward which had been too long withheld already. - -Hugh, of Paris, and King Louis had made a bold venture together for -the conquest of Normandy, and apparently succeeded to their heart's -content. Hugh had besieged Bayeux; and the country, between the two -assailants, had suffered terribly. Bernard the Dane, or Bernard de -Senlis either, knew no other way to reestablish themselves than -by keeping Louis in Rouen and cheating him by a show of complete -submission. The Normans must have had great faith in the Danish -Bernard when they submitted to make unconditional surrender to Louis. -Could it be that he had been faithless to the boy-duke's rights, and -allowed him to be contemptuously disinherited? - -Now that the king was safely bestowed in Rouen, his new liegemen -began to say very disagreeable things. Louis had made a great fool -of himself at a banquet soon after he reached Rolf's tower in the -[Pg079] Norman city. Bernard the Dane, had spread a famous feast for -him and brought his own good red wine. Louis became very talkative, -and announced openly that he was going to be master of the Normans at -last, and would make them feel his bonds, and shame them well. But -Bernard the Dane left his own seat at the table and placed himself -next the king. Presently he began, in most ingenious ways, to taunt -him with having left himself such a small share of the lands and -wealth of the ancient province of Neustria. He showed him that Hugh -of Paris had made the best of the bargain, and that he had given up a -great deal more than there was any need of doing. Bernard described -in glowing colors the splendid dominions he had sacrificed by letting -his rival step in and take first choice. Louis had not chosen to take -a seventh part of the whole dukedom, and Hugh of Paris was master of -all Normandy beyond the Seine, a beautiful country watered by fine -streams whose ports were fit for commerce and ready for defence. More -than this; he had let ten thousand fighting men slip through his hands -and become the allies of his worst enemy. And so Bernard and his -colleagues plainly told Louis that he had made a great mistake. They -would consent to receive him as their sovereign and guardian of the -young duke, but Normandy must not be divided; to that they would never -give their consent. - -Louis listened, half dazed to these suggestions, and when he was well -sobered he understood that he was attacked on every side. Hugh of -Paris had declared that if Louis broke faith with him now he [Pg080] -would make an end to their league, and Louis knew that he would -be making a fierce enemy if he listened to the Normans; yet if he -refused, they would turn against him. - -On the other hand, if he permitted Hugh to keep his new territory, -he was only strengthening a man who was his enemy at heart, and who -sooner or later would show his antagonism. Louis's own soldiers were -becoming very rebellious. They claimed over and over again that Rolf -had had no real right to the Norman lands, but since he had divided -them among his followers, all the more reason now that the conquerors, -the French owners of Normandy, should be put into possession of what -they had won back again at last. They demanded that the victors should -enforce their right, and not only expressed a wish for Bernard the -Dane's broad lands, but for his handsome young wife. They would not -allow that the Normans had any rights at all. When a rumor of such -wicked plans began to be whispered through Rouen and the villages, -it raised a great excitement. There would have been an insurrection -at once, if shrewd old Bernard had not again insisted upon patience -and submission. His wife even rebelled, and said that she would bury -herself in a convent; and Espriota, young Richard's mother, thriftily -resolved to provide herself with a protector, and married Sperling, a -rich miller of Vaudreuil. - -Hugh of Paris was Bernard's refuge in these troubles, and now we see -what the old Dane had been planning all the time. Hugh had begun to -believe that there was no use in trying to hold his new [Pg081] -possessions of Normandy beyond the Seine, and that he had better -return to his old cordial alliance with the Normans and uphold Rolf -the Ganger's dukedom. So the Danish party, Christians and pagans, and -the Normans of the French party, and Hugh of Paris, all entered into a -magnificent plot against Louis. The Normans might have been contented -with expelling the intruders, and a renunciation of the rights Louis -had usurped, but Hugh the Great was very anxious to capture Louis -himself. - -Besides Hugh of Paris and the Norman barons who upheld the cause of -young Richard, there was a third very important ally in the great -rebellion against King Louis of France. When Gorm a famous old king -of Denmark had died some years before, the successor to his throne -was Harold Blaatand or Bluetooth, a man of uncommonly fine character -for those times--a man who kept his promises and was noted for his -simplicity and good faith and loyalty to his word. Whatever reason may -have brought Harold to Normandy at this time, there he was, the firm -friend of the citizens of the Bayeux country, and we find him with his -army at Cherbourg. - -All Normandy was armed and ready for a grand fight with the French, -though it appears that at first there was an attempt at a peaceful -conference. This went on very well at first, the opposing armies being -drawn up on either side of the river Dive, when who should appear but -Herluin of Montreuil, the insolent traitor who was more than suspected -of having caused the murder of William Longsword. Since then he had -ruled in Rouen as Louis's deputy and [Pg082] stirred up more hatred -against himself, but now he took a prominent place in the French -ranks, and neither Normans nor Danes could keep their tempers any -longer. So the peaceful conference was abruptly ended, and the fight -began. - -Every thing went against the French: many counts were killed; the -golden eagle of Charlemagne and the silk hangings and banners of the -king's tent had only been brought for the good of these Normans, who -captured them. As for the king himself, he was taken prisoner; some -say that he was led away from the battle-field and secreted by a loyal -gentleman of that neighborhood, who hid him in a secluded bowery -island in the river near by, and that the poor gentleman's house and -goods were burnt and his wife and children seized, before he would -tell anything of the defeated monarch's hiding-place. There is another -story that Harold Blaatand and Louis met in hand-to-hand combat, and -the Dane led away the Frank as the prize of his own bravery. The king -escaped and was again captured and imprisoned in Rouen. No bragging -now of what he would do with the Normans, or who should take their -lands and their wives. Poor Louis was completely beaten, but there was -still a high spirit in the man and in his brave wife Gerberga, who -seems to have been his equal in courage and resource. After a while -Louis only regained his freedom by giving up his castle of Laon to -Hugh of Paris, and the successor of Charlemagne was reduced to the -pitiful poverty of being king only of Compiegne. Yet he was still -king, and nobody was more ready to give him the title than [Pg083] -Hugh of Paris himself, though the diplomatic treacheries went on as -usual. - -Harold had made a triumphant progress through Normandy after the -great fight was over, and all the people were very grateful to him, -and it is said that he reestablished the laws of Rolf, and confirmed -the authority of the boy-duke. We cannot understand very well at this -distance just why Harold should have been in Normandy at all with his -army to make himself so useful, but there he was, and unless one story -is only a repetition of the other, he came back again, twenty years -after, in the same good-natured way, and fought for the Normans again. - -Poor Louis certainly had a very hard time, and for a while his pride -was utterly broken; but he was still young and hoped to retrieve his -unlucky fortunes. Richard, the young duke, was only thirteen years -old when Normandy broke faith with France. He had not yet earned his -title of the Fearless, which has gone far toward making him one of -the heroes of history, and was waiting to begin his real work and -influence in the dukedom. Louis had sympathy enough of a profitless -sort from his German and English neighbors. England sent an embassy -to demand his release, and Hugh of Paris refused most ungraciously. -Later, the king of the Germans or East Franks determined to invade -Hugh's territory, and would not even send a message or have any -dealings with him first; and when he found that the German army -was really assembling, the Count of Paris yielded. But, as we have -already seen, Louis had to give up a great piece of his [Pg084] -kingdom. As far as words went, he was king again. He had lost his -authority while he was in prison, but it was renewed with proper -solemnity, and Hugh was again faithful liegeman and homager of his -former prisoner. The other princes of Europe, at least those who were -neighbors, followed Hugh's example--all except one, if we may believe -the Norman historians. On the banks of the Epte, where Rolf had first -done homage to the French king, the Norman duchy was now set free -from any over-lordship, and made an independent country. The duke was -still called duke, and not king, yet he was completely the monarch of -Normandy, and need give no tribute nor obedience. - -Before long, however, Richard, or his barons for him--wily Bernard the -Dane, and Bernard de Senlis, and the rest--commended the lands and men -of Normandy to the Count of Paris, benefactor and ally. The Norman -historians do not say much about this, for they were not so proud of -it as of their being made free from the rule of France. We are certain -that the Norman soldiers followed Hugh in his campaigns, for long -after this during the reign of Richard the Fearless there were some -charters and state papers written which are still preserved, and which -speak of Hugh of Paris as Richard's over-lord. - -There are so few relics of that time that we must note the coinage of -the first Norman money in Richard's reign. The chronicles follow the -old fashion of the sagas in sounding the praises of one man--sometimes -according to him all the deeds of his ancestors besides; but, -unfortunately, they refer little to general history, and tell few -things about the [Pg085] people. We find Normandy and England coming -into closer relations in this reign, and the first mention of the -English kings and of affairs across the Channel, lends a new interest -to our story of the Normans. Indeed, to every Englishman and American -the roots and beginnings of English history are less interesting in -themselves than for their hints and explanations of later chapters and -events. - -Before we end this account of Duke Richard's boyhood, we must take -a look at one appealing fragment of it which has been passed by in -the story of the wars and tumults and strife of parties. Once King -Louis was offered his liberty on the condition that he would allow -the Normans to take his son and heir Lothair as pledge of his return -and good behavior. No doubt the French king and Queen Gerberga had -a consciousness that they had not been very kind to Richard, and -so feared actual retaliation. But Gerberga offered, not the heir -to the throne, but her younger child Carloman, a puny, weak little -boy, and he was taken as hostage instead, and soon died in Rouen. -Miss Yonge has written a charming story called "The Little Duke," in -which she draws a touching picture of this sad little exile. It makes -Queen Gerberga appear very hard and cruel, and it seems as if she -must have been to let the poor child go among his enemies. We must -remember, though, that these times were very hard, and one cannot help -respecting the poor queen, who was very brave after all, and fought as -gallantly as any one to keep her besieged and struggling kingdom out -of the hands of its assailants. [Pg086] - -We must pass over the long list of petty wars between Louis and -Hugh. Richard's reign was stormy to begin with, but for some years -before his death Normandy appears to have been tolerably quiet. Louis -had seen his darkest times when Normandy shook herself free from -French rule, and from that hour his fortunes bettered. There was one -disagreement between Otto of Germany and Louis, aided by the king -of Burgundy, against the two dukes, Hugh and Richard, and before -Louis died he won back again the greater part of his possessions at -Laon. Duke Hugh's glories were somewhat eclipsed for a time, and he -was excommunicated by the Archbishop of Rheims and took no notice -of that, but by and by when the Pope of Rome himself put him under -a ban, he came to terms. The Normans were his constant allies, but -there is not much to learn about their own military enterprises. The -enthusiastic Norman writers give a glowing account of the failure -of the confederate kings to capture Rouen, but say less about their -marauding tour through the duchies of Normandy and Hugh's dominions. -Rouen was a powerful city by this time, and a famous history belonged -to her already. There are some fragments left still of the Rouen of -that day, which is very surprising when we remember how battered and -beleaguered the old town was through century after century. - -Every thing was apparently prospering with the king of France when -he suddenly died, only thirty-three years of age, in spite of his -tempestuous reign and always changing career. He must have felt like -a [Pg087] very old man, one would think, and somehow one imagines him -and Gerberga, his wife, as old people in their Castle of Laon. Lothair -was the next king, and Richard, who so lately was a child too, became -the elder ruler of his time. Hugh of Paris died two years later, and -the old enemy of Normandy, Arnulf of Flanders, soon followed him. The -king of Germany, Otto, outlived all these, but Richard lived longer -than he or his son. - - [Illustration: ABBEY CHURCH OF ST. OUEN (ROUEN).] - -[Pg088] - -The duchy of France, Hugh's dominion, passed to his young son, Hugh -Capet, a boy of thirteen. When this Hugh grew up he did homage to -Lothair, but Richard gave his loyalty to Hugh of Paris's son. The -wars went on, and before many years went over Hugh Capet extinguished -the succession of Charlemagne's heirs to the throne of France, and -was crowned king himself, so beginning the reign of France proper; -as powerful and renowned a kingdom as Europe saw through many -generations. By throwing off the rule of German princes, and achieving -independence of the former French dynasty, an order of things began -that was not overthrown until our own day. Little by little the -French crown annexed the dominions of all its vassals, even the duchy -of Normandy, but that was not to be for many years yet. I hope we -have succeeded in getting at least a hint of the history of France -from the time it was the Gaul of the Roman empire; and the empire -of Charlemagne, and later, of the fragments of that empire, each a -province or kingdom under a ruler of its own, which were reunited in -one confederation under one king of France. All this time Europe is -under the religious rule of Rome, and in Richard the Fearless's later -years we find him the benefactor of the Church, living close by the -Minster of Fecamp and buried in its shadow at last. There was a deep -stone chest which was placed by Duke Richard's order near one of the -minster doors, where the rain might fall upon it that dropped from -the holy roof above. For many years, on Saturday evenings, the chest -was filled to the brim with [Pg089] wheat, a luxury in those days, -and the poor came and filled their measures and held out their hands -afterward for five shining pennies, while the lame and sick people -were visited in their homes by the almoner of the great church. There -was much talk about this hollowed block of stone, but when Richard -died in 996 at the end of his fifty-five years' reign, after a long, -lingering illness, his last command was that he should be buried in -the chest and lie "there where the foot should tread, and the dew and -the waters of heaven should fall." Beside this church of the Holy -Trinity at Fecamp he built the abbey of St. Wandville, the Rouen -cathedral, and the great church of the Benedictines at St. Ouen. New -structures have risen upon the old foundations, but Richard's name is -still connected with the places of worship that he cared for. - -"Richard Sans-peur has long been our favorite hero," says Sir Francis -Palgrave, who has written perhaps the fullest account of the Third -Duke; "we have admired the fine boy, nursed on his father's knee -whilst the three old Danish warriors knelt and rendered their fealty. -During Richard's youth, adolescence, and age our interest in his -varied, active, energetic character has never flagged, and we go with -him in court and camp till the day of his death." - - [Illustration] - -[Pg090] - - [Illustration] - - - - -V. - -DUKE RICHARD THE GOOD. - - "Then would he sing achievements high - And circumstance of chivalry."--SCOTT. - - -Richard the Fearless had several sons, and when he lay dying his -nobles asked him to say who should be his successor. "He who bears -my name," whispered the old duke, and added a moment later: "Let -the others take the oaths of fealty, acknowledge Richard as their -superior; and put their hands in his, and receive from him those lands -which I will name to you." - -So Richard the Good came to his dukedom, with a rich inheritance in -every way from the father who had reigned so successfully, and his -brothers Geoffry, Mauger, William, and Robert, accepted their portions -of the dukedom, to which Richard added more lands of his own accord. - -During this reign there were many changes, some very gradual -and natural ones, for Normandy was growing more French and less -Scandinavian all the time, and the relationship grew stronger and -stronger between vigorous young Normandy and troubled, failing -England. Later we shall see how our [Pg091] Normans gave a new -impulse to England, but already there are signs and forebodings of -what must come to pass in the days of Richard the Good's grandson, -William the Conqueror. - -We first hear now of many names which are great names in Normandy -and England to this day. "It seems as if there were never any region -more peopled with men of known deeds, known names, known passions -and known crimes," says Palgrave; and the Norman annals abound with -historical titles "rendered illustrious by the illusions of time -and blazonry which imagination imparts." It is very strange how -few records there are, among the state papers in France, of all -this period. Every important public matter in England was carefully -recorded long before this, but with all the proverbial love of going -to law, and all the well-ordered priesthood, and good education of the -upper classes, there are only a few scattered charters until Normandy -is really merged in France. This almost corresponds to the absence, -in the literary world, of papers relating to Shakespeare, which is -such a puzzle to antiquarians. Here was a man well-known and beloved -both in his native village and the world of London, a man who must -have covered thousands of pages with writing, and written letters -and signed his name times without number, and yet not one of his -manuscripts and very few signatures can be found. Only the references -to him in contemporary literature remain to give us any facts at all -about the greatest of English writers. Of far less noteworthy men, -of his time and before that, we can make up [Pg092] reasonably full -biographies. And Normandy is known only through the records of other -nations, and the traditions and reports of romancing chroniclers. -There are no long lists of men and money, and no treasurer or general -of Rolf's, or Longsword's time has left us his accounts. Rolf's -brother, who went to Iceland while Rolf came to Normandy, in the -tyrannical reign of Harold Haarfager, established in that storm-bound -little country a nation of scholars and record-makers. Perhaps it was -easier to write there where the only enemies were ice and snow and -darkness and the fury of the sea and wind. - -Yet we can guess at a great deal about the condition of Normandy. -There was so much going to and fro, such a lively commerce and -transportation of goods, that we know the old Roman roads had been -kept in good repair, and that many others must have been built as -the population increased. The famous fairs which were held make us -certain that there was a large business carried on, and besides the -maintenance and constant use of a large army, in some years there was -also a thrifty devotion to mercantile matters and agriculture. Foreign -artisans and manufacturers were welcomed to the Norman provinces, and -soon formed busy communities like the Flemish craftsmen, weavers and -leather-makers, at Falaise. The Normans had an instinctive liking for -pomp and splendor; so their tradesmen flourished, and their houses -became more and more elegant, and must be carved and gilded like the -dragon ships. - -A merry, liberal duke was this Richard; fond of his court, and always -ready to uphold Normandy's [Pg093] honor and his own when there was -any fighting to be done. He had a great regard for his nobles, and we -begin to find a great deal said about gentlemen; the duke would have -only gentlemen for his chosen followers, and the aristocrats make -themselves felt more distinctly than before. The rule of the best is a -hard thing to manage, it sinks already into a rule of the lucky, the -pushing, or the favored in the Rouen court. The power and reign of -chivalry begins to blossom now far and wide. - -We begin to hear rumors too on the other side that there were wrong -distinctions between man and man, and tyranny that grew hard to bear, -and one Norman resents the truth that his neighbor is a better and -richer man than he, and moreover has the right to make him a servant, -and to make laws for him. The Norman citizens were equal in civil -rights--that is to say, they were not taxed without their own consent, -need pay no tolls, and might hunt and fish; all could do these things -except the villeins[2] and peasants, who really composed the mass of -the native population, the descendants of those who lived in Normandy -before Rolf came there. Even the higher clergy did not form part of -the nobility and gentry at first, and in later years there was still a -difference in rank and privileges between the priests of Norwegian and -Danish race and the other ecclesiastics. - - [2] Farm laborers; countrymen. - -Before Richard the Good had been long on his throne there was a great -revolt and uprising of the peasantry, who evidently did not think that -their new [Pg094] duke deserved his surname at all. These people -conceived the idea of destroying the inequality of races, so that -Normandy should hold only one nation, as it already held one name. -We cannot help being surprised at the careful political organization -of the peasantry, and at finding that they established a regular -parliament with two representatives from every district. In all -the villages and hamlets, after the day's work was over, they came -together to talk over their wrongs or to listen to some speaker more -eloquent than his fellows. They "made a commune," which anticipates -later events in the history of France in a surprising way. Freeman -says that "such a constitution could hardly have been extemporized by -mere peasants," and believes that the disturbance was founded in a -loyalty to the local customs and rights which were fast being trampled -under foot, and that the rebels were only trying to defend their -time-honored inheritance. The liberty which they were eager to grasp -might have been a great good, scattered as it would have been over -a great extent of country, instead of being won by separate cities. -The ancient Norman constitutions of the Channel Islands, Jersey and -Guernsey and the rest, antiquated as they seem, breathe to-day a -spirit of freedom worthy of the air of England or Switzerland or -Norway. - -The peasants clamored for their right to be equal with their -neighbors, and no doubt many a small landholder joined them, who did -not wish to swear fealty to his over-lord. In the /Roman de Rou/, -an old chronicle which keeps together many traditions about early -[Pg095] Normandy that else might have been forgotten, we find one of -these piteous harangues. Perhaps it is not authentic, but it gives the -spirit of the times so well that it ought to have a place here: - -"The lords do nothing but evil; we cannot obtain either reason or -justice from them; they have all, they take all, eat all, and make us -live in poverty and suffering. Every day with us is a day of pain; we -gain nought by our labors, there are so many dues and services. Why do -we allow ourselves to be thus treated? Let us place ourselves beyond -their power; we too are men, we have the same limbs, the same height, -the same power of endurance, and we are a hundred to one. Let us swear -to defend each other; let us be firmly knit together, and no man shall -be lord over us; we shall be free from tolls and taxes, free to fell -trees, to take game and fish, and do as we will in all things, in the -wood, in the meadow, on the water!" - -At this time the larger portion of Normandy was what used to be called -forest. That word meant something more than woodland; it belonged then -to tracts of wild country, woodland and moorland and marshes, and -these were the possession of the crown. The peasants had in the old -days a right, or a custom at any rate, of behaving as if the forests -were their own, but more and more they had been restricted, and the -unaccustomed yoke galled them bitterly. Besides their being forbidden -to hunt and fish in the forests, the water-ways were closed from them, -taxes imposed, and their time and labor demanded on the duke's lands. -There had been grants [Pg096] of these free tracts of country to -the new nobility, and with the lands the new lords claimed also the -service of the peasantry. - -The people do not appear to have risen against the duke himself, so -much as against their immediate oppressors, and it was one of these -who was to be their punisher. You remember that Richard the Fearless' -mother, Espriota, married, in the troublous times of his boyhood, -a rich countryman called Sperling. They had a son called Raoul of -Ivry, who seems to have been high in power and favor with the second -Richard, his half-brother, and who now entered upon his cruel task -with evident liking. He had been brought up among the country-folk, -although he stood at this time next to the duke in office. - -He was very crafty, and sent spies all through Normandy to find out -when the Assembly or Parliament was to be held, and then dispersed -his troops according to the spies' report, and seized upon all the -deputies and these peasants who were giving oaths of allegiance to -their new commanders. Whether from design or from anger and prejudice -Raoul next treated his poor prisoners with terrible cruelty. He maimed -them in every way, putting out their eyes, cutting off their hands -or feet; he impaled them alive, and tortured them with melted lead. -Those who lived through their sufferings were sent home to be paraded -through the streets as a warning. So fear prevailed over even the -love of liberty in their brave hearts, for the association of Norman -peasants was broken up, and a sad resignation took the place, for -[Pg097] hundreds of years, of the ardor and courage which had been -lighted only to go out again so quickly. - -There was another rebellion besides this, of which we have some -account, and one man instead of a whole class was the offender. One of -Richard's brothers, or half-brothers, the son of an unknown mother, -had received as his inheritance the county of Exmes, which held three -very rich and thriving towns. These were Exmes, Argentan, and Falaise -in which we have already learned that there was a colony of Flemings -settled, skilful, industrious weavers and leather-makers and workers -in cloth and metals. Falaise itself was already very old indeed, and -there remain yet the ruins of an old Roman camp, claimed to belong to -the time of Julius Caesar, beside the earliest specimen of that square -gray tower which is really of earlier date though always associated -with Norman feudalism. The Falaise Fair, which was of such renown in -the days of the first dukes, is supposed to be the survival of some -pagan festival of vast antiquity. The name of Guibray, the suburb of -Falaise which gave its name to the Fair, is said to be derived from -the Gaulish word for mistletoe, and wherever we hear of mistletoe in -ancient history it reminds us, not of merry-makings and Christmas -holidays, but of the grim rites and customs of the Druids. - -William, Duke Richard's brother, does not seem to have been grateful -for these rich possessions, and before long there is a complaint that -he fails to respond to the royal summons, and that he will not render -service or do homage in return for his holding. [Pg098] Raoul of Ivry -promptly counselled the Duke to take arms against the offender. - -It was not long before William found himself a prisoner in the old -tower of Rolf at Rouen. He was treated with great severity, and only -avoided being hanged by making his escape in most romantic fashion. A -compassionate lady contrived to supply him with a rope, and he came -down from his high tower-window to the ground hand over hand. Luckily -he found none of his keepers waiting for him, and succeeded in getting -out of the country. Raoul had been hunting his partisans, and now he -had the pleasure of hunting William himself, by keeping spies on his -track and forcing him from one danger to another until he was tired -of his life, and boldly determined to go to his brother the Duke and -beg for mercy. He was very fortunate, for Richard not only listened -to him, and was not angry at being stopped on a day when he had gone -out to amuse himself with hunting, but he pardoned the suppliant and -pitied his trials and sufferings, and more than all, though he did not -give back the forfeited county of Exmes, he did give him the county of -Eu. We hear nothing of what Raoul thought of such a pleasant ending -to the troubles after he had shown such zeal himself in pursuing and -harassing the Duke's enemy. - -We must take a quick look at the relations between Richard the Good -and Hugh Capet, Hugh of Paris's successor, and Robert of France, Hugh -Capet's son, who was trying to uphold the fading dignities and power -of the Carlovingian throne. Truly [Pg099] Charlemagne's glories were -almost spent, and the new glories of the great house of the Capets -were growing brighter and brighter. Our eyes already turn toward -England and the part that the Norman dukes must soon play there, but -there is something to say first about France. - -Robert and Richard were great friends; they had many common interests, -and were bound by solemn oaths and formal covenants of loyalty toward -and protection of each other. Robert was a very honorable man; his -relation to his father was a most curious one, for they seem to have -been partners in royalty and to have reigned together over France. -Richard the Fearless had done much to establish the throne of the -Capets, and there was a firm bond between the second Richard and young -Robert, to whom he did homage. There were several powerful chiefs and -tributaries, but Richard the Good outranks them all, and takes his -place without question as the first peer of France. The golden lilies -of France are already in flower, and though history is almost silent -through the later years of Hugh Capet's life, there are signs of great -activity within the kingdom and of growing prosperity. There is an old -proverb: "Happy is that nation which has no history!" and whenever -we come to a time that the historians pass over or describe in a few -sentences, we take a long breath and imagine the people busy in their -homes and fields and shops, blest in the freedom from war and disorder. - -Robert of France was a famous wit and liked to play tricks upon his -associates. He was a poet too, [Pg100] and wrote some beautiful -Latin rhymes which are still sung in the churches. There is a good -story about his being at Rome once at a solemn church festival. When -he approached the altar he held a chalice in his hands with great -reverence, and everybody could see that it held a roll of parchment. - -There could be no doubt that the king meant to bestow a splendid gift -upon the church, perhaps, a duchy or even his whole kingdom; but after -the service was over, and the pope and cardinals, full of expectation, -hurried to see what prize was put into their keeping, behold! only a -copy of Robert's famous chant "/Cornelius Centurio!/" It was a sad -disappointment indeed when they looked at this unexpected offering! - -But Robert was more than a good comrade, he was a remarkably good -king, as kings went; he kept order and was brave, decided, and -careful. It was true that he had fallen heir to a prosperous and -well-governed kingdom, but it takes constant effort and watchfulness -and ready strength to keep a kingdom or any lesser responsibilities -up to the right level. He had one great trial, for his wife Bertha, -being his first cousin, should not have been his wife according to the -laws of the Roman Church. For the first time there was a pope of Rome -who was from beyond the Alps, a German; and Robert and he were on bad -terms, which resulted in the excommunication of the king of France and -the queen, and at one time they were put so completely under the ban -that even their servants forsook them and the whole kingdom was thrown -into confusion. The misery became so [Pg101] great that the poor -queen presently had to be separated from her husband, and this was the -more grievous as she had no children, and so Robert was obliged to put -her away from him and marry again for the sake of having an heir to -the throne. Bertha's successor was very handsome, but very cross, and -in later years King Robert used to say: "There are plenty of chickens -in the nest, but my old hen pecks at me!" - -In spite of the new queen's bad temper there are a good many things to -be said in her praise. She was much better educated than most women of -her day, and she had a great admiration for Robert's poetry, and these -things must have gone far to make up for her faults. - -Duke Richard's marriage was a very fortunate one. His sister Hawisa, -of whom he was guardian, was asked in marriage by Duke Godfrey of -Brittany, and this was a very welcome alliance, since it bound the two -countries closer together than ever before, and made them forget the -rivalries which had sometimes caused serious trouble. Especially this -was true when a little later Richard himself married Godfrey's sister -Judith, who was distinguished for her wisdom. They had a most splendid -wedding at the Abbey of St. Michael's Mount, and in course of time one -of their daughters married the Count of Burgundy and one the Count of -Flanders. - -In spite of much immorality and irregularity in those days, there was -enough that was proper and respectable in the alliances of the noble -families, and we catch many a glimpse of faithful lovers and [Pg102] -gallant love-making. It was often said that Normandy's daughters did -as much for the well-being of the country as her sons, and when we -read the lists of grand marriages we can understand that the dukes' -daughters won as many provinces by their beauty as the sons did by -their bravery in war. - -It is hard to keep the fortunes of all these races and kingdoms clear -in our minds. We cannot help thinking of England, and looking at all -this early history of the Normans and their growth in relation to it. -Then we must keep track of the Danes and Northmen, who have by no -means outgrown their old traits and manners, though their cousins in -Normandy have given up privateering and the long ships. The history of -France makes a sort of background for Normandy and England both. - -These marriages of which I have just told you greatly increased -the magnificence and the power of the Norman duchy and widened the -territory in every way. The Norman dukes could claim the right to -interfere in the affairs of those states to which they were allied, -and they improved their opportunities. But the most important of all -the alliances has not been spoken of at all--the marriage of Richard -the Fearless' daughter Emma to AEthelred the Unready of England. - -AEthelred himself was the black sheep of his illustrious family--a long -line of noble men they were for the most part. In that age much of the -character of a nation's history depended upon its monarch, and it is -almost impossible to tell the fortunes of a country except by giving -the biographies [Pg103] of the reigning king. This AEthelred seems -to have had energy enough, but he began many enterprises and never -ended them, and wasted a great deal of strength on long, needless -expeditions, and does not appear to have made effective resistance to -the enemies who came knocking at the very gates of England. He had -no tact and little bravery, and was given to putting his trust in -unworthy and treacherous followers. AEthelred was the descendant of -good King AElfred and his noble successors, but his own kingdom was -ready to fall to pieces before he reigned over it very long, and his -reign of thirty-eight years came near to being the ruin of England. -There were two or three men who helped him in the evil work, who were -greater traitors at heart than AEthelred himself, and we can hardly -understand why they were restored to favor after their treason and -selfishness were discovered. As one historian says, if we could only -have a few of the private letters, of which we have such abundance two -or three centuries later, they would be the key to many difficulties. - -The Danes were nibbling at the shores of England as rats would gnaw -at a biscuit. They grew more and more troublesome. Over in Normandy, -Richard the Good was treating these same Danes like friends, and -allowing them to come into his harbors to trade with the Norman -merchants. In the Cotentin country they found a people much like -themselves, preserving many old traditions, and something of the -northern speech. The Cotentin lands were poor and rocky, but the hills -were crowded [Pg104] with castles, well armed and well fortified, and -the men were brave soldiers and sailors, true descendants of the old -vikings. They sought their fortunes on the sea too, and we can trace -the names of these Cotentin barons and their followers through the -army of William the Conqueror to other castles in the broad English -lands that were won in less than a hundred years from AEthelred's time. -Very likely some of these Cotentin Normans were in league with the -northern Danes who made their head-quarters on the Norman shores, and -went plundering across the Channel. Soon AEthelred grew very angry, -which was to be expected, and he gathered his fleets at Portsmouth, -and announced that he should bring Duke Richard back a captive in -chains, and waste the whole offending country with fire, except the -holy St. Michael's Mount. - - [Illustration: QUEEN EMMA OR AELFGIFU (FROM THE REGISTER OF HYDE - ABBEY).] - -The fleet obeyed AEthelred's foolish orders, and went ashore at the -mouth of the river Barfleur, only to find the Normans assembled from -the whole surrounding country--not a trained army by any means, but an -enraged peasantry, men and women alike, armed with shepherds' crooks, -and reaping-hooks and flails, and in that bloody battle of Sanglac, -they completely routed the English. All the invaders who escaped -crowded into six of their vessels and abandoned the rest, and hurried -away as fast as they could go. This was a strong link in the chain -that by and by would be long enough to hold England fast, and put her -at the mercy of the Normans altogether. There was peace made before -very long, though the Normans considered themselves [Pg105] to have -been grievously insulted, and laughed at the English for being so well -whipped. Perpetual peace, the contract unwisely promises, and the pope -interfered between the combatants, to prevent the shedding of innocent -blood. After the promises were formally made, AEthelred tried to make -the alliance even closer. He had children already--one, the gallant -Eadmund Ironside, who might have saved the tottering kingdom if he had -only held the authority which was thrown away in his father's hands. -The name of AEthelred's first queen has been lost, but she was "a -noble lady, the daughter of Thored, an Ealdorman," and had been some -time dead, so with great diplomacy King AEthelred the Unready, "by the -grace of God Basileus of Albion, King and Monarch of all the British -Nations, of the Orkneys and the surrounding Islands," as he liked -to sign himself, came wooing to Normandy. Emma, the duke's sister, -married him and went to England. - -AEthelred gave her a splendid wedding-present of [Pg106] wide domains -in the counties of Devon and Hants, part of which held the cathedral -cities of Winchester and Exeter, the pride and defence of Southern -Britain. Queen Emma gave the governorship of Exeter to her chief -adviser and officer, Hugh the Norman, and her new subjects called her -the Gem of Normandy, and treated her with great deference. She had the -beauty of her race and of Rolf's descendants, and her name was changed -to AElfgifu, because this sounded more familiar to the English ears. At -least that is the explanation which has come down to us. - -Things were in a very bad way in England--the Anglo-Saxon rule of that -time was founded upon fraud and violence, and the heavy misfortunes -which assailed the English made them fear worse troubles later on. The -wisest among them tried to warn their countrymen, but the warnings -were apparently of little use. The make-believe rejoicings at Queen -Emma's coming were quickly over with, and soon we hear of her flight -to Normandy. Many reasons were given for this ominous act. Some say -that AEthelred disgusted her by his drunkenness and lawlessness, and -others that Hugh the Norman was treacherous, and betrayed his trust to -the Danes, and that the queen was a partner in the business. There is -still another story, that AEthelred was guilty of a shocking massacre, -and that Emma fled in the horror and confusion that it made. Yet later -she returned to England as the queen of Cnut the Dane. - -Now we must change from England to France altogether for a few pages, -and see how steadily the [Pg107] power of the Normans was growing, -and how widely it made itself felt. We must see Richard the Good -as the ally of France in the warfare waged by King Robert against -Burgundy, which was the most important event of Robert's reign. -Old Hugh of Paris had carefully avoided any confusion between the -rights of Burgundy and the rights of France when he established the -foundation of his kingdom. He was a wise politician, and understood -that it would not do to conflict with such a power as Burgundy's, -which held the Low Countries, Spain, and Portugal and Italy within its -influence. Since his day Burgundy had been divided, but it was still -distinguished for its great piety and the number of its religious -institutions. Robert's uncle was Duke of Burgundy, and he was a very -old man; so Robert himself had high hopes of becoming his successor. -His chief rival was the representative of the Lombard kings in -Italy--Otho William, who was son of Adalbert, a pirate who had wandered -beyond the Alps, and Gerberga, the Count of Chalons' daughter. After -Adalbert died Gerberga married old Duke Henry of Burgundy, and -prevailed upon him to declare her son as his successor. This was -illegal, but Otho William was much admired and beloved, and the great -part of the Burgundians upheld his right. - -Behold, then, Richard the Good and his Norman soldiery marching away -to the wars! Duke Henry was dead, and King Robert made haste to summon -his ally. Thirty thousand men were mustered under the Norman banner, -and the black raven of war went slowly inland. What an enterprise -it was to transport [Pg108] such a body of men and horses across -country! Supplies could not be hurried from point to point as readily -as in after-times, and the country itself must necessarily be almost -devastated as if a swarm of locusts had crept through it. Normandy was -overflowing with a military population anxious for something to do, -with a lingering love for piracy and plundering. They made a swift -journey, and Richard and his men were at the gates of the city of -Auxerre almost as soon as the venerable duke was in his grave. - -There was a tremendous siege; Robert's rival had won the people's -hearts, and in the natural strongholds of the mountain slopes they -defended themselves successfully. Besides this brave opposition of -the Burgundians, the Normans were fought against in a more subtle way -by strange phenomena in the heavens. A fiery dragon shot across the -sky, and a thick fog and darkness overspread the face of the earth. -Auxerre was shrouded in night, and the Norman archers could not see -to shoot their arrows. Before long the leagued armies raised the -siege of the border city and marched on farther into the country up -among the bleak, rocky hills. Only one of the Burgundian nobles--Hugh, -Count of Chalons and Bishop of Auxerre--was loyal to the cause of -King Robert of France. Presently we shall see him again under very -surprising circumstances for a count, not to speak of a bishop! The -country was thoroughly ravaged, but some time passed before it was -finally conquered. At last there was a compromise, and Robert's son -was elected duke. His [Pg109] descendants gave France a vast amount -of trouble in later years, and so Burgundy revenged herself and Otho -William's lost cause. - -Richard of Normandy had kept his army well drilled in this long -Burgundian campaign, but before his reign was over he had another war -to fight with the Count of Dreux. The lands of Dreux were originally -in the grant made to Rolf, but later they were held by a line of -counts, whose last representative disappeared in Richard the Fearless' -reign. We find the country in Richard's possession without any record -of war, so it had probably fallen to the crown by right. There was a -great Roman road through the territory like the Watling Street that -ran from Dover to Chester through England, and this was well defended -as the old Roman roads always were. Chartres was joined to Dreux by -this road, and Chartres was not at peace with Normandy. So a new fort -and a town sprung up on the banks of the river to keep Chartres in -check: Tillieres, or the Tileries, which we might call the ancestor of -the famous Tuileries of modern Paris. - -There were several fierce battles, and sometimes gaining and sometimes -losing, the Normans found themselves presently in a hard place. We -are rather startled to hear of the appearance of king Olaf of Norway -and the king of the Swedes as Richard's allies. The French people had -not wholly outgrown their hatred--or fear and distrust either--of the -pirates, and when the news came that bands of Northmen were landing -in Brittany there was a wild excitement. Richard and the Chartres -chieftain were making [Pg110] altogether too much of their quarrel, -and King Robert, as preserver of the public peace, was obliged to -interfere. After this episode everybody was more afraid of Normandy -than ever, and Chartres was the gainer by the town of Dreux, with -its forest and castle, that being the king's award. We cannot help -wondering why Richard was persuaded to yield so easily, with all his -Northmen eager enough to fight--but they disappear for the time being, -and many stories were told of their treacherous warfare in Brittany; -of the pitfalls covered with branches into which they tempted their -mounted enemies on the battle-field of Dol. All this seems to have -been a little private diversion on their way to the Norman capital, -where they were bidden for the business with Chartres. - -Then there was a fight with the bishopric of Chalons, which interests -us chiefly because Richard's son and namesake first makes his -appearance. Renaud, the son of Otho William, who had lost the dukedom -of Burgundy, had married a Norman damsel belonging to the royal family -of Rolf. This Renaud was defeated and captured by the Count-Bishop -of Chalons, of whom we know something already. He was loyal to King -Robert of France, you remember, in the war with Burgundy, and now -he treated Renaud with terrible severity, and had broken his vows, -moreover, by getting married. - -King Robert gave the Normans permission to march through his -dominions, and seems to have turned his back upon the Count-Bishop. -There was a succession of sieges, and the army burned and [Pg111] -destroyed on every side as it went through Burgundy, and finally -made great havoc in one of the chief towns, called Mirmande in the -chronicles, though no Mirmande can be heard of now in that part of -the world, and perhaps the angry Normans determined to leave no trace -of it for antiquarians and geographers to discover. The Count-Bishop -flees for his life to Chalons, and when he was assailed there, he was -so frightened that he put an old saddle on his back and came out of -the city gates in that fashion to beg for mercy. The merry historian -who describes this scene adds that he offered Richard a ride and -that he rolled on the ground at the young duke's feet in complete -humiliation. One might reasonably say that the count made a donkey of -himself in good earnest, and that his count's helmet and his priestly, -shaven crown did not go very well together. - -The third Richard covered himself with glory in this campaign, -however, and went back to Normandy triumphant, to give his old father -great pleasure by his valor. But Richard the Good was very feeble now, -and knew that he was going to die; so, like Richard the Fearless, he -went to Fecamp to spend his last days. - -When he had confessed to the bishops, he called for his faithful -barons, and made his will. Richard was to be his successor, and his -courage and honesty deserved it; but the old father appears to have -had a presentiment that all would not go well, for he begged the -barons to be loyal to the good youth. Robert, the second son, fell -heir to the county of Exmes, upon the condition that he should be -faithful [Pg112] to his brother. There was another son, Mauger, a -bad fellow, who had no friends or reputation, even at that early day. -He was a monk, and a very low-minded one; but later he appears, to -our astonishment, as Archbishop of Rouen. No mention is made of his -receiving any gift from his father; and soon Richard the Good died and -was buried in the Fecamp Abbey. In after years the bones of Richard -the Fearless were taken from the sarcophagus outside the abbey door, -and father and son were laid in a new tomb near the high altar. - -All this early history of Normandy is told mainly by two men, the -saga-writers of their time--William of Jumieges, who wrote in the -lifetime of William the Conqueror, and Master Wace, of Caen, who was -born on the island of Jersey, between thirty and forty years after -the conquest of England. His "Roman de Rou" is most spirited and -interesting, but, naturally, the earlier part of it is not always -reliable. Both the chroniclers meant to tell the truth, but writing at -a later date for the glory of Normandy, and in such a credulous age, -we must forgive them their inaccuracies. - -They have a great deal more to say about Richard the Good than about -his two sons, Richard and Robert. Richard was acknowledged as duke by -all the barons after his father's death, and then went in state to -Paris to do homage to King Robert. This we learn from the records of -his contract of marriage with the king's daughter, Lady Adela, who was -a baby in her cradle, and the copy of the settlements is preserved, -or, at least, the account of the dowry [Pg113] which Richard -promised. This was the /seigneurie/ of the whole Cotentin country, and -several other baronies and communes; Cherbourg and Bruot and Caen, and -many cities and lands besides. Poor little Lady Adela! and poor young -husband, too, for that matter; for this was quite a heartless affair -of state, and neither of them was to be any happier for all their -great possessions. - -In the meantime Robert, the Duke's brother, was not in the least -satisfied, and made an outcry because, though he was lord of the -beautiful county of Exmes, the city of Falaise was withheld from him. -There was a man from Brittany who urged him to resent his wrongs, and -made trouble between the brothers; Ermenoldus he was called, /the -theosophist/; and there is a great mystery about him which the old -writers stop to wonder over. He was evidently a sort of magician, and -those records that can be discovered give rise to a suspicion that he -had strayed far eastward with some pirate fleet toward Asia, and had -learned there to work wonders and to compass his ends by uncanny means. - -There was a siege of Falaise, which Robert seized and tried to keep by -main strength; but Richard's army was too much for him, and at last he -sued for peace. The brothers went back to Rouen apparently the best -of friends; but there was a grand banquet in Rolf's old castle, and -Richard was suddenly death-struck as he sat at the head of the feast, -and was carried to his bed, where he quickly breathed his last. The -funeral bell began to toll while the banquet still went on, and the -barons made themselves merry in the old hall. [Pg114] - -There was great lamentation, for Richard was already much beloved, and -nobody doubted that he had been poisoned. So Robert came to the throne -of Normandy with a black stain upon his character, and during all the -rest of his life that stain was not overlooked nor forgotten. - -As for the baby-widow, she afterward became the wife of the Count of -Flanders, Baldwin de Lisle, and she was the mother of Matilda, who was -the wife of William the Conqueror. - - [Illustration] - -[Pg115] - - [Illustration] - - - - -VI. - -ROBERT THE MAGNIFICENT. - - "What exile from himself can flee?"--BYRON. - - -Before we begin the story of the next Duke of Normandy whose two -surnames, the Devil, and the Magnificent, give us a broad hint of -his character, we must take a look at the progress of affairs in the -dukedom. There is one thing to be remembered in reading this history, -or any other, that history is not merely the story of this monarch -or that, however well he may represent the age in which he lived and -signify its limitations and development. - -In Normandy one cannot help seeing that a power has been at work -bringing a new Northern element into the country, and that there has -been a great growth in every way since Rolf came with his vikings and -besieged the city of Jumieges. Now the dukedom that he formed is one -of the foremost of its day, able to stand on equal ground with the -royal kingdom and duchy of France, for Robert's homage is only the -homage of equals and allies. Normandy is the peer of Burgundy and of -Flanders, and every day increases in strength, in [Pg116] ambition, -in scholarship and wealth. The influence and /prestige/ of the dukedom -are recognized everywhere, and soon the soldiers of Normandy are -going to take hold of English affairs and master them with unequalled -strength. Chivalry is in the bloom of its youth, and the merchants of -Falaise, and Rouen, and their sister cities, are rich and luxurious. -The women are skilled in needlework and are famous for their beauty -and intelligence. Everywhere there are new castles and churches, and -the land swarms with inhabitants who hardly find room enough, while -the great army hardly draws away the overplus of men from the farms -and workshops. There are whole districts like the Cotentin peninsula, -that are nearly ready to pour out their population into some new -country, like bees when they swarm in early summer, and neither the -fashion of going on pilgrimage to the holy shrines, nor the spirit -that leads to any warlike adventure, are equal to the need for a new -conquest of territory, and a general emigration. - -There are higher standards everywhere in law and morals and customs of -home-life. The nobles are very proud and keep up a certain amount of -state in their high stone castles. In the Cotentin alone the ruins of -more than a hundred of these can yet be seen, and all over Normandy -and Brittany are relics of that busy, prosperous time. The whole -territory is like a young man who has reached his majority, and who -feels a strength and health and ambition that make him restless, and -make him believe himself capable of great things. - -[Pg117] - - [Illustration: NORMAN COSTUMES. - -1. Herdsman. 2. Man of rank. 3. Pilgrim. 4, 5, 6, 7, 8. Warriors. 9. -Man of rank. 10. Lady of rank.] - -[Pg118] - -From followers of the black ravens and worshippers of the god Thor, -the Normans have become Christians and devout followers of the Church -of Rome. They go on pilgrimage to distant shrines and build churches -that the world may well wonder at to-day and try to copy. They have -great houses for monks and nuns, and crowds of priests and scholars, -and it would not be easy to find worshippers of the old faith unless -among old people and in secluded neighborhoods. There is little left -of the old Northman's fashions of life but his spirit is as vigorous -as ever, and his courage, and recklessness, his love of a fight and -hatred of cowardice, his beauty and shapeliness, are sent down from -generation to generation, a surer inheritance than lands or money. We -grow eager, ourselves, to see what will come of this leaven of daring -and pride of strength. There is no such thing for Normandy now, as -tranquillity. - -Duke Robert's story is chiefly interesting to us because he was the -father of William the Conqueror, and in most of the accounts of that -time it is hard to find any thing except various versions of his -course toward his more famous son. But in reality he was a very gifted -and powerful man, and strange to say, the conquest of England was only -the carrying out of a plan that was made by Duke Robert himself. - -The two young sons of Emma and AEthelred were still in Normandy, and -the Duke thought it was a great pity that they were neglected and -apparently forgotten by their countrymen. He undertook to be their -champion, and boldly demanded that King [Pg119] Cnut of England -should consider their rights. He sent an embassy to England and bade -Cnut "give them their own," which probably meant the English crown. -Cnut disdained the message, as might have been expected, and Duke -Robert armed his men and fitted out a fleet, and all set sail for -England to force the Dane to recognize the young princes. It sounds -very well that the Normans should have been so eager to serve the -Duke's cousins, but no doubt they were talking together already about -the possibility of extending their dominions across the Channel. They -were disappointed now, however, for they were beaten back and out of -their course by very bad weather, and had to put in at the island of -Jersey. From there they took a short excursion to Brittany, because -Robert and his cousin Alan were not on good terms, Alan having refused -to do homage to Normandy. There was a famous season of harrying -and burning along the Breton coast, which may have reconciled the -adventurers to their disappointment, but at any rate the conquest of -England was put off for forty years. One wonders how Cnut's Queen -Emma felt about the claims of her sons. It was a strange position for -her to be put into. A Norman woman herself who had virtually forsaken -her children, she could hardly blame her brother for his efforts to -restore them to their English belongings, and yet she was bound to her -new English interests, and must have different standards as Danish -Cnut's wife from those of Saxon AEthelred's. There is an announcement -in one of the Norman chronicles that Cnut sent a message to the -[Pg120] effect that he would give the princes their rights at his -death. This must have been for the sake of peace, but it is not very -likely that any such thing ever happened. - -A new acquaintance between the countries must have grown out of the -banishment of some of the English nobles in the early part of Cnut's -reign, and they no doubt strengthened the interest of the Normans, -and made their desire to possess England greater than ever before. We -shall be conscious of it more and more until the time of the Conquest -comes. The Normans plotted and planned again and again, and their -intrigues continually grew more dangerous to England. It is plain to -see that they were always watching for a chance to try their strength, -and were not unwilling to provoke a quarrel. Eadward, one of the -English princes, was ready to claim his rights, but he had learned -to be very fond of Normandy, and his half-heartedness served his -adopted country well when he came at last to the English throne. For -the present we lose sight of him, but not of AElfred his brother, who -ventured to England on an expedition which cost him his life, but that -failure made the Norman desire for revenge burn hotter and deeper than -before, though the ashes of disappointment covered it for a time. - -Duke Robert's reign began with a grand flourish, as if he wished to -bribe his subjects into forgetfulness of his brother Richard's death. -There were splendid feasts and presents of armor and fine clothes for -his retainers, and he won his name of the Magnificent in the very face -of those who whispered [Pg121] that he was a murderer. He was very -generous, and seems to have given presents for the pleasure it gave -himself rather than from any underhand motives of gaining popularity. -We are gravely told that some of his beneficiaries died of joy, which -strikes one as being somewhat exaggerated. - -The old castle of Rolf at Rouen was forsaken for the castle of -Falaise. No doubt there were unpleasant associations with Rolf's hall, -where poor Richard had been seized with his mysterious mortal illness. -Falaise, with its hunting-grounds and pleasant woods and waters and -its fine situation, was Robert's favorite home forever after. There he -brought his wife Estrith, Cnut's sister, who first had been the wife -of Ulf the Danish king, and there he lived in a free companionship -with his nobles and with great condescension towards his inferiors, -with whom he was often associated in most familiar terms. - -There were chances enough to show his valor. Once Baldwin the elder, -of Flanders, was attacked by his son Baldwin de Lisle, who had put -himself at the head of an army, and the poor Count was forced to flee -to Falaise for shelter and safety. Any excuse for going to war seems -to have been accepted in Normandy; the country was brimming over with -people. There was almost more population than the land could support, -and Robert led his men to Flanders with great alacrity, and settled -the mutiny so entirely that there was no more trouble. Flanders was -brought to a proper state of submission, as if in revenge for old -scores. At last the noblemen who had upheld the insurrection all -deserted the leader of [Pg122] it, and both they and young Baldwin -besought Robert to make the terms of peace. After this, Flanders and -Normandy were very friendly together, and before long they formed a -most significant alliance of the royal houses. - -In Robert's strolls about Falaise, perhaps in disguise, like another -Haroun al Raschid, his beauty-loving eyes caught sight one day of a -young girl who was standing bare-footed in a shallow brook, washing -linen, and making herself merry with a group of busy young companions. -This was Arlette, or Herleva, according as one gives her the Saxon -or the Norman name; her father was a brewer and tanner, who had been -attracted to Falaise from Germany by the reputation of its leather -manufactures and good markets. The pastures and hunting-grounds made -skins very cheap and abundant, but the trade of skinning of beasts was -considered a most degrading one, and those who pursued it in ancient -times were thought less of than those who followed almost any other -occupation. If we were not sure of this, we might suspect the Norman -nobles of casting undue shame and reproach upon this man Fulbert. - -Duke Robert seems to have quite forgotten his lawful wife in his new -love-making with Herleva. Even the tanner himself objected to the -duke's notice of his daughter, but who could withstand the wishes of -so great a man? Not Fulbert, who accepted the inevitable with a good -grace, for later in the story he shows himself a faithful retainer and -household official of his lord and master. Robert never seems to have -recovered from his first [Pg123] devotion to the pretty creature who -stood with slender, white feet in the brook, and turned so laughing -a face toward him. They showed not long ago the very castle-window -in Falaise from which he caught his first sight of the woman who -was to rule his life. He did not marry her, though Estrith was sent -away; but they had a son, who was named William, who himself added -the titles of the Great and The Conqueror, but who never escaped -hearing to his life's end the shame and ignominy of his birth. We -cannot doubt that it was as mean an act then as now to taunt a man -with the disgrace he could not help; but of all the great men who -were of illegitimate birth whom we know in the pages of history, -this famous William is oftenest openly shamed by his title of the -Bastard. He won much applause; he was the great man of his time, but -from pique, or jealousy, or prejudice, perhaps from some faults that -he might have helped, he was forever accused of the shame that was -not his. The Bastard,--the Tanner's Grandson; he was never allowed to -forget, through any heroism or success in war, or furthering of Norman -fortunes, that these titles belonged to him. - -The pride of the Norman nobles was dreadfully assailed by Duke -Robert's shameful alliance with Herleva. All his relations, who had -more or less right to the ducal crown, were enraged beyond control. -Estrith had no children, and this beggarly little fellow who was -growing plump and rosy in the tanner's house, was arch-enemy of -all the proud lords and gentlemen. There was plenty of scandal and -mockery [Pg124] in Falaise, and the news of Robert's base behavior -was flying from village to village through Normandy and France. The -common people of Falaise laughed in the faces of the barons and -courtiers as they passed in the street, and one day an old burgher and -neighbor of the tanner asked William de Talvas, the head of one of -the most famous Norman families, to go in with him to see the Duke's -son. The Lord of Alencon was very angry when he looked at the innocent -baby-face. He saw, by some strange foreboding and prevision, the -troubles that would fall upon his own head because of this vigorous -young life, and, as he cursed the unconscious child again and again, -his words only echoed the fear that was creeping through Normandy. - -Robert was very bold in his defiance of public opinion, and before -long the old tanner sheds his blouse like the cocoon of a caterpillar, -and blooms out resplendent in the gay trappings of court chamberlain. -Herleva was given the place as duchess which did not legally belong to -her, and this hurt the pride of the ladies and gentlemen of the court -and the country in a way that all Robert's munificence and generosity -could not repay or cure. The age was licentious enough, but public -opinion demanded a proper conformity to law and etiquette. All the -aristocratic house of Rolf's descendants, the valor and scholarship -and churchmanship of Normandy, were insulted at once. The trouble -fermented more and more, until the Duke's uncle, the Archbishop of -Rouen, called his nephew to account for such open sin and disgrace -of his kindred, and finally [Pg125] excommunicated him and put all -Normandy under a ban. - -Somehow this outbreak was quieted down, and just then Robert was -called upon, not only to settle the quarrel in Flanders above -mentioned, but to uphold the rights of the French king. For his -success in this enterprise he was granted the district of the Vexin, -which lay between Normandy and France, and so the Norman duchy -extended its borders to the very walls of Paris. Soon other questions -of pressing importance rose up to divert public comment; it was no -time to provoke the Duke's anger, and there was little notice taken of -Herleva's aggravating presence in the ducal castle, or the untoward -growth and flourishing of her son. - -At length Duke Robert announced his intention of going on a pilgrimage -to Jerusalem. He wished to show his piety and to gain as much credit -as possible, so the long journey was to be made on foot. The Norman -barons begged him not to think of such a thing, for in the excited -condition of French and Norman affairs nothing could be more imprudent -than to leave the dukedom masterless. "By my faith!" Robert answered -stoutly, "I do not mean to leave you without a lord. Here is my young -son, who will grow and be a gallant man, by God's help; I command you -to take him for your lord, for I make him my heir and give him my -whole duchy of Normandy." - -There was a stormy scene in the council, and however we may scorn -Robert's foolish, selfish present-giving and his vulgarity, we cannot -help pitying him [Pg126] as he pleads with the knights and bishops -for their recognition of his innocent boy. We pity the Duke's shame, -while his natural feeling toward the child wars with his disgust. With -all his eloquence, with all his authority, he entreats the scornful -listeners until they yield. They have warned him against the danger -of the time, and of what he must expect, not only if he goes on -pilgrimage and leaves the dukedom to its undefended fate, but also -if he further provokes those who are already his enemies, and who -resent the presence of his illegitimate child. But he dares to put -the base-born lad over the dukedom of Normandy as his own successor. -He even goes to the king of France and persuades him to receive the -unworthy namesake of Longsword as vassal and next duke, and to Alan -of Brittany, who consents to be guardian. Then at last the unwilling -barons do homage to the little lord--a bitter condescension and service -it must have been! - -After all the ceremonies were finished, Robert lost no time in -starting on his pilgrimage. He sought the shrine of Jerusalem, many a -weary mile away, over mountain and fen, past dangers of every sort. -Nothing could be more characteristic than his performance of his -penance or his pleasure journey--whichever he called it--for although he -went on foot, he spent enormous sums in showering alms upon the people -who came out to greet him. Heralds rode before him, and prepared his -lodging and reception, and the great procession of horses and grooms -and beasts of burden grew longer and longer as he went on his way. -Once they blocked up the [Pg127] gateway of a town, and the keeper -fell upon the pilgrim Duke, ignorantly, and gave him a good thrashing -to make him hurry on with his idle crowd. Robert piously held back -those of his followers who would have beaten the warder in return, and -said that it was well for him to show himself a pattern of humility -and patience, and such suffering was meant for the good of one's soul. - - [Illustration: ROBERT, DUKE OF NORMANDY, CARRIED IN A LITTER TO - JERUSALEM. - - (FROM AN OLD ILLUMINATED MANUSCRIPT.)] - -[Pg128] - -The Duke did a great many foolish things; for one, he had his horses -shod with silver shoes, held on by only one nail, and gave orders that -none of his servants should pick up the shoes when they were cast, but -let them lie in the road. - -At last the pilgrims reached Constantinople, and Robert made a great -display of his wealth, not to speak of his insolent bad manners. -The emperor, Michael, treated his rude guests with true Eastern -courtesy, and behaved himself much more honorably than those who -despised him and called him names. He even paid all the expenses of -the Norman procession, but, no doubt, he was anxious not to give -any excuse for displeasure or disturbance between the Northerners -and his own citizens. When the visit was over, and Robert moved on -toward Jerusalem, his already feeble health, broken by his bad life, -grew more and more alarming, and at last he could not take even a -very short journey on foot, and was carried in a litter by negroes. -The Crusades were filling the roads with pilgrims and soldiers, and -travellers of every sort. One day they met a Cotentin man, an old -acquaintance of Robert's. The Duke said with grim merriment that he -was borne like a corpse on a bier. "My lord," asked the Crusader, who -seems to have been sincerely shocked and doleful at the sight of the -Duke's suffering; "my lord, what shall I say for you when I reach -home?" "That you saw me carried toward Paradise by four devils," said -the Duke, readier at any time to joke about life than to face it -seriously and to do his duty. He kept up the pretence of travelling -unknown and in [Pg129] disguise, like a humbler pilgrim, but his -lavishness alone betrayed the secret he would really have been sorry -to keep. Outside the gates of Jerusalem there was always a great crowd -of people who were not able to pay the entrance-fee demanded of every -pilgrim; but Robert paid for himself and all the rest before he went -in at the gate. The long journey was almost ended, for on the way -home, at the city of Nicaea, the Duke was poisoned, and died, and was -buried there in the cathedral with great solemnity and lamentation. He -had collected a heap of relics of the saints, and these were brought -safely home to Normandy by Tostin, his chamberlain, who seems to have -served him faithfully all the way. - - [Illustration] - -[Pg130] - - [Illustration] - - - - -VII. - -THE NORMANS IN ITALY. - - "And therefore must make room - Where greater spirits come."--MARVELL. - - -There is a famous old story about Hasting, the viking captain. Once -he went adventuring along the shores of the Mediterranean, and when -he came in sight of one of the Tuscan cities, he mistook it for Rome. -Evidently he had enough learning to furnish him with generous ideas -about the wealth of the Roman churches, but he had brought only a -handful of men, and the city looked large and strong from his narrow -ship. There was no use to think of such a thing as laying siege to the -town; such a measure would do hardly more than tease and provoke it: -so he planned a sharp stroke at its very heart. - -Presently word was carried from the harbor side, by a long-faced -and tearful sailor, to the pious priests of the chief church, that -Hasting, a Northman, lay sick unto death aboard his ship, and was -desirous to repent him of his sins and be baptized. This was promising -better things of the vikings, and the good bishop visited Hasting -readily, and ministered eagerly to his soul's distress. Next day -word came that the robber was dead, and his men brought him early -[Pg131] to the church in his coffin, following him in a defenceless, -miserable group. They gathered about the coffin, and the service -began; the priests stood in order to chant and pray, their faces bowed -low or lifted heavenward. Suddenly up goes the coffin-lid, out jumps -Hasting, and his men clutch at the shining knives hidden under their -cloaks. They strip the jewelled vestments from the priests' backs; -they shut the church doors and murder the poor men like sheep; they -climb the high altar, and rob it of its decorations and sacred cups -and candlesticks, and load themselves with wealth. The city has hardly -time to see them dash by to the harbor side, to hear the news and -give them angry chase, before the evil ships are standing out to sea -again, and the pirates laugh and shout as they tug at the flashing -oars. No more such crafty converts! the people cry, and lift their -dead and dying priests sorrowfully from the blood-stained floor. This -was the fashion of Italy's early acquaintance with the Northmen, whose -grandchildren were to conquer wide dominions in Apulia, in Sicily, and -all that pleasant country between the inland seas of Italy and Greece. - -It must have seemed almost as bad to the Romans to suffer invasion of -this sort as it would to us to have a horde of furious Esquimaux come -down to attack our coasts. We only need to remember the luxury of the -Italian cities, to recall the great names of the day in literature -and art, in order to contrast the civilization and appearance of the -invader and the invaded. Yet war was a constant presence then, and -every nation had its bitter enemies born of race [Pg132] prejudice -and the resentment of conquest. To be a great soldier was to be great -indeed, and by the time of the third of the Norman dukes the relation -of the Northmen and Italians was much changed. - -Yet there was not such a long time between the time of Hasting the -pirate, and that of Tancred de Hauteville and Robert Guiscard. -Normandy had taken her place as one of the formidable, respectable -European powers. The most powerful of the fiefs of France, she was -an enemy to be feared and honored, not despised. She was loyal to -the See of Rome; very pious and charitable toward all religious -establishments; no part of Southern Europe had been more diligent in -building churches, in going on pilgrimage, in maintaining the honor -of God and her own honor. Her knights prayed before they fought, and -they were praised already in chronicle and song. The troubadours sung -their noble deeds from hall to hall. The world looked on to see their -bravery and valor, and when they grew restless and went a-roving and -showed an increasing desire to extend their possessions and make -themselves lords of new acres, the rest of the world looked on with -envy and approval. Unless the Normans happened to come their way; that -of course was quite a different thing. - -We cannot help thinking that the readiness of the Englishman of to-day -to form colonies and to adapt himself to every sort of climate and -condition of foreign life, was anticipated and foreboded in those -Norman settlements along the shores of the Mediterranean sea. Perhaps -we should say again that the Northmen of a much earlier date were the -true [Pg133] ancestors of all English colonists with their roving -spirit and love of adventure, but the Normandy of the early part of -the eleventh century was a type of the England of to-day. Its power -was consolidated and the territory became too narrow for so much -energy to be pent up in. The population increased enormously, and the -familiar love of conquest and of seeking new fortunes was waked again. -The bees send out new swarms when summer comes, and, like the bees, -both Normans and Englishmen must have a leader and centralization of -the general spirit, else there is scattering and waste of the common -force. - -We might go on with this homely illustration of the bees to explain -the way in which smaller or larger groups of pilgrims, and adventurers -of a less pious inclination, had wandered southward and eastward, -toward the holy shrines of Jerusalem, or the rich harvest of Oriental -wealth and luxury. Not much result came from these enterprises, though -as early as 1026, we find the Duke of Naples allowing a company of -Norman wanderers to settle at Aversa, and even helping them to build -and fortify the town, and to hold it as a kind of out-post garrison -against his enemies in Capua. They were understood to be ready for -all sorts of enterprises, and the bitter flowers of strategy and -revolt appeared to yield the sweetest honey that any country-side -could offer. They loved a fight, and so they were often called in by -the different Italian princes and proved themselves most formidable -and trustworthy allies in case of sudden troubles. This is what an -historian of that time says about them: [Pg134] - -"The Normans are a cunning and revengeful people; eloquence and -dissimulation appear to be their hereditary qualities. They can stoop -to flatter; but unless they are curbed by the restraint of law they -indulge the licentiousness of nature and passion, and in their eager -search for wealth and dominion they despise whatever they possess and -hope whatever they desire. Arms and horses, the luxury of dress, the -exercises of hawking and hunting, are the delight of the Normans; but -on pressing occasions they can endure with incredible patience the -inclemency of every climate, and the toil and abstinence of a military -life." - -How we are reminded of the old vikings in this striking description! -and how we see certain changes that have overlaid the original Norse -and Danish nature. There are French traits now, like a not very thick -veneering of more delicate and polished wood upon the sturdy oak. - -Aversa was quickly made of great importance to that part of the world. -The Norman colony did good missionary work, and Robert Guiscard, the -chief Norman adventurer and founder of the kingdom of Naples, was -leader and inspirer of great enterprises. In following the history of -the time through many volumes, it is very disappointing to find such -slight reference to this most interesting episode in the development -of Norman civilization. - -In one of the green valleys of the Cotentin, near a small stream -that finds its way into the river Dove, there are still standing the -crumbling walls of an ancient Norman castle. The neighboring fields -still [Pg135] keep their old names of the Park, the Forest, and -the Dove-Cot; and in this way, if in no other, the remembrance is -preserved of an old feudal manor-house. Not long ago some huge oaks -were clustered in groups about the estate, and there was a little -church of very early date standing in the shade of a great cedar tree. -Its roof had a warlike-looking rampart, and a shapely tower with -double crosses lifted itself high against the sky. - -In the early years of the eleventh century there lived in this quiet -place an old Norman gentleman who was one of Duke Richard the Good's -best soldiers. He had wandered far and wide in search of gain and -glory. The Duke had given him command of ten armed men who formed -his body-guard, and after a long service at court this elder Tancred -returned to his tranquil ancestral home to spend the rest of his -days. He was poor, and he had a very large family. His first wife, -Muriel, had left several children, and their good step-mother treated -them all with the same tenderness and wise helpfulness that she had -shown to her own flock. The young de Hautevilles had received such -education as gentlemen gave their children in those days, and, above -every thing else, were expert in the use of arms and of horses and the -pleasures of the chase. They trained their falcons, and grew up brave -and strong. There were twelve sons, all trained to arms. Three of the -elder family were named William, Drogo, and Humphrey, and the sixth, -their half-brother, was Robert, who early won for himself the surname -of Guiscard, or the Wise. Tall fellows they were, these [Pg136] sons -of the Chevalier de Hauteville. One of the old French historians tells -us that they had an air of dignity, and even in their youth great -things were expected of them; it was easy to prophesy their brilliant -future. - -While they were still hardly more than boys, Serlon, their eldest -brother, who had already gone to court, killed one of Duke Robert's -gentlemen who had offered him some insult, and was banished to England -where he spent some time in the dreariness of exile, longing more -and more to get back to Normandy. This brought great sorrow to the -household in the Cotentin valley; it was most likely that a great -deal depended upon Serlon's success, and the eager boys at home were -looking to him for their own advancement. However, the disappointment -was not very long-lived, for at the time when Henry of France was -likely to lose his throne through the intrigues of his brother and his -mother, Constance of Provence, and came to the Duke of Normandy for -aid, Serlon came home again without being asked, and fought like a -tiger at the siege of Tillieres. You remember that this siege lasted -a long time, and it gives us a good idea of the warfare of that age -to discover that every day there came out of the city gate an awesome -knight who challenged the conqueror to single combat. The son of brave -old Tancred was not frightened by even the sight of those unlucky -warriors who lay dead under the challenger's blows, and one morning -Serlon went to the gate at daybreak and called the knight out to fight -with him. [Pg137] - -The terrible enemy did not wait; he presently appeared in glistening -armor and mounted upon a fiery steed. He asked Serlon who he was, -and as if he knew by instinct that he had met his match at last, -counselled the champion of Normandy to run away, and not try to fight -with him. - -Nobody had recognized the banished man, who carefully kept the visor -of his helmet down over his face, and when the fight was over and the -enemy's head was off and borne at the head of his victorious lance, -he marched silently along the ranks of the Norman knights, who were -filled with pride and glory, but for all their cheering he was still -close-helmeted. Duke Robert heard the news of this famous deed, and -determined that such a valiant knight must not hide himself or escape, -so he sent a messenger to command the stranger to make himself known. -When he found that Serlon himself had been the hero, he ran to meet -him, and embraced him and held him to his heart, and still more, gave -back to him all the lands and treasures which had come to him by his -marriage and which had been confiscated when he was sent into exile. -All these glories of their elder brother made the other sons more -eager now than ever to show their prowess, but there was slight chance -in Normandy, for the war lasted but little longer. But when Robert -had put the French king on his throne again, he determined, as we -have seen already, to go on a pilgrimage. There was not much prospect -of winning great fame at home while young William the heir was so -unpopular and Alan of Brittany was his careful [Pg138] guardian. -The de Hautevilles were impatient at the prospect of years of petty -squabbles and treacherous intrigues; they longed for a broader field -for their energies. There was no such thing as staying at home and -training the falcons; their hungry young brothers and sisters were -pushing their way already, and the ancient patrimony was growing -less and less. So William and Drogo and Humphrey went away to seek -their fortunes like fairy-book princes, and hearing vague rumors of -Rainulf's invitation to his countrymen, and of his being made count of -the new possessions in Aversa, they turned their faces towards Italy. -We cannot help lingering a moment to fancy them as they ride away from -the door of their old home--the three brave young men together. The -old father looks after them wistfully, but his eyes are afire, and -he lives his own youth over again and wishes with all his heart that -he were going too. The little sisters cry, and the younger brothers -long for the day when their turn will come to go adventuring. The tame -falcons flutter and peck at their hoods, there where they stand on -their perches with fettered claws; the grass runs in long waves on the -green hill-sides and dazzles the eyes that look after the sons as they -ride towards the south; and the mother gives a little cry and goes -back into the dark hall and weeps there until she climbs the turret -stairs to see if she cannot catch one more look at the straight backs -and proud heads of the young knights, or even one little glint of -their horses' trappings as they ride away among the orchard leaves. -[Pg139] - -They would have to fight their way as best they could, and when they -reached Apulia at last they still found work enough for their swords. -South of Rome were the territories of the independent counts of Naples -and the republic of Amalfi. South of these the Greek possessions of -Lombardy, which had its own governor and was the last remnant of the -Eastern empire. - -The beautiful island of Sicily had been in the hands of the Moslems -and belonged to the African kingdom of Tunis. In 1038 the governor -of Lombardy believed he saw the chance that he had long been waiting -for, to add Sicily to his own dominions. The Arabs were fighting -among themselves and were split up already into several weak and -irreconcilable factions, and he begged the Normans to go and help his -own army to conquer them. After a while Sicily was conquered, but the -Normans were not given their share of the glory of the victories; on -the contrary, the Lombard governor was too avaricious and ungrateful -for his own good, and there was a grand quarrel when the spoils were -divided. Two years afterwards the indignant Normans came marching back -to attack Apulia, and defeated the Greeks at Cannae so thoroughly that -they were only left in possession of a few towns. - -This was in 1043, and we cannot help feeling a great satisfaction at -finding William de Hauteville president of the new republic of Apulia. -Had not the three brothers shown their bravery and ability? Perhaps -they had only remembered their old father's wise talk, and profited by -his advice, and warning [Pg140] lest they should spend their strength -by being great in little things instead of aiming at nobler pieces of -work. All the high hopes which filled their hearts as they rode away -from Normandy must have come true. They were already the leaders in -Apulia, and had been foremost in the organization of an aristocratic -republic. Twelve counts were elected by popular suffrage, and lived at -their capital of Melfi, and settled their affairs in military council. -And William, as I have said, was president. - -Presently from East and West envious eyes began to look at this -powerful young state. Europe knew well enough what had come from -giving these Normans foothold in Gaul not so very long ago, and the -Pope and the emperors of the West and East formed a league to chase -the builders of this new Normandy out of their settlements. The two -emperors, however, were obliged to hurry back to defend their own -strongholds, and Leo the Tenth was left to fight his neighbors alone, -with the aid of some German soldiers, a mere handful, whom Henry the -Third had left. The Normans proposed fair terms to his Holiness, but -he ventured to fight the battle of Civitella, and was overpowered -and beaten, and taken prisoner himself. Then the shrewd Normans said -how grieved they had been to fight against the Father of the Church, -and implored him, captive as he was, to receive Apulia as a fief of -the Holy See. This seems very puzzling, until we stop to think that -the Normans would gain an established position among the Italian -powers, and this amounted to an alliance with the power of the papal -interests. [Pg141] - -William de Hauteville died, and the office of president, or first -count, passed to his next brother, Drogo, and after him to Humphrey. -One day, while Drogo was count, a troop of pilgrims appeared in -Amalfi, with their wallets and staves. This was no uncommon sight, -but at the head of the dusty company marched a young man somewhere -near twenty-five years of age, and of remarkable beauty. The high -spirit, the proud nobility in his face, the tone of his voice even, -showed him to be an uncommon man; his fresh color and the thickness -of his blond hair gave nobody a chance to think that he had come -from any of the Southern countries. Suddenly Drogo recognized one -of his step-brothers, whom he had left at home a slender boy--this -was Robert, already called Guiscard. He had gathered a respectable -little troop of followers--five knights and thirty men-at-arms made his -escort,--and they had been forced to put on some sort of disguise for -their journey, because the court of Rome, jealous of the growing power -of the Normans in Italy, did every thing to hinder their project, and -refused permission to cross their territories to those who were coming -from the North to join the new colony. Humbert de Hauteville was with -Robert--indeed the whole family, except Serlon, went to Italy sooner or -later after the old knight Tancred died; even the mother and sisters. - -Robert arrived in time for the battle of Civitella, and distinguished -himself amazingly. Indeed he was the inspirer and leader of the Norman -successes in the South, and to him rather than to either of his -[Pg142] elder brothers belongs the glory of the new Normandy. - -His frank, pleasant manners won friends and followers without -number, who loved him dearly, and rallied to his standard. He was -well furnished with that wiliness and diplomacy which were needed to -cope with Southern enemies, and his wild ambition led him on and on -without much check from feelings of pity, or even justice. Like many -other Normans, he was cruel, and his acts were those of a man who -sees his goal ahead, and marches straight toward it. While William -the Conqueror was getting ready to wear the crown of England, Robert -Guiscard was laying his plans for the kingdom of the two Sicilies. - -After a while Drogo was assassinated, and then Humphrey was put in -his place, but he and Robert were always on bad terms with each other -apparently. Robert's faults were the faults of his time, and yet -his restlessness and ambition seem to have given his brother great -disquietude; perhaps Humphrey feared him as a rival, but at any rate -he seems to have kept him almost a prisoner of state. The Guiscard -gained the votes of the people before long, when the count died and -left only some young children, and in 1054 he was made Count of Apulia -and general of the republic. We need not be surprised to find his -title much lengthened a little later; he demanded the ducal title -itself from Pope Nicholas, and styles himself "by the grace of God -and St. Peter, Duke of Apulia, Calabria, and hereafter of Sicily." -The medical and philosophical schools of Salerno, long renowned in -Italy, added lustre to his kingdom, and [Pg143] the trade of Amalfi, -the earliest of the Italian commercial cities, extending to Africa, -Arabia, India, with affiliated colonies in Constantinople, Antioch, -Jerusalem, and Alexandria, enriched his ample domain. Excelling in -the art of navigation, Amalfi is said to have discovered the compass. -Under her Norman dukes, she held the position of the queen of Italian -commerce, until the rise of the more famous cities of Pisa, Genoa, and -Venice.[3] - - [3] A. H. Johnson: "The Normans in Europe." - -Roger de Hauteville, the youngest brother of all, who was much like -Robert in every way, was the conqueror of Sicily, and the expedition -was piously called a crusade against the unbelievers. It was thirty -years before the rich island was added to the jurisdiction of Rome, -from which the Mussulmans had taken it. Roger was given the title -of count, but his dominion was on a feudal basis instead of being a -republic. This success induced Robert to make a campaign against the -Eastern empire, and the invasions continued as long as he lived. They -were not very successful in themselves, but they were influential in -bringing about great changes. The first crusade was an outcome of -these plans of Robert's, and all the altered relations of the East and -West for years afterward. - -We must go far ahead of the slow pace of our story of the Normans -in Normandy and England to give this brief sketch of the Southern -dukedoms. The story of the de Hautevilles is only another example -of Norman daring and enterprise. The spirit of adventure, of -conquest, of government, of chivalry, and personal [Pg144] ambition -shines in every page of it, and as time goes on we watch with joy -a partial fading out of the worse characteristics of cruelty and -avarice and trickery, of vanity and jealous revenge. "Progress in -good government," says Mr. Green in his preface to A Short History -of England, "is the result of social developments." The more we all -think about that, the better for us and for our country. No doubt the -traditions of Hasting the Northman and his barbarous piracies had -hardly died out before the later Normans came, first in scattered -groups, and then in legions, to settle in Italy. One cannot help -feeling that they did much to make amends for the bad deeds of their -ancestors. The south of Italy and the Sicilian kingdom of Roger were -under a wiser and more tolerant rule than any government of their -day, and Greeks, Normans, and Italians lived together in harmony and -peace that was elsewhere unknown. The people were industrious, and all -sorts of trades flourished, especially the silk manufacture. Perhaps -the soft air and easy, luxurious fashion of life quieted the Norman -restlessness a little. Who can tell? - -Yet we get a hint of a better explanation of the prosperity of the two -Sicilies in this passage from an old chronicle about King Roger: "He -was a lover of justice and most severe avenger of crime. He abhorred -lying; did every thing by rule, and never promised what he did not -mean to perform. He never persecuted his private enemies, and in war -endeavored on all occasions to gain his point without shedding of -blood. Justice and peace were universally observed throughout his -dominions." [Pg145] - -A more detailed account of the reigns of the De Hautevilles will be -found in the "Story of Sicily," but before this brief review of their -conquests is ended, it is only fair to notice the existing monuments -of Norman rule. The remains of Norman architecture, dating back to -their time, may still be seen in Palermo and other cities, and give -them a romantic interest. There are ruins of monasteries and convents -almost without number, and many churches still exist, though sometimes -more or less defaced by modern additions and ignorant restoration. The -Normans raised the standard of Western forms of architecture here as -they did elsewhere, and their simpler buildings make an interesting -contrast with Eastern types left by the Saracens. Outside the large -cities almost every little town has at least some fragments of Norman -masonry, and in Aderno--to note only one instance of the sort--there is -a fine Norman castle in excellent preservation, which is used as a -prison now. At Troina, a dreary mountain fortress, there is a belfry -and part of the wall of a cathedral that Roger I. built in 1078. It -was in Troina that he and his wife bravely established their court -fifteen years earlier, and withstood a four months' siege from the -Saracens. Galfridus, an old chronicler, tells sadly that the young -rulers only had one cloak between them, and grew very hungry and -miserable; but Eremburga, the wife, was uncomplaining and patient. -At last the count was so distressed by the sight of her pallor and -evident suffering, that he rallied his men and made a desperate -charge upon his foes, and was happily [Pg146] victorious. Galfridus -says of that day: "The single hand of Roger, with God's help, did -such execution that the corpses of the enemy lay around him on every -side like the branches of trees in a thick forest when strewn by a -tempest." Once afterward, when Roger was away fighting in Calabria, -Eremburga was formally left in command, and used to make the round -with the sentinels on the walls every night. - -We must look in Palermo for the noblest monuments of Norman days, -and beside the churches and palaces, for the tombs of the kings and -archbishops in San Rosario Cathedral. There lies Roger himself, -"mighty Duke and first King of Sicily." Mr. Symonds says[4]: "Very -sombre and stately are these porphyry resting-places of princes born -in the purple, assembled here from lands so distant, from the craggy -heights of Hohenstauffen, from the green orchards of Cotentin, from -the dry hills of Aragon. They sleep and the centuries pass by. Rude -hands break open the granite lids of their sepulchres to find tresses -of yellow hair, and fragments of imperial mantles embroidered with -the hawks and stags the royal hunter loved. The church in which they -lie changes with the change of taste in architecture and the manners -of successive ages. But the huge stone arks remain unmoved, guarding -their freight of mouldering dust beneath gloomy canopies of stone, -that tempers the sunlight as it streams from the chapel windows." - - [4] "Studies in Southern Italy." - -And again at Venosa, the little town where the poet Horace was born, -and where William de Hauteville with his brothers Drogo, Humphrey, -and [Pg147] Robert Guiscard are buried, we cannot do better than -quote the same charming writer: - -"No chapter of history more resembles a romance than that which -records the sudden rise and brief splendor of the house of Hauteville. -In one generation the sons of Tancred de Hauteville passed from the -condition of squires in the Norman vale of Cotentin to Kinghood in -the richest island of the Southern Sea. The Norse adventurers became -sultans of an Oriental capital. The sea-robbers assumed, together -with the sceptre, the culture of an Arabian court ... lived to mate -their daughters with princes and to sway the politics of Europe with -gold.... What they wrought, whether wisely or not, for the ultimate -advantage of Italy, endures to this day, while the work of so many -emperors, republics, and princes, has passed and shifted like the -scenes in a pantomime. Through them the Greeks, the Lombards, and -the Moors were extinguished in the South. The Papacy was checked -in its attempt to found a province of St. Peter below the Tiber. -The republics of Naples, Caeta, Amalfi, which might have rivalled -perchance with Milan, Genoa, and Florence, were subdued to a master's -hand. In short, to the Norman, Italy owed that kingdom of the two -Sicilies, which formed one third of her political balance; and which -proved the cause of all her most serious revolutions." - -Much has been lost of the detailed history of the Norman-Italian -states, and lost especially to English literature. If the development -of Southern Italy [Pg148] had gone steadily forward to this time, -with the eagerness and gathering force that might have been expected -from that vigorous impulse of the eleventh century, no doubt there -would have been a permanent factor in history rather than a limited -episode. The danger of the climate, to those born and reared in -Northern or Western Europe, was undoubtedly in the way of any -long-continued progress. To-day the Norman buildings look strangely -different from their surroundings, and are almost the only evidence -of the once brilliant and prosperous government of the Normans in the -South. One enthusiastic historian, who wrote before the glories of -the de Hautevilles had faded, would have us believe that "there was -more security in the thickets of Sicily than in the cities of other -kingdoms." - - [Illustration] - -[Pg149] - - [Illustration] - - - - -VIII. - -THE YOUTH OF WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. - - "One equal temper of heroic hearts - Made weak by time and fate, but strong in will - To strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield." - --TENNYSON. - - -There was one man, famous in history, who more than any other -Norman seemed to personify his race, to be the type of the Norman -progressiveness, firmness, and daring. He was not only remarkable -among his countrymen, but we are forced to call him one of the great -men and great rulers of the world. Nobody has been more masterful, -to use a good old Saxon word, and therefore he came to be master -of a powerful, venturesome race of people and gathered wealth and -widespread territory. Every thing would have slipped through his -fingers before he was grown to manhood if his grasp had not been like -steel and his quickness and bravery equal to every test. "He was born -to be resisted," says one writer;[5] "to excite men's jealousy and to -awaken their life-long animosity, only to rise triumphant above them -all, and to show to mankind the work that one man can do--one man of -fixed principles and resolute [Pg150] will, who marks out a certain -goal for himself, and will not be deterred, but marches steadily -towards it with firm and ruthless step. He was a man to be feared and -respected, but never to be loved; chosen, it would seem, by Providence -... to upset our foregone conclusions, and while opposing and crushing -popular heroes and national sympathies, to teach us that in the -progress of nations there is something required beyond popularity, -something beyond mere purity and beauty of character--namely, the mind -to conceive and the force of will to carry out great schemes and to -reorganize the failing institutions and political life of states. Born -a bastard, with no title to his dukedom but the will of his father; -left a minor with few friends and many enemies, with rival competition -at home and a jealous over-lord only too glad to see the power of his -proud vassal humbled, he gradually fights his way, gains his dukedom, -and overcomes competition at an age when most of us are still under -tutors and governors; extends his dominions far beyond the limits -transmitted to him by his forefathers, and then leaves his native soil -to seek other conquests, to win another kingdom, over which again -he has no claim but the stammering will of a weak king and his own -irresistible energy, and what is still more strange, securing the -moral support of the world in his aggression, and winning for himself -the position of an aggrieved person recovering his just and undoubted -rights. Truly the Normans could have no better representative of their -extraordinary power." - - [5] Johnson: "The Normans in Europe." - -William was only seven years old or a little more [Pg151] when his -father left him to go on pilgrimage. No condition could have appeared -more pitiable and desperate than his--even in his childhood we become -conscious of the dislike his character inspired. Often just and true -to his agreements, sometimes unexpectedly lenient, nothing in his -nature made him a winner and holder of friendship, though he was a -leader of men and a controller of them, and an inspirer of faithful -loyalty besides the service rendered him for fear's sake. His was -the rule of force indeed, but there is one thing to be particularly -noted--that in a licentious, immoral age he grew up pure and -self-controlled. That he did not do some bad things must not make us -call him good, for a good man is one who does do good things. But his -strict fashion of life kept his head clearer and his hands stronger, -and made him wide-awake when other men were stupid, and so again and -again he was able to seize an advantage and possess himself of the key -to success. - -While his father lived, the barons paid the young heir unwilling -respect, and there was a grim acquiescence in what could not be -helped. Alan of Brittany was faithful to his trust, and always -able to check any dissensions and plots against his ward. The old -animosity between him and Robert was quite forgotten, apparently; -but at last Alan was poisoned. Robert's death was the signal for a -general uprising of the nobles, and William's life was in peril for -a dozen years. He never did homage to the king of France, but for a -long time nobody did homage to him either; the barons disdained any -such [Pg152] allegiance, and sometimes appear to have forgotten their -young duke altogether in their bitter quarrels, and murders of men of -their own rank. We trace William de Talvas, still the bastard's fierce -enemy, through many plots and quarrels;--it appears as if he were -determined that his curse should come true, and made it the purpose -of his life. The houses of Montgomery and Beaumont were linked with -him in anarchy and treachery; it was the Montgomeries' deadly mischief -to which the faithful Alan fell victim. William himself escaped -assassination by a chance, and several of his young followers were -not so fortunate. They were all in the strong castle of Vaudreuil, a -place familiar to the descendants of Longsword, since it was the home -of Sperling, the rich miller, whom Espriota married. The history of -the fortress had been a history of crime, but Duke Robert was ready to -risk the bad name for which it was famous, and trust his boy to its -shelter. There had never been a blacker deed done within those walls -than when William was only twelve years old, and one of his playmates, -who slept in his chamber, was stabbed as he lay asleep. No doubt the -Montgomery who struck the cruel blow thought that he had killed the -young duke, and went away well satisfied; but William was rescued, and -carried away and hidden in a peasant's cottage, while the butchery -of his friends and attendants still went on. The whole country -swarmed with his enemies. The population of the Cotentin, always more -Scandinavian than French, welcomed the possibility of independence, -and the worst side of feudalism began to assert itself [Pg153] -boldly. Man against man, high rank against low rank, farmer against -soldier,--the bloody quarrels increased more and more, and devastated -like some horrible epidemic. - - [Illustration: A NORMAN PLOUGHMAN.] - -There were causes enough for trouble in the state of feudalism itself -to account for most of the uproar and disorder, let alone the claim -of the unwelcome young heir to the dukedom. It is very interesting -to see how, in public sentiment, there was always an undertone of -resentment to the feudal system, and of loyalty to the idea, at least, -of hereditary monarchy. Even Hugh the Great, of France, was governed -by it in his indifference to his good chances for seizing the crown -years before this time; and though the great empire of Charlemagne had -long since tottered to its fall and dismemberment, there [Pg154] was -still much respect for the stability and order of an ideal monarchical -government. - -The French people had already endured some terrible trials, but it was -not because of war and trouble alone that they hated their rulers, -for these sometimes leave better things behind them; war and trouble -are often the only way to peace and quietness. They feared the very -nature of feudalism and its political power. It seemed to hold them -fast, and make them slaves and prisoners with its tangled network and -clogging weights. The feudal lords were petty sovereigns and minor -despots, who had certain bonds and allegiances among themselves and -with each other, but they were, at the same time, absolute masters of -their own domain, and their subjects, whether few or many, were under -direct control and surveillance. Under the great absolute monarchies, -the very extent of the population and of the country would give a -greater security and less disturbance of the middle and lower classes, -for a large army could be drafted, and still there would be a certain -lack of responsibility for a large percentage of the subjects. Under -the feudal system there were no such chances; the lords were always -at war, and kept a painfully strict account of their resources. Every -field and every family must play a part in the enterprises of their -master, and a continual racking and robbing went on. Even if the lord -of a domain had no personal quarrel to settle, he was likely to be -called upon by his upholder and ally to take part with him against -another. In the government of a senate or an ecclesiastical council, -the common people [Pg155] were governed less capriciously; their -favor was often sought, even in those days, by the different factions -who had ends to gain, and were willing to grant favors in return; but -the feudal lords were quite independent, and could do as they pleased -without asking anybody's advice or consent. - -This concerns the relation of the serfs to their lords, but among the -lords themselves affairs were quite different. From the intricate -formalities of obligation and dependence, from the necessity for -each feudal despot's vigilant watchfulness and careful preparation -and self-control and quick-sighted decision, arose a most active, -well-developed class of nobles. While the master of a feudal castle -(or robber-stronghold, whichever we choose to call it) was absent on -his forays, or more determined wars, his wife took his place, and -ruled her dependents and her household with ability. The Norman women -of the higher classes were already famous far and wide through Europe, -and, since we are dealing with the fortunes of Normandy, we like to -picture them in their castle-halls in all their dignity and authority, -and to imagine their spirited faces, and the beauty which is always a -power, and which some of them had learned already to make a power for -good. - -No matter how much we deplore the condition of Normandy and the lower -classes of society, and sympathize with the wistfulness and enforced -patience of the peasantry; no matter how perplexed we are at the -slowness of development in certain directions, we are attracted and -delighted by other aspects. We turn our heads quickly at the sound -of [Pg156] martial music. The very blood thrills and leaps along -our veins as we watch the Norman knights ride by along the dusty -Roman roads. The spears shine in the sunlight, the horses prance, the -robber-castles clench their teeth and look down from the hills as if -they were grim stone monsters lying in wait for prey. The apple-trees -are in blossom, and the children scramble out of the horses' way; -the flower of chivalry is out parading, and in clanking armor, with -flaunting banners and crosses on their shields, the knights ride by -to the defence of Jerusalem. Knighthood was in its early prime, and -in this gay, romantic fashion, with tender songs to the ladies they -loved and gallantly defended, with a prayer to the Virgin Mary, their -patroness, because they reverenced the honor and purity of womanhood, -they fought through many a fierce fight, with the bitter, steadfast -courage of brave men whose heart is in their cause. It was an easy -step from their defiance of the foes of Normandy to the defence of -the Church of God. Religion itself was the suggester and promoter -of chivalry, and the Normans forgot their lesser quarrels and petty -grievances when the mother church held up her wrongs and sufferings -to their sympathy. It was to Christianity that the mediaeval times -owed knighthood, and, while historians complain of the lawlessness of -the age, the crimes and violence, the social confusion and vulgarity, -still the poetry and austerity and real beauty of the knightly -traditions shine out all the brighter. Men had got hold of some new -suggestions; the best of them were examples of something better than -[Pg157] the world had ever known. As we glance over the list of rules -to which a knight was obliged to subscribe, we cannot help rejoicing -at the new ideal of christian manhood. - - [Illustration: ARMING A KNIGHT.] - -Rolf the Ganger had been proud rather than ashamed of his brutal -ferocity and selfishness. This new standard demands as good soldiery -as ever; in fact, a greater daring and utter absence of fear, but it -recognizes the rights of other people, and the single-heartedness and -tenderness of moral strength. It is a very high ideal. - -A little later than the time of William the Conqueror's youth, there -were formal ceremonies at the making of a knight, and these united -so surprisingly the poet's imaginary knighthood and the customs of -military life and obligations of religious life, that we cannot wonder -at their influence. [Pg158] - -The young man was first stripped of his clothes and put into a bath, -to wash all former contaminations from body and soul--a typical second -baptism, done by his own free will and desire. Afterward, he was -clothed first in a white tunic, to symbolize his purity; next in a red -robe, a sign of the blood he must be ready to shed in defending the -cause of Christ; and over these garments was put a tight black gown, -to represent the mystery of death which must be solved at last by him, -and every man. - -Then the black-robed candidate was left alone to fast and pray for -twenty-four hours, and when evening came, they led him to the church -to pray all night long, either by himself, or with a priest and his -own knightly sponsors for companions. Next day he made confession; -then the priest gave him the sacrament, and afterward he went to hear -mass and a sermon about his new life and a knight's duties. When this -was over, a sword was hung around his neck and he went to the altar, -where the priest took off the sword, blessed it, and put it on again. -Then the candidate went to kneel before the lord who was to arm him, -and was questioned strictly about his reasons for becoming a knight, -and was warned that he must not desire to be rich or to take his ease, -or to gain honor from knighthood without doing it honor; at last the -young man solemnly promised to do his duty, and his over-lord to whom -he did homage granted his request to be made a knight. - -After this the knights and ladies dressed him in his new garments, and -the spurs came first of all the armor, then the haubert or coat of -mail; next [Pg159] the cuirass, the armlets, and gauntlets, and, last -of all, the sword. Now he was ready for the /accolade/; the over-lord -rose and went to him and gave him three blows with the flat of the -sword on his shoulder or neck, and sometimes a blow with the hand on -his breast, and said: "In the name of God, of St. Michael and St. -George, I make thee knight. Be valiant and fearless and loyal." - -Then his horse was led in, and a helmet was put on the new knight's -head, and he mounted quickly and flourished his lance and sword, -and went out of the church to show himself to the people gathered -outside, and there was a great cheering, and prancing of horses, and -so the outward ceremony was over, and he was a dubbed knight, as the -old phrase has it--adopted knight would mean the same thing to-day; -he belonged to the great Christian brotherhood of chivalry. We have -seen how large a part religion played in the rites and ceremonies, -but we can get even a closer look at the spirit of knighthood if we -read some of the oaths that were taken by these young men, who were -the guardians and scholars of whatever makes for peace, even while -they chose the ways of war and did such eager, devoted work with -their swords. M. Guizot, from whose "History of France" I have taken -the greater part of this description, goes on to give twenty-six -articles to which the knights swore, not that these made a single -ritual, but were gathered from the accounts of different epochs. They -are so interesting, as showing the steady growth and development of -better ideas and purposes, that I copy them here. [Pg160] Indeed -we can hardly understand the later Norman history, and the crusades -particularly, unless we make the knights as clear to ourselves as we -tried to make the vikings. - -We must thank the clergymen of the tenth and eleventh centuries for -this new thought about the duties and relationships of humanity,--men -like Abelard and St. Anselm, and the best of their contemporaries. -It is most interesting to see how the church availed herself of the -feudal bonds and sympathies of men, and their warlike sentiment and -organization, to develop a better and more peaceful service of God. -Truthfulness and justice and purity were taught by the church's -influence, and licentiousness and brutality faded out as the new order -of things gained strength and brightness. Later the pendulum swung -backward, and the church used all the terrors of tyranny, fire, and -sword, to further her ends and emphasize her authority, instead of the -authority of God's truth and the peace of heavenly living. The church -became a name and cover for the ambitions of men. - -Whatever the pretences and mockeries and rivalries and thefts of -authority may be on the part of unworthy churchmen, we hardly need to -remind ourselves that in every age the true church exists, and that -true saints are living their holy, helpful lives, however shadowed -and concealed. Even if the harvest of grain in any year is called a -total loss, and the country never suffered so much before from dearth, -there is always enough wheat or corn to plant the next spring, and -the fewer handfuls the more [Pg161] precious it is sure to seem. In -this eleventh century, a century which in many ways was so disorderly -and cruel, we are always conscious of the presence of the "blameless -knights" who went boldly to the fight; the priests and monks of God -who hid themselves and prayed in cell and cloister. "It was feudal -knighthood and Christianity together," says Guizot, "which produced -the two great and glorious events of that time--the Norman conquest of -England, and the Crusades." - -These were the knight's promises and oaths as Guizot repeats them, -and we shall get no harm from reading them carefully and trying to -keep them ourselves, even though all our battles are of another sort -and much duller fights against temptations. It must be said that our -enemies often come riding down upon us in as fine a way and break a -lance with us in as magnificent a fashion as in the days of the old -tournaments. But our contests are apt to be more like the ancient -encounters with cruel treachery of wild beasts in desert places, than -like those at the gay jousts, with all the shining knights and ladies -looking on to admire and praise. - -The candidates swore: "First, to fear, reverence, and serve God -religiously, to fight for the faith with all their might, and to die a -thousand deaths rather than renounce Christianity; - -To serve their sovereign prince faithfully, and to fight for him and -fatherland right valiantly; - -To uphold the rights of the weaker, such as widows, orphans, and -damsels, in fair quarrel, exposing themselves on that account -according as need [Pg162] might be, provided it were not against -their own honor or against their king or lawful princes. - -That they would not injure any one maliciously, or take what was -another's, but would rather do battle with those who did so. - -That greed, pay, gain, or profit should never constrain them to do any -deed, but only glory and virtue. - -That they would fight for the good and advantage of the common weal. - -That they would be bound by and obey the orders of their generals and -captains, who had a right to command them. - -That they would guard the honor, rank, and order of their comrades, -and that they would, neither by arrogance nor by force, commit any -trespass against any one of them. - -That they would never fight in companies against one, and that they -would eschew all tricks and artifices. - -That they would wear but one sword, unless they had to fight against -two or more enemies. - -That in tourney or other sportive contests, they would never use the -point of their swords. - -That being taken prisoner in a tourney, they would be bound on their -faith and honor to perform in every point the conditions of capture, -besides being bound to give up to the victors their arms and horses, -if it seemed good to take them, being also disabled from fighting in -war or elsewhere without their victor's leave. - -That they would keep faith inviolably with all the [Pg163] world, and -especially with their comrades, upholding their honor and advantage -wholly in their absence. - -That they would love and honor one another, and aid and succor one -another whenever occasion offered. - -That having made vow or promise to go on any quest or adventure, they -would never put off their arms save for the night's rest. - -That in pursuit of their quest or adventure, they would not shun bad -and perilous passes, nor turn aside from the straight road for fear of -encountering powerful knights, or monsters, or wild beasts, or other -hindrance, such as the body and courage of a single man might tackle. - -That they would never take wage or pay from any foreign prince. - -That in command of troops or men-at-arms, they would live in the -utmost possible order and discipline, and especially in their own -country, where they would never suffer any harm or violence to be done. - -That if they were bound to escort dame or damsel, they would serve, -protect, and save her from all danger and insult, or die in the -attempt. - -That they would never offer violence to any dame or damsel, though -they had won her by deeds of arms. - -That being challenged to equal combat, they would not refuse without -wound, sickness, or other reasonable hindrance. - -That, having undertaken to carry out any enterprise, they would devote -to it night and day, unless they were called away for the service of -their king and country. [Pg164] - -That, if they made a vow to acquire any honor, they would not draw -back without having attained it or its equivalent. - -That they would be faithful keepers of their word and pledged faith, -and that, having become prisoners in fair warfare, they would pay to -the uttermost the promised ransom, or return to prison at the day and -hour agreed upon, on pain of being proclaimed infamous and perjured. - -That, on returning to the court of their sovereign, they would render -a true account of their adventures, even though they had sometimes -been worsted, to the king and the registrar of the order, on pain of -being deprived of the order of knighthood. - -That, above all things, they would be faithful, courteous, and humble, -and would never be wanting to their word for any harm or loss that -might accrue to them." - -It would not do to take these holy principles, or the pageant of -knight-errantry, for a picture of Normandy in general. We can only -remind ourselves with satisfaction that this leaven was working in the -mass of turbulent, vindictive society. The priests worked very hard -to keep their hold upon their people, and the authority of the church -proved equal to many a subtle weakness of faith and quick strain of -disloyalty. We should find it difficult to match the amazing control -of the state by the church in any other country,--even in the most -superstitiously devout epochs. When the priesthood could not make the -Normans promise to keep the peace altogether, they still obtained -an astonishing [Pg165] concession and truce. There was no fighting -from Wednesday evening at sunset until Monday morning at sunrise. -During these five nights and four days no fighting, burning, robbing, -or plundering could go on, though for the three days and two nights -left of the week any violence and crime were not only pardonable, but -allowed. In this Truce of God, not only the days of Christ's Last -Supper, Passion, and Resurrection were to remain undesecrated, but -longer periods of time, such as from the first day of Advent until -the Epiphany, and other holy seasons. If the laws of the Truce were -broken, there were heavy penalties: thirty years' hard penance in -exile for the contrite offender, and he must make reparation for all -the evil he had committed, and repay his debt for all the spoil. If he -died unrepentant, he was denied Christian burial and all the offices -of the church, and his body was given to wild beasts and the fowls of -the air. - -To be sure, the more ungodly portion of the citizens fought against -such strict regulations, and called those knights whom the priests -armed, "cits without spirit," and even harder names, but for twelve -years the Truce was kept. The free days for murder and theft were -evidently made the most of, and from what we can discover, it appears -as if the Normans used the Truce days for plotting rather than for -praying. Yet it was plain that the world was getting ready for great -things, and that great emergencies were beginning to make themselves -evident. New ideas were on the wing, and in spite of the despotism of -the church, sometimes by [Pg166] very reason of it, we can see that -men were breaking their intellectual fetters and becoming freer and -wiser. A new order of things was coming in; there was that certain -development of Christian ideas, which reconciles the student of -history in every age to the constant pain and perplexity of watching -misdirected energies and hindering blunders and follies. - -"It often happens that popular emotions, however deep and general, -remain barren, just as in the vegetable world many sprouts come to -the surface of the ground, and then die without growing any more or -bearing any fruit. It is not sufficient for the bringing about of -great events and practical results, that popular aspirations should -be merely manifested; it is necessary further that some great soul, -some powerful will, should make itself the organ and agent of the -public sentiment, and bring it to fecundity, by becoming its type--its -personification."[6] - - [6] Guizot. - - [Illustration: CONFERRING KNIGHTHOOD ON THE FIELD OF BATTLE.] - -In the middle of this eleventh century, the time of William the -Conqueror's youth, the opposing elements of Christian knighthood, and -the fighting spirit of the viking blood, were each to find a champion -in the same leader. The young duke's early years were a hard training, -and from his loveless babyhood to his unwept death, he had the bitter -sorrows that belong to the life of a cruel man and much-feared -tyrant. It may seem to be a strange claim to make for William the -Conqueror--that he represented Christian knighthood--but we must -remember that fighting was almost the first duty of [Pg167] man in -those days, and that this greatest of the Norman dukes, with all his -brutality and apparent heartlessness and selfishness, believed in his -church, and kept many of her laws which most of his comrades broke as -a matter of course. We cannot remind ourselves too often that he was a -man of [Pg168] pure life in a most unbridled and immoral age, if we -judge by our present standards of either purity or immorality. There -is always a temptation in reading or writing about people who lived -in earlier times, to rank them according to our own laws of morality -and etiquette, but the first thing to be done is to get a clear -idea of the time in question. The hero of Charlemagne's time or the -Conqueror's may prove any thing but a hero in our eyes, but we must -take him in relation to his own surroundings. The great laws of truth -and justice and kindness remain, while the years come and go; the -promises of God endure, but while there is, as one may say, a common -law of heavenly ordering, there are also the various statute laws that -vary with time and place, and these forever change as men change, and -the light of civilization burns brighter and clearer. - -In William the Conqueror's lifetime, every landed gentleman fortified -his house against his neighbors, and even made a secure and loathsome -prison in his cellar for their frequent accommodation. This seems -inhospitable, to say the least, and gives a tinge of falseness to such -tender admonitions as prevailed in regard to charity and treatment of -wayfarers. Yet every rich man was ambitious to go down to fame as a -benefactor of the church; all over Normandy and Brittany there was a -new growth of religious houses, and those of an earlier date, which -had lain in ruins since the Northmen's time, were rebuilt with pious -care. There appears to have been a new awakening of religious interest -in the year 1000, which lasted late into the century. There was a -[Pg169] surprising fear and anticipation of the end of the world, -which led to a vast number of penitential deeds of devotion, and it -was the same during the two or three years after 1030, at the close of -the life of King Robert of France. - -Normandy and all the neighboring countries were scourged by even worse -plagues than the feudal wars. The drought was terrible, and the famine -which followed desolated the land everywhere. The trees and fields -were scorched and shrivelled, and the poor peasants fought with the -wild beasts for dead bodies that had fallen by the roadside and in the -forests. Sometimes men killed their comrades for very hunger, like -wolves. There was no commerce which could supply the failure of one -country's crops with the overflow of another's at the other side of -the world, but at last the rain fell in France, and the misery was -ended. A thousand votive offerings were made for very thankfulness, -for again the people had expected the end of the world, and it had -seemed most probable that such an arid earth should be near its final -burning and desolation. - -In the towns, under ordinary circumstances, there was a style of -living that was almost luxurious. The Normans were skilful architects, -and not only their minsters and monasteries, but their houses -too, were fit for such proud inhabitants, and rich with hangings -and comfortable furnishings. The women were more famous than ever -for needlework, some of it most skilful in design, and the great -tapestries are yet in existence that were hung, partly for warmth's -sake, about the stone walls of the castles. [Pg170] Sometimes the -noble ladies who sat at home while their lords went out to the wars, -worked great pictures on these tapestries of various events of family -history, and these family records of battles and gallant bravery by -land and sea are most interesting now for their costume and color, -beside their corroboration of historical traditions. - -We have drifted away, in this chapter, from William the Conqueror -himself, but I believe that we know more about the Normandy which -he was to govern, and can better understand his ambitions, his -difficulties, and his successes. A country of priests and soldiers, -of beautiful women and gallant men; a social atmosphere already -alive with light, gayety, and brightness, but swayed with pride and -superstition, with worldliness and austerity; loyal to Rome, greedy -for new territory, the feudal lords imperious masters of complaining -yet valiant serfs; racked everywhere by civil feuds and petty wars and -instinctive jealousies of French and foreign blood--this was Normandy. -The Englishmen come and go and learn good manners and the customs of -chivalry, England herself is growing rich and stupid, for Harthacnut -had introduced a damaging custom of eating four great meals a day, -and his subjects had followed the fashion, though that king himself -had died of it and of his other habit of drinking all night long with -merry companions. [Pg171] - - [Illustration] - - - - -IX. - -ACROSS THE CHANNEL. - - "------------------------------One decree - Spake laws to them, and said that, by the soul - Only, the nations should be great and free." - --WORDSWORTH. - - -It is time to take a closer look at England and at the shameful -degradations of AEthelred's time. The inroads of the Danes read like -the early history of Normandy, and we must take a step backward in -the condition of civilization when we cross to the other side of -the Channel. There had been great changes since AElfred's wise and -prosperous reign, or even since the time of AEthelred's predecessor, -Eadgar, who was rowed in his royal-barge at Chester by eight of his -vassal kings--Kenneth of Scots, Malcolm of Cumberland, Maccus of the -Isles, and five Welsh monarchs. The lord of Britain was gracious -enough to do the steering for so noble a company of oarsmen, and it -was considered the proudest day that ever had shone upon an English -king. - -We must remind ourselves of the successive waves of humanity which -had overspread England in past ages, leaving traces of each like -less evident geologic [Pg172] strata. From the stone and bronze age -people, through the Celts with their Pictish and Scottish remnant, -through the Roman invasion, and the Saxon, more powerful and enduring -than any from our point of view, we may trace a kinship to our Normans -across the water. But the English descendants of Celts, Danes, Angles, -Saxons, and Jutes needed to feel a new influence and refreshing of -their better instincts by way of Normandy. - -Perhaps each one of the later rulers of Britain thought he had fallen -upon as hard and stormy times and had as much responsibility as -anybody who ever wielded a sceptre, but in the reign of the second -AEthelred, there are much greater dramas being played, and we feel, -directly we get a hint of it, as children do who have been loitering -among petty side-shows on their way to a great play. Here come the -Danes again, the kings of Denmark and the whole population of Norway -one would think, to read the records, and this time they attack -England with such force and determination that within less than forty -years a Danish king is master of Britain. - -If AEthelred had been a better man this might never have happened, but -among all the Saxon kings he seems to have been the worst--thoroughly -bad, weak, cowardly, and cruel. He was sure to do things he had better -have left alone, and to neglect his plain duty. Other kings had fallen -on as hard, perplexing times as he, but they had been strong enough -to keep some sort of control of themselves at any rate. Dunstan the -archbishop warned the [Pg173] people, when AEthelred was crowned, that -they had no idea of the trouble that was coming, and through the whole -reign things went from bad to worse. Dreadful things happened which -we can hardly blame the silly king for--like a plague among cattle, -and the burning of London in 982; and a few years afterward there was -a terrible invasion of the Norwegians, and we have seen that aid and -comfort were ready for them over in Bayeux and the pirate cities of -Normandy. - -Now we first hear of the Danegelt, great sums of money, always -doubling and increasing, that were paid the Northmen as bribes to go -away and leave England in peace. The paying of this Danegelt became -a greater load than the nation could carry, for the pirates liked -nothing better than to gather a great fleet of ships every few months -and come to anchor off the coast, sending a messenger to make the -highwayman's favorite request, your money or your life! One of the -first sums boldly demanded of AEthelred's aldermen was ten thousand -pounds. We can see how rapidly the wealth of England had increased, -for in AElfred's time the fine for killing a king was a hundred and -twenty shillings, and this was considered a great sum of money; the -penalty for taking a peasant's life was only five shillings, which -makes us understand, without any doubt, the scarceness and value of -money. Here are some extracts from the English chronicle, which had -been kept since Bede's time and for many years after this, which will -show how miserably every thing was going on: [Pg174] - -1001. "The army [the Danes of course] went over the land and did as -was their wont. Slew and burned ... it was sad in every way for they -never ceased from their evil." - -1002. "In this year the king and his witan resolved, that tribute -would be paid and peace made with them, on condition that they should -cease from their evil." This they accepted and were paid, L24,000. - -1006. "At midwinter the Winchester folk might see an insolent and -fearless army as they went by their gate to the sea, and fetched -them food and treasure over fifty miles from the sea. Then was there -so great awe of the army that no one could think or devise how they -should be driven from the country. Every shire in Wessex had they -cruelly marked with burning and with harrying. The king began then -with his witan earnestly to consider what might seem most advisable to -them all, so that the country might be protected ere it were at last -undone." This time the tribute was L36,000, and another time the ships -put to sea with a Danegelt of L48,000. - -England grew more and more miserable and shamefully unable to defend -herself, the captains of her fleet were incapable or treacherous, and -at last, when some of the ships had been wrecked and there had been -some sad disasters at sea, the chronicle has a more despairing tone -than ever. "It was as if all counsel had come to an end," the writer -says, "and the king and aldermen and all the high witan went home, and -let the toil of all the nation lightly perish." [Pg175] - -AEthelred the Unready won for himself, in his reign of thirty-eight -years, the hearty contempt and distrust of all his people. There -is a temptation to blame him for the misery of England, and to -attribute it all to his faults and to the low aims and standards of -his character, to his worthless ambitions. But, in a general way, -the great men, or notorious men of history, who stand out before a -dim and half-forgotten background, are only typical of their time -and representative of it. One very good man, or bad man, cannot be -absolutely a single specimen of his kind; there must be others who -rank with him, and who have been his upholders and influencers. So -while the story of any nation is in its early chapters, and seems to -be merely an account of one ruler or statesman after another, we must -not forget that each symbolized his day and generation,--a brave leader -of a brave race, or a dull or placid or serene representative of a -secure, inactive age. - -Although there was blundering enough and treachery in AEthelred's -reign, there was a splendid exception in the victories and -steadfastness of the city of London, which was unsuccessfully attacked -again and again by the Danes. The heathen, as the English called their -enemies, were lucky in their two leaders, the king of Norway, and the -king of Denmark. Olaf, the first-named, was converted after a while, -and going from the islands of Orkney to England, he was baptized -there, and the English bishops were very kind to him, and AEthelred -gave him some presents, and made him promise that he would not come -plundering to England any more. [Pg176] We are quite surprised to -hear that the promise was kept. Swegen the Dane promised too, but he -appeared again after a while, and AEthelred thought he would improve -upon the fashion of paying Danegelt by ordering a general massacre of -all the Danes instead. Afterward somebody tried to excuse such a piece -of barbarianism by saying that the Danes had plotted against the king, -but even if they had, AEthelred showed a wretched spirit. It was a time -of peace, but he sent secret messengers all through the country, and -as the English were only too glad to carry out such orders, there was -a terrible slaughter of men, women, and children. - -Next year Swegen came back to avenge the wrong, all the more readily -because his own sister and her husband and son were among the -murdered, and the poor woman had made a prophecy, as she fell, dying, -that misery and vengeance should fall upon the English for their -sins. For a long time afterward the Danes were very fierce and kept -England in fear and disorder. Once they laid siege to Canterbury, and -when it had fallen into their hands they demanded Danegelt from the -Archbishop, a very good old man. He had a heart full of pity for his -poor people already so abominably taxed and oppressed in every way, -and was brave enough to squarely refuse, so the Danes slew him with -horrible torture; one might tell many such stories of the cruelty and -boldness of the invaders. AEthelred was perfectly helpless or else -cowardly and indifferent, and presently Swegen, who had gone back -to the North returned with a great fleet and a swarm of followers, -[Pg177] and not long afterward he conquered every sort of opposition, -even that of the brave Londoners, and was proclaimed king of England. -Here was a change indeed! the silly Saxon king and his wife and -children fled across the sea to Normandy, and Swegen sat upon the -throne. He began to reign in splendid state; he had the handsomest -ships afloat, all decked out with figures of men and birds and beasts -wrought in silver and amber and gold, and fine decorations of every -sort. No doubt he had made fine plans and meant to do great deeds, but -he died suddenly within a very short time, and the people believed he -was frightened to death by a vision. - -AEthelred was in Normandy at the court of Richard the Fearless. You -remember that Richard's sister Emma went over to England to marry -the unready king. AEthelred had one older son, Eadmund Ironside, -beside the two boys who were Emma's children, and the hearts of the -English turned to their old king, and at last they sent for him to -come back, in spite of his faults. He made many fine promises, and -seems to have done a great deal better most of the time during the -last two years that he lived. Perhaps he had taken some good lessons -from the Norman court. But Cnut, Swegen's son, came back to England, -just before he died, as fearless as a hawk, and led his men from one -victory to another, and AEthelred faded out of life to everybody's -relief. When he was dead at last, the witan chose Cnut for king in -his stead, but the Londoners, who were rich and strong, and who hated -the Danes bitterly--the Londoners would have none of the pirates to -[Pg178] reign over them, and elected young Eadmund Ironside, a valiant -soldier and loyal-hearted fellow who feared nothing and was ready to -dare every thing. The two young kings were well matched and fought six -great battles, in most of which Ironside gained the advantage, but -at last the Danes beat him back--and though everybody was ready for a -seventh battle, the witan showed their wisdom for once and forbade any -more fighting, and somehow managed to proclaim peace. The young kings -treated each other most generously, and called each other brother, and -were very cordial and good-natured. They agreed to divide the kingdom, -so that Eadmund Ironside had all England south of the Thames--East -Anglia and Essex and London. Cnut took all the northern country and -owned Eadmund for his over-lord, but within the year Cnut reigned -alone. Eadmund died suddenly--some say that he was murdered, and some -that he had worn himself out with his tremendous activity and anxiety. -It is a great temptation to follow out the story of such a man, and -especially because he lived in such an important time, but we must -hurry now to the point where Norman and English history can be told -together, and only stop to explain such things as will make us able to -understand and take sides in the alliance of the two vigorous, growing -nations. - - [Illustration: KING CNUT. - -(From the Register of Hyde Abbey.)] - -Cnut's life, too, is endlessly interesting. He began by behaving like -a pirate, and the latter part of his reign was a great reform and a -very comfortable time for England, so scarred and spoiled by war. In -the beginning there was a great question about [Pg179] the kingship. -In those days it was a matter of great importance that the king should -be able to rule and able to fight, and the best and most powerful -member of the royal family was the proper one to choose. The English -for a long time had elected their kings, and Cnut, though he held half -the country, was very careful not to seize the rest by force. We -[Pg180] watch with great interest his wielding of rude politics before -the witan; he called them into council and laid his claim before them. - -Eadmund Ironside had left two little sons, but nobody thought of their -being his successors. Indeed Cnut showed a great fear of the royal -family, and took care that his rivals should be disposed of; he knew -that the witan and everybody else were tired of the everlasting war -and bloodshed. He was fierce and downright in his demands, and in -the end the heirs of Ironside were all passed over--the Athelings or -princes were all set aside, and Cnut the Dane was king of England. - -Ironside's brother, Eadwy, of whom the best things are said, was -outlawed, and died within a few months under very suspicious -circumstances. The two little boys, Ironside's sons, were sent out of -the country to Cnut's half-brother, the king of Sweden, with orders -that they should be put out of the way. The king felt such pity for -the innocent children, that he sent them away to Hungary instead of -having them murdered. The Hungarian king, Stephen, was a saint and a -hero, and he was very kind to the poor exiles, and brought them up -carefully. One died young, but we shall hear again about the other. - -Cnut did a very surprising thing next. He sent for Queen Emma to come -back again from the Norman court to marry him. She must have been a -good deal older than he, but she was still a beautiful woman, and -marked with the famous Norman dignity and grace. Cnut promised that if -they should ever have a son born, he should be the next [Pg181] king -of England. Emma's two elder sons, AElfred and Eadward, were left in -Normandy, and there they grew up quite apart from their mother, and -thinking much more of their Norman descent and belonging than of their -English heritage. - -Cnut now appears in the light of a model sovereign for those days. He -had renounced all his pagan ideas, and been christened and received -into the Church. We might expect that he would have pushed his own -countrymen forward and all the Danish interests, but it was quite -the other way. At the beginning of his reign he had executed several -powerful English nobles whose influence and antagonism he had reason -to fear; but now he favored the English in a marked way, and even -ordered his ships and all the pirates and fighting men back to the -North. It seems very strange, now, that a king of England ever reigned -over Sweden and Denmark, and Norway beside, but it seems as if Cnut -were prouder of being king of England than of all his other powers -and dignities. He was not only very gracious and friendly with his -English subjects at home, but he sent them abroad to be bishops, and -displeased the Danish parishes by such arrangements. - -We all know the story of the rising tide, and Cnut's reproof to his -courtiers on the sea-shore. As we read about him we are reminded -a little of Rolf the Ganger, and his growth from pirate fashions -to a more gentle and decent humanity. The two men were not so very -unlike after all, but I must confess that I think with a good deal of -sympathy [Pg182] of Cnut's decision to go on a pilgrimage to Rome. It -was expecting a good deal of the young sea-rover that he should stay -quietly at home to rule his kingdom. The spirit of adventure stirred -in his veins, and we may be sure that he enjoyed his long and perilous -overland journey to Italy. He made the road safer for his countrymen -who might also have a pious desire to worship at the famous foreign -shrines. He complained to the emperor and the priests at Rome about -the robber-chiefs who pounced down upon travellers from their castles -in the Alps, and they promised to keep better order. The merchants -and pilgrims were often laden with rich offerings for the churches, -besides goods which they wished to sell, and the robbers kept watch -for them. Their ruined fortresses are still perched along the Alpine -passes, and one cannot help hoping that Cnut had some exciting -disputes with his enemies, and a taste of useful fighting and proper -discipline among the bold marauders. - -He wrote a famous letter about his pilgrimage, directed to the -archbishops, and bishops, the great men, and all the people. He tells -whom he saw in Rome--the Pope, and the German Emperor, and other great -lords of the earth; and says, with pride, that every one has treated -him handsomely, and what fine presents he has had given him to carry -home. He had come to Rome for the good of his people, and for the -salvation of his own soul, he tells them seriously; and one thing he -did for England was to complain of the heavy taxes the church had put -upon it, and the Pope promised that such injustice [Pg183] should -not happen any more. There is something very touching in the way -that he says he had made a great many good resolves about his future -life, and that he is not ashamed to own that he has done wrong over -and over again, but he means, by God's help, to amend entirely. He -vows to Heaven that he will govern his life rightly, and rule his -kingdom honestly and piously, and that neither rich nor poor shall be -oppressed or hardshipped. There never was a better letter, altogether, -and Cnut kept his promises so well that the old Anglo-Saxon chronicle, -which aches with stories of war and trouble, grows quite dull now in -the later years of his reign. There was nothing to tell any more, the -monks thought who kept the record; but we know, for that very reason, -that the English farms flourished, and the wheat fields waved in the -summer wind, the towns grew rich, and the merchants prosperous; and -when the English-Northman king died, it was a sad day for England. -Cnut was only forty years old, but that was a long time for a king to -live. His son, Harold Harefoot, reigned in his stead, and many of the -old troubles of the country sprang up at once, as if they had only -been asleep for a little while, and were by no means out-grown or -ended. - -Harold Harefoot was not in the least pious, and behaved himself -with most unreasonable folly, and fortunately died at the close of -four years of insult and unworthiness. Then Harthacnut, the younger -brother, was made king, and he promptly demanded a Danegelt, the most -hateful of taxes, and did [Pg184] a great many things which only -reopened the breach between Dane and Englishman, though it had seemed -to be smoothed over somewhat in his father's time. Harold had done one -brutal thing that towered above all the rest. The two princes who had -been living in Normandy thought there might be some chance of their -gaining a right to the throne, and the younger one, AElfred, had come -over to England with his knights and gentlemen. Harold seized them and -was most cruel; he first blinded his half-brother and then had him put -to death. This made a great noise in Normandy, and there is one good -thing to be said about Harthacnut, that he was bitterly angry with his -brother, and also with Earl Godwine, a famous nobleman, who was the -most powerful man in England next the king. He was Cnut's favorite and -chief adviser, but Harthacnut suspected that he had a hand in AElfred's -murder. Nobody has ever been quite clear about the matter. Godwine -and all his lords swore that he was innocent, and gave the king a -magnificent ship with all sorts of splendors belonging to it, besides -nearly a hundred men in full armor, and gold bracelets to make them as -grand as could be. So the king accepted Godwine's oath in view of such -a polite attention, but he asked Eadward to leave the Norman court and -come over to live with him. Eadward came, and in two years he was king -of England, Harthacnut having died a wretched drunken death. - -So again there was a descendant of AElfred the Great and the house of -Cerdic on the throne. Eadward was the last of the line, and in his -day began [Pg185] the most exciting and important chapter of English -history--the Norman Conquest. - -We have come quickly along the line of Danish kings, and now it is -time to stop and take a more careful look at the state of manners and -customs in England, and make ourselves sure what the English people of -that time were like, how they lived in their houses, and what changes -had come to the country in general. There were certain hindrances to -civilization, and lacks of a fitting progress and true growth. Let -us see what these things were, and how the greater refinement of the -Normans, their superior gifts and graces, must come into play a little -later. There was some deep meaning in the fusion of the two peoples, -and more than one reason why they could form a greater nation together -than either Normans or Englishmen could alone. - -First, the dwellers on English soil had shown a tendency, not -yet entirely outgrown, to fall back into a too great indulgence -in luxurious living. When the storm and strain of conquest, of -colonization, had spent itself, the Englishmen of Eadward's and Cnut's -time betook themselves to feasting and lawlessness, of the sort that -must undermine the vigor of any people. The fat of the land tempted -them in many ways, and they sank under such habits as quickly as they -had risen under the necessities that war makes for sacrifices and -temperance. They were suffering, too, from their insularity; they -were taken up with their own affairs, and had kept apart from the -progress of the rest of Europe. There was a new wave and impulse of -scholarship, which had not yet reached [Pg186] them. It was ebb-tide -in England in more ways than one; and time for those Normans to appear -who, to use the words of one of their historians, "borrow every thing -and make it their own, and their presence is chiefly felt in increased -activity and more rapid development of institutions, literature, and -art. Thus ... they perfect, they organize every thing, and everywhere -appear to be the master spirits of their age." - -The English people had become so impatient of the misrule of Cnut's -sons, that the remembrance of Cnut's glories was set aside for the -time being, and no more Danish kings were desired. "All folk chose -Eadward to king," says the chronicle, and evidently the hearts of the -people were turned, full of hope and affection, to the exiled son of -AEthelred and Emma, who had been since his childhood at the Norman -court. His murdered brother AElfred had been canonized by the romantic -sympathy of his English friends; he was remembered now as a saintly -young martyr to English patriotism, and the disreputable reign of -Cnut's sons had made the virtues of the ancient race of English kings -very bright by comparison. The new king must be of English blood and -a link with past prosperity. The son of Eadmund Ironside was an exile -also in the distant court of Hungary, but Eadward, a gentle, pious -man, was near at hand, and there were a thousand voices ready to shout -for him even while Harthacnut lay unburied in the royal robes and -trappings. - -There was an opposition on the part of the Danes, who were naturally -disinclined to any such change, [Pg187] and when the formal election -and consecration of the new king took place, some months after this -popular vote, all Earl Godwine's power and influence were brought to -bear before certain important votes could be won. Indeed, at first -Eadward himself was apparently hard to persuade to accept his high -office. He seems to have been much more inclined to a religious -life than to statesmanship, but between much pushing from behind in -Normandy and the eager entreaties of his English friends, he was -forced to make his way again across the Channel. There are interesting -accounts, which may or may not be true, of his conversations with -Godwine; but the stronger man prevailed. The very promise he made -to uphold the new king's rights might make Eadward feel assured and -hopeful of some stability and quietness in his reign. England was -far behind Normandy in social or scholarly progress; to reign over -Englishmen did not appear the most rewarding or alluring career to -the fastidious, delicate, cloister-man. The rough-heartiness and -red-cheeked faces of his subjects must have contrasted poorly with his -Norman belongings, so much more refined and thoughtful, not to say -adroit and dissembling. England was still divided into four parts, as -Cnut had left it. His scheme of the four great earldoms had proved a -bad one enough, for it had only made the nation weaker, and kept up -continual rivalries and jealousies between the lords of Northumbria, -Mercia, East Anglia, and Wessex. The northern territory was chiefly -Danish in its traditions, and though there was a nominal subjection -to the king, Northumbria was [Pg188] almost wholly independent of -any over-rule. In Mercia, Lady Godiva and Earl Leofric were spending -their lives and their great wealth, chiefly in furthering all sorts of -religious houses and good works of the churches. - -The greatest earl of all was Godwine of Wessex, the true leader of -the English and a most brave and loyal man. Cnut had trusted him, and -while there were enough jealous eyes to look at his kingly prosperity, -and malicious tongues ready to whisper about his knowledge of young -AElfred's murder, or his favor and unrighteous advancement of his own -family to places of power, Godwine still held the confidence of a -great faction among the English people. His son Harold was earl of -East Anglia, and they were lawful governors, between them, of the -whole southern part of the kingdom. It was mainly through Godwine's -influence that Eadward was crowned king, and we may look to the same -cause for his marriage with the earl's daughter Edith, but the line -of English princes, of whom Godwine hoped to be ancestor, never -appeared, for the king was childless, and soon made an enemy of his -father-in-law. Some people say that Godwine did not treat his royal -son with much respect having once put him on the throne. Eadward too -never was able to forget the suspicion about AElfred's murder, so -the breach between him and the great earl was widened year by year. -Eadward was not the sturdy English monarch for whom his people had -hoped; he was Norman at heart, as a man might well be who had learned -to speak in the foreign tongue, and had made the friendships of -his [Pg189] boyhood and manhood in the duke's court and cloisters. -Priestcraft was dearer to him than statecraft, and his name of The -Confessor showed what almost saintly renown he had won from those who -were his friends and upholders. - -It did not suit very well that one Norman gentleman after another came -to London to fill some high official position. Eadward appeared to -wish to surround himself wholly with Normans, and the whole aspect of -the English court was changed little by little. The king proved his -own weakness in every way--he was as like AEthelred the Unready as a -good man could be like a bad one. - -Godwine grew more and more angry, and his determination to show that -England could do without the crowds of interlopers who were having -every thing their own way worked him disaster for a time. There was -a party of the king's friends journeying homeward to Normandy, who -stopped overnight in the city of Dover and demanded its hospitality -in insolent fashion. The Dover men would not be treated like slaves, -and a fight followed in which the Frenchmen were either killed or -driven out of the town. Eadward of course sided with his friends, -and was very indignant; he sent orders to Earl Godwine, who was -governor of the region, to punish the offenders, but Godwine refused -squarely unless the men should have been fairly tried and given a -chance to speak for themselves. This ended in a serious quarrel, and -the king gained a victory without any battle either, for there was a -sudden shifting of public feeling in Eadward's favor--Godwine's own -men forsook him [Pg190] and were loyal to the crown, and the great -earl was banished for conscience sake, he and all his family, for the -king even sent away his own wife, though he kept all her lands and -treasures, which was not so saint-like and unworldly as one might -have expected. One of Godwine's sons had proved himself a very base -and treacherous man, and the earl had shielded him; this was one -reason why his defence of English liberty was so overlooked by his -countrymen, but the Normans had a great triumph over this defeat, and -praised the pious king and told long stories of his austere life, his -prayers, and holy life. After he was canonized these stories were -lengthened still more, but while he was yet without a halo some of his -contemporaries charge him with laziness and incapacity. He certainly -was lacking in kingly qualities, but he gained the respect and love -of many of his subjects, and was no doubt as good as so weak a man -could be. After his death Englishmen praised him the more because they -liked William the Conqueror the less, and as for the Normans they -liked anybody better than Harold, who had been a much more formidable -opponent in his claim to the English crown. Mr. Freeman says: "------------ -The duties of secular government ... were ... always something which -went against the grain. His natural place was not on the throne of -England, but at the head of a Norman abbey.... For his virtues were -those of a monk; all the real man came out in his zeal for collecting -relics, in his visions, in his religious exercises, in his gifts to -churches and monasteries, in his desire to mark his [Pg191] reign as -its chief result, by the foundation of his great abbey of Saint Peter -at Westminster. In a prince of the manly piety of AElfred things of -this sort form only a part, a pleasing and harmonious part, of the -general character. In Eadward they formed the whole man." - -The chronicler who writes most flatteringly of him acknowledges that -he sometimes had shocking fits of bad temper, but that he was never -betrayed into unbecoming language. On some occasions he was hardly -held back by Godwine or Harold from civil war and massacre; though he -was conscientious within the limit of his intelligence, and had the -art of giving a gracious refusal and the habit of affability and good -manners. William of Malmesbury, the chronicler, tells us that he kept -his royal dignity, but that he took no pleasure in wearing his robes -of state, even though they were worked for him by his affectionate -queen. Like his father, he was ever under the dominion of favorites, -and this was quickly enough discovered and played upon by Norman -ecclesiastics and Norman and Breton gentlemen in search of adventure -and aggrandizement. It makes a great difference whether we read the -story of this time in English or in French records. Often the stories -are directly opposite to each other, and only the most careful steps -along the path keep one from wandering off one way or the other -into unjust partisanship. Especially is this true of Godwine, the -confessor's great contemporary. He seems, at any rate, to have been -a man much ahead of his time in knowledge of affairs and foresight -of the probable effects [Pg192] from the causes of his own day. -His brother earls were jealous of him; the Church complained of his -lack of generosity; even his acknowledged eloquence was listened to -incredulously; and his good government of his own provinces, praised -though it was, did not gain him steady power. His good government -made him, perhaps more than any thing else, the foremost Englishman -of his time, and presently we shall see how deep a feeling there -was for him in England, and how much confidence and affection were -shown in his welcome back from exile, though he had been allowed to -go away with such sullen disapproval. Godwine's wife, Gytha, was a -Danish woman, which was probably a closer link with that faction in -the northern earldom than can be clearly understood at this late day. -Lord Lytton's novel, called "Harold," makes this famous household seem -to live before our eyes, and the brief recital of its fortunes and -conditions here cannot be more than a hint of the real romance and -picturesqueness of the story. - -The absence of Godwine in Flanders--a whole year's absence--had taught -his countrymen what it was to be without him. They were sadly annoyed -and troubled by the king's continued appointment of Normans to every -place of high honor that fell vacant. Bishoprics and waste lands alike -were pounced upon by the hangers-on at court, and castles were lifting -their ugly walls within sight of each other almost, here and there in -the quiet English fields. Even in London itself the great White Tower -was already setting its strong foundations; [Pg193] a citadel for the -town, a fort to keep the borderers and Danes at bay were necessary -enough to a country, but England was being turned into another -Normandy and Brittany, with these new houses that were built for war, -as if every man's neighbor were his enemy. The square high towers were -no fit places for men to live in who tilled the soil and tended their -flocks and herds. There were too many dark dungeons provided among the -foundation stones beside, and the English farmers whispered together -about their new townsfolk and petty lords, and feared the evil days -that were to come. - -The ruined Roman houses and strange tall stones of the Druid temples -were alike thrown down and used to build these new castles. Men who -had strayed as far as the Norman coasts had stories enough to tell; -what landmarks of oppression these same castles were in their own -country, and how the young Duke William had levelled many of them to -the ground in quarrelsome Normandy. There was no English word for this -awesome new word--/castles!/ The free and open halls of the English -thanes were a strange contrast to the new order of dwelling-places. -Robert of Jumieges had been made Archbishop of Canterbury, and a -host of his countrymen surrounded the king more and more closely and -threatened to deprive the English of their just rights. It was this -monk Robert who had "beat into the king's head" that his brother -AElfred had come to his death through Earl Godwine. - -It is very easy to tell the story of the Normans from the English -side. Let us cross the Channel again [Pg194] to Rouen and see what -effect the condition of English affairs was having upon the young -duke. It would not be strange if his imagination were busy with some -idea of enlarging his horizon by a look at his neighbors. Eadward -had no heir, they had talked together oftentimes, perhaps, about -the possibility of making one noble great kingdom by the joining of -England and Normandy. Every day more stories reached his ears of the -wealth and fruitfulness of the Confessor's kingdom. - - [Illustration] - -[Pg195] - - [Illustration] - - - - -X. - -THE BATTLE OF VAL-ES-DUNES. - - "Who stood with head erect and shining eyes, - As if the beacon of some promised land - Caught his strong vision, and entranced it there." - --A. F. - - -The Viking's grandchildren had by no means lost their love for -journeying by land or sea. As in old Norway one may still find bits of -coral and rudely shaped precious stones set in the quaintly wrought -silver ornaments made by the peasants, so in Normandy there are pieces -of Spanish leather and treasures from the east and from the south, -relics of the plundering of a later generation. Roger de Toesny, one -of William's fiercest enemies, does not become well-known to us until -we trace out something of his history as a wanderer before he came to -join Talvas in a well-planned rebellion. - -In Duke Richard the Good's time there was a restless spirit of -adventure stirring in Norman hearts, and the foundations were laid of -the Southern kingdoms which made such a change in Europe. A Norman -invasion of Spain came to nothing in comparison with those more -important settlements, but in 1018 Roger de Toesny carried the Norman -[Pg196] arms into the Spanish peninsula. A long time before this -Richard the Fearless had persuaded a large company of his Scandinavian -subjects to wander that way, being pagan to the heart's-core and -hopelessly inharmonious. Roger followed them on a grand crusade -against the infidel Saracen, and also hoped to gain a kingdom for -himself. He was of the noblest blood in Normandy, of Rolf the Ganger's -own family, and well upheld the warlike honor of his house in his -daring fights with the infidel. Almost unbelievable stories are told -of his cannibal-like savagery with his captives, but the very same -stories are told of another man, so we will not stop to moralize upon -Roger's wickedness. He married the Spanish countess of Barcelona, who -did homage to the king of France, and every thing looked prosperous at -one time for his dominion, but it never really took root after all, -and de Toesny went back again to Normandy, and blazed out instantly -with tremendous wrath at the pretentions of William the Bastard. He -could not believe that the proud Norman barons and knights would ever -submit to such a degradation. De Talvas was only too glad to greet so -sympathetic an ally, and the opposition to the young duke took a more -formidable shape than ever before. - -All through William's earliest years the feudal lords spent most -of their strength in quarrelling with each other, but de Toesny's -appearance gave the signal for a league against the ruler whom they -despised. William was no longer a child, and rumors of his premature -sagacity, and his uncommon strength and quickness in war, were -flying about from town [Pg197] to town and warned his enemies that -they had no time to lose if they meant to crush him down. He was a -noble-looking lad and had shown a natural preference for a soldier's -life; at fifteen he had demanded to be made a knight of the old Norman -tradition in which lurked a memory of Scandinavian ceremonies. None -save Duke William could bend Duke William's bow, and while these -glowing accounts of him were written from a later standpoint, and his -story might easily be read backward, as a fulfilment of prophecy, we -can be sure, at least, that his power asserted itself in a marked -way, and that he soon gained importance and mustered a respectable -company of followers as the beginning of a brilliant and almost -irresistible court and army. Even King Henry of France was jealous -of his vassal's rising fame and popularity, and felt obliged to pay -William a deference that his years did not merit. All through the -first twelve years men felt that the boy William's life was in danger, -and that, whatever respect Henry paid him, was likely to be changed to -open animosity and disdain the moment that there was a good excuse. -We have a glimpse now and then of the lonely lad at his sport in -the forest about Falaise and Valognes, where he set apart preserves -for hunting. We follow him from Alan of Brittany's wardship, to the -guardian he chose himself, who held the place of tutor with that of -captain-general of the Norman army, but, guardian or no guardian, he -pushed forward single-handed, and mastered others, beside himself, in -a way that the world never will cease to wonder at. [Pg198] - -Roger de Toesny refused allegiance to begin with, and with loud -expressions of his scorn of the Bastard, began to lay waste his -neighbors' lands as if they, too, had been Saracens and merited any -sort of punishment. We first hear the name of De Beaumont, famous -enough ever since, in an account of a battle which some of Roger's -outraged victims waged against him. Grantmesnil, too, is a name that -we shall know very well by and by, when William has gone over to -England with his Norman lords. Normandy never got over its excitement -and apparent astonishment at William's presence and claims; but -even in his boyhood he was the leader of a party. "So lively and -spirited was he, that it seemed to all a marvel," says one of the old -chroniclers, with enthusiasm. When he began to take deep interest in -his affairs, the news of revolts and disorderliness in the country -moved him to violent fits of irritation, but he soon learned to hide -these instinctively, and the chronicle goes on to say that he "had -welling up in his child's heart all the vigor of a man to teach the -Normans to forbear from all acts of irregularity." In this outbreak -against de Toesny he found an irresistible temptation to assert his -mastery, and boy as he was, he really made himself felt; De Toesny was -killed in the fierce little battle, and his death gave a temporary -relief from such uprisings; but William comes more and more to the -front, and all Normandy takes sides either for or against him. This -was no insignificant pretender, but one to be feared; his guardians -and faithful men who had held to him for good or bad reasons, were -mostly put out of the way [Pg199] by their enemies, and there was -nobody at last who could lead the Bastard's men to battle better than -he could himself. - -Henry of France had been biding his time, and now Guy of Burgundy, the -son of William's cousin, whom he had welcomed kindly at his feudal -court, puts in a claim to the dukedom of Normandy. He helped forward -a conspiracy, and one night, while William was living in his favorite -castle at Valognes, the jester came knocking with his bauble, and -crying at the chamber door, begging him to fly for his life: "They are -already armed; they are getting ready; to delay is death!" cried poor -Golet the fool; and his master leaped out of bed, seized his clothes, -and ran to the stables for his horse. Presently he was galloping away -toward Falaise for dear life, and to this day the road he took is -called the Duke's road. This was in 1044, and William was nineteen -years old. He was not slow to understand that the rebels had again -risen, and that the conspiracy was more than a conspiracy; it was a -determined insurrection. All the night long, as he rode across the -country in the bright moonlight, he was thinking about his plans, no -doubt, and great energies and determinations were suddenly waked in -his heart. This was more than a dislike of himself and the tan-yard -inheritance; it was the old rivalry of the Frenchmen and Northmen. The -old question of supremacy and race prejudice was to be fought over -once more and for the last time with any sort of distinctness. This -was not the petty animosity of one baron or another; it was almost the -whole nobility of Normandy against their duke. [Pg200] - -There was one episode of the duke's journey which is worth telling: -He had ridden for dear life, and had forded many a stream, and one, -more dangerous, tide inlet where the rivers Oune and Vire flowed out -to sea; and when he got safe across, he went into the Church of St. -Clement, in the Bayeux district, to kneel down and say his prayers. - -As the sun rose, he came close to the church and castle of Rye, and -the Lord of Rye was standing at the castle gate in the clear morning -air. William spurred his horse, and was for hurrying by, but this -faithful vassal, whose name was Hubert, knew him, and stopped him, and -begged to be told the reason of such a headlong journey. The Lord of -Rye was very hospitable, and the tired duke dismounted, and was made -welcome in the house; and presently a fresh horse was brought out for -him, and the three brave sons of the loyal house were mounted also -to ride by his side to Falaise. This hospitality was not forgotten. -Later, in England, their grateful guest set them in high places, and -favored them in princely fashion. Guy, of Burgundy had been brought up -with William as a friend and kinsman, and had been treated with great -generosity. He was master of some great estates, and one of these was -a powerful border fortress between Normandy and France. His friends -were many, and he found listeners enough to his propositions. Born of -the princely houses of Burgundy and Normandy, he claimed the duchy as -his inherited right; and while so many in court and camp were ashamed -of their lawful leader, and ready to deny his authority, came Guy's -opportunity. [Pg201] - -William was cautious, and not without experience. When he was only a -baby he had caught at the straw on which he lay, and would not let go -his hold, and this sign of his future power and persistence had been -proved a true one. The quarrelsome, lawless lords felt that their days -of liberty for themselves, and oppression of everybody else, would -soon be over if they did not strike quickly. They dreaded so strong -and stern a master, and rallied to the standard of the Bastard's -rival, Guy of Burgundy. - -There were some of the first nobles of the Cotentin who forsook -their young duke for this rival who was hardly Norman at all, as -they usually decided such points. His Norman descent was on the -spindle side rather than the sword, to use the old distinction, and -his mother's ancestors would not have prevented him in other days -from being called almost a Frenchman. There is a tradition that Guy -promised to divide the lands of Normandy with his allies, keeping only -the old French grant to Rolf for himself, and this must have been -the cause of the treason of the descendants of Rolf's and William -Longsword's loyal colonists. It would amaze us to see the change in -the life and surroundings of the feudal lords even in the years of -William's minority. The leader of the barons in the revolt was the -Viscount of Coutances, the son of that chief who had defeated AEthelred -of England and his host nearly half a century before. He lived in a -castle on the river Oune, near which he afterward built his great St. -Saviour's Abbey. This was the central point of the insurrection, and -from his tower Neal of St. [Pg202] Saviour could take a wide survey -of his beautiful Cotentin country with its plough-land and pastures -and forests, the great minster of Lessay, and the cliffs and marshes; -the sturdy castles of his feudal lords scattered far and wide. There -came to Saint Saviour's also Randolf of Bayeux, and Hamon of Thorigny -and of Creuilly, and Grimbald of Plessis, and each of them made his -fortress ready for a siege, and swore to defend Guy of Burgundy and -to use every art of war and even treachery to subdue and disgrace -William. I say "even treachery," but that was the first resort of -these insurgents rather than the last. They had laid the deep plot to -seize and murder him at Valognes, and Grimbald was to have struck the -blow. - -King Henry of France was another enemy at heart. It is difficult at -first to understand his course toward his young neighbor. He never -had fairly acknowledged him, and William on his part had never put -his hands into the king's and announced with the loyal homage of his -ancestors that he was Henry's man. While Normandy was masterless in -William's youth, there was a good chance, never likely to come again -in one man's lifetime, for the king to assert his authority and to -seize at least part of the Norman territory. The discontent with the -base-born heir to the dukedom might not have been enough by itself to -warrant such usurpation, but then, while the feudal lords were in such -turmoil and so taken up with, for the most part, merely neighborhood -quarrels; while they had so little national and such fierce sectional -feeling, would have [Pg203] been the time for an outsider to enrich -himself at their expense. It was not yet time for Normandy to be -provoked into a closer unification by any outside danger. The French -and Scandinavian factions were still distinct and suspicious of each -other, but it was already too late when King Henry at last, without -note or warning, poured his soldiers across the Norman boundary and -invaded the Evrecin; too late indeed in view of what followed, and in -spite of the temporary blazing up of new jealousies and the revival -of old grievances and hatreds. Henry won a victory and triumph for -the time being; he demanded the famous border castle of Tillieres and -insisted that it should be destroyed, and though the brave commander -held out for some time even against William's orders, he finally -surrendered. Henry placed a strong garrison there at once, and after -getting an apparently strong hold on Normandy there followed a time -of peace. The king seemed to be satisfied, but no doubt the young -duke's mind was busy enough with a forced survey of his enemies, -already declared or still masked by hypocrisy, and of his own possible -and probable resources. A readiness to do the things that must be -done was making a true man of Duke William even in his boyhood. For -many years he had seen revolt and violence grow more easy and more -frequent in his dukedom; the noise of quarrels and fighting grew -louder and louder. In his first great battle at Val-es-dunes the rule -of the Cotentin lords and Guy of Burgundy, or the rule of William the -Bastard, struggled for the mastery. [Pg204] - -It was a great battle in importance rather than in numbers. William -called to his loyal provinces for help, and the knights came riding -to court from the romance-side of Normandy, while from the Bessin and -the Cotentin the rebels came down to meet them. It seems strange that, -when William represents to us the ideal descendant of the Northmen, -the Scandinavian element in his dukedom was the first to oppose him. -For once King Henry stood by his vassal, and when William asked for -help in that most critical time, it was not withheld. Henry had not -been ashamed to take part with the Norman traitors in past times, -and now that there was a chance of breaking the ducal government in -pieces and adding a great district to France, we are more than ever -puzzled to know why he did not make the most of the occasion. Perhaps -he felt that the rule of the dukes was better than the rule of the -mutinous barons of the Cotentin, and likely, on the whole, to prove -less dangerous. So when William claimed protection, it was readily -granted, and the king came to his aid at the head of a body of troops, -and helped to win the victory. - -We hear nothing of the Norman archers yet in the chronicler's story -of the fight. They were famous enough afterward, but this battle was -between mounted knights, a true battle of chivalry. The place was -near the river Orne, and the long slopes of the low hills stretched -far and wide, covered with soft turf, like the English downs across -the Channel, lying pleasantly toward the sun. Master Wace writes the -story of the day in the "Roman de Rou," [Pg205] and sketches the -battle-field with vivid touches of his pen. Mr. Freeman says, in a -note beneath his own description, that he went over the ground with -Mr. Green, his fellow-historian, for company, and Master Wace's book -in hand for guide. In the "Roman de Rou" there is a hint that not -only the peasantry, but the poorer gentlemen as well, were secretly -on William's side, that the prejudice and distrust toward the feudal -lords was very great, and that there was more confidence in a -sovereign than in the irksome tyranny of less powerful lords. - -The barons of Saxon Bayeux and Danish Coutances were matched against -the loyal burghers of Falaise, Romanized Rouen, and the men of the -bishop's cities of Liseux and Evreux. King Henry stopped at the little -village of Valmeray to hear mass, as he came up from the south with -his followers, and presently the duke joined them in the great plain -beyond. The rebels are there too; the horses will not stand in place -together, they have caught the spirit of the encounter, and the bright -bosses of the shields; the lances, tied with gay ribbons, glitter and -shine, as the long line of knights bends and lifts and wavers like -some fluttering gay decoration,--some many-colored huge silken splendor -all along the green grass. The birds fly over swiftly, and return as -quickly, puzzled by the strange appearance of their country-side. -Their nests in the grass are trampled under foot--the world is alive -with men in armor, who laugh loudly and swear roundly, and are there -for something strange, to kill each other if they can, rather than -live, for the sake of [Pg206] Normandy. Far away the green fields -stretch into the haze, the cottages look like toys, and the sheep and -cattle feed without fear in the pastures. Church towers rise gray and -straight-walled into the blue sky. It is a great day for Normandy, and -her best knights and gentlemen finger their sword-hilts, or buckle -their saddle-girths, and wait impatiently for the battle to begin on -that day of Val-es-dunes. - -Among the Cotentin lords was Ralph of Tesson, lord of the forest of -Cinquelais and the castle of Harcourt-Thury. Behind him rode a hundred -and twenty knights, well armed and gallant, who would follow him to -the death. He had sworn on the holy relics of the saints at Bayeux to -smite William wherever he met him, yet he had no ground for complaint -against him. His heart fell when he saw his rightful lord face to -face. A tanner's grandson, indeed, and a man whose father and mother -had done him wrong; all that was true, yet this young Duke William was -good to look upon, and as brave a gentleman as any son of Rolf's, or -the fearless Richard's. Ralph Tesson (the Badger they called him), a -man both shrewd and powerful, stood apart, and would not rank himself -and his men with either faction, and his knights crowded round him, to -remind him that he had done homage once to William, and would fight -against his natural lord. The Cotentin lords were dismayed and angry, -they promised him great rewards, but nothing touched him, and he stood -silent, a little way from the armies. The young duke and the king -noticed him, and the six-score-and-six brave knights in his troop, all -with their [Pg207] lances raised and trimmed with their ladies' silk -tokens. William said that they would come to his aid; neither Tesson -nor his men had any grudge against him. - -Suddenly Tesson put spurs to his horse, and came dashing across the -open field, and all the lords and gentlemen held their breath as -they watched him. "Thury! Thury!" he shouted as he came, and "Thury! -Thury!" the cry echoed back again from the distance. He rode straight -to the duke; there was a murmur from the Cotentin men; he struck the -duke gently with his glove. It was but a playful mockery of his vow to -the saints at Bayeux; he had struck William, but he and his knights -were William's men again; the young duke said, "Thanks to thee!" and -the fight began, all the hotter for the anger of the deserted barons -and their desire for revenge. The day had begun with a bad omen for -their success. "/Dexaide!/" the old Norman war-cry, rang out, and -those who had followed the lilies of France cried "/Montjoie Saint -Denis!/" as they fought. - -Nowadays, a soldier is a soldier, and men who choose other professions -can keep to them, unless in their country's extremity of danger, -but in that day every man must go to the wars, if there were need -of him, and be surgeon or lawyer, and soldier too; yes, even the -priests and bishops put on their swords and went out to fight. It -would be interesting to know more names on the roll-call that day at -Val-es-dunes, but we can almost hear the shouts to the patron saints, -and the clash of the armor. King [Pg208] Henry fought like a brave -man, and the storm of the battle raged fiercest round him. The knights -broke their lances, and fought sword to sword. There was no play of -army tactics and man[oe]uvring, but a hand-to-hand fight, with the sheer -strength of horse and man. Once King Henry was overthrown by the -thrust of a Cotentin lance, and sprang up quickly to show himself to -his men. Again he was in the thickest of the encounter, and was met -by one of the three great rebel chiefs and thrown upon the ground, -but this Lord of Thorigny was struck, in his turn, by a loyal French -knight, and presently his lamenting followers carried him away dead -on his shield like any Spartan of old. And the king honored his valor -and commanded that he should be buried with splendid ceremonies in a -church not far from the battlefield. Long afterward the Norman men and -women loved to sing and to tell stories about the young Duke William's -bravery and noble deeds of arms in that first great fight that made -him duke from one end of Normandy to the other. He slew with his own -hand the noblest and most daring warrior of Bayeux. Master Wace, -the chronicler, tells us how William drove the sharp steel straight -through his hardy foe, and how the body fell beneath his stroke and -its soul departed. Wace was a Bayeux man himself, and though he was a -loyal songster and true to his great duke, he cannot help a sigh of -pride and sorrow over Hardrez' fate. - -Neal of St. Saviour fought steadily and cheered his men eagerly as -the hour went on, but Randolf of Bayeux felt his courage begin to -fail him. Hamon [Pg209] was dead. Their great ally, Hardrez, had -been the flower of his own knights, and he was lying dead of a cruel -sword-thrust there in plain sight. He lost sight of Neal, perhaps, for -he was suddenly afraid of betrayal, and grieved that he had ever put -his helmet on. There is a touching bit of description in the "Roman de -Rou" just now. The battle pleased him no more, is told in the quaint -short lines. He thought how sad it was to be a captive, and sadder -still to be slain. He gave way feebly at every charge; he wandered -to and fro aimlessly, a thing to be stumbled over, we fancy him, now -in the front of the fight, now in the rear; at last he dropped his -lance and shield. "He stretched forth his neck and rode for his life," -says Master Wace, quite ashamed of his countryman. But we can see the -poor knight's head drooping low, and his good, tired horse--the better -man of the two--mustering all his broken strength to carry his master -beyond the reach of danger. All the cowards rode after him pell-mell, -but brave Saint Saviour fought to the last and held the field until -his right arm failed and he could not strike again. The French pressed -him hard, the Norman men looked few and spent, and the mighty lord of -the Cotentin knew that all hope was lost. There on the rising ground -of Saint Lawrence the last blow was struck. - -Away went the rebels in groups of three or four--away for dear life -every one of them, riding this way and that, trying to get out of -reach of their enemies and into some sort of shelter. The duke chased -them like a hound on the track of hares on, on [Pg210] toward Bayeux, -past the great Abbey of Fontenay and the Allemagne quarries, until -they reached the river Orne with its deep current. Men and horses -floundered in the water there, and many hot wounds tinged it with -a crimson stain. They were drowned, poor knights, and poor, brave -horses too. They went struggling and drifting down stream; the banks -were strewn with the dead; and the mill-wheels of Borbillon, a little -farther down, were stopped in their slow turning by the strange wreck -and floating worthless fragments of those lords and gentlemen who had -lost the battle of the Val-es-dunes. - -And William was the conqueror of Normandy. Guy of Burgundy was a -traitor to his friends, and won a heritage of shame for his flight -from the field. We hear nothing of him while the fight went on, only -that he ran away. It appears that he must have been one of the first -to start for a place of safety, because they blame him so much; there -is nothing said about all the rebels running away together a little -later. That was the fortune of war and inevitable; not personal -cowardice, they might tell us. Guy of Burgundy was the man who had -led the three Cotentin lords out by fair promises and taunts about -their bastard duke, and he should have been brave and full of prowess, -since he undertook to be the rival of so brave a man. He did not go -toward the banks of the fateful river, but in quite another direction -to his own castle of Brionne, and a troop of his vassals escaped with -him and defended themselves there for a long time, until William -fairly starved them out like rats in a hole. They held [Pg211] their -own bravely, too, and no man was put to death when they surrendered, -while Guy was even allowed to come back to court. Master Wace stoutly -maintains that they should have been hung, and says long afterward -that some of those high in favor at court were the traitors of the -great rebellion. - -Strange to say, nobody was put to death. Mr. Freeman says of this -something that gives us such a clear look at William's character -that I must copy it entire. "In those days, both in Normandy and -elsewhere, the legal execution of a state criminal was an event that -seldom happened. Men's lives were recklessly wasted in the endless -warfare of the times, and there were men, as we have seen, who did not -shrink from private murder, even in its basest forms. But the formal -hanging or beheading of a noble prisoner, so common in later times, -was, in the eleventh century, a most unusual sight. And, strange as -it may sound, there was a sense in which William the Conqueror was -not a man of blood. He would sacrifice any number of lives to his -boundless ambition; he did not scruple to condemn his enemies to cruel -personal mutilations; he would keep men for years as a mere measure -of security, in the horrible prison-houses of those days; but the -extinction of human life in cold blood was something from which he -shrank." - -At the time of the first great victory, the historian goes on to -say, William was of an age when men are commonly disposed to be -generous, and the worst points of his character had not begun to show -themselves. Later in life, when he had broken the [Pg212] rule, or -perhaps we must call it only his prejudice and superstition, we find -that the star of his glory is already going down, pale and spent, into -the mists of shame and disappointment. - -None of the traitors of the Val-es-dunes were treated harshly, -according to the standard of the times. The barons paid fines and gave -mortgages, and a great many of them were obliged to tear down their -robber castles, which they had built without permission from the duke. -This is the reason that there are so few ruins in Normandy of the -towers of that date. The Master of St. Saviour's was obliged to take -himself off to Brittany, but there was evidently no confiscation of -his great estates, for we find him back again at court the very next -year, high in the duke's favor and holding an honorable position. -He lived forty-four years after this, an uncommon lifetime for a -Norman knight, and followed the Conqueror to England, but he got -no reward in lands and honor, as so many of his comrades did. Guy -of Burgundy stayed at court a little while, and then went back to -his native province and devoted himself to making plots against his -brother, Count William. Grimbald de Plessis fared the worst of all the -conspirators; he was taken to Rouen and put into prison weighted down -with chains, and given the poorest of lodgings. He confessed that he -had tried to murder William that night at Valognes, when the court -jester gave warning, and said that a knight called Salle had been his -confederate. Salle denied the charge stoutly and challenged De Plessis -to fight a judicial combat, but before the day came the [Pg213] -scheming, unlucky baron from the Saxon lands was found dead in his -dungeon. The fetters had ground their way into his very bones, and he -was buried in his chains, for a warning, while his estates were seized -and part of them given to the church of Bayeux. - -Now, at last, the Norman priests and knights knew that they had a -master. For some time it was surprisingly quiet in Normandy, and the -country was unexpectedly prosperous. The great duchy stood in a higher -rank among her sister kingdoms than ever before, and though there was -another revolt and serious attacks from envious neighbors, yet the -Saxons of the Bessin and the Danes of the Cotentin were overthrown, -and Normandy was more unitedly Norman-French than ever. There had been -a long struggle that had lasted from Richard the Fearless' boyhood -until now, but it was ended at last, to all intents and purposes. Even -now there is a difference between the two parts of Normandy, though so -many years have passed; but the day was not far off after this battle -of Val-es-dunes when the young conqueror could muster a great army and -cross the channel into England. "The Count of Rouen," says Freeman, -"had overcome Saxons and Danes within his own dominions, and he was -about to weld them into his most trusty weapons, wherewith to overcome -Saxons and Danes beyond the sea." - -Perhaps nothing will show the barbarous cruelty of these times or -William's fierce temper better than the story of Alencon and its -punishment. William Talvas, the young duke's old enemy, formed a -rebellious league with Geoffry of Anjou, and they undertook [Pg214] -to hold Alencon against the Normans. When William came within sight of -the city, he discovered that they had sufficient self-confidence to -mock at him and insult him. They even spread raw skins over the edge -of the city walls, and beat them vigorously, yelling that there was -plenty of work for the tanner, and giving even plainer hints at what -they thought of his mother's ancestry. - -William was naturally put into a great rage, and set himself and his -army down before the walls his enemies thought so invincible. He swore -"by the splendor of God" that he would treat them as a man lops a tree -with an axe, and, sure enough, when the siege was over, and Alencon -was at the Conqueror's mercy, he demanded thirty-two captives of war, -and nose, hands, and feet were chopped off, and presently thrown back -over the walls into the town. - - [Illustration] - -[Pg215] - - [Illustration] - - - - -XI. - -THE ABBEY OF BEC. - - "He heard across the howling seas, - Chime convent bells on wintry nights." - --MATTHEW ARNOLD. - - -The only way of escaping from the obligations of feudalism and -constant warfare was by forsaking the follies of the world altogether -for the shelter of a convent, and there devoting one's time and -thought to holy things. A monastic life often came to be only an -excuse for devotion to art or to letters, or served merely to cover -the distaste for military pursuits. It was not alone ecclesiasticism -and a love for holy living and thoughts of heaven that inspired -rigid seclusion and monkish scorn of worldliness. Not only popular -superstition or recognition of true spiritual life and growth of the -Church made up the Church's power, but the presence of so much secular -thought and wisdom in the fold. Men of letters, of science, and -philosophy made it often more than a match for the militant element of -society, the soldiery of Normandy, and the great captains, who could -only prove their valor by the strength of their strategy and their -swords. William was quick to recognize the vast strength of the clergy -and the [Pg216] well-protected force of cloistered public opinion. -A soldier and worldly man himself, he arrayed himself on the side of -severe self-repression and knightly chastity and purity of life, and -kept the laws of the convent in high honor; while he mixed boldly with -the rude warfare of his age. He did not think himself less saintly -because he was guilty of secret crimes against his rivals. A skilful -use of what an old writer calls "the powder of succession" belonged as -much to his military glory as any piece of field-tactics and strategy. -He was anxious to stand well in the Pope's estimation, and the ban and -malediction of the Church was something by all means to be avoided. -The story of his marriage shows his bold, adventurous character and -determination in a marked way, and his persistence in gaining his ends -and winning the approval of his superior, in spite of obstacles that -would have daunted a weaker man. To gain a point to which the Church -objected he must show himself stronger than the Church. - - [Illustration: DOORWAY OF CATHEDRAL, CHARTRES.] - -So there were two great forces at work in Normandy: this military -spirit, the love of excitement, of activity, and adventure; and this -strong religious feeling, which often made the other its willing -servant, and was sometimes by far the most powerful of the two. -Whether superstition or true, devout acceptance and unfolding of -the ideas of the Christian religion moved the Normans and their -contemporaries to most active service of the Church, we will not -stop to discuss. The presence of the best scholars and saints in any -age is a leaven and inspiration of that age, and men cannot help -being more or less [Pg217] influenced by the dwelling among them of -Christ's true disciples and ministers. That there was a large amount -of credulity, of superstitious rites and observances, we cannot doubt, -neither can we question that these exercised an amazing control over -ignorant minds. Standing so near to a pagan ancestry, the people of -large, and, relatively speaking, remote districts of Normandy, were no -doubt confused by lingering vestiges of the older forms of belief. As -yet, religion, in spite of the creeds of [Pg218] knighthood, showed -itself more plainly in stone and mortar, in vestments, and fasts, -and penances, and munificent endowments, than in simple truth and -godliness of life. A Norman nobleman, in the time of the Conqueror, -or earlier, thought that his estate would lack its chief ornament -if he did not plant a company of monks in some corner of it. It was -the proper thing for a rich man to found a monastery or religious -house of some sort or other, and this was a most blessed thing for -the scholars of their time. The profession of letters was already -becoming dignified and respectable, and the students of the Venerable -Bede, and other noble teachers from both north and south, had already -scattered good seeds through the states of Europe. It was in this -time that many great schools were founded, and in the more peaceful -years of the early reign of the Conqueror, religion and learning found -time to strike a deeper root in Normandy than ever before. There was -more wealth for them to be nourished with, the farms were productive, -and the great centres of industry and manufacture, like Falaise, -were thriving famously. It was almost as respectable to be a monk as -to be a soldier. There is something very beautiful in these earlier -brotherhoods--a purer fashion of thought and of life, a simplicity of -devotion to the higher duties of existence. But we can watch here, as -in the later movements in England and Italy, a gradual change from -poverty and holiness of life, to a love of riches and a satisfaction -with corrupt ceremonies and petty authority. The snare of worldliness -finds its victims always, and the temptation was easy then, [Pg219] -as it is easy now, to forget the things that belong to the spirit. We -have seen so much of the sword and shield in this short history that -we turn gladly away for a little space to understand what influences -were coming from the great abbeys of Bec and Saint Evreuil, and to -make what acquaintance we can with the men who dwelt there, and held -for their weapons only their mass-books and their principles of -education and of holy living. Lanfranc we must surely know, for he was -called the right-hand man of the Conqueror; and now let us go back a -little way and take a quick survey of the founding of the Abbey of -Bec, and trace its history, for that will help us to understand the -monastic life, and the wave of monasticism that left so plain a mark -upon the headlands and valleys of Normandy. Both in England and Norman -France, you can find the same red-roofed villages clustered about high -square church towers, with windows in the gray stone walls that look -like dim fret-work or lace-work. The oldest houses are low and small, -but the oldest minsters and parish churches are very noble buildings. - -The first entrance into one of the old cathedrals is an event in one's -life never to be forgotten. It grows more beautiful the longer one -thinks of it; that first impression of height and space, of silence -and meditation; the walls are stored with echoes of prayers and -chanting voices; the windows are like faded gardens, with their sober -tints and gleams of brighter color. The saints are pictured on them -awkwardly enough, but the glory of heaven beams through the old glass -upon the worn tombstones in [Pg220] the floor; the very dust in the -rays of sunlight that strike across the wide, solemn spaces, seems -sacred dust, and of long continuance. We shut out this busy world when -we go into the cathedral door, and look about us as if this were a -waiting-room from whence one might easily find conveyance to the next -world. There is a feeling of nearness to heaven as we walk up the -great aisle of what our ancestors called, reverently enough, God's -house. One is suddenly reminded of many unseen things that the world -outside gives but little chance to think about. We are on the journey -heavenward indeed. There where many centuries have worn away the trace -of worldliness and the touch of builders' tools, so that the building -itself seems almost to have grown by its own life and strength, you -think about the builders and planners of such dignity and splendor -more than any thing, after all. Who were the men that dared to lift -the roof and plant the tall pillars, and why did they, in those poor, -primitive times, give all they had to make this one place so rich and -high. The bells ring a lazy, sweet chime for answer, and if you catch -a glimpse of some brown old books in the sacristy, and even spell out -the quaint records, you are hardly satisfied. We can only call them -splendid monuments of the spirit of the time (almost uncivilized, -according to our standard) when nevertheless there was a profound -sentiment of worship and reverence. - - [Illustration: CANTERBURY CATHEDRAL.] - -Besides this, we are reminded that the lords of church and state were -able, if it pleased them, to command the entire service of their -vassals. All the [Pg222] liberties and aids and perquisites that -belonged to rank ceased where the lowest rank ended, at the peasant. -He was at anybody's command and mercy who chanced to be his master; -he had but precious few rights and claims of his own. When Christ -taught his disciples that whosoever would be chief among them must -become as a servant, he suggested a truth and order of relationship -most astonishing and contrary to all precedent. He that would be chief -among Hebrews or Normans, chief, alas, even in our own day, is still -misled by the old idea that the greatest is the master of many men. -Worldly power and heavenly service are always apt to be mistaken for -each other. - -In an age when every man claimed the right of private war against -every other man, unless he were lord or vassal, we naturally look -for ferocity, and understand that the line between private war and -simple robbery and murder was not very clearly kept. Those who were -comparatively unable to defend themselves were the chief sufferers, -and of course many peace-loving men were obliged to take on the -appearance of fighters, and be ready for constant warfare in all its -shapes. There was only the one alternative--first to the universal -dissension of a nationality of armed men, and later to the more -orderly and purposeful system of knighthood,--simply to retreat -from the world altogether and lead a strictly religious life. The -famous order of the Benedictine monks was built up in Normandy with -surprising devotion. A natural love and respect for learning, which -had long been smouldering half-neglected, [Pg223] now burst into -a quick blaze in the hearts of many of the descendants of the old -Norse skalds and Sagamen. While the Augustinian order of monks is -chiefly famous for building great cathedrals, and the mendicant -friars have left many a noble hospital as their monuments, so the -Benedictines turned their energies toward the forming of great -schools. The time has passed when the Protestant world belittled -itself by contemptuously calling the monks lazy, sensual, and idle, -and by seeing no good in these ancient communities. Learning of every -sort, and the arts, as well, would have been long delayed in their -development, if it had not been for such quiet retreats, where those -men and women who chose could turn their thoughts toward better -employments than the secular world encouraged or even allowed. The -Benedictines were the most careful fosterers of scholarship; their -brethren of monastic fame owed them a great deal in every way. - -There was a noble knight named Herluin, who lived in the time of Duke -Robert the Devil, and who was for thirty-seven years a knight-at-arms. -He was a descendant of one of Rolf's companions, his lineage was of -the very best, and his estates made part of the original grant of -Charles the Simple. Herluin was vassal to Count Gilbert of Brionne, -and had proved himself a brave and loyal knight, both to his overlord -and the duke. He was high in favor, and unusually tender-hearted and -just to those in trouble. We cannot help wishing that it had seemed -possible to such a man that he should stay in the world and leaven -society by his example, but to a thoughtful [Pg224] and gentle soul -like Herluin the cloister offered great temptations. There was still -great turbulence even among ecclesiastics--the worst of them "bore -arms and lived the life of heathen Danes.... The faith of Herluin -nearly failed him when he saw the disorder of one famous monastery, -but he was comforted by accidentally beholding the devotions of one -godly brother, who spent the whole night in secret prayer. He was thus -convinced that the salt of the earth had not as yet wholly lost its -savor."[7] - - [7] Freeman. - -Our pious knight forsook the world, and with a few companions devoted -himself to building a small monastery on his own estate at Burneville, -near Brionne. The church was consecrated, and its founder received -benediction from his bishop, who ordained him a priest and made him -abbot of the little community. Herluin was very diligent in learning -to read, and achieved this mighty task without neglecting any of the -work which he imposed upon himself day by day. Soon he grew famous -in all that part of Normandy for his sanctity and great wisdom in -explaining the Bible. But it was discovered that the site of his -flourishing young establishment was not well chosen; an abbey must -possess supplies of wood and water, and so the colony was removed to -the valley of a small stream that flows into the Lisle, near the town -of Brionne. In the old speech of the Normans this brook was called -a beck; we have the word yet in verse and provincial speech; and it -gave a name to the most famous and longest remembered perhaps of all -the Norman [Pg225] monasteries. Mr. Freeman says: "The hills are -still thickly wooded; the beck still flows through rich meadows and -under trees planted by the waterside, by the walls of what was once -the renowned monastery to which it gave its name. But of the days of -Herluin no trace remains besides these imperishable works of nature. -A tall tower, of rich and fanciful design, one of the latest works of -mediaeval skill, still attracts the traveller from a distance; but of -the mighty minster itself, all traces, save a few small fragments, -have perished.... The truest memorial of that illustrious abbey is now -to be found in the parish church of the neighboring village. In that -lowly shelter is still preserved the effigy with which after-times had -marked the resting-place of the founder. Such are all the relics which -now remain of the house which once owned Lanfranc and Anselm as its -inmates. - -"In this valley it was that Herluin finally fixed his infant -settlement, devoting to it his own small possession." - -"By loving this world," he said, when he pleaded for his poor peasants -in Gilbert of Brionne's court--"By loving this world and by obeying man -I have hitherto much neglected God and myself. I have been altogether -intent on training my body, and I have gained no education for my -soul. If I have ever deserved well of thee, let me pass what remains -of life in a monastery. Let me keep thy affection and with me give to -God what I had of thee." - -Herluin was not left alone in his enterprise; one companion after -another joined him, and presently [Pg226] there was a busy company of -monks at Bec. They subjected themselves to all sorts of self-denials -and privations, working hard at building their new home, at ditching, -gardening, or wood-cutting, and chanting their prayers with entire -devotion. Herluin allowed himself one scanty meal a day, and went -about his work poorly dressed, but serving God in most humble fashion. -This was the story of many small religious houses and their founders, -but we cannot help tracing the beginning of the abbey of Bec with -particular interest for the sake of Lanfranc, who has kept its memory -alive and made it famous in Norman and English history. - -The story of this friar of Bec, who came to be archbishop of -Canterbury, and whose influence and power were only second, a few -years later, to William the Conqueror's own, reads like a romance, as -indeed does many another story of that romantic age. He was born at -Pavia, the City of the Hundred Towers, in Lombardy, and belonged to -an illustrious family. He was discovered in early boyhood to be an -uncommon scholar, and even in his university course he became well -known by his brilliant talents and fine gift of oratory. He was looked -upon as almost invincible in debate while he was still a school-boy, -and when he left college it was supposed that he would give the -benefit of his attainments and growth to his native city. For a little -while he did stay there, and began his career, but he appears to have -been made restless by a love of change and adventure, and a desire to -see the world, and next we find him going northward with a [Pg227] -company of admiring scholars, as if on pilgrimage, but in the wrong -direction! The enthusiastic little procession crossed the St. Bernard -pass into France and for some reason went to Avranches, where Lanfranc -taught a school and quickly became celebrated. In spite of the more -common profession or trade of fighting, there was never a time when -learning or the profession of letters was more honored, and the -Normans yielded to none of their contemporaries in the respect they -had for scholars. - -Lanfranc became dissatisfied with the honor and glory of his success -at Avranches; and presently, in quest of something more deep and -satisfying--more in accordance with the craving of his spiritual -nature, left his flourishing school and again started northward. -The country was very wild and unsafe for a solitary wayfarer; and -presently, so the tradition runs, he was attacked by a band of -robbers, beaten, and left tied to a tree without food or money or any -prospect of immediate release. The long hours of the night wore away -and he grew more and more desperate; at last he bethought himself of -spiritual aid as a last resort, and tried to repeat the service of -the church. Alas! he could not remember the prayers and hymns, and in -his despair he vowed a pious vow to God that he would devote himself -to a holy life if his present sufferings might be ended. In good -season some charcoal burners played the welcome part of deliverers and -Lanfranc, yet aching with the pinch of his fetters and their galling -knots, begged to know of some holy house near by, and was directed to -Herluin's hermitage and the humble brotherhood of Bec. [Pg228] - -The little colony of holy men was all astir that day. Soldiers and -sober gentlemen were tilling the soil and patiently furthering their -rural tasks. Herluin himself, the former knight-at-arms, was clad -in simple monkish garb, and playing the part of master-mason in the -building of a new oven. Out from the neighboring thicket comes a -strange figure, pale yet from his uncomforted vigil, and prays to -be numbered with those who give their lives to the service of God. -"This is surely a Lombard!" says Herluin, wonderstruck and filled -with sympathy; and when he discovers the new brother's name and eager -devotion, he kneels before him in love and reverence. It was a great -day for the abbey of Bec. - -Such learning and ability to teach as Lanfranc's could not be hidden; -indeed the church believed in using a man's great gifts, and each -member was bound to give of his bounty in her service. The brothers -who could till the ground and hew timber and build ovens kept at their -tasks, and all the while Lanfranc, the theologian and teacher, the -man of letters, gathered a company of scholars from far and wide. Bec -became a famous centre of learning, and even from Italy and Greece -young men journeyed to his school, and, as years went by, he was -venerated more and more. His quick understanding and cleverness saved -him many a disaster, and we recognize in him a charming inheritance -of wit and good humor. He had the individuality and characteristics -of his Italian ancestry, while he was that rare man in any social -circle of his age, or even a later age,--a true man of the world. A -Norman of the Normans in his adopted [Pg229] home, he was yet able to -see Normandy, not as the world itself, but only a factor in it, and -to put it and its ambitions and possessions in their true relation -to wider issues. There was no such churchman-statesman as Lanfranc -in the young duchy, and his fame and glory were felt more and more. -William the duke himself might well set his wits at work to conquer -this formidable opponent of his marriage, and win him over to his -following, and the first attack was not by conciliatory measures. -Lanfranc received a formidable order to quit the country and leave his -abbey of Bec on penalty of worse punishment. - -The future archbishop of English Canterbury meekly obeyed his temporal -lord, and set out through the forest with a pitiful straggling escort -affectingly futile in its appearance. He himself was mounted on -the worst old stumbling horse in the despoiled abbey stables, and -presently they meet the duke out hunting in most gallant array with -a lordly following of knights and gentlemen. It looks surprisingly -as if shrewd Lanfranc had arranged the scene beforehand. Along he -comes on his feeble steed, limping slowly on the forest path; he, the -greatest prior and book-man of Normandy, turned out of the house and -home that his own learning had made famous through Christendom. "Under -Lanfranc," says the chronicler, "the Normans first fathomed the art -of letters, for under the six dukes of Normandy scarce any one among -the Normans applied himself to liberal studies, nor was there any -learning found till God, the provider of all things, brought Lanfranc -to Normandy." All this, no doubt, flashed through [Pg230] William's -mind, and the prior of Bec's Italian good-humor proved itself the best -of weapons. "Give me a better horse," he cried, "and you shall see me -go away faster." The duke laughed in spite of himself, and Lanfranc -won a chance of pleading his cause. Before they parted they were -sworn friends, and the prior's knowledge of civil law and of theology -and of human nature (not least by any means of his famous gifts) were -for once and all at the duke's service. He supported the cause of the -unlawful marriage, and even won a dispensation from the Pope, long -desired and almost hopeless, in William's favor. - -But the abbey of Bec was a great power for good in its time, and -carried a wonderful influence for many years. In the general scarcity -of books in those days before printing, the best way of learning was -to listen to what each great scholar had to say, and the students -went about from school to school, and lingered longest at places -like Bec, where the best was to be found. The men here were not only -the patrons of learning and the guarders of their own copies of the -ancient classics, but they taught the children of the neighborhood, -and sheltered the rich and poor, the old people and the travellers, -who wandered to their gates. They copied missals, they cast bells for -churches, they were the best of farmers, of musicians, of artists. -While Lanfranc waged his great battle with Berengarius about the -doctrine of the Eucharist, and came out a victorious champion for -the church, and won William's cause with the Pope with most skilful -pleading of the value of Norman loyalty to the See of Rome, his -humbler brethren [Pg231] tended their bees and ploughed straight -furrows and taught the country children their letters. Such a centre -of learning and of useful industry as Bec was the best flower of -civilization. Lanfranc himself was true to his vow of humility. -We catch some delightful glimpses of his simple life, and one in -particular of his being met on a journey by some reverential pilgrims -to his school. He was carefully carrying a cat behind him on the -saddle, comfortably restrained from using her claws, and Lanfranc -explained that he had sometimes been grievously annoyed by mice at his -destination, and had provided this practical ally. One can almost see -the twinkle in the good man's eyes, and the faces of the surprised -scholars who had been looking forward with awe and dread to their -first encounter with so renowned a man. - - [Illustration] - -[Pg232] - - [Illustration] - - - - -XII. - -MATILDA OF FLANDERS. - - "It had been easy fighting in some plain, - Where victory might hang in equal choice; - But all resistance against her is vain." - --MARVELL. - - -We have occasionally had a glimpse of Flanders and its leading men -in the course of our Norman story; but now the two dukedoms were to -be linked together by a closer tie than either neighborhood, or a -brotherhood, or antagonism in military affairs. While Normandy had -been gaining new territory and making itself more and more feared by -the power of its armies, and had been growing richer and richer with -its farms and the various industries of the towns, Flanders was always -keeping pace, if not leading, in worldly prosperity. - -Flanders had gained the dignity and opulence of a kingdom. Her people -were busy, strong, intelligent craftsmen and artists, and while her -bell-towers lifted themselves high in the air, and made their chimes -heard far and wide across the level country, the weavers' looms and -the women's clever fingers were sending tapestries to the walls of the -Vatican, and frost-like laces to the ladies of Spain. [Pg233] - -The heavy ships of Flanders went and came with the richest of freights -from her crowded ports; her picture-painters were at work, her gardens -were green, and her noblemen's houses were filled with whatever -a luxurious life could demand or invent. As the country became -overcrowded, many of the inhabitants crossed over to Scotland, and -gained a foothold, sometimes by the sword, and oftener by the plough -and spade and weaver's shuttle. The Douglases and the Leslies, Robert -Bruce and all the families of Flemings, took root then, and, whether -by art or trade, established a right to be called Scotsmen, and to -march in the front rank when the story is told of many a brave day in -Scottish history. - -The Count of Flanders was nominally vassal of both Rome and France, -but he was practically his own man. Baldwin de Lisle, of the -Conqueror's time, was too great a man to need anybody's help, or -to be bought or sold at will by an over-lord. He stood well as the -representative of his country's wealth and dignity. A firm alliance -with such a neighbor was naturally coveted by such a far-seeing man as -the young duke; and besides any political reasons, there was a closer -reason still, in the love that had sprung up in his heart for Matilda, -the count's daughter. In 1049, he had been already making suit for -her hand, for it was in that year when the Council of Rheims forbade -the banns, on some plea of relationship that was within the limit set -by the Church. William's whole existence was a fight for his life, -for his dukedom, for his kingdom of England, and he was not wanting -in courage in this long siege of [Pg234] church and state, when the -woman he truly loved was the desired prize. If history can be trusted, -she was a prize worth winning; if William had not loved her, he would -not have schemed and persisted for years in trying to win her in spite -of countless hindrances which might well have ended his quest if he -had been guided only by political reasons for the alliance. - -His nobles had eagerly urged him to marry. Perhaps they would have -turned their eyes toward England first if there had been a royal -princess of Eadward's house, but failing this, Flanders was the best -prize. The Norman dukedom must not be left without an heir, and this -time there must be no question of the honesty of the heir's claim and -right to succession. Normandy had seen enough division and dissension, -and angry partisanship during the duke's own youth, and now that he -had reached the age of twenty-four, and had made himself master of -his possessions, and could take his stand among his royal neighbors, -everybody clamored for his marriage, and for a Lady of Normandy. -He was a pure man in that time of folly and licentiousness. He was -already recognized as a great man, and even the daughter of Baldwin of -Flanders might be proud to marry him. - -Matilda was near the duke's own age, but she had already been married -to a Flemish official, and had two children. She was a beautiful, -graceful woman, and it is impossible to believe some well-known old -stories of William's rude courtship of her, since her father evidently -was ready to favor the marriage, and [Pg235] she seems to have -been a most loyal and devoted wife to her husband, and to have been -ready enough to marry him hastily at the end of a most troublesome -courtship. The great Council of Rheims had forbidden their marriage, -as we have already seen, and the pious Pope Leo had struck blows right -and left among high offenders of the Church's laws; a whole troop -of princes were excommunicated or put under heavy penances, and the -Church's own officials were dealt justly with according to their sins. -When most of these lesser contemporaries were properly sentenced, a -decree followed, which touched two more illustrious men: the Count -of Flanders was forbidden to give his daughter to the Norman duke -for a wife, and William, in his turn, was forbidden to take her. For -four long years the lovers--if we may believe them to be lovers--were -kept apart on the Pope's plea of consanguinity. There is no evidence -remaining that this was just, yet there truly may have been some -relationship. It is much easier to believe it, at any rate, than that -the count's wife Adela's former child-marriage to William's uncle -could have been put forward as any sort of objection. - -We must leave for another chapter the affairs of Normandy and -William's own deeds during the four years, and go forward with this -story of his marriage to a later time, when in the course of Italian -affairs, a chance was given to bring the long courtship to a happy -end. Strangely enough this came by means of the De Hautevilles and -that Norman colony whose fortunes we have already briefly traced. In -the [Pg236] conflict with Pope Leo, when he was forced to yield to -the Normans' power and to recognize them as a loyal state, William -either won a consent to his wedding or else dared to brave the -Pope's disapproval. While Leo was still in subjection the eager duke -hurried to his city of Eu, near the Flemish border, and met there -Count Baldwin and his daughter. There was no time spent in splendid -processions and triumphal pageants of the Flemish craftsmen; some -minor priest gave the blessing, and as the duke and his hardly-won -wife came back to the Norman capital there was a great cheering and -rejoicing all the way; and the journey was made as stately and pompous -as heart could wish. There was a magnificent welcome at Rolf's old -city of Rouen; it was many years since there had been a noble lady, a -true duchess, on the ducal throne of Normandy. - -But the spirit of ecclesiasticism held its head too high in the -pirates' land to brook such disregard of its canons, even on the part -of its chief ruler. There was an uncle of William's, named Mauger, who -was primate of the Norman church. He is called on every hand a very -bad man--at any rate, his faults were just the opposite of William's, -and of a sensual and worldly stamp. He was not a fit man for the -leader of the clergy, in William's opinion. Yet Mauger was zealous -in doing at least some of the duties of his office--he did not flinch -from rebuking his nephew! All the stories of his life are of the -worst sort, unless we give him the credit of trying to do right in -this case, but we can too easily remember the hatred that he and all -his family bore toward the [Pg237] bastard duke in his boyhood, and -suspect at least that jealousy may have taken the place of scorn and -despising. One learns to fear making point-blank decisions about the -character of a man so long dead, even of one whom everybody blamed -like Mauger. His biographers may have been his personal enemies, and -later writers have ignorantly perpetuated an unjust hue and cry. - -Perhaps Lanfranc may be trusted better, for he too blamed the duke for -breaking a holy law,--Lanfranc the merry, wise Italian, who loved his -fellow-men, and who was a teacher by choice and by gift of God. All -Normandy was laid under a ban at this time for the wrong its master -had done. Lanfranc rebuked the assumed sinner bravely, and William's -fierce stern temper blazed out against him, and ordered a vicious -revenge of the insult to him and to his wife. The just William, who -kept Normandy in such good order, who stood like a bulwark of hewn -stone between his country and her enemies, was the same William who -could toss severed hands and feet over the Alencon wall, and give -orders to burn the grain stacks and household goods of the abbey -of Bec. We have seen how the duke and the abbot met, and how they -became friends again, and Lanfranc made peace with Pope Leo and won -him the loyalty of Normandy in return. Very likely Lanfranc was glad -to explain the truth and to be relieved from upholding such a flimsy -structure as the church's honor demanded. At any rate, William gladly -paid his Peter's pence and set about building his great abbey of -St. Etienne, in Caen, for a penance, and made [Pg238] Lanfranc its -prelate, and Matilda built her abbey of the Holy Trinity, while in -four of the chief towns of Normandy hospitals were built for the old -and sick people of the duchy. We shall see more of these churches -presently, but there they still stand, facing each other across the -high-peaked roofs of Caen; high and stately churches, the woman's -tower and the man's showing characteristics of boldness and of -ornament that mark the builders' fancy and carry us in imagination -quickly back across the eight hundred years since they were planned -and founded. Anselm, Maurilius, and Lanfranc, these were the teachers -and householders of the great churches, and one must have a new -respect for the young duke and duchess who could gather and hold three -such scholars and saintly men to be leaders of the church in Normandy. - -There were four sons and three daughters born to William and Matilda, -and there is no hint of any difference or trouble between the duke -and his wife until they were unable to agree about the misconduct of -their eldest son. Matilda's influence for good may often be traced -or guessed at in her husband's history, and there are pathetic -certainties of her resignation and gentleness when she was often -cruelly hurt and tried by the course of events. - -Later research has done away with the old idea of her working the -famous Bayeux tapestry with the ladies of her court to celebrate the -Conqueror's great deeds; but he needed no tribute of needle-work, nor -she either, to make them remembered. They have both left pictures -of themselves done in fadeless [Pg239] colors and living text of -lettering that will stand while English words are spoken, and Norman -trees bloom in the spring, and Norman rivers run to the sea, and the -towers of Caen spring boldly toward the sky. - -We cannot be too thankful that so much of these historic churches -has been left untouched. When it is considered that at five separate -times the very fiends of destruction and iconoclasm seem to have been -let loose in Normandy, it is a great surprise that there should be so -many old buildings still in existence. From the early depredations of -the Northmen themselves, down to the religious wars of the sixteenth -century and the French revolution of the eighteenth, there have -been other and almost worse destroying agencies than even the wars -themselves. Besides the natural decay of masonry and timber, there was -the very pride and growing wealth of the rich monastic orders and the -large towns, who liked nothing better than to pull down their barns -to build greater and often less interesting ones. The most prosperous -cities naturally build the best churches, as they themselves increase, -and naturally replace them oftenest, and so retain fewest that are of -much historical interest in the end. The most popular weapon in the -tenth and eleventh centuries was fire; and the first thing that Norman -assailants were likely to do, was to throw burning torches over the -walls into the besieged towns. Again and again they were burnt--houses, -churches, and all. - -The Normans were constantly improving, however, in their fashions of -building, and had made a great advance upon the Roman architecture -which [Pg240] they had found when they came to Neustria. Their work -has a distinct character of its own, and perhaps their very ignorance -of the more ornate and less effective work which had begun to prevail -in Italy, gave them freedom to work out their own simple ideas. -Instead of busying themselves with petty ornamentation and tawdry -imagery, they trusted for effect to the principles of height and -size. Their churches are more beautiful than any in the world; their -very plainness and severity gives them a beautiful dignity, and their -slender pillars and high arches make one think of nothing so much as -the tall pine forests of the North. What the Normans did with the idea -of the Roman arch, they did too in many other ways. They had a gift of -good taste that was most exceptional in that time, and especially in -that part of Europe; and whatever had been the power and efficiency -of the last impulse of civilization from the South, this impulse from -the North did a noble work in its turn. Normandy herself, in the days -of William and Matilda, was fully alive and pervaded with dreams of -growth and expansion. - - [Illustration: CRYPT OF MOUNT ST. MICHEL.] - -Nobody can tell how early the idea of the conquest of England began -to be a favorite Norman dream. In those days there was always a -possibility of some day owning one's neighbor's land, and with weak -Eadward on the throne of England, only too ready to listen to the -suggestions and demands of his Norman barons and favorite counsellors, -it must have seemed always an easier, not to say more possible, thing -to take one step farther. There was an excellent antechamber across -the Channel for the crowded court [Pg242] and fields of Normandy, -and William and Eadward were old friends and companions. In 1051, when -Normandy was at peace, and England was at any rate quiet and sullen, -submissive to rule, but lying fast, bound like a rebellious slave that -has been sold to a new master, William and a fine company of lords and -gentlemen went a-visiting. - -All those lords and gentlemen kept their eyes very wide open, and took -good notice of what they saw. - -It was not a common thing by any means, for a great duke to go -pleasuring. He was apt to be too busy at home; but William's affairs -were in good order, and his cousin of England was a feeble man and -more than half a Norman; besides, he had no heir, and in course of -time the English throne would lack a proper king. The idea of such a -holiday might have pleased the anxious suitor of Matilda of Flanders, -too, and have beguiled the hard time of waiting. Nobody stopped -to remember that English law gave no right of succession to mere -inheritance or descent. Ralph the Timid was AEthelred's grandson; but -who would think of making him king instead of such a man as William? -The poor banished prince at the Hungarian court, half a world away, -was not so much as missed or wished for. Godwine was banished, Harold -was in Ireland; besides, it must be urged that there was something -fine in the notion of adding such a state as Normandy to England. -England was not robbed, but magnificently endowed by such a proposal. - -Eadward was amiably glad to see this brave Duke of the Normans. There -was much to talk over [Pg243] together of the past; the present had -its questions, too, and it was good to have such a strong arm to lean -upon; what could have been more natural than that the future also -should have its veil drawn aside, not too rashly or irreverently? When -Eadward had been gathered to his fellow saints, pioneered by visions -that did not fade, and panoplied by authentic relics--nay, when the man -of prayers and cloistered quietness was kindly taken away from the -discordant painfulness of an earthly kingdom, what more easy than to -dream of this warlike William in his place; William, a man of war and -soldiery, for whom the government of two great kingdoms in one, would -only harden and employ the tense muscles and heavy brain; would only -provide his own rightful business? And, while Eadward thought of this -plan, William was Norman, too, and with the careful diplomacy of his -race, he joined the daring and outspokenness of old Rolf the Ganger; -he came back with his lords and gentlemen to Normandy, weighed down -with presents--every man of them who had not stayed behind for better -gain's sake. He came back to Normandy the acknowledged successor to -the English crown. Heaven send dampness now and bleak winds, and let -poor Eadward's sufferings be short! There was work for a man to do -in ruling England, and Eadward could not do it. The Englishmen were -stupid and dull; they ate too much and drank too much; they clung with -both hands to their old notions of state-craft and government. It was -the old story of the hare and the tortoise, but the hare was fleet of -foot and would win. [Pg244] - -Win? Yes, this race and that race; and yet the tortoise was going to -be somehow made over new, and keep a steady course in the right path, -and learn speed, and get to be better than the old tortoise as the -years went on and on. - -Eadward had no right to will away the kingship of England; but this -must have been the time of the promise that the Normans claimed, and -that their chroniclers have recorded. All Normandy believed in this -promise, and were ready to fight for it in after years. It is most -likely that Eadward was only too glad, at this date, to make a private -arrangement with the duke. He was on the worst of terms just then with -Godwine and his family, and consequently with the displeased English -party, who were their ardent upholders. Indeed, a great many of these -men were in Ireland with Harold, having turned their backs upon a king -and court that were growing more friendly to Normandy and disloyal to -England day by day. - -The very next year after William's triumphal visit the Confessor was -obliged to change his course in the still stormier sea of English -politics. The Normans had shown their policy too soon, and there was -a widespread disapproval, and an outcry for Godwine's return from -exile. Baldwin of Flanders, and King Henry of France, had already been -petitioning for his pardon, and suddenly Godwine himself came sailing -up the Thames, and London eagerly put itself under his control. Then -Eadward the Confessor consented to a reconciliation, there being -no apparent alternative, and a troop of disappointed and [Pg245] -displaced foreigners went back to Normandy. Robert of Jumieges, -was among them. The Anglo-Saxon chronicle tells us gravely, that -at Walton-on-the-Naze, "they were lighted on a crazy ship, and the -archbishop betook himself at once over the sea, leaving behind him his -pall and all his christendom here in the land even as God willed it, -because he had taken upon him that worship as God willed it not." The -plea for taking away his place was "because he had done more than any -to cause strife between Godwine and the king"; and Godwine's power was -again the strongest in England. - -The great earl lived only a few months longer, and when he died -his son Harold took his place. Already the eyes of many Englishmen -were ready to see in him their future king. Already he stands out a -bold figure, with a heart that was true to England, and though the -hopes that centred in him were broken centuries ago, we cannot help -catching something of the hope and spirit of the time. We are almost -ready to forget that this brave leader, the champion of that elder -English people, was doomed to fall before the on-rushing of a new -element of manhood, a tributary stream that came to swell the mighty -channel of the English race and history. William the Norman was busy -at home, meanwhile. The old hostility between Normandy and Flanders, -which dated from the time of William Longsword's murder, was now at -a certain end, by reason of the duke's marriage. Matilda, the noble -Flemish lady, the descendant of good King AElfred of England, had -brought peace and friendliness as not the least of [Pg246] her dowry, -and all fear of any immediate antagonism from that quarter was at an -end. - -By the alliance with the kings of France, the Norman dukes had been -greatly helped to gain their present eminence, and to the Norman dukes -the French kings, in their turn, owed their stability upon their own -thrones; they had fought for each other and stood by each other again -and again. Now, there was a rift between them that grew wider and -wider--a rift that came from jealousy and fear of the Normans' wealth -and enormous growth in strength. They were masters of the Breton -country, and had close ties of relationship, moreover, with not only -Brittany, but with Flanders and the smaller county of Ponthieu, which -lay between them and the Flemings. Normandy stretched her huge bulk -and strength between France and the sea; she commanded the French -rivers, the French borders; she was too much to be feared; if ever her -pride were to be brought down, and the old vassalage insisted upon, it -could not be too soon. Henry forgot all that he owed to the Normans' -protection, and provoked them by incessant hostilities--secret and open -treacheries,--and the fox waged war upon the lion, until a spirit of -enmity was roused that hardly slept again for five hundred years. - -There were other princes ready enough to satisfy their fear and -jealousy. The lands of the conspirators stretched from Burgundy to -the Pyrenees. Burgundy, Blois, Ponthieu, Aquitaine, and Poictiers all -joined in the chase for this William the Bastard, the chief of the -hated pirates. All the old gibes and [Pg247] taunts, and contemptuous -animosity were revived; now was the time to put an end to the Norman's -outrageous greed of power and insolence of possession, and the great -allied army divided itself in two parts, and marched away to Normandy. - -King Henry's brother, Odo, turned his forces toward Rouen, and the -king himself took a more southerly direction, by the way of Lisieux to -the sea. They meant, at any rate, to pen the duke into his old Danish -region of the Cotentin and Bessin districts; all his eastern lands, -the grant from Charles the Simple, with the rest, were to be seized -upon and taken back by their original owners. - -Things had changed since the battle of Val-es-dunes. There was no -division now among the Norman lords, and as the word to arm against -France was passed from one feudal chieftain to another, there was a -great mustering of horse and foot. So the king had made up his mind -to punish them, and to behave as if he had a right to take back the -gift that was unwillingly wrung from Charles the Simple. Normandy is -our own, not Henry's, was the angry answer; and Ralph of Tesson, and -the soldiers of Falaise, the Lord of Mortain, the men of Bessin, and -the barons of the Cotentin were ready to take the field, and stand -shoulder to shoulder. There had been a change indeed, in Normandy; and -from one end of it to the other there was a cry of shame and treachery -upon Henry, the faithless ally and overlord. They had learned to know -William as a man not against their interests but with them, and for -them and the glory of Normandy; and they had [Pg248] not so soon -forgotten the day of Val-es-dunes and their bitter mistake. - -The king's force had come into the country by the frontier city of -Aumale, and had been doing every sort of damage that human ingenuity -could invent between conqueror and vanquished. It was complained -by those who escaped that the French were worse than Saracens. Old -people, women, and children were abused or quickly butchered; men -were taken prisoners; churches and houses were burnt or pulled to -pieces. There was a town called Mortemer which had the ill-luck to -be chosen for the French head-quarters, because it was then a good -place for getting supplies and lodging, though now there is nothing -left of it but the remains of an ancient tower and a few dwellings and -gardens. Here the feasting and revelry went on as if Normandy were -already fallen. All day there were raids in the neighboring country, -and bringing in of captives, and plunder; and William's spies came -to Mortemer, and went home to tell the duke the whole story of the -hateful scene. There was a huge army collected there fearless of -surprise; this was the place to strike a blow, and the duke and his -captains made a rapid march by night so that they reached Mortemer -before daylight. - -There was no weapon more cherished by the pirates' grandchildren -than a blazing fire-brand, and the army stole through the town while -their enemies still slept, stupid with eating and drinking, or weary -from the previous day's harrying. They waked to find their houses -in flames, the roofs crackling, a horrid [Pg249] glare of light, a -bewilderment of smoke and shouts; the Normans ready to kill, to burn, -to pen them back by sturdy guards at the streets' ends. There was -a courageous resistance to this onslaught, but from early morning -until the day was well spent the fight went on, and most of the -invaders were cut to pieces. The dead men lay thick in the streets, -and scattered everywhere about the adjacent fields. "Only those were -spared who were worth sparing for the sake of their ransom. Many a -Norman soldier, down to the meanest serving-man in the ranks, carried -off his French prisoner; many a one carried off his two or three -goodly steeds with their rich harness. In all Normandy there was not -a prison that was not full of Frenchmen."[8] All this was done with -scarcely any loss to the Normans, at least so we are told, and the -news came to William that same evening, and made him thank God with -great rejoicing. It would seem as if only a God of battles could be a -very near and welcome sovereign to this soldier-lord of Normandy. - - [8] Freeman. - -The victor had still another foe to meet. The king's command was -still to be vanquished, and perhaps it might be done with even less -bloodshed. The night had fallen, and he chose Ralph of Toesny, son -of that Roger who sought the Spanish kingdom, the enemy of his own -ill-championed childhood, to go as messenger to the king's tent. The -two chieftains cannot have been encamped very far apart, for it was -still dark when Ralph rode fast on his errand. He crept close to where -the king lay in the darkness, [Pg250] and in the glimmer of dawn he -gave a doleful shout: "Wake, wake, you Frenchmen! You sleep too long; -go and bury your friends who lie dead at Mortemer"; then he stole away -again unseen, while the startled king and his followers whispered -together of such a terrible omen. Ill news travels apace; they were -not long in doubt; a panic seized the whole host. Not for Rouen now, -or the Norman cities, but for Paris the king marched as fast as he -could go; and nobody gave him chase, so that before long he and his -counts were safe at home again with the thought of their folly for -company. Craft is not so fine a grace as courage; but craft served -the Normans many a good turn; and this was not the least glorious of -William's victories, though no blood was spilt, though the king was -driven away and no sword lifted to punish him. The Normans loved a -bit of fun; we can imagine how well they liked to tell the story of -spoiling half an army with hardly a scratch for themselves, and making -the other half take to its heels at the sound of Ralph de Toesny's -gloomy voice in the night. There were frequent hostilities after this -along the borders, but no more leagues of the French counts; there was -a castle of Breteuil built to stand guard against the king's castle -of Tillieres, and William Fitz-Osbern was made commander of it; there -was an expedition of the Count of Maine, aided by Geoffrey Martel and -a somewhat unwilling Breton prince, against the southern castle of -Ambrieres. But when William hastened to its relief the besiegers took -to flight, except the Lord of Maine, who was captured and put into -[Pg251] prison until he was willing to acknowledge himself the duke's -vassal; and after this there were three years of peace in Normandy. - -It had grown to be a most orderly country. William's famous curfew -bell was proved to be an efficient police force. Every household's -fire was out at eight o'clock in winter, and sunset in summer, and -its lights extinguished; every man was in his own dwelling-place then -under dire penalty; he was a strict governor, but in the main a just -one--this son of the lawless Robert. He upheld the rights of the poor -landholders and widows, and while he was feared he was respected. It -was now that he gave so much thought to the rights of the Church, or -the following out of his own dislike, in the dismissal of his Uncle -Mauger, the primate of the duchy. - -There is still another battle to be recorded in this chapter,--one -which for real importance is classed with the two famous days of -Val-es-dunes and Hastings,--the battle fought at Varaville, against the -French king and his Angevine ally, who took it into their silly heads -to go a-plundering on the duke's domain. - -Bayeux and Caen were to be sacked, and all the surrounding country; -besides this, the allies were going to march to the sea to show the -Bastard that he could not lock them up in their inland country and -shake the key in their faces. William watched them as a cat watches -a mouse and lets the poor thing play and feast itself in fancied -security. He had the patience to let the invaders rob and burn, and -spoil the crops; to let them live in his towns, [Pg252] and the -French king himself hold a temporary court in a fine new abbey of -the Bessin, until everybody thought he was afraid of this mouse, and -that all the Normans were cowards; then the quick, fierce paw struck -out, and the blow fell. It is a piteous story of war, that battle of -Varaville! - -There was a ford where the French, laden with their weight of spoils, -meant to cross the river Dive into the district of Auge. On the -Varaville side the land is marshy; across the river, and at no great -distance, there is a range of hills which lie between the bank of -the Dive and the rich country of Lisieux. The French had meant to -go to Lisieux when they started out on their other enterprise. But -William had waited for this moment; part of the army under the king's -command had crossed over, and were even beginning to climb the hills. -The rear-guard with the great baggage trains were on the other bank, -when there was a deplorable surprise. William, with a body of trained -troops, had come out from Falaise; he had recruited his army with all -the peasants of the district; armed with every rude weapon that could -be gathered in such haste, they were only too ready to fall upon the -French mercilessly. - - [Illustration: A NORMAN ARCHER.] - -The tide was flowing in with disastrous haste, and the Frenchmen had -not counted upon this awful foe. Their army was cut in two; the king -looked down in misery from the height he had thoughtlessly gained. -Now we hear almost for the first time of that deadly shower of Norman -arrows, famous enough since in history. Down they came with their -sharp talons; the poor French were huddling together at [Pg253] the -river's brink; there was no shelter; the bowmen shot at them; the -peasants beat them with flails and scythes; into the rushing water -they went, and floated away writhing. There was not a man left alive -in troop after troop, and there were men enough of the Normans who -knew the puzzling, marshy ground to chase and capture those other -troopers who tried to run away. Alas for the lilies of France! how -they were trailed in the mire of that riverside at Varaville! It was -a massacre rather than a battle, and Henry's spirit was humbled. -"Heavy-hearted, he never held spear or shield again," says the -chronicle. There were no more expeditions against Normandy in his -time; he sued for a truce, and paid as the price for it, the castle -of Tillieres, and so that stronghold came back to its rightful lords -again. Within two years he died, being an old man, and we can well -believe a disappointed one. Geoffrey Martel died too, that year, the -most troublesome of the Bastard's great neighbors. This was 1060; -and it was in that year that Harold of England first came over to -Normandy--an unlucky visit enough, as time proved. His object was -partly to take a look at the political state of Gaul; but if he meant -to sound the [Pg254] hearts of the duke's neighbors in regard to him, -as some people have thought, he could not have chosen a more unlucky -time. If he meant to speak for support in case William proved to be -England's enemy in days to come, he was too late; those who would have -been most ready to listen were beyond the reach of human intrigues, -and their deaths had the effect of favoring William's supremacy, not -disputing it. - -There is no record of the great earl's meeting the Norman duke at all -on this first journey. If we had a better account of it, we might -solve many vexed questions. Some scholars think that it was during -this visit that Harold was inveigled into taking oath to uphold -William's claim to the English crown, but the records nearly all -belong to the religious character of the expedition. Harold followed -King Cnut's example in going on a pilgrimage to Rome, and brought back -various treasures for his abbey of Waltham, the most favored religious -house of his earldom. He has suffered much misrepresentation, no -doubt, at the hands of the monkish writers, for he neglected their -claims in proportion as he favored their secular brethren, for whom -the abbey was designed. A monk retired from the world for the benefit -of his own soul, but a priest gave his life in teaching and preaching -to his fellow-men. We are told that Harold had no prejudice against -even a married priest, and this was rank heresy and ecclesiastical -treason in the minds of many cloistered brethren. [Pg255] - - [Illustration] - - - - -XIII. - -HAROLD THE ENGLISHMAN. - - "The languid pulse of England starts - And bounds beneath your words of power." - --WHITTIER. - - -Just here we might well stop to consider the true causes and effects -of war. Seen in the largest way possible, from this side of life, -certain forces of development are enabled to assert themselves only -by outgrowing, outnumbering, outfighting their opposers. War is the -conflict between ideas that are going to live and ideas that have -passed their maturity and are going to die. Men possess themselves -of a new truth, a clearer perception of the affairs of humanity; -progress itself is made possible with its larger share of freedom -for the individual or for nations only by a relentless overthrowing -of outgrown opinions. It is only by new combinations of races, new -assertions of the old unconquerable forces, that the spiritual kingdom -gains or rather shows its power. When men claim that humanity can only -move round in a circle, that the world has lost many things, that the -experience of humanity is like the succession of the seasons, and -that there is reproduction but not progression, it is well to take -a [Pg256] closer look, to see how by combination, by stimulus of -example, and power of spiritual forces and God's great purposes, this -whole world is nearer every year to the highest level any fortunate -part of it has ever gained. Wars may appear to delay, but in due time -they surely raise whole nations of men to higher levels, whether by -preparing for new growths or by mixing the new and old. Generals of -battalions and unreckoned camp-followers alike are effects of some -great change, not causes of it. And no war was ever fought that was -not an evidence that one element in it had outgrown the other and was -bound to get itself manifested and better understood. The first effect -of war is incidental and temporary; the secondary effect makes a link -in the grand chain of the spiritual education and development of the -world. - -We grow confused in trying to find our way through the intricate -tangle of stories about the relation of Harold and William to each -other, with their promises and oaths and understanding of each other's -position in regard to the throne of England. Of course, William knew -that Harold had a hope of succeeding the Confessor. There was nobody -so fit for it in some respects as he--nobody who knew and loved England -any better, or was more important to her welfare. He had fought for -her; he was his father's son, and the eyes of many southern Englishmen -would turn toward him if the question of the succession were publicly -put in the Witanagemot. He might have defamers and enviers, but the -Earl of the West Saxons was the foremost man in England. [Pg257] He -had a right to expect recognition from his countrymen. The kingship -was not hereditary, and Eadward had no heirs if it had been. Eadward -trusted him; perhaps he had let fall a hint that he meant to recommend -his wise earl as successor, even though it were a repetition of -another promise made to William when Harold was a banished man and the -house of Godwine serving its term of disgrace and exile. - -It appears that Eadward had undergone an intermediate season of -distrusting either of these two prominent candidates for succession. -But the memory of Eadward Ironside was fondly cherished in England, -and his son, Eadward the Outlaw, the lawful heir of the crown, was -summoned back to his inheritance from Hungary. There was great -rejoicing, and the Atheling's wife and his three beautiful children, a -son and two daughters, were for a time great favorites and kindled an -instant loyalty all too soon to fade. Alas! that Eadward should have -returned from his long banishment to sicken and die in London just as -life held out such fair promises; and again the Confessor's mind was -troubled by the doubtful future of his kingdom. - -On the other hand, if we trust to the Norman records now,--not always -unconfirmed by the early English historians,--we must take into -account many objections to, as well as admissions of, Harold's claim. -Eadward's inclination seems often to swerve toward his Norman cousin, -who alone seemed able to govern England properly or to hold her -jealous forces well in hand. The great English earls were [Pg258] -in fact nearly the same as kings of their provinces. There was much -opposition and lack of agreement between them; there was a good -deal of animosity along the borders in certain sections, and a deep -race prejudice between the Danes of Northumberland and the men of -the south. The Danes from oversea were scheming to regain the realm -that had belonged to their own great ruler Cnut, and so there was a -prospect of civil war or foreign invasion which needed a strong hand. -Harold's desire to make himself king was not in accordance with the -English customs. He was not of the royal house; he was only one of -the English earls, and held on certain grounds no better right to -pre-eminence than they. Leofric and Siward would have looked upon him -as an undeserving interloper, who had no right to rule over them. "The -grandsons of Leofric, who ruled half England," says one historian, -"would scarcely submit to the dominion of an equal.... No individual -who was not of an ancient royal house had ever been able to maintain -himself upon an Anglo-Saxon throne." - -Before we yield too much to our natural sentiment over the story of -this unfortunate "last of the Saxon kings," it is well to remember the -bad and hindering result to England if Harold had conquered instead of -fallen on the battle-field of Hastings. The weakness of England was in -her lack of unity and her existing system of local government. - - [Illustration: GUY, COUNT OF PONTHIEU. BAYEUX TAPESTRY.] - -There are two or three plausible stories about Harold's purpose in -going to Normandy. It is sometimes impossible in tracing this portion -of [Pg259] history through both English and Norman chronicles to find -even the same incidents mentioned. Each historian has such a different -proof and end in view, and it is only by the closest study, and a good -deal of guesswork beside, that a reasonable account of Harold's second -visit, and the effects of it, can be made out. We may listen for a -moment to the story of his being sent by Eadward to announce that the -English crown was to be given to the Norman duke by [Pg260] Eadward's -own recommendation to the council, or we may puzzle our way through -an improbable tale that Godwine's son, Wolfnoth, and grandson, Hakon, -were still held by William as hostages between Eadward and Godwine, -though Godwine's family had long since been formally reinstated and -re-endowed. Harold is supposed to have gone over to demand their -release, though Eadward mournfully warned him of danger and treachery. - -The most probable explanation is that Harold was bound on a pleasure -excursion with some of his family either to Flanders or some part of -his own country, and was shipwrecked and cast ashore on the coast of -Ponthieu. All accounts agree about this, though they differ so much -about the port he meant to make and his secret purpose. - -In those days wrecking was a sadly common practice, and the more -illustrious a rescued man might be, the larger ransom was demanded. -When we reflect that much of the brutal and lawless custom of wrecking -survived almost if not quite to our own time in England, we cannot -expect much from the leniency of the Count of Ponthieu's subjects, or -indeed much clemency from that petty sovereign himself. Harold was -thrown into prison and suffered many things there before the Duke of -Normandy could receive his message and come to his relief. - -We might imagine for ourselves now a fine historical picture of -William the Conqueror seated in his palace at Rouen, busy with -affairs of church and state. He has grown stouter, and his face shows -marks of thought and care which were not all there [Pg261] when -he went to England. His hair is worn thin by his helmet, and the -frank, courteous look of his youth has given place to sternness and -insistance, though his smile is ready to be summoned when occasion -demands. He is a man who could still be mild with the gentle, and -pleasantry was a weapon and tool if it were not an unconscious habit. -Greater in state and less in soul, says one historian, who writes of -him from an English standpoint at this hour in his career. A Norman -gentleman lived delicately in those days; he was a worthy successor -of a Roman gentleman in the luxurious days of the empire, but not yet -enfeebled and belittled by ease and extravagance--though we do listen -with amusement to a rumor that the elegant successors of Rolf the -Ganger were very dependent upon warm baths, and a good sousing with -cold water was a much dreaded punishment and penance. The reign of the -valet had become better assured than the reign (in England) of the -offspring of Woden and the house of Cerdic. - -But we forget to watch the great Duke of the Normans as he sits in -his royal chamber and listens to a messenger from the prisoned Earl -of the West Saxons. It is a moment of tremendous significance, for by -the assistance of winds and waves Harold has fallen into his power. He -must tread carefully now and use his best cleverness of strategy and -treacherous artifice. How the bystanders must have watched his face, -and listened with eager expectation for his answer. The messenger -pleads Harold's grievous condition; hints of famine, torture, and -death itself [Pg262] have been known to escape this brutal Count of -Ponthieu who keeps the great Englishman in his dungeon as if he were -a robber. Perhaps he only wishes to gain a greater ransom, perhaps he -acts in traitorous defiance of his Lord of Normandy's known friendship -for England. - -William replies at last with stern courtesy. He is deeply grieved, we -can hear him say, for the earl's misfortune, but he can only deal in -the matter as prince with prince. It is true that Guy of Ponthieu is -his vassal and man, but Guy is governor of his coast, and makes his -own laws. It will cost great treasure to ransom this noble captive, -but the matter must be carefully arranged, for Guy is hot-tempered and -might easily be provoked into sending Harold's head to Rouen without -his body. Yet half the Norman duchy shall be spent if need be for such -a cause as the English earl's release. - -Fitz-Osbern, the duke's seneschal and Malet de Graville, and the noble -attendants of the palace murmur a pleased assent as the half-satisfied -messenger is kindly dismissed. They detect an intrigue worthy of -the best Norman ability, and know by William's face that he has -unexpectedly gained a welcome control over events. - -The liberation of Harold was effected after much man[oe]uvring, -necessary or feigned, and when he appeared before William it was as -a grateful man who was in debt not only for his release from danger -and discomfort, but for a great sum of money and a tract of valuable -landed property. - - [Illustration: MOUNT ST. MICHEL.] - -It is impossible not to suspect that Guy of [Pg264] Ponthieu and -William were in league with each other, and when the ransom was paid, -the wrecker-count became very amiable, and even insisted upon riding -with a gay company of knights to the place where the Norman duke came -with a splendid retinue to meet his distinguished guest. William -laid aside the cumbrous forms of court etiquette and hurried to the -gates of the Chateau d'Eu to help Harold to dismount, and greeted -him with cordial affection, as friend with friend. Harold may well -have been dazzled by his reception at the most powerful court in that -part of the world. To have a welcome that befitted a king may well -have pleased him into at least a temporary acknowledgment of his -entertainer's majestic power and rights. No doubt, during that unlucky -visit it seemed dignity enough to be paraded everywhere as the great -duke's chosen companion and honored friend and guest. At any rate, -Harold's visit seems to have given occupation to the court, and we -catch many interesting glimpses of the stately Norman life, as well -as the humble, almost brutal, condition of the lower classes, awed -into quietness and acquiescence by the sternness and exactness of -William's rule. It must be acknowledged that if the laws were severe -they prevented much disorder that had smouldered in other times in the -lower strata of society; men had less power and opportunity to harm -each other or to enfeeble the state. - - [Illustration: OLD HOUSES, DOL.] - -No greater piece of good luck could have befallen the duke than to win -the post of Harold's benefactor, and he played the part gallantly. -Not only the duke but the duchess treated their guest with [Pg265] -uncommon courtesy, and he was admitted to the closest intimacy with -the household. If Harold had been wise he would have gone back to -England as fast as sails could carry him, but instead of that he -lingered on, equally ready to applaud the Norman exploits in camp and -court, and to show his entertainers what English valor could achieve. -He went with the duke on some petty expedition against the rebellious -Britons, but it is hard to make out a straight story of that -enterprise. But there is a characteristic story of Harold's strength -in the form of a tradition that when the Norman army was crossing the -deep river Coesnon, which pours into the sea under the wall of Mount -St. Michel, some of the troops were being swept away by the waves, -when [Pg266] Harold rescued them, taking them with great ease, at -arm's length, out of the water. - -There is a sober announcement in one of the old chronicles, that the -lands of Brittany were included in Charles the Simple's grant to Rolf, -because Rolf had so devastated Normandy that there was little there to -live upon. At the time of William's expedition, Brittany itself was -evidently taking its turn at such vigorous shearing and pruning of the -life of its fertile hills and valleys. The Bretons liked nothing so -well as warfare, and when they did not unite against a foreign enemy, -they spent their time in plundering and slaughtering one another. -Count Conan, the present aggressor, was the son of Alan of Brittany, -William's guardian. Some of the Bretons were loyal to the Norman -authority, and Dol, an ancient city renowned for its ill luck, and -Dinan were successively vacated by the rebels. Dinan was besieged by -fire, a favorite weapon in the hands of the Normans; but later we find -that both the cities remained Breton, and the Norman allies go back to -their own country. There is a hint somewhere of the appearance of an -army from Anjou, to take the Bretons' part, but the Norman chroniclers -ignore it as far as they can. - -It is impossible to fix the date of this campaign; indeed there may -have been more than one expedition against Brittany. Still more -difficult is it to learn any thing that is undisputed about the famous -oath that Harold gave to William, and was afterward so completely -punished for breaking. Yet, while we do not know exactly what the -oath was, [Pg267] Harold's most steadfast upholders have never been -able to deny that there was an oath, and there is no contradiction, -on the English side, of the whole affair. His best friends have been -silent about it. The most familiar account is this, if we listen to -the Norman stories: Harold entered into an engagement to marry one of -William's daughters, who must have been very young at the time of the -visit or visits to Normandy, and some writers claim that the whole -cause of the quarrel lay in his refusal to keep his promise. There -is a list beside of what appears to us unlikely concessions on the -part of the English earl. Harold did homage to the duke, and formally -became his man, and even promised to acknowledge his claim to the -throne of England at the death of the Confessor. More than this, he -promised to look after William's interest in England, and to put him -at once into possession of the Castle of Dover, with the right of -establishing a Norman garrison there. William, in return, agreed to -hold his new vassal in highest honor, giving him by and by even the -half of his prospective kingdom. When this surprising oath was taken, -Harold was entrapped into swearing upon the holiest relic of Norman -saints which had been concealed in a chest for the express purpose. -With the superstitious awe that men of his time felt toward such -emblems, this not very respectable act on William's part is made to -reflect darkly upon Harold. Master Wace says that "his hand trembled -and his flesh quivered when he touched the chest, though he did not -know what was in it, and how much more distressed he was when he -[Pg268] found by what an awful vow he had unwittingly bound his soul." - -So Harold returned to England the duke's vassal and future son-in-law, -according to the chronicles, but who can help being suspicious, after -knowing how Harold was indebted to the duke and bound with cunningly -contrived chains until he found himself a prisoner? William of -Poitiers, a chronicler who wrote in the Conqueror's day, says that -Harold was a man to whom imprisonment was more odious than shipwreck. -It would be no wonder if he had made use of a piece of strategy, and -was willing to make any sort of promise simply to gain his liberty. - -The plot of the relic-business put a different face upon the whole -matter, and yet, even if Harold was dazzled for the time being by -William's power and splendor, one must doubt whether he would have -given up all his ambition of reigning in England. He was already -too great a man at home to play the subject and flatterer with much -sincerity, even though his master were the high and mighty Duke of the -Normans, and he had come from a ruder country to the fascination and -elegance of the Norman court. Whatever the oath may have been that -Harold gave at Bayeux, it is certain that he broke it afterward, and -that his enemies made his failure not only an affair of state, but of -church, and waged a bitter war that brought him to his sad end. - -Now, the Norman knights might well look to it that their armor was -strong and the Norman soldiers provide themselves with arrows and -well-seasoned bows. It was likely that Harold's promise was no -[Pg269] secret, and that some echo of it reached from one end of -the dukedom to the other. There were great enterprises on foot, and -at night in the firelight there was eager discussion of possible -campaigns, for though the great Duke William, their soldier of -soldiers, had bent the strength of his resistless force upon a new -kingdom across the Channel and had won himself such a valuable ally, -it was not likely that England would be ready to fall into his hand -like a ripe apple from the bough. There was sure to be fighting, but -there was something worth fighting for; the petty sorties against the -provincial neighbors of Normandy were hardly worth the notice of her -army. Men like the duke's soldiers were fit for something better than -such police duty. Besides, a deep provocation had not been forgiven -by those gentlemen who were hustled out of England by Godwine and his -party, and many an old score would now stand a chance of repayment. - -Not many months were passed before the news came from London that the -holy king Eadward was soon to leave this world for a better. He was -already renowned as a worker of miracles and a seer of visions, and -the story was whispered reverently that he had given his ring to a -beggar who appeared before him to ask alms in the middle of a crowd -assembled at the dedication of a church. The beggar disappeared, but -that very night some English pilgrims on their way to Jerusalem are -shelterless and in danger near the holy city. Suddenly a company of -shining acolytes approach through the wilderness, carrying two tapers -before an old man, as if he were [Pg270] out on some errand of the -church. He stops to ask the wondering pilgrims whence they come and -whither they are going, and guides them to a city and a comfortable -lodging, and next morning tells them that he is Saint John the -Evangelist. More than this, he gives them the Confessor's ring, with -a message to carry back to England. Within six months Eadward will -be admitted to paradise as a reward for his pure and pious life. The -message is carried to the king by miraculous agency that same night, -and ever since he prays and fasts more than ever, and is hurrying -the builders of his great Westminster, so that he may see that holy -monument of his piety dedicated to the service of God before he dies. - -The Norman lords and gentlemen who listened to this tale must have -crossed themselves, one fancies, and craved a blessing on the saintly -king, but the next minute we fancy also that they gave one another a -glance that betokened a lively expectation of what might follow the -news of Eadward's translation. - -Twice in the year, at Easter and Christmas, the English king wore his -crown in the great Witanagemot and held court among his noblemen. -In this year the midwinter Gemot was held at the king's court at -Westminster, instead of at Gloucester, to hallow the Church of St. -Peter, the new shrine to which so much more of the Confessor's thought -had gone than to the ruling of his kingdom. - -But in the triumphant days to which he had long looked forward, his -strength failed faster and faster, and his queen, Edith, the daughter -of Godwine, had [Pg271] to take his place at the ceremonies. The -histories of that day are filled with accounts of the grand building -that Eadward's piety had reared. He had given a tenth part of all -his income to it for many years, and with a proud remembrance of the -Norman churches with which he was familiar in his early days, had made -Westminster a noble rival of them and the finest church in England. -The new year was hardly begun, the Witan had not scattered to their -homes, before Eadward the Confessor was carried to his tomb--the last -of the sons of Woden. He had reigned for three and twenty years, and -was already a worn old man. - - "Now, in the falling autumn, while the winds - Of winter blew across his scanty days - He gathered up life's embers----" - -But as he lay dying in the royal palace at Westminster everybody -was less anxious about the king, than about the country's uncertain -future. Harold had been a sort of under-king for several years, and -had taken upon himself many of the practical duties of government. -He had done great deeds against the Welsh, and was a better general -and war-man than Eadward had ever been. Nobody had any hope of the -Confessor's recovery, and any hour might find the nation kingless. The -Atheling's young son was a feeble, incompetent person, and wholly a -foreigner; only the most romantic and senseless citizen could dream -of making him Lord of England in such a time as that. There were a -thousand rumors afloat; every man had his theory and his prejudice, -and at last there must have been a general feeling of relief [Pg272] -when the news was told that the saint-king was dead in his palace and -had named Harold as his successor. The people clung eagerly to such a -nomination; now that Eadward was dead he was saint indeed, and there -was a funeral and a coronation that same day in the minster on the -Isle of Thorney; his last word to the people was made law. - -No more whispering that Harold was the Duke of the Normans' man, and -might betray England again into the hands of those greedy favorites -whom the holy king had cherished in his bosom like serpents. No -more fears of Harold's jealous enemies among the earls; there was a -short-sighted joy that the great step of the succession had been made -and settled fast in the consent of the Witan, who still lingered; to -be dispersed, when these famous days were at an end, by another king -of England than he who had called them together. - - [Illustration: FUNERAL OF EADWARD THE CONFESSOR. (FROM THE BAYEUX - TAPESTRY.)] - -The king had prophesied in his last hours; he had seen visions and -dreamed dreams; he had said that great sorrows were to fall upon -England for her sins, and that her earls and bishops and abbots were -but ministers of the fiend in the eye of God; that within a year and -a day the whole land would be harried from one end to another with -fire and slaughter. Yet, almost with the same breath, he recommends -his Norman friends, "those whom in his simplicity he spoke of as men -who had left their native land for love of him," to Harold's care, and -does not seem to suspect their remotest agency in the future harrying. -True enough some of the Norman officers were loyal to him and to -England. This death-bed scene [Pg273] is sad and solemn. Norman -Robert the Staller was there, and Stigand, the illegal archbishop; -Harold, the hope of England, and his sister, the queen, who mourns now -and is very tender to her [Pg274] royal husband, who has given her a -sorry lot with his cold-heartedness toward her and the dismal exile -and estrangement he has made her suffer. He loves her and trusts her -now in this last day of life, and her woman's heart forgets the days -that were dark between them. He even commends her to Harold's care, -and directs that she must not lose the honors which have been hers as -queen. - -There is a tradition that when Eadward lay dying he said that he was -passing from the land of the dead to the land of the living, and the -chronicle adds: "Saint Peter, his friend, opened to him the gates -of Paradise, and Saint John, his own dear one, led him before the -Divine Majesty." The walls that Eadward built are replaced by others; -there is not much of his abbey left now but some of the foundation -and an archway or two. But his tomb stands in a sacred spot, and the -prayers and hymns he loved so devoutly are said and sung yet in his -own Westminster, the burying-place of many another king since the -Confessor's time. - - [Illustration] - -[Pg275] - - [Illustration] - - - - -XIV. - -NEWS FROM ENGLAND. - - "Great men have reaching hands." - --SHAKESPEARE. - - -So Harold was crowned king of England. Our business is chiefly with -what the Normans thought about that event, and while London is divided -between praises of the old king and hopes of the new one, and there -are fears of what may follow from Earl Tostig's enmity; while the -Witan are dispersing to their homes, and the exciting news travels -faster than they do the length and breadth of the country, we must -leave it all and imagine ourselves in Normandy. - -Duke William was at his park of Quevilly, near Rouen, and was on his -way to the chase. He had been bending his bow--the famous bow that was -too strong for other men's hands--and just as he gave it to the page -who waited to carry it after him, a man-at-arms came straight to his -side; they went apart together to speak secretly, while the bystanders -watched them curiously and whispered that the eager messenger was an -Englishman. - -"Eadward the king is dead," the duke was told, [Pg276] but that not -unexpected news was only half the message. "Earl Harold is raised to -the kingdom." - -There came an angry look into the duke's eyes, and the herald -left him. William forgot his plans for the hunt; he strode by his -retainers; he tied and untied his mantle absent-mindedly, and -presently went down to the bank of the Seine again and crossed over -in a boat to his castle hall. He entered silently, and nobody dared -ask what misfortune had befallen him. His companions followed him and -found him sitting on a bench, moving restlessly to and fro. Then he -became quieter; he leaned his head against the great stone pillar and -covered his face with his mantle. Long before, in the old Norse halls, -where all the vikings lived together, if a man were sick or sorry or -wished for any reason to be undisturbed, he sat on his own bench and -covered his head with his cloak; there was no room where he could be -alone; and after the old custom, in these later days, the knights of -William's court left him to his thoughts. Then William Fitz-Osbern, -the "bold-hearted," came into the quiet hall humming a tune. The -awe-struck people who were clustered there asked him what was the -matter; then the duke looked up. - -"It is in vain for you to try to hide the news," said the Seneschal. -"It is blazing through the streets of Rouen. The Confessor is dead, -and Harold holds the English kingdom." - -The duke answered gravely that he sorrowed both for the death of -Eadward and for the faithlessness of Harold. [Pg277] - - [Illustration: STIGAND, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY.] - -"Arise and be doing," urges Fitz-Osbern. "There is no need for -mourning. Cross the sea and snatch the kingdom out of the usurper's -hand," and in this way stern thought and dire purpose were thrown -into the duke's holiday. The messenger had brought a lighted torch in -his hand that was equal to kindling great plans that winter day in -Normandy. [Pg278] - -William and all his men, from the least soldier to the greatest, -knew that if they wished for England the only way to get it was to -fight for it. There had never been such a proof of their mettle as -this would be. The Normans who went to Italy had no such opponents as -Harold and the rest of the Englishmen fighting on their own ground -for their homes and their honor; but Norman courage shone brightest -in these days. This is one of the places where we must least of all -follow the duke's personal fortunes too closely, or forget that the -best of the Normans were looking eagerly forward to the possession of -new territory. Many of their cleverest men, too, were more than ready -to punish the English for ejecting them from comfortable positions -under Godwine's rule, and were anxious to reinstate themselves -securely. There was no such perilous journey before the army as the -followers of the Hautevilles had known, while their amazing stories -of gain and glory incited the Normans at home to win themselves new -fortunes. It is a proof that civilization and the arts of diplomacy -were advancing, when we listen (and the adventurers listened too) -while excuse after excuse was tendered for the great expedition. The -news of Harold's accession was simply a welcome signal for action, -but the heir of Rolf the Ganger was a politician, an astute wielder -of public opinion, and his state-craft was now directed toward giving -his desire to conquer England and reign over it a proper aspect in the -eyes of other nations. - -The right of heritage was fast displacing [Pg279] everywhere the -people's right to choose their kings. The feudal system was close and -strong in its links, but while Harold had broken his oath of homage -to William, that alone was not sufficient crime. Such obligations -were not always unbreakable, and were too much a matter of formality -and temporary expediency to warrant such an appeal to the common law -of nations as William meant to make. As nearly as we can get at the -truth of the matter, the chief argument against Harold the Usurper -was on religious grounds--on William's real or assumed promise of the -succession from Eadward, and Harold's vow upon the holy relics of -the saints at Rouen. This at least was most criminal blasphemy. The -Normans gloried in their own allegiance to the church. Their duke was -blameless in private life and a sworn defender and upholder of the -faith, and by this means a most formidable ally was easily won, in the -character of Lanfranc the great archbishop. - -Lanfranc and William governed Normandy hand in hand. In tracing -the history of this time the priest seems as familiar with secular -affairs, with the course of the state and the army and foreign -relations, as the duke was diligent in attending ecclesiastical synods -and church services. It was a time of great rivalry and uncertainty -for the papal crown; there was a pope and an anti-pope just then who -were violent antagonists, but Archdeacon Hildebrand was already the -guide and authority of the Holy See. Later he became the Pope famous -in history as Gregory VII. We are startled to find that the expedition -against England was made to [Pg280] take the shape of a crusade, even -though England was building her own churches, and sending pilgrims to -the Holy Land, and pouring wealth most generously into the church's -coffers. "Priests and prelates were subject to the law like other -men," that was the trouble; and "a land where the king and his Witan -gave and took away the staff of the bishop was a land which, in the -eyes of Rome, was more dangerous than a land of Jews or Saracens." -"It was a policy worthy of William to send to the threshold of the -apostles to crave their blessing on his intended work of reducing -the rebellious land, and it was a policy worthy of one greater than -William himself, to make even William, for once in his life, the -instrument of purposes yet more daring, yet more far-sighted, than his -own. On the steps of the papal chair, and there alone, had William and -Lanfranc to cope with an intellect loftier and more subtle than even -theirs."[9] - - [9] Freeman: "The Norman Conquest." - -William sent an embassy to Harold probably very soon after the receipt -of the news of his coronation. The full account of both the demand and -its reply have been forgotten, but it is certain that whatever the -duke's commands were they were promptly disobeyed, and certain too -that this was the result that William expected and even desired. He -could add another grievance to his list of Harold's wrongdoings, and -now, beside the original disloyalty, William could complain that his -vassal had formally refused to keep his formal promise and obligation. -Then he called a council of Norman nobles at Lillebonne and laid his -plans before them. - -[Pg281] - - [Illustration: NORMANDY (IN 1066).] - -[Pg282] - -It was a famous company of counsellors and made up of the duke's -oldest friends. There were William Fitz-Osbern, and the duke's -brother Odo of Bayeux, whose priesthood was no hindrance to his good -soldiery; Richard of Evreux, the grandson of Richard the Fearless; -Roger of Beaumont and the three heroes of Mortemer; Walter Giffard; -Hugh de Montfort and William of Warren; the Count of Mortain and -Roger Montgomery and Count Robert of Eu. All these names we know, and -familiar as they were in Normandy, they were, most of them, to strike -deeper root in their new domain of England. We do not find that they -objected now to William's plans, but urged only that they had no right -to speak for the whole country, and that all the Norman barons ought -to be called together to speak for themselves. - -This was a return to the fashions of Rolf's day, when the adventurers -boasted on the banks of the Seine that they had no king to rule over -them, and were all equal; that they only asked for what they could win -with their swords. We do not find any other record of a parliament in -Normandy; perhaps nothing had ever happened of late which so closely -concerned every armed man within the Norman borders. The feudal barons -had a right to speak now for themselves and their dependants, and in -the great ducal hall of the castle at Lillebonne William duke told -them his story and called upon them for help. He had a great wish to -revenge Harold's treatment of him by force of arms, and asked the -noble company of barons what aid they would [Pg283] render; with how -many men and how many ships and with what a sum of money they would -follow him and uphold the weighty and difficult enterprise. - -Now we find many of the barons almost unwilling; even doubtful of the -possibility of conquering such a kingdom as England. After insisting -that they had longed to go plundering across the Channel, and that the -old love for fighting burned with as hot a fire as ever within their -breasts, the chronicles say that this Norman parliament asked for time -to talk things over in secret before the duke should have any answer. -We are given a picture of them grouped around this and that pleader -for or against the duke, and are told that they demurred, that they -objected to crossing the sea to wage war, and that they feared the -English. For a moment it appears as if the whole mind of the assembly -were opposed to the undertaking. They even feared if they promised -unusual supplies of men and treasure that William would forever keep -them up to such a difficult standard of generosity. I must say that -all this does not ring true or match at all with the Norman character -of that time. It would not be strange if there were objectors among -them, but it does not seem possible when they were so ready to -go adventuring before and after this time; when they were after -all separated by so short a time from Rolf the Ganger's piracies, -that many could have been so seriously daunted by the prospect of -such limited seafaring as crossing the Channel. It appears like an -ingenious method of magnifying the greatness and splendor of the -Norman victory, and the valiant leadership of the duke and his most -trusted aids. [Pg284] - -William Fitz-Osbern was chosen to plead with the barons, and persuade -them to follow the duke's banner. He reminded them that they were -William's vassals, and that it would be unwise to disappoint him. -William was a stern man and fearful as an enemy. If any among them -loved their ease, and wished to avoid their lawful tribute of service, -let them reflect that they were in the power of such a mighty lord and -master. What was their money worth to them if the duke branded them as -faithless cowards, and why did they wish to disgrace their names and -take no part in this just and holy war against the usurper? - -These were the arguments we can fancy brave Fitz-Osbern giving them -one by one if indeed they hung back and were close-fisted or afraid. -They commissioned him at last to speak for them at the next hearing, -and when he boldly promised for each man double his regular fee and -allotment--for the lord of twenty knights forty knights, and "for -himself, of his love and zeal, sixty ships armed and equipped and -filled with fighting men," the barons shouted at first "No, no!" and -the hall at Lillebonne echoed with the noise. - -But it was all settled finally, and we are told that the duke himself -talked with his barons one by one, and that at last they were as eager -as he. The whole objection seems to have been made for fear that their -doubled and extraordinary tribute should be made a precedent, but the -duke promptly gave his word of honor that it should not be so, and -their estates should not be permanently weighted beyond [Pg285] their -ability. The scribes took down the record of the knights and soldiers -that each baron had promised, and from this time there was a hum and -stir of war-making in Normandy, and that spring there were more women -than men in the fields tending the growing crops. - -The duke set himself seriously to work. All the barons of his duchy -and all their men were not enough to depend upon for the overthrowing -of England. William must appeal to his neighbors for help, and in -this he was aided by the Pope's approval, and the blessing that was -promised to those who would punish Harold and his countrymen, traitors -to the Holy Church. The spoils of England were promised to all who -would win a share in them, and adventurers flocked from east, north, -and south to enroll themselves in the Norman ranks. Alan of Brittany -was ready to command his forces in person and to come to William's -assistance, and so was Eustace of Boulogne, but the French nobles -who gathered about their young King Philip, still under Baldwin of -Flanders's guardianship, were by no means willing to help forward any -thing that would make their Norman rivals any more powerful than they -were already. From Flanders there were plenty of adventurers, and some -high noblemen who needed little urging to join their fortunes to such -an expedition, and William sent embassies to more distant countries -still, with better or worse results. There is a tradition that even -the Normans of Sicily came northward in great numbers. - -The most important thing, next to carrying a [Pg286] sufficient force -into England, was to leave the Norman borders secure from invasion. If -they were repulsed in England and returned to find they had lost part -of Normandy, that would be a sorry fate indeed, and the duke exerted -himself in every way to leave his territory secure. - -The most powerful alliance was that with the papal court at Rome. Here -Lanfranc could serve his adopted country to good effect. Hildebrand's -power was making itself felt more and more, and it was he who most -ardently desired and fostered the claim of the Church to a mastery of -all the crowns of Christendom. "The decree went forth, which declared -Harold to be a usurper and William to be the lawful claimant of -the English crown. It would even seem that it declared the English -king and all his followers to be cut off from the communion of the -faithful. William was sent forth as an avenger to chastise the wrong -and perjury of his faithless vassal. But he was also sent forth as a -missionary, to guide the erring English into the true path, to teach -them due obedience to Christ's vicar, and to secure a more punctual -payment of the temporal dues of his apostle. The cause of the invasion -was blessed, and precious gifts were sent as the visible exponents -of the blessing. A costly ring was sent, containing a relic, holier, -it may be, than any on which Harold had sworn--a hair of the prince -of the apostles. And with the ring came a consecrated banner."[10] -These were, after all, more formidable weapons than the Norman arrows. -They inspired [Pg287] not only courage, but a sense of duty and of -righteous service of God. Alas for poor humanity that lends itself so -readily to wrongdoing, and even hopes to win heaven by making this -earth a place of bloodshed and treachery. Now, William had something -besides English lands and high places for knight and priest alike on -conquered soil--he could give security and eminence in the world to -come. Heaven itself had been promised by its chief representative -on earth to those who would fight for the Duke of Normandy against -England. Hildebrand had made a last appeal to the holy assembly of -cardinals when he told the story of the profaned relics and Harold's -broken oath, and had urged the willing fathers of the church to -consider how pious and benevolent it would be to Christianize the -barbarous and heathen Saxons. Nobody took pains to remember that the -priesthood of England owned a third of the English lands, and ruled -them with a rod of iron. So long as England would not bend the knee to -Rome, what did all that matter? - - [10] Freeman, "The Norman Conquest." - -One significant thing happened at this time. Who should make his -appearance at the duke's court but Tostig, the son of Godwine, eager, -no doubt, to plot against Harold, and to take a sufficient revenge for -the banishment and defeat by means of which he was then an outcast. -He did not linger long, for the busy duke sent him quickly away, not -uncommissioned for the war that was almost ready to begin. - -Harold also had set himself at work to gather his forces and to be -in readiness for an attack which was sure to come. Another enemy was -first in the field, [Pg288] for in the spring Tostig appeared in -the Isle of Wight, the captain of a fleet of ships that were manned -by Flemish and Norman men. He had received aid from William, and -proceeded to wreak his vengeance upon the Kent and Sussex villages -over which his father had once ruled. He does not appear to have -gained any English allies, except at the seaport of Sandwich, where he -probably hired some sailors; then he went northward from there with -sixty ships and attacked the coast of Godwine's earldom. He made great -havoc in the shore towns, but Eadwine and Morkere of Northumberland -hurried to meet him with their troops and drove him away, so that -with only twelve ships left he went to Scotland, where Malcolm, the -Scottish king received him with a hearty welcome, and entertained him -politely the rest of the summer. They had lately been sworn enemies, -but now that Tostig was fighting against England, Malcolm put aside -all bygone prejudice. - - [Illustration: ENGLAND.] - -In the summer of that eventful year, Tostig first proposed to the king -of Denmark that he should come to England and help him to recover his -earldom. Swegen had the good sense to refuse, and then the outlaw went -on to Norway to make further proposals to Harold Hardrada, who also -listened incredulously, but when Tostig suggested that Harold should -be king of England, and that he would only ask to be under-king of the -northern territory, that he would do homage to Harold and serve him -loyally, the great Norwegian chieftain consented to make ready for an -expedition. He seems to have been much like Rolf the Ganger, and a -true, valiant viking at heart. [Pg290] The old saga whence the story -comes makes us forget the plottings and claims of Rome and the glories -of Norman court life; the accounts of Harold Hardrada's expedition are -like a breath of cold wind from the Northern shores, and the sight -of a shining dragon-ship stealing away between the high shores of a -fiord, outward-bound for a bout of plundering. But the saga records -also the fame and prowess of that other Harold, the son of Godwine, -and magnifies the power of such an enemy. - -Perhaps the English king trusted at first in the ability of the -northern earls to take care of their own territory, and only tried to -stand guard over the southern coast. - -He gathered an army and kept it together all the latter part of the -summer, a most unprecedented and difficult thing in those days; and -with help from the local forces, or what we should call the militia, -his soldiers kept guard along the shores of Sussex and Kent. We cannot -estimate what a troublesome step forward in the art of warfare this -was for Englishmen, who were used to quick forced marches and decisive -battles, and a welcome dispersion after the cessation of whatever -exciting cause or sudden summons had gathered them. - -Harold's ships patrolled the Channel and the footsoldiers paced the -downs, but food, always hard to obtain, became at last impossible, and -in September the army broke ranks. Harold himself went back to London, -whither the fleet was also sent, but on the way it met with disaster, -and many of the ships were lost and many more began to leak and were -reluctantly [Pg291] judged unseaworthy. The whole southern coast was -left undefended; it was neither the king's fault nor the subjects' -fault. Both had done their best,--but the crops must be gathered then -or not at all, and at any rate, the army was weakened by famine and a -growing belief in the uncertainty of attack. - -Alas for Harold's peace of mind! In those very days William the -Norman's host was clustering and gathering like bees just ready to -swarm, on the coast of Normandy, and from the mouth of the Bergen -fiord came Harold Hardrada with a great company, with a huge mass of -treasure, such as had not for years and years floated away from a -Northern haven. It seems as if he had determined to migrate, to crush -the English usurper, and then to establish himself as Cnut had done in -the richer southern kingdom. There must have been some knowledge in -Norway of the state of things in England and Normandy, but this famous -old adventurer was ready to fight whoever he met, and the Black Raven -was flying at his masthead. Bad omens cast their shadows over this -great expedition of the last of the sea-kings, but away he sailed to -the Shetland Islands and left his wife and daughters there, while he -gained new allies; and still farther south, Tostig came to meet him -with a new army which he had gathered in Flanders. An Irish chieftain -and a great lord from Iceland were there too, and down they all came -upon the defenceless country that was marked as their prey, burning -and destroying church and castle and humble homestead, daring the -Englishmen to come out and fight and drive them away again. We have -no time [Pg292] to trace their lawless campaign. The two northern -earls summoned their vassals, but in a few days after the Northmen had -landed they had taken, without much trouble it appears to us, the city -of York, and news was hurriedly sent to the king of England. - -What a grievous message! Harold, the son of Godwine, was ill, his -southern coast was undefended, still he could not forget the message -that William had sent to him late in the summer by a spy who had -crossed to Normandy, that the Normans would soon come and teach him -how many they were and what they could do. But a holy abbot consoled -the king by telling him that Eadward the Confessor had shown himself -in a vision and assured his successor of certain victory. - -The prophecy was proved to be true; the king summoned his strength -and his soldiers and marched to York. There King Harold was to set -up his new kingdom; he had not the desire for revenge that filled -Tostig's breast, and was anxious to prove himself a generous and wise -ruler. As he came toward the walls which had been so easily won, the -rival Harold's army comes in sight--first a great cloud of dust like -a whirlwind, and next the shining spears prick through and glitter -ominously. A little later Harold of England sends a message to his -brother Tostig. He shall have again his kingdom of Northumberland if -he will be loyal; and Tostig sends back a message in his turn to ask -what shall be the portion of Harold Hardrada. "Seven feet of English -ground for his grave," says the other Harold, and the fight begins. -[Pg293] - -Alas for the tall Northman, the winner of eighty castles from the -Saracens, the scourge of Moslem and robber in Palestine; the ally of -Sicily, of Russia, and the Greeks! Alas for the kingdom he had lightly -lost in Norway! Alas for the wife and daughters who were watching -all through those shortening September days in the Orkneys for the -triumphant return of the fleet--for Harold the saga-man and sea-king, -who built his hopes too high. He may be fierce with the old rage of -the Berserkers, and lay sturdily about him with his heavy two-handed -sword; he may mow down great swaths of Englishmen like grain, but the -moment comes when an arrow flies with its sharp whistle straight at -his throat, and he falls dead, and his best fighters fall in heaps -above him; the flag of the Black Raven of Norway is taken. Tostig is -dead, and Harold of England is winner of that great day at Stamford -Bridge, the last great victory that he and his men would ever win, -the last fight of England before the Conquest. Out of the crowd of -ships that had come from the North only four and twenty sailed away -again, and Harold made peace with the Orkney-men and the Icelanders -and the rest. Since that day there has been peace between England and -the countries of the Northern Seas. Harold's last victory was with -the past, one might say, with the Northmen of another age and time, -as if the last tie of his country were broken with the old warfare -and earlier enemies. New relationships were established, the final -struggle for mastery was decided. The battle of Stamford Bridge might -have been called a deadly [Pg294] game at jousting, and the English -knight receives the prize and rides home the victor of the tournament. -Yet that very day of triumph saw the approach of a new foe--the Norman -ships full of horses and men are ready to put out for the English -shore. Harold must fight another battle and lose it, and a new order -of things must begin in Britain. The Northmen and the Normans; it is a -long step between the two, and yet England's past and her future meet; -the swordsmen's arms that ache from one battle must try their strength -again in another; but the Normans bring great gifts at the point of -their arrows--without them "England would have been mechanical, not -artistic; brave, not chivalrous; the home of learning, not of thought." - -Three days after the fight Harold sits at a splendid banquet among -his friends, and a breathless messenger comes in fleet-footed with -bad news. Muster your axemen and lances, Harold, King of the English; -the Normans have come like a flight of locusts and are landing on the -coast of Kent. - - [Illustration] - -[Pg295] - - [Illustration] - - - - -XV. - -THE BATTLE OF HASTINGS. - - "I see thy glory, like a shooting star, - Fall to the base earth from the firmament! - Thy sun sets weeping in the lowly west." - --SHAKESPEARE. - - -Early in the summer there was a sound of wood-chopping and a crash of -falling trees in the forests of Normandy, and along her shores in the -shipyards the noise of shipwrights' mallets began, and the forging of -bolts and chains. The hemp-fields enlarge their borders, and catch the -eye quickly with their brilliant green leafage. There is no better -trade now than that of the armorer's, and many a Norman knight sees -to it that the links of his chain-mail jerkin and helmet are strongly -sewn, and that he is likely to be well defended by the clanking habit -that he must buckle on. Horses and men are drilling in the castle -yards, and every baron gathers his troop, and is stern in his orders -and authority. The churches are crowded, the priests are urging the -holy cause, and war is in everybody's mind. The cherry blossoms whiten -and fall, the apple-trees are covered with rosy snow, mid-summer sees -the young fruit greaten on the boughs, the sun rides high in the sky, -[Pg296] and the soldiers' mail weighs heavy; through the country-lanes -go troops of footmen and horsemen. You can see the tips of their -unstrung bows moving above the hedges, and their furled banners with -heraldic device or pious seal. They are all going toward the sea, -toward the mouth of the river Dive. The peasant women and children -stand in their cottage doors and watch the straggling processions on -their way. It is indeed a cause to aid with one's prayers, this war -against the heathen English. - -All summer long, armed men were collecting at William's head-quarters -from every part of Normandy, or wherever his summons had wakened -a favorable response. If we can believe the chroniclers, the army -was well paid and well fed and kept in good order. It became a -question which army would hold its ground longest; Harold's, on the -Sussex downs, or William's, by the Dive. At last, news was brought -that the Englishmen were disbanded, then the Frenchmen--as we begin -to hear our Normans called,--the Frenchmen begin to make ready for -their expedition. There may have been skirmishes by sea in the hot -weather, but it was not until early autumn that William gave orders to -embark. There are different stories about the magnitude of the force. -The defeated party would have us believe that they were enormously -overpowered, and so set the numbers very high; the conquerors, on the -other hand, insist that they had not quantity so much as quality to -serve them in the fight, and that it was not the size of their army -but the valor of it that won the day. We are told that there were six -hundred and ninety-six [Pg297] ships and fourteen thousand men; we -are told also that there were more than three thousand ships and sixty -thousand men, all told; and other accounts range between these two -extremes. - - [Illustration: NORMAN VESSEL. (FROM BAYEUX TAPESTRY.)] - -For a month the Norman army waited at the mouth of the Dive for a -south wind, but no south wind blew, while an adverse storm scattered -them and strewed the shore with Norman bodies. At last, the duke took -advantage of a westerly breeze and set sail for St. Valery, off the -coast of Ponthieu, from whence he hoped to go more easily over to -England. At the famous abbey of St. Valery he was saying his prayers -and watching the weather-cocks for fifteen days, and he and his -captains made generous offerings at the holy shrines. The monks came -out at last in solemn procession bearing their sacred relics, and the -Norman host knelt devoutly and did homage. [Pg298] At Caen, in June, -the two great minsters had been dedicated, and William and Matilda had -given their young daughter Cecily to the service of God, together with -rich offerings of lands and money. In their own churches, therefore, -and at many another Norman altar beside, prayer and praise never -ceased in those days while Harold was marching to Stamford Bridge. - -At last, on Wednesday, the twenty-seventh of September, the wind went -round to the southward, and the great fleet sailed. The soldiers -believed that their prayers had been answered, and that they were the -favorites of heaven. They crowded on board the transport-ships, and -were heedless of every thing save that they were not left behind, and -had their armor and weapons ready for use. The trumpets were playing, -their voices cried loud above the music that echoed back in eager -strains from the shore. The horsemen shouted at their horses, and -the open ships were plainer copies of the dragon-ships of old; they -carried gayly dressed gentlemen, and shining gonfanons, and thickets -of glittering spears. The shields were rich with heraldic blazoning, -and the golden ship, Mora, that the Duchess Matilda had given to the -duke, shone splendid on the gray water, as just at evening William -himself set sail and turned the gilded figure of a boy blowing an -ivory trumpet, like some herald of certain victory, toward the shore -of Kent. The Pope's sacred banner was given to the welcome breeze, -and William's own standard, figured with the three lions of Normandy, -fluttered and spread itself wide. The [Pg299] colored sails looked -gay, the soldiers sang and cheered, and away they went without a fear, -these blessed Normans of the year 1066. On the Mora's masthead blazed -a great lantern when the darkness fell. It was a cloudy night. - -In the early morning, the Mora being lighter-laden than the rest, -found herself alone on the sea, out of sight of either land or ships, -but presently the loitering forest of masts rose into view. At nine -o'clock William had landed at Pevensey on the Sussex shore. As he -set foot for the second time on English soil, he tripped and fell, -and the bystanders gave a woful groan at such a disastrous omen. "By -the splendor of God," cried the duke, in his favorite oath, "I have -taken seizin of my kingdom; see the earth of England in my two hands!" -at which ready turn of wit a soldier pulled a handful of thatch -from a cottage roof and gave it to his master for a further token -of proprietorship. This also was seizin of all that England herself -embraced. - -There was nobody to hinder the Normans from landing or going where -they pleased. At Pevensey they stayed only one day for lack of -supplies, and then set out eastward toward Hastings. In the Bayeux -tapestry, perhaps the most reliable authority so far as it goes, there -is an appealing bit of work that pictures a burning house with a woman -and little child making their escape. The only places of safety, we -are told elsewhere, were the churchyards and the churches. William's -piety could hardly let him destroy even an enemy's sacred places of -worship. [Pg300] - -The next few days were filled with uncertainty and excited expectancy. -Clearly there was no army in the immediate neighborhood of Hastings; -the Normans had that part of the world to themselves apparently, and -hours and days went by leaving them undisturbed. Many a voice urged -that they might march farther into the country, but their wary leader -possessed his soul in patience, and at last came the news of the great -battle in the north, of Harold's occupation of York, and the terrible -disaster that had befallen the multitude of Harold Hardrada and -Tostig, with their allies. Now, too, came a message to the duke from -Norman Robert the Staller, who had stood by the Confessor's death-bed, -and who kept a warm heart for the country of his birth, though he had -become a loyal Englishman in his later years. Twenty thousand men have -been slain in the north, he sends word to William; the English were -mad with pride and rejoicing. The Normans were not strong enough nor -many enough to risk a battle; they would be like dogs among wolves, -and would be worse than overthrown. But William was scornful of such -advice--he had come to fight Harold, and he would meet him face to -face--he would risk the battle if he had only a sixth part as many men -as followed him, eager as himself for his rights. - - [Illustration: WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. (BAYEUX TAPESTRY.)] - -Harold had bestirred his feasting and idle army, and held council of -his captains at York. Normans and French and the men of Brittany had -landed at Pevensey in numbers like the sand of the sea and the stars -of heaven. If only the south wind had [Pg302] blown before, so that -he might have met these invaders with his valiant army, too soon -dispersed! To have beaten back William and then have marched north -to Stamford Bridge, that, indeed, would have been a noble record. -Now the Normans were burning and destroying unhindered in the south; -what should be done? And every captain-baron of the English gave his -word that he would call no man king but Harold the son of Godwine; -and with little rest from the battle just fought, they made ready -to march to London. They knew well enough what this new invasion -meant; a prophetic dread filled their hearts, for it was not alone -out of loyalty to Harold, but for love of England, that these men of -different speech and instincts must be pushed off the soil to which -they had no lawful claim. - -The fame of the northern victory brought crowds of recruits to the -two banners, the Dragon of Wessex and Harold's own standard, the -Fighting Man, as they were carried south again. Nothing succeeds like -success; if Harold could conquer the great Hardrada, it were surely -not impossible to defeat the Norman duke. So the thanes and churchmen -alike rallied to the Fighting Man. The earls of the north half -promised to follow, but they never kept their word; perhaps complete -independence might follow now their half-resented southern vassalage. -At least they did not mean to fight the battles of Wessex until there -was no chance for evasion. But while Harold waited at London, men -flocked together from the west and south, and he spent some days in -his royal house at Westminster, heavy-hearted and full [Pg303] of -care in his great extremity. He was too good a general, he had seen -too much of the Norman soldiery already to underrate their prowess in -battle; he shook his head gloomily when his officers spoke with scorn -of their foes. One day he went on a pilgrimage to his own abbey at -Waltham, and the monks' records say that, while he prayed there before -the altar and confessed his sins and vowed his fealty to God, who -reigns over all the kingdoms of the earth; while he lay face downward -on the sacred pavement, the figure of Christ upon the cross bowed its -head, as if to say again, "It is finished." Thurkill, the sacristan, -saw this miracle, and knew that all hope must be put aside, and that -Harold's cause was already lost. - -Next, the Norman duke sent a message to Westminster by a monk from the -abbey of Fecamp, and there was parleying to and fro about Harold's -and William's rival claims to the English crown. It was only a -formal challenging and a final provocation to the Englishmen to come -and fight for their leader, there where the invaders had securely -entrenched and established themselves. "Come and drive us home if you -dare, if you can!" the Normans seemed to say tauntingly, and Harold -saw that he must make haste lest the duke should be strengthened -by reinforcements or have time to make himself harder to dislodge. -William's demand that he should come down from the throne had been -put into insolent words, and the Kentish people were being pitifully -distressed and brought to beggary by the host of foreigners. Yet -Gyrth, the son of Godwine, begged [Pg304] his royal brother to stay -in London; to let him go and fight the Normans; and the people begged -Harold, at the last moment, to listen to such good counsel. But Harold -refused; he could never play coward's part, or let a man who loved -him fight a battle in his stead; and so when six days were spent he -marched away to the fight where the two greatest generals the world -held must match their strength one against the other, hand to hand. -The King of England had a famous kingdom to lose, the Duke of Normandy -had a famous kingdom to win. - - [Illustration: A NORMAN MINSTREL.] - -On the night before the fourteenth of October, the armies stood before -each other near Hastings, on the field of Senlac, now called Battle. -They made their camps hastily; for hosts of them the rude shelters -were a last earthly dwelling-place and habitation of earthly hopes -or fears. Through the Norman encampment went bands of priests, and -the Normans prayed and confessed their sins. The Bishop of Coutances -and Duke William's half-brother Odo, Bishop of Bayeux, both these -high officials of the Church were there to stay the hands of their -parishioners, and uphold the devout fighters in this crusade. Odo -made the soldiers promise that whoever survived the morrow's battle -would never again eat meat on Saturday; by such petty means he hoped -to gain success at the hands of God who rules battles on a larger -scope, and who, through the quarrels and jealousies of men, brings -slowly near the day when justice shall be done on earth as it is in -heaven. They sang hymns; the watch-fires flickered and faded; the gray -morning dawned, and there in the [Pg305] dim light stood the English -on a hillside that jutted like a promontory into the marshy plain. A -woodland lay behind them, as if the very trees of the English soil had -mustered with the men; in the thickest of the ranks was Harold's royal -banner, the Fighting Man, and Harold himself stood close beside it -with his brothers. The awful battle-axes, stained yet with the blood -of those who died at Stamford Bridge, were in every man's hand, and -every man was sheltered by his shield and kept silence. The Normans -saw their foes stand waiting all together shoulder to shoulder, yet -there was silence--an awful stillness in which to see so vast a host of -men, and yet not hear them speak. The English had feasted that night, -and sung their songs, and told the story of the northern fight. How -their battle-axes looked gray and cold as the light dawned more and -more! The Normans knew that they might feel the bitter edges and the -cleaving steel of them ere the day was spent. [Pg306] - -Archers first, behind them the lancers, and behind all, the horsemen; -so the Normans were placed, high-hearted and bold with their great -errand. To gain is better than to keep; by night this England might -be theirs in spite of the battle-axes. While the day was yet young, -Taillefer, the minstrel, went riding boldly out from the ranks singing -the song of Roland and Charlemagne at Roncesvalles, tossing his sword -lightly and fast into the air and catching it deftly as he galloped -to the English lines. There sat the duke on his horse that was a -present from the king of Spain. His most holy relics were hung about -his neck; as he glanced from Taillefer along his army front he could -see the Cotentin men, led by Neal of Saint Saviour, and his thoughts -may have gone back quickly to the battle of his early youth at -Val-es-dunes. What a mighty host had gathered at his summons! All his -Norman enemies were his followers now; he had won great championship, -and if this day's fortune did not turn against him, the favor of the -Holy Mother Church at Rome, the church of the apostles and martyrs, -was won indeed; and no gift in Christendom would be more proudly -honored than this kingdom of England made loyal to the papal crown. -William the Bastard, the dishonored, insulted grandson of a Falaise -tanner,--William, the Duke of proud Normandy, at the head of a host, -knocking at the gates of England; nay, let us set the contrast wider -yet, and show Rolf the Ganger, wet by salt spray on the deck of his -dragon-ship, steering boldly southward, and William, Duke of the -Normans, rich and great, a master of masters, and soon [Pg307] to be -king of a wide and noble land, and winner of a great battle, if the -saints whom he worshipped would fight upon his side. - -Taillefer has killed his two men, and been killed in his turn; his -song has ended, and his sword has dropped from his hand. The Normans -cry "/Dex aide! Dex aide! Ha Rou!/" and rush boldly up the hill to -Harold's palisades. The arrows flew in showers, but the English stand -solid and hew at the horsemen and footmen from behind their shields. -Every man, even the king, was on foot; they shouted "Out! out!" as the -Normans came near; they cried "God Almighty!" and "Holy Cross!" and -at this sound Harold must have sadly remembered how the crucifix had -bowed its head as he lay prone before it. And the fight grew hotter -and hotter, the Normans were beaten back, and returned again fiercely -to the charge, down the hill, now up the hill over the palisades, -like a pouring river of men, dealing stinging sword-thrusts--dropping -in clumsy heaps of javelin-pricked and axe-smitten lifelessness; from -swift, bright-eyed men becoming a bloody mass to stumble over, or -feebly crying for mercy at the feet that trampled them; so the fight -went on. Harold sent his captains to right and left, and William -matched his captains against them valiantly. The Norman arrows were -falling blunted and harmless from the English shields, and he told the -archers to shoot higher and aim so that the arrows might fall from -above into the Englishmen's faces. There was no sound of guns or smoke -of powder in that day, only a fearful wrangling and chopping, and a -whir of [Pg308] arrow and lance and twang of bowstring. Yes, and a -dolorous groaning as closer and closer the armies grappled with each -other, hand to hand. - -Hour after hour the day spent itself, and the fight would never be -done. There was a cry that the duke was dead, and he pulled off his -helmet and hurried along the lines to put new courage into his men. -The arrows were dropping like a deadly rain, the axemen and lancers -were twisted and twined together like melted rock that burns and -writhes its way through widening crack and crevice. The hot flood of -Normans in chain-mail and pointed helmets sweeps this way, and the -English with their leathern caps and their sturdy shoulders mailed -like their enemies, swinging their long-handled weapons, pour back -again, and so the day draws near its end, while the races mix in -symbolic fashion in the fight as they must mix in government, in -blood, in brotherhood, and in ownership of England while England -stands. - -Harold has fallen, the gleaming banner of the Fighting Man, with its -golden thread and jewelry, is stained with blood and mire. An arrow -has gone deep into the king's eye and brain; he has fallen, and -his foes strike needless blows at his poor body, lest so valiant a -spirit cannot be quieted by simple death. The English have lost the -fight, there is a cry that they are flying, and the Normans hear it -and gather their courage once more; they rally and give chase. All -at once there is a shout that thrills them through and through--a -glorious moment when they discover that the day is won. William the -Bastard is William the Conqueror, a sad word for many [Pg309] English -ears in days to come; to us the sign of great gain that was and is -England's--of the further advance of a kingdom already noble and -strong. The English are strongest, but the Normans are quickest. The -battle has been given to Progress, and the Norman, not the Saxon, had -the right to lead the way. - - [Illustration: SOLDIER IN CLOAK.] - -But the field of Senlac makes a sad and sorry sight as the light of -the short October day is fading and the pale stars shine dimly through -the chilly mist that gathers in from the sea. It is not like the -bright Norman weather; the slow breeze carries a faint, heavy odor -of fallen leaves, and the very birds give awesome cries as they fly -over the battle-field. There are many of the victors who think of the -spoils of England, but some better men remember that it is in truth a -mighty thing to have conquered such a country. What will it mean in -very truth that England is theirs? [Pg310] - -Later, William the Conqueror and his knights are resting and feasting -and bragging of their deeds, there where Harold's standards were -overthrown and the banner of the Three Lions of Normandy waves in the -cool night wind. The living men look like butchers from the shambles, -and the dead lie in heavy heaps; here and there a white face catches -a ray of light and appeals for pity in its dumb loneliness. There are -groans growing ever fainter, and cries for help now and then, from a -soldier whose wits have come back to him, though he lay stunned and -maimed among those who are forever silent. There go weeping men and -women with litters--they cannot find the king, and they must lead the -woman who loved him best of all the earth, Edith the Swan-throated, -through this terrible harvest-field to discover his wounded body among -the heaps of slain. He must be buried on the sea-shore, the Norman -duke gives command to William Malet, and so guard forever the coast he -tried to defend. - -The heralds of victory set sail exultantly across the brown water -of the Channel; the messengers of defeat go mourning to London and -through the sorrowful English towns. Harold the son of Godwine, and -his brother, Gyrth the Good--yes, and the flower of all Southern -England; no man of Harold's own noble following lived to tell the -story and to bewail this great defeat. There were some who lived to -talk about it in after days;--and there was one good joy in saying that -as the Normans pursued them after the day was lost, they hid in ambush -in the fens and routed their pursuers with deadly, [Pg311] unexpected -blows. But the country side looked on with dismay while William fought -his way to London, not without much toil and opposition, but at last -the humbled earldoms willingly or unwillingly received their new lord. -Since Eadgar the underwitted Atheling was not fit for the throne, -and the house of Godwine had fallen, William the Norman was made -monarch of England, and there was a king-crowning in Westminster at -Christmas-tide. - - [Illustration] - -[Pg312] - - [Illustration] - - - - -XVI. - -WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. - - "Then in his house of wood with flaxen sails - She floats, a queen, across the fateful seas." - --A. F. - - -Rather than follow in detail the twenty-one years of William's English -reign, we must content ourselves with a glance at the main features -of it. We cannot too often remind ourselves of the resemblance -between the life and growth of a nation and the life and growth of -an individual; but while William the Conqueror is in so many ways -typical of Normandy, and it is most interesting to follow his personal -fortunes, there are many developments of Norman character in general -which we must not overlook. William was about forty years old when the -battle of Hastings was fought and won; Normandy, too, was in her best -vigor and full development of strength. The years of decadence must -soon begin for both; the time was not far distant when the story of -Normandy ends, and it is only in the history of France and of England -that the familiar Norman characteristics can be traced. Foremost in -vitalizing force and power of centralization and individuality, while -so much of Europe was [Pg313] unsettled and misdirected toward petty -ends, this duchy of Rolf the Ganger seems, in later years, like a -wild-flower that has scattered its seed to every wind, and plants for -unceasing harvests, but must die itself in the first frost of outward -assailment and inward weakness. - - * * * * * - -The march to London had been any thing but a triumphant progress, and -the subjects of the new king were very sullen and vindictive. England -was disheartened, her pride was humbled to the dust, and many of -her leaders had fallen. In the dark winter weather there was sorrow -and murmuring; the later law of the curfew bell, a most wise police -regulation, made the whole country a prison. - -A great deal of harrying had been thought necessary before the people -were ready to come to William and ask him to accept the crown. William -had a great gift for biding his time, and in the end the crown was -proffered, not demanded. We learn that the folk thought better of -their conqueror at last, that Cnut was remembered kindly, and the -word went from mouth to mouth that England might do worse than take -this famous Christian prince to rule over her. Harold had appealed -to heaven when the fight began at Senlac, but heaven had given the -victory to other hands. The northern earls had forsaken them, and at -any rate the Norman devastations must be stopped. If William would -do for England what he had done for his own duchy and make it feared -for valor and respected for its prosperity like Normandy, who could -ask more? So the [Pg314] duke called a formal council of his high -noblemen and, after careful consideration, made known his acceptance! -There was a strange scene at the coronation in Westminster. Norman -horsemen guarded the neighboring streets, a great crowd of spectators -filled the church, and when the question was put to this crowd, -whether they would accept William for their king, there was an eager -shout of "Yea! yea! King William!" Perhaps the Normans had never heard -such a noisy outcry at a solemn service. Again the shout was heard, -this time the same question had been repeated in the French tongue, -and again the answer was "Yea! yea!" - -The guards outside thought there was some treachery within, and -feared that harm might come to their leader, so, by way of antidote -or revenge, they set fire to the buildings near the minster walls. -Out rushed the congregation to save their goods or, it might be, -their lives, while the ceremony went on within, and the duke himself -trembled with apprehension as he took the solemn oath of an English -king, to do justice and mercy to all his people. There was a new crown -to be put on,--what had become of the Confessor's?--but at last the rite -was finished and William, king of the English, with his priests and -knights, came out to find a scene of ruin and disorder; it was all -strangely typical--the makeshift splendors, the new order of church and -state, the burning hatred and suspicions of that Christmas-tide. Peace -on earth, good-will to men! alas, it was any thing but that in the -later years of William's reign. [Pg315] - -No doubt he built high hopes and made deep plans for good governance -and England's glory. He had tamed Normandy to his guiding as one -tames a wild and fiery horse, and there seemed to be no reason why -he could not tame England. In the beginning he attempted to prove -himself lenient and kind, but such efforts failed; it was too plain -that the Normans had captured England and meant to enjoy the spoils. -The estates belonging to the dead thanes and ealdormen, who fought -with Harold, were confiscated and divided among the Normans: this -was the fortune of war, but it was a bitter grievance and injustice. -O, for another Godwine! cried many a man and woman in those days. O, -for another Godwine to swoop down upon these foreign vultures who -are tearing at England's heart! But even in the Confessor's time -there was little security for private property. We have even seen the -Confessor's own wife banished from his side without the rich dowry she -had brought him, and Godwine's estates had been seized and refunded -again, as had many another man's in the reign of that pious king whom -everybody was ready to canonize and deplore. - -After the king had given orders to his army to stop plundering and -burning, there was a good deal of irregular depredation for which he -was hardly responsible. He was really king of a very small part of -England. The army must not be disbanded, it must be kept together -for possible defence, but the presence of such a body of rapacious -men, who needed food and lodging, and who were not content [Pg316] -unless they had some personal gain from the rich country they had -helped to win, could not help being disastrous. Yet there is one -certain thing--the duke meant to be master of his new possessions, -and could use Englishmen to keep his Norman followers in check, -while he could indulge his own countrymen in their love of power and -aggrandizement at England's expense. There are touching pictures of -his royal progress through the country in the early part of his reign; -the widows of thanes and the best of the churls would come out with -their little children, to crave mercy and the restitution of even -a small part of their old estates to save them from beggary. Poor -women! it was upon them that the heaviest burden fell; the women of a -war-stricken country suffer by far the most from change and loss; not -the heroes who die in battle, or the heroes who live to tell the story -of the fight, and who have been either victors or vanquished. Men are -more reasonable; they have had the recompense of taking part in the -struggle. If they have been in the wrong or in the right, great truths -have come home to them as they stood sword in hand. - -The Norman barons, who had followed their leader beyond the Channel, -had been won by promises, and these promises must be kept. They were -made rich with the conquered lands, and given authority, one would -think, to their heart's content. They were made the king's magistrates -and counsellors, and as years went by there was more and more -resentment of all this on the part of the English. They hated their -Norman lords; they hated the [Pg317] taxes which the king claimed. -The strong point of the Saxon civilization was local self-government -and self-dependence; but the weak point was the lack of unity and -want of proper centralization and superintendence. William was wise -in overcoming this; instead of giving feudalism its full sway and -making his Norman barons petty monarchs with right of coinage and full -authority over their own dominion, he claimed the homage and loyalty, -the absolute allegiance of his subjects. But for his foresight in -making such laws, England might have been such a kingdom as Charles -the Simple's or Hugh Capet's, and hampered with feudal lords greater -than their monarch in every thing but name. - -In England, at last, every man held his land directly from the king -and was responsible to him. The Witanagemot was continued, but turned -into a sort of feudal court in which the officials of the kingdom, the -feudal lords, had places. The Witan became continually a smaller body -of men, who were joined with those officers of the royal power higher -than they. It must be remembered that the Conqueror did not make his -claim to the throne because he had won his right by the sword. He -always insisted that he was the lawful successor to Eadward, and the -name of Harold the Usurper was omitted from the list of English kings. -Following this belief or pretence he was always careful to respect the -nationality of the country, and made himself as nearly as possible an -Englishman. His plans for supplanting the weakness and insularity of -many English institutions by certain Continental [Pg318] fashions, -wrought a tremendous change, and put the undeveloped and self-centred -kingdom that he had won, on a footing with other European powers. The -very taxes which were wrung from the unwilling citizens, no doubt, -forced them to wider enterprise and the expansion of their powers of -resource. Much of England's later growth has sprung from seed that -was planted in these years--this early springtime of her prosperity, -when William's stern hands swept from field and forest the vestiges -of earlier harvests, and cleared the garden grounds into leafless -deserts, only to make them ready for future crops. - -The very lowest classes were more fortunate under William's rule -than they had been in earlier times. Their rights and liberties -were extended, and they could claim legal defence against the -tyrannies of their masters. But the upper ranks of people were much -more dissatisfied and unhappy. The spirit of the laws was changed; -the language of the court was a foreign language; and the modified -feudalism of the king put foreigners in all high places, who could -hold the confiscated estates, and laugh at the former masters now -made poor and resourceless. The folk-land had become /Terra Regis/; -England was only a part of Normandy, and the king was often away, -busier with the affairs of his duchy than of his kingdom. Yet, as -had often happened before in this growing nation's lifetime, a -sure process of amalgamation was going on, and though the fire of -discontent was burning hot, the gold that was England's and the gold -that was Normandy's were being melted together and growing into a -greater [Pg319] treasure than either had been alone. We can best -understand the individuality and vital force of the Norman people by -seeing the difference their coming to England has made in the English -character. We cannot remind ourselves of this too often. The Norman -of the Conqueror's day was already a man of the world. The hindering -conditions of English life were localism and lack of unity. We can see -almost a tribal aspect in the jealousies of the earldoms, the lack of -sympathy or brotherhood between the different quarters of the island. -William's earls were only set over single shires, and the growth of -independence was rendered impossible; and his greatest benefaction to -his new domain was a thoroughly organized system of law. As we linger -over the accounts of his reign, harsh and cruel and unlovable as he -appears, it is rather the cruelty of the surgeon than of a torturer -or of a cut-throat. The presence of the Normans among the nations of -the earth must have seemed particularly irritating and inflammatory, -but we can understand, now that so many centuries have smoothed away -the scars they left, that the stimulus of their energy and their hot -ambition helped the rest of the world to take many steps forward. - -While we account for the deeds of the fighting Normans, and their -later effects, we must not forget their praying brethren who stood -side by side with them, lording it over the English lands and reaching -out willing hands for part of the spoils. We must thank them for their -piety and their scholarship, and for the great churches they founded, -even while we [Pg320] laugh at the greed and wordliness under their -monkish cloaks. Lanfranc was made bishop of Canterbury, and wherever -the Conqueror's standard was planted, wherever he gained foothold, as -the tide of his military rule ebbed and flowed, he planted churches -and monasteries. Especially he watched over his high-towered Battle -Abbey, which marked the spot where the banner of the Fighting Man was -defeated and the banner of the Three Lions of Normandy was set up in -its place. - -Before we go further we must follow the king back to his duchy in -the spring after that first winter in England. Three Englishmen -were chosen to attend his royal highness, and although they might -easily guess that there was something more than mere compliment in -this flattering invitation, these northern earls, Eadwine, Morkere, -and Waltheof (the Bear's great-grandson), were not anxious to hurry -forward the open quarrel which William himself was anxious to avoid. -Nothing could have been more unsafe in the unsettled condition of -England than to have left these unruly leaders to plot and connive -during his absence; besides, it would be a good thing to show such -rough islanders the splendours of the Norman court. - -The Norman chroniclers are not often willing to admit that England -was in any respect equal to their own duchy, but when they have to -describe William's triumphant return, they forget their prudence and -give glowing accounts of the treasure of gold and silver that he -brings with him, and even the magnificent embroideries, tapestries -and [Pg321] hangings, and clerical vestments,--though they have so -lately tried to impress upon their readers that heathen squalor of -social life across the Channel which the Christian had sought to -remedy. Church after church was richly endowed with these spoils, -and the Conqueror's own Church of St. Stephen at Caen fared best of -all. Beside the English wealth we must not forget the goods of Harold -Hardrada, which had been brought with such mistaken confidence for -the plenishing of his desired kingdom. There is a tradition of a -mighty ingot of gold won in his Eastern adventures, so great that -twelve strong youths could scarcely carry it. Eadwine and Morkere of -Northumberland must have looked at that with regretful eyes. - -Whatever the English prejudice might have been, the Normans had every -reason to be proud of their seventh duke. He had advanced their -fortunes in most amazing fashion, and they were proud of him indeed -on the day when he again set his foot on Norman ground. The time of -year was Lent. Spring was not yet come, but it might have been a -summer festival, if one judged by the way that the people crowded from -the farthest boundaries of the country to the towns through which -William was to pass. It was like the glorious holidays of the Roman -Empire. The grateful peasants fought and pushed for a sight of their -leader. The world is never slow to do honor to its great soldiers and -conquerors. The duke met his wife at Rouen, and that was the best -moment of all; Matilda had ruled Normandy wisely and ably during his -five or six [Pg322] months' absence, with old Roger de Beaumont for -her chief counsellor. - -The royal procession trailed its gorgeous length from church to -church and from city to city about the duchy; the spoils of England -seemed inexhaustible to the wondering spectators, and those who had -made excuse to lag behind when their bows and lances were needed, -were ready enough now to clutch their hands greedily in their empty -pockets and follow their valiant countrymen. William himself was not -slow in letting the value of his new domain be known; the more men the -better in that England which might be a slippery prize to hold. He had -many a secret conference with Lanfranc, who had been chief adviser -and upholder of the invasion. The priest-statesman seems almost a -greater man than the soldier-statesman; many a famous deed of that -age was Lanfranc's suggestion, but nobody knew better than these two -that the conquest of England was hardly more than begun, and long and -deep their councils must have been when the noise of shouting in the -streets had ended, and the stars were shining above Caen. - -No city of Normandy seems more closely connected with those days than -Caen. As one walks along its streets, beneath the high church towers -and gabled roofs of the houses, it is easy to fancy that more famous -elder generation of Normans alive again, to people Caen with knights -and priests and minstrels of that earlier day. The Duchess Matilda -might be alive yet and busy with her abbey church of Holy Trinity and -her favorite household of nuns; [Pg323] the people shout her praises -admiringly, and gaze at her lovingly as she passes through the street -with her troop of attendants. Caen is prosperous and gay. "Large, -strong, full of draperies and all sorts of merchandise; rich citizens, -noble dames, damsels, and fine churches," says Froissart years -afterwards. Even this very year one is tempted to believe that one -sees the same fields and gardens, the same houses, and hears the same -bells that William the Conqueror saw and heard in that summer after he -had become king of England. - -And in Bayeux, too, great portions of the ancient city still remain. -There where the Northmen made their chief habitation, or in Rouen -or Falaise, we can almost make history come to life. Perhaps the -great tapestry was begun that very summer in Bayeux; perhaps the -company of English guests, some of those noble dames well-skilled in -"English work" of crewel and canvas, were enticed by Bishop Odo into -beginning that "document in worsted" which more than any thing else -has preserved the true history of the Conquest of England. Odo meant -to adorn his new church with it, and to preserve the account of his -own part in the great battle and its preliminaries, with the story -of Harold's oath and disloyalty, and William's right to the crown. -There is an Italian fashion of drawing in it--the figures are hardly -like Englishmen or Normans in the way they stand or make gestures to -each other in the rude pictures. Later history has associated the -working of these more than fifteen hundred figures with Matilda and -her maidens, as a tribute to the [Pg324] Conqueror's valor, but there -are many evidences to the contrary. The old idea that the duchess -and her women worked at the tapestry, and said their prayers while -the army had gone to England, seems improbable the more one studies -the work itself. Yet tradition sometimes keeps the grain of truth in -its accumulation of chaff. There is no early record of it, and its -historical value was rediscovered only in 1724 by a French antiquary. -The bright worsteds of it still keep their colors on the twenty-inches -wide strip of linen, more than two hundred feet in length. Odo is -said to have given it to his chapter at Bayeux, and it has suffered -astonishingly little from the ravages of time. - -But we must return to Norman affairs in England. Odo himself and -William Fitz-Osbern had been made earls of the Counties Palatine of -Kent and Hereford, and were put in command in William's absence. The -rapacity of these Norman gentlemen was more than their new subjects -could bear. The bishop at least is pretty certain to have covered his -own greedy injustice by a plea that he was following out the king's -orders. Revolt after revolt troubled the peace of England. Harold's -two sons were ready to make war from their vantage-ground in Ireland; -the Danes and Scots were also conspiring against the new lord of the -English. At last some of the Normans themselves were traitorous and -troublesome, but William was fully equal to such minor emergencies as -these. He went back to England late in 1067, after spending the summer -and autumn in Normandy, and soon found himself busy [Pg325] enough -in the snarl of revolt and disagreement. One trouble followed another -as the winter wore away. The siege of Exeter was the most conspicuous -event, but here too William was conqueror, and Southwestern England -was forced to submit to his rule. At Easter-tide a stately embassy -was sent to bring over the Duchess Matilda from Normandy, and when it -returned she was hallowed as Queen by Ealdred the archbishop. Let us -hope that, surrounded by her own kindred and people, she did not see -the sorrowful English faces of those women who had lost husband and -home together, and who had been bereft of all their treasures that -strangers might be enriched. - - [Illustration: DEATH OF HAROLD. BAYEUX TAPESTRY.] - -There is a curious tradition that a little while after this, much woe -was wrought because those other Norman ladies, whose lords had come -over to England to [Pg326] fight and remained to plunder, refused to -join them, because they were not fond of the sea, and thought that -they were not likely to find better fare and lodging. Very likely -the queen's residence in her new possessions had a good effect, but -some of the Norman men were obliged to return altogether, their -wives having threatened to find new partners if they were left alone -any longer. It may have been an excuse or a jest, because so many -naturally desired to see their own country again. - - [Illustration: NORMAN LADY. COTTON MSS.] - -Both Saxons and Normans paid great deference to the instinctive -opinions of women. When such serious matters as going to war were -before them, a woman's unreasoning prejudice or favor of the -enterprise was often taken into account. They seem to have almost -taken the place of the ancient auguries! However, it is not pleasant -to feminine conceit to be told directly that great respect was also -paid to the neighing of horses! [Pg327] - -Henry, the king's youngest son, was born not long after the queen's -arrival, and born too in Northern England the latest and hardest won -at that time of the out-lying provinces. The very name that was given -to the child shows a desire for some degree of identification with -new interests. William and Matilda certainly had England's welfare at -heart, for England's welfare was directly or indirectly their own, -and this name was a sign of recognition of the hereditary alliance -with Germany; with the reigning king and his more famous father. -There is nothing more striking than the traditional slander and -prejudice which history preserves from age to age. Seen by clearer -light, many reported injustices are explained away. If there was in -England then, anything like the present difficulty of influencing -public opinion to quick foresight and new decisions, the Conqueror -and Baldwin of Flanders' daughter had any thing but an easy path -to tread. Selfish they both may have been, and bigoted and even -cruel, but they represented a better degree of social refinement and -education and enlightenment. Progress was really what the English of -that day bewailed and set their faces against, though they did not -know it. William and Matilda had to insist upon the putting aside -of worn-out opinions, and on coming to England had made the strange -discovery that they must either take a long step backward or force -their subjects forward. They were not conscious reformers; they were -not infallibly wise missionaries of new truth, who tried actually to -give these belated souls a wider outlook upon life, but let us stop to -recognize the fact that no [Pg328] task is more thankless than his -who is trying to go in advance of his time. Men have been burnt and -hanged and disgraced and sneered at for no greater crime; in fact, -there is nothing that average humanity so much resents as the power -to look ahead and to warn others of pitfalls into which ignorant -shortsightedness is likely to tumble. Nothing has been so resented -and assailed as the thorough survey of England, and the record of -its lands and resources in the Domesday Book. Yet nothing was so -necessary for any sort of good government and steady oversight of the -nation's affairs. We only wonder now that it was not made sooner. The -machinery of government was of necessity much ruder then. No doubt -William's tyranny swept its course to and fro like some Juggernaut car -regardless of its victims, yet for England a unified and concentrated -force of government was the one thing to be insisted upon; Harold and -his rival earls might have been hindering, ineffectual rulers of the -country's divided strength and jealous partisanship. - -Yet the future right direction and prosperity of England was poor -consolation to the aching hearts of the women of that time, or the -landless lords who had to stand by and see new masters of the soil -take their places. What was won by William's sword must be held by -his sword, and the more sullen and rebellious the English grew, the -more heavily they were taxed and the faster the land was rid of them. -They were chased into the fens, and pursued with fire and bloodshed. -"England was made a great grave," says Dickens, "and men and beasts -lay dead [Pg329] together." The immediate result of the Conqueror's -rule was like fire and plough and harrow in a piece of new land. - - [Illustration: BATTLE AXES. BAYEUX TAPESTRY.] - -It was a sad and tiresome lifetime, that of the Conqueror; just -or unjust toward his new subjects, they hated him bitterly; his -far-sighted plans for the country's growth and development gave -as much displeasure as the smallest of his personal prejudices or -selfish whims. Every man's hand was against him, and hardly an eye -but flashed angrily at the sight of the king. Eadward the Confessor, -pious ascetic, and relic-worshipper, had loved the chase as well -as this warlike successor of his ever loved it, and had been very -careful of his royal hunting-grounds, [Pg330] but nobody raised an -outcry against his unsaintly love of slaughtering defenceless wild -creatures, or thought him the less a meek and gentle soul, beloved by -angels and taught by them in visions. But ever since, the Conqueror's -love of hunting has been an accusation against him as if he were the -only man guilty of it, and his confiscation of the Hampshire lands -to make new forest seemed the last stroke that could be borne. The -peasants' cottages were swept away and the land laid waste. Norman -was master and Englishman was servant. The royal train of horses and -dogs and merry huntsmen in gay apparel clattered through the wood, -and from hiding-places under the fern men watched them and muttered -curses upon their cruel heads. There were already sixty-eight royal -forests in different parts of the kingdom before New Forest was begun. -Everybody thought that England had never seen such dark days, but so -everybody thought when the Angles and Saxons and Jutes came, and even -so vigorous a pruning and digging at the roots as this made England -grow the better. - -Large tracts of the hunting-grounds had been unfit for human -habitation, and it was better to leave them to the hares and deer. -Wide regions of the country, too, were occupied by the lowest class -of humanity, who lived almost in beastly fashion, without chance -of enlightenment or uplifting. They were outlaws of the worst sort -who could not be brought into decent order or relationship with -respectable society, and it was better for these to be chased -from their lairs and forced to accept the [Pg331] companionship -of townsfolk. With these, however, there were many who suffered -undeserved. Among the rank weeds of England there were plucked many -blooming things and useful growths of simple, long-established -home-life and domestic affection. When fire was leaping high at the -city gates it is impossible not to regret its enmity against dear -and noble structures of the past, even though it cleared the way -for loftier minsters and fairer dwelling-places. In criticising and -resenting such a reign as William the Norman's over England, we must -avoid a danger of not seeing the hand of God in it, and the evidences -of an overruling Providence, which works in and through the works -of men and sees the end of things from the beginning as men cannot. -There may be overstatement in William of Malmesbury's account of -the bad condition of the country at the time of the Conquest, but -the outlines of it cannot be far from right. "In process of time," -he says, "the desire after literature and religion had decayed for -several years before the arrival of the Normans. The clergy, contented -with a very slight degree of learning, could scarcely stammer out -the words of the sacraments, and a person who understood grammar was -an object of wonder and astonishment. The nobility were given up to -luxury and wantonness. The commonalty, left unprotected, became a -prey to the most powerful, who amassed fortunes by either seizing -on their property or selling their persons into foreign countries; -although it be an innate quality of this people to be more inclined to -revelling than to the accumulation of wealth. Drinking was a [Pg332] -universal practice, in which they passed whole nights, as well as -days. They consumed their whole substance in mean, despicable houses, -unlike Normans and French, who, in noble and splendid mansions, lived -with frugality." "There cannot be a doubt," says Mr. Bruce in his -interesting book about the Bayeux tapestry, "that by the introduction -of the refinements of life the condition of the people was improved, -and that a check was given to the grosser sensualities of our nature. -Certain it is that learning received a powerful stimulus by the -Conquest. At the period of the Norman invasion a great intellectual -movement had commenced in the schools on the Continent. Normandy had -beyond most other parts profited by it. William brought with him to -England some of the most distinguished ornaments of the school of his -native duchy; the consequence of this was that England henceforward -took a higher walk in literature than she had ever done before." One -great step was the freeing of the lower classes; there was one rank of -serfs, the churls, who were attached to the land, and were transferred -with it, without any power of choosing their employer or taking any -steps to improve their condition. Another large class, the thews, were -the absolute property of their owners. William's law that every slave -who had lived unchallenged a year and a day in any city or walled -town in the kingdom should be free forever, was, indeed, "a door of -hope to many," besides the actual good effects of town life, the -natural rivalry and promotion of knowledge, the stimulus given to the -cultivation and refinements of social [Pg333] life. He protected the -early growth of a public sentiment, which was finally strong enough to -venture to assert its rights and to claim recognition. He relentlessly -overthrew the flourishing slave-trade of the town of Bristol and no -doubt made many enemies by such an act. - -Whatever may have been the king's better nature and earlier purposes -in regard to his kingdom and duchy, as he grew older one finds his -reputation growing steadily worse. He must have found the ruling of -men a thankless task, and he apparently cared less and less to soften -or control the harshness of his underrulers and officers. His domestic -relations had always been a bright spot in his stern, hard life, but -at length even his beloved wife Matilda no longer held him first, and -grieved him by favoring their troublesome son Robert, who was her -darling of all their children. Robert and his mother had been the -nominal governors of Normandy when he was still a child and his father -was away in England. They seem to have been in league ever afterward, -for when Robert grew up he demanded Normandy outright, which made -his father angry, and the instant refusal provoked Master Curt-hose -to such an extent that he went about from court to court in Europe -bewailing the injustice that had been shown him. He was very fond of -music and dancing, and spent a great deal of money, which the queen -appears to have been always ready to send him. He was gifted with a -power of making people fond of him, though he was not good for very -much else. - -After a while William discovered that there was a [Pg334] secret -messenger who carried forbidden supplies to the rebellious prince, -and the messenger happily had time to betake himself to a convenient -convent and put on the dress and give, let us hope, heart-felt vows of -monkhood. This is what Orderic Vitalis reports of a meeting between -the king and queen: "Who in the world," sighs the king, "can expect -to find a faithful and devoted wife? The woman whom I loved in my -soul, and to whom I entrusted my kingdom and my treasures, supports -my enemies; she enriches them with my property; she secretly arms -them against my honor--perhaps my life." And Matilda answered: "Do not -be surprised, I pray you, because I love my eldest born. Were Robert -dead and seven feet below the sod, and my blood could raise him to -life, it should surely flow. How can I take pleasure in luxury when -my son is in want? Far from my heart be such hardness! Your power -cannot deaden the love of a mother's heart." The king did not punish -the queen, we are assured gravely; and Robert quarrelled with his -brothers, and defied his father, and won his mother's sympathy and -forbearance to the end. He found the king of France ready to uphold -his cause by reason of the old jealousy of William's power, and while -he was ensconced in the castle of Gerberoi, and sallying out at his -convenience to harry the country, William marched to attack him, and -the father and son fought hand to hand without knowing each other -until the king was thrown from his horse. Whereupon Robert professed -great contrition, and some time afterward, the barons having [Pg335] -interceded and Matilda having prayed and wept, William consented to a -reconciliation, and even made his son his lieutenant over Normandy and -Brittany. - -In 1083 the queen died, and there was nobody to lift a voice against -her prudence and rare virtue, or her simple piety. There was no better -woman in any convent cell of Normandy, than the woman who had borne -the heavy weight of the Norman crown, and who had finished the sorry -task as best she could, of reigning over an alien, conquered people. -The king's sorrow was piteous to behold, and not long afterward -their second son, Richard, was killed in the New Forest, a place of -misfortune to the royal household. Another trouble quickly followed, -which not only hurt the king's feelings, but made him desperately -angry. - - [Illustration: ODO, BISHOP OF BAYEUX.] - -William had been very kind to all his kinsfolk on his mother's side, -and especially to his half-brother, Odo, the Bishop of Bayeux. He -had loaded him with honors, and given him, long ago, vice-regal -authority in England. Even this was not enough for such an aspiring -ecclesiastic, and, under the pretence of gathering tax-money (no doubt -insisting that it was to serve [Pg336] the miserliness and greed of -the king), he carried on a flourishing system of plundering. After -a while it was discovered that he had an ambition to make himself -Pope of Rome, and was using his money for bribing cardinals and -ingratiating himself with the Italian nobles. He bought himself a -palace in Rome and furnished it magnificently, and began to fit out -a fleet of treasure-ships at the Isle of Wight. One day when they -were nearly ready to set sail, and the disloyal gentlemen who were -also bound on this adventure were collected into a comfortable group -on shore, who should appear among them but William himself. The king -sternly related what must have been a familiar series of circumstances -to his audience: Odo's disloyalty when he had been entirely trusted, -his oppression of England, his despoiling of the churches and the -confiscation of their lands and treasures, lastly that he had even -won away these knights to go to Rome with him; men who were sworn to -repulse the enemies of the kingdom. - -After Odo's sins were related in detail, he was seized, but loudly -lamented thereat, declaring that he was a clerk and a minister of the -Most High, and that no bishop could be condemned without the judgment -of the Pope. The people who stood by murmured anxiously, for nobody -knew what might be going to happen to them also. Crafty William -answered that he was seizing neither clerk, nor prelate, nor Bishop -of Bayeux, only his Earl of Kent, his temporal lieutenant, who must -account to him for such bad vice-regal administration, and for four -[Pg337] years after that Odo was obliged to content himself with close -imprisonment in the old tower of Rouen. - -Those four years were in fact all that remained of the Conqueror's -earthly lifetime, and dreary years they were. In 1087 William returned -to Normandy for the last time. The French king was making trouble; -some say that the quarrel began between the younger members of the -family, others that Philip demanded that William should do homage -for England. Ordericus Vitalis, the most truthful of the Norman -historians, declares that the dispute was about the proprietorship of -the French districts of the Vexin. - -The Conqueror was an old man now, older than his years; he had never -quite recovered from his fall when Robert unhorsed him at the castle -of Gerberoi; besides he had suffered from other illness, and had grown -very stout, and the doctors at Rouen were taking him in charge. The -king of France joked insolently about his illness, and at the end of -July William started furiously on his last campaign, and no doubt -took vast pleasure in burning the city of Mantes. When the fire was -down he rode through the conquered town, his horse stepped among some -smouldering firebrands and reared, throwing his clumsy rider suddenly -forward against the high pommel of the saddle, a death-blow from -which he was never to recover. He was carried back to Rouen a worse -case for the doctors' skill than ever, and presently fever set in, -and torture followed torture for six long weeks. The burning fever, -the midsummer heat, the flattery or neglect of his [Pg338] paid -attendants; how they all reminded him and made him confess at last -his new understanding and sorrow for the misery he had caused to many -another human being! Yet we can but listen forgivingly as he says: "At -the time my father went of his own will into exile, leaving to me the -Duchy of Normandy, I was a mere child of eight years, and from that -day to this I have always borne the weight of arms." - -The three sons, Rufus William, Robert Curt-hose, and Henry Beauclerc, -were all eager to claim their inheritance, but the king sends for -Anselm, the holy abbot, and puts them aside while he makes confession -of his sins and bravely meets the prospect of speedy death. He gives -directions concerning the affairs of England and Normandy, gives -money and treasure to poor people and the churches; he even says -that he wishes to rebuild the churches which were so lately burnt at -Mantes. Then he summons his sons to his bedside and directs those -barons and knights who were present to be seated, when, if we may -believe Ordericus the Chronicler, the Conqueror made an eloquent -address, reviewing his life and achievements and the career of many -of his companions. The chronicle writers had a habit of putting -extremely pious and proper long speeches into the mouths of dying -kings, and as we read these remarks in particular we cannot help a -suspicion that the old monk sat down in his cell some time afterward -and quietly composed a systematic summary of what William would -have said, or ought to have said if he could. Yet we may believe in -the [Pg339] truth of many sentences. We do not care for what he -expressed concerning Mauger or King Henry, the battle of Mortemer or -Val-es-dunes, but when he speaks of his loyalty to the Church and his -friendship with Lanfranc, and Gerbert, and Anselm, of his having built -seventeen monasteries and six nunneries, "spiritual fortresses in -which mortals learn to combat the demons and lusts of the flesh"; when -he tells his sons to attach themselves to men of worth and wisdom and -to follow their advice, to follow justice in all things and spare no -effort to avoid wickedness, to assist the poor, infirm, and honest, to -curb and punish the proud and selfish, to prevent them from injuring -their neighbors, devoutly to attend holy church, to prefer the worship -of God to worldly wealth;--when he says these things we listen, and -believe that he was truly sorry at last for the starving homeless -Englishmen who owed him their death, for even the bitter resentment he -showed for the slaughter of a thousand of his brave knights within the -walls of Durham. He dares not give the ill-gotten kingdom of England -to anybody save to God, but if it be God's will he hopes that William -Rufus may be his successor. Robert may rule Normandy. Henry may take -five thousand pounds' weight of silver from the treasury. It is true -that he has no land to dwell in, but let him rest in patience and be -willing that his brothers should precede him. By and by he will be -heir of everything. - -At last the king unwillingly gives permission for Odo's release -along with other prisoners of state. [Pg340] He prophesies that Odo -will again disturb the peace and cause the death of thousands, and -adds that the bishop does not conduct himself with that chastity and -modesty which become a minister of God. For a last act of clemency -he gives back to Baudri, the son of Nicolas, all his lands, "because -without permission he quitted my service and passed over into Spain. -I now restore them to him for the love of God; I do not believe that -there is a better knight under arms than he, but he is changeable and -prodigal, and fond of roving into foreign countries." - -On the morning of the eighth of September the great soul took its -flight. The king was lying in restless, half-breathless sleep or -stupor when the cathedral bells began to ring, and he opened his eyes -and asked what time it was. They told him it was the hour of prime. -"Then he called upon God as far as his strength sufficed, and on our -holy lady, the blessed Mary, and so departed while yet speaking, -without any loss of his senses or change of speech." - -"At the time when the king departed this world, many of his servants -were to be seen running up and down, some going in, others coming -out, carrying off the rich hangings and the tapestry, and whatever -they could lay their hands upon. A whole day passed before the corpse -was laid upon its bier, for they who were wont before to fear him now -left him lying alone. But when the news spread much people gathered -together, and bishops and barons came in long procession. The body was -well tended and carried to Caen as he had before commanded. There was -no bishop in the province, nor abbot, nor noble [Pg341] prince, who -did not go to the burying if he could, and there were besides many -monks, priests, and clerks." - -So writes Master Wace in his long rhyme of the Conquest; but the rhyme -does not end as befits the Conqueror's fame. The chanting monks had -hardly set the body down within the church, at the end of its last -journey, when there was a cry of fire without, and all the people -ran away and left the church empty save for the few monks who stayed -beside the bier. When the crowd returned the service went on again, -but just as the grave was ready a vavasour named Ascelin, the son of -Arthur, pushed his way among the bishops and barons, and mounted a -stone to make himself the better heard--"Listen to me, ye lords and -clerks!" he cries; "ye shall not bury William in this spot. This -church of St. Stephen is built on land that he seized from me and my -house. By force he took it from me, and I claim judgment. I appeal to -him by name that he do me right." - -"After he had said this he came down. Forthwith arose great clamor in -the church, and there was such tumult that no one could hear the other -speak. Some went, others came; and all marvelled that this great king, -who had conquered so much and won so many cities and so many castles, -could not call so much land his own as his body might be covered in -after death." - -We cannot do better than end with reading the Saxon chronicle, which -is less likely to be flattering than the Norman records. [Pg342] - -"Alas, how false and unresting is this earth's weal! He that erst was -a rich king, and lord of many lands; had then of all his lands but -seven feet space; and he that was once clad with gold and gems, lay -overspread with mold! If any one wish to know what manner of man he -was, or what worship he had, or of how many lands he was the lord, -then will we write of him as we have known him; for we looked on him -and somewhile dwelt in his herd. - -"This King William that we speak about was a very wise man and very -rich; more worshipped, and stronger than any of his foregangers were. -He was mild to the good men that loved God, and beyond all metes stark -to those who withsaid his will. On that same ground where God gave him -that he should win England, he reared a noble minster and set monks -there and well endowed it. - -"Eke he was very worshipful. Thrice he wore his king-helm (crown), -every year as oft as he was in England. At Easter he wore it at -Winchester; at Pentecost at Westminster; at midwinter at Gloucester, -and then were with him all the rich men over all England: archbishops -and diocesan bishops; abbots and earls; thanes and knights. Truly he -was so stark a man and wroth that no man durst do any thing against -his will. He had earls in his bonds who had done against his will. -Bishops he set off their bishoprics, and abbots off their abbacies, -and thanes in prison. And at last he did not spare his brother Odo; -him he set in prison. Betwixt other things we must not forget the good -peace that he [Pg343] made in this land, so that a man that was worth -aught might travel over the kingdom unhurt with his bosom full of -gold. And no man durst slay another man though he had suffered never -so mickle evil from the other. - -"He ruled over England, and by his cunning he had so thoroughly -surveyed it, that there was never a hide of land in England that he -wist not both who had it and what its worth was, and he set it down in -his writ. Wales was under his weald, and therein he wrought castles; -and he wielded Manncynn withal. Scotland he subdued by his mickle -strength. Normandy was his by kin--and over the earldom that is called -Mans he ruled. And if he might have lived yet two years he had won -Ireland, and without any armament. - -"Truly in his time men had mickle taxing and many hardships. He let -castles be built, and poor men were sorely taxed. The king" (we might -in justice read oftener the king's officers)--"The king was so very -stark, and he took from his subjects many marks of gold and many -hundred pounds of silver, and that he took of his people some by -right and some by mickle unright, for little need. He was fallen into -covetousness, and greediness he loved withal. - -"The king and the head men loved much, and over much, the getting in -of gold and silver, and recked not how sinfully it was got so it but -came to them.... - -"He set many deer-friths and he made laws therewith, that whosoever -should slay hart or hind, him [Pg344] man should blind. And as he -kept to himself the slaying of the harts, so eke did he the boars. He -loved the high deer as much as if he were their father. Eke he set as -to the hares that they should go free. His rich men bemoaned, and his -poor men murmured, but he recked not the hatred of them all, and they -must follow the king's will if they would have lands or goods or his -favor. - -"Wa-la-wa! that any man should be so moody, so to upheave himself -and think himself above all other men! May God Almighty have -mild-heartedness on his soul and give him forgiveness of his sins! -These things we have written of him both good and evil, that men may -choose the good after their goodness, and withal flee from evil, and -go on the way that leadeth all to heaven's kingdom." - - [Illustration] - -[Pg345] - - [Illustration] - - - - -XVII. - -KINGDOM AND DUKEDOM. - - "Yes, while on earth a thousand discords ring, - Man's senseless uproar mingling with his toil, - Still do thy quiet ministers move on." - --MATTHEW ARNOLD. - - -William Rufus hurried away to claim the kingdom of England before his -father died. Robert was at Abbeville, some say, with his singers and -jesters, making merry over the prospect of getting the dukedom. Henry -had put his five thousand pounds of silver into a strong box and gone -his ways likewise. Normandy was in the confusion that always befell a -country in those days while one master had put off his crown and the -next had not put it on. There were masses being said in the Norman -churches for the good of the Conqueror's soul, and presently, as the -autumn days flew by and grew shorter and shorter, news was received -that the English had received William Rufus and made him king with -great rejoicing. There was always much to hope from the accession of a -new monarch; he was sure to make many promises, and nobody knew that -he would not keep every one of them. - -But neither in England nor Normandy did the [Pg346] outlook promise -great security. Robert was made duke, and Robert had plenty of -friends, whose love and favor were sure to last as long as his money -held out. He had a better heart than his brothers, but he was not -fit for a governor. "Robert, my eldest-born, shall have Normandy -and Maine," the Conqueror had told his barons on his death-bed. "He -shall serve the king of France for the same. There are many brave men -in Normandy; I know none equal to them. They are noble and valiant -knights, conquering in all lands whither they go. If they have a good -captain, a company of them is made to be dreaded, but if they have not -a lord whom they fear, and who governs them severely, the service they -render will soon be but poor. The Normans are worth little without -strict justice; they must be bent and bowed to their ruler's will, and -whoso holds them always under his foot and curbs them tightly, may get -his business well done by them. Haughty are they and proud, boastful -and arrogant; difficult to govern, and needing to be at all times kept -under, so that Robert will have much to do and to provide in order to -manage such a people." - -The dying king may have smiled grimly at the thought that Robert's -ambition knew not what it asked. The gay gentleman had given his -father trouble enough, but the weight of Normandy should be his to -carry. The red prince, William, had been a dutiful son, and he wished -him joy of England. He was order-loving, and had a head for governing. -"Poor lads!" the old father may have sighed more than once. It was -all very well to be princes and [Pg347] knights and gay riders and -courtiers, but the man who has a kingdom to govern must wend his ways -alone, with much hindrance and little help. - -The two courts bore little likeness to the Conqueror's as time went -on, and there was endless dissension among the knights. In England -the Normans complained greatly of the division of the kingdom and -the duchy. Odo, who had regained his earldom of Kent, was full of -mischievous, treacherous plans, and had no trouble in persuading other -men that they stood no chance of holding their lands or keeping their -rights under Rufus; it would be much better to overthrow him and to do -homage to Robert of Normandy in the old fashion. Robert was careless -and easy, and William was strong and self-willed. Robert was ready to -favor this party at once, and after a while William discovered what -was going on, and found the rebels under Odo were fortifying their -castles and winning troops of followers to their side--in fact, England -was all ready for civil war. The king besieged Odo forthwith in the -city of Rochester, and there was a terrible end to the revolt. Robert -had been too lazy or too inefficient to keep his promise of coming -to the aid of his allies, and disease broke out in the garrison and -raged until Odo sent messengers to ask forgiveness, and to promise -all manner of loyalty and penitence. The king was in a state of fury, -and meant to hang the leaders of the insurrection and put the rest -to death by the most ingenious tortures that could be invented. At -last, however, his own barons and officers made piteous pleas for the -lives [Pg348] of their friends and relatives, and in the end they -were driven out and deprived of their English estates, and Odo was -altogether banished from the country. No longer an earl, he went back -much humbled to his bishopric of Bayeux, which Robert had been foolish -enough to restore to him. But the intrigues went on. The Norman -barons in England were separated from their hereditary possessions -in Normandy, and William Rufus owed the safety of his crown to the -upholding of the English. Presently he went over to Normandy, where -things were getting worse and worse under Robert's rule, and announced -his intention of seizing the silly duke's dominions. Robert had -already sold the Cotentin to Henry for a part of the five thousand -pounds in the strong box, and after a good deal of dissension, and a -prospect of a long and bloody war, which the nobles on both sides did -every thing they could to prevent, the brothers made up their quarrel. -They signed an agreement that the one who outlived the other should -inherit all the lands and wealth, and then they made a league to go -and fight Henry Beauclerc, who was living peaceably enough on his -honestly-got Cotentin possessions. They chased him out of the country -to the French Vexin, where he spent a forlorn year or two; but he -could afford to wait for his inheritance, as the Conqueror had told -him long before. - -William Rufus went back to England, and in the course of time there -was a war with the Scotch, who were defeated again and again and -finally made quiet. Then the Welsh rebelled in their turn and [Pg349] -were much harder to subdue. Robert got the king of France to join -forces with him soon afterward, and that war was only avoided by the -payment to France by Rufus of an enormous sum of money. - -All this time William Rufus was doing some good things for his -kingdom and a great many more bad ones that there is not time to -describe. After Lanfranc's death the king grew worse and worse; he -was apparently without any religious principle, and there was always -a quarrel between him and the priests about the church money, which -both of them wanted. When bishops and abbots died the king would -not appoint their successors, and took all the tithes for himself. -His chief favorite was a low-born, crafty, wicked man named Ralph -Flambard, and the two were well matched. William Rufus had little of -the gift for business that made his father such a practical statesman -and organizer, and, in fact, his boisterous, lawless, indecent manner -of living shocked even the less orderly of his subjects. He had the -lower and less respectable of the Norman qualities, and something of -the rudeness of the worst of his more remote ancestry crops out in -his conduct. Once when he was very ill and was afraid that he was -going to die with all his sins on his head, he sent for Anselm, the -holy prior, his father's friend and counsellor, and appointed him to -the archbishopric of Canterbury, which had been vacant ever since -Lanfranc's death four years before. Rufus' guilty conscience was -quieted, and the people of England were deeply thankful for such a -prelate, but before long the king and Anselm naturally did not find -[Pg350] each other harmonious, and after a brave fight for what he -believed to be the right, Anselm appealed to Rome and left England -with orders never to return. - -Robert was the same careless man that he had been in his youth; -through war and peace, danger and security, he lived as if there -were no to-morrow to provide for and no future to be dreaded. I have -sketched the course of affairs as briefly as possible in both England -and Normandy, as if the only men within their borders were these two -incompetent brothers who so ill became the Conqueror's "kingly helm," -as Master Wace loves to call the crown. But the church builders were -still at work like ants busy with their grains of sand, towers were -rising, knights were fighting and parading, ladies were ordering their -households, the country men and women were tilling the green fields -of both countries and gathering in their harvests year by year. There -had been trouble now and then, as we have just seen, between the -kingdom and the duchy, between both of them and their border foes, but -almost ten years went by, and the children who had played with their -toys and sighed over their horn books the summer that William the -Conqueror died were now men and women grown. It would not seem like -the old Normandy if the news of some new great enterprise did not run -like wildfire through the towns and country lanes. The blood of the -Northmen was kindled with the blood of all Christendom at the story -of the Turks' capture of the Holy Sepulchre and the blessed city of -Jerusalem. The knights of Sicily were already on their journey by sea -and shore; the mother church [Pg351] at Rome called to her children -in every land to defend her holiest shrines against the insolence of -the heathen. - -Duke Robert was most zealous. To go on pilgrimage had been many a -knight's ambition, but this was the greatest pilgrimage of all. -Robert, as usual, had no money, but to his joy he succeeded in making -a bargain with his more thrifty English brother, and pledged Normandy -to William Rufus for five years for the sum of something less than -seven thousand pounds. Away he went with his lords and gentlemen; -they wore white crosses on their right shoulders, and sang hymns as -they marched along. Not only lords and gentlemen made up this huge -procession of thousands and thousands, but men of every station--from -the poor cottages and stately halls alike. If any better persuasion -had been needed than the simple announcement that the Turks had taken -Jerusalem, it had come by way of Peter the Hermit's preaching. This -had created a religious frenzy that the world had never known; from -town to town the great preacher had gone with an inexhaustible living -stream of persuasive eloquence always at his lips. Women wept and -prayed and gave their jewels and rich garments, and men set their -teeth and clenched their hands, armed themselves and followed him. - -England did not listen at first, and William Rufus chuckled over his -good bargain, and taxed his unwilling subjects more heavily than ever -to get the money to pay his crusader brother. England would listen by -and by, but in this first crusade she took [Pg352] little part, while -the Normans and Frenchmen and all their neighbors spent three years of -fearful suffering and hardship in the strange countries of the East; -at last they won the Holy Sepulchre. The Turks were still fighting to -win it back again; they were dangerous enemies, and the Christian host -was dwindling fast. The cry was sent again through Europe for more -soldiers of the Holy Cross. - -Here we come face to face again with the old viking spirit: under all -the fast-increasing luxury that threatened to sap and dull the life of -Normandy, the love of adventure and fierce energy of character were -only sleeping. The most sentimental and pleasure loving of Robert's -knights could lightly throw off his ribbons and gay trappings, and -buckle on his armor when the summons came. Quickly they marched and -fiercely they fought in the holy wars, and so it came about that the -Norman banners were planted at the gates of Jerusalem and Antioch, and -new kingdoms were planted in the East. This is not the place to follow -the Crusaders' fortunes, or the part that the Norman Sicilians played -in the great enterprise of the Middle Ages. At least it must make but -an incident in my scheme of the Story of the Normans. - - * * * * * - -There is a familiar modern sound in the bewailings of our old -chroniclers over their taxes. Resentment and pathos were blended then -as they are now in such complaints, but though William Rufus was not -the least of such extortionate offenders, he gave much of the money -back in fine buildings; the [Pg353] famous Great Hall of Westminster -was built in his day, and the stout wall that surrounded his father's -Tower of London, besides a noble bridge across the Thames. - -When people expected unfailing generosity and gold thrown to the -crowd oftener than in these days, it is difficult to see how the king -could satisfy popular expectation without preliminary taxation. Yet -the wails of the chroniclers go up like the chirp of the grasshopper. -There was one mistaken scheme of benevolence in the endowment of -charities, which have borne bitter fruit of pauperism ever since, for -which taxation might well have been spared. - -William Rufus died in the year 1100, in the New Forest. The peasants -believed that it was enchanted and accursed, and that evil spirits -flew about among the trees on dark and stormy nights. There was a -superstition that it was a fated place to those who belonged to the -Conqueror's line. Another prince had been killed there, named Richard, -too--the son of Duke Robert of Normandy. - -The last year of the Red King's reign had been peaceful. The Witan -gathered to meet him at Westminster and Winchester and Gloucester, and -he reigned unchallenged from Scotland to Maine, and there was truce -with the French king at Paris. One August morning he went out to the -chase after a jolly night at one of the royal hunting-lodges. The -party scattered in different directions, and the king and Sir Walter -Tyrrel, a famous sportsman, were seen riding away together, and their -dogs after them. That night a poor forester, a lime-burner, was going -[Pg354] through the forest with his clumsy cart, and stumbled over -the king's body, which lay among the ferns with an arrow deep in the -breast. He lifted it into the cart and carried it to Winchester, where -it was buried next day with little sorrow. There were few bells tolled -and few prayers said, for the priests owed little to any friendliness -of William Rufus. - -There were many stories told about his death. Tyrrel said that the -arrow was shot by an unknown hand, and that he had run away for fear -that people should accuse him of the murder, which they certainly did! -Others said that Tyrrel shot at a stag and the arrow glanced aside -from an oak, but nobody knows now, and in those days too many people -were glad that the king was dead, to ask many questions or to try to -punish any one. - -Robert might have claimed the kingdom now because of the old -agreement, but he was still in the East fighting for Jerusalem. -Henry Beauclerc had been one of the huntsmen that fatal morning, so -he hurried to Winchester and claimed the crown. He made more good -promises than any of his predecessors, and the people liked him -because he was English-born, and so they made another Norman king. -Henry Beauclerc reigned over England thirty-five years, and won -himself another name of the Lion of Justice. He did not treat his -brother Robert justly, however he may have deserved his title in other -ways; but he had a zoological garden and brought wild beasts from -different quarters of the earth, and he fostered a famous love of -learning, [Pg355] and put Ralph Flambard in the Tower as soon as he -possibly could, and more than all, chose an excellent woman for his -wife, Maud, the good daughter of the Scottish King Malcolm. He was an -untruthful man, but a great man for all that, and made a better king -than some that England had already endured. In many ways his reign was -a gain to England. There was a distinct advance in national life, and -while the English groaned under his tyranny they could not help seeing -that he sought for quietness and order and was their best champion -against the worse tyranny of the nobles. Mr. Freeman believes that -the Saxon element was the permanent one in English history, and that -the Norman conquest simply modified it somewhat and was a temporary -influence brought to bear for its improvement. It is useless to argue -the question with such odds of learning and thought as his against -one, but the second invasion of Northmen by the roundabout way of -Normandy, seems as marked a change as the succession of the Celts to -the Britons, or the Saxons to the Danes. The Normans had so distinctly -made a great gain in ideas and civilization, that they were as much -foreigners as any Europeans could have been to the Anglo-Saxons of -that eleventh century, and their coming had a permanent effect, -besides a most compelling power. It seems to me that England would -have disintegrated without them, not solidified, and a warring handful -of petty states have been the result. - -Yet undoubtedly through many centuries of history writing the English -of the Conqueror's day have been made to take too low a place in the -scale of [Pg356] civilization. As a nation, they surely responded -readily to the Norman stimulus, but the Normans had never found so -good a chance to work out their own ideas of life and achievement as -on English soil in the first hundred years after the Conquest. In many -respects the Saxon race possesses greater and more reliable qualities -than any other race; stability, perseverance, self-government, -industry are all theirs. Yet the Normans excelled them in their genius -for great enterprises and their love of fitness and elegance in social -life and in the arts. Indeed we cannot do better than to repeat here -what has been quoted once already. "Without them England would have -been mechanical, not artistic; brave, not chivalrous; the home of -learning, not of thought." - -It has also been the fashion to ignore the influence of five hundred -years' contact between Roman civilization and the Saxon inhabitants -of Great Britain. Surely great influences have been brought to bear -upon the Anglo-Saxon race. That the making of England was more -significant to the world and more valuable than any manifestation -of Norman ability, is in one way true, but let us never forget that -much that has been best in English national life has come from the -Norman elements of it rather than the Saxon. England the colonizer, -England the country of intellectual and social progress, England the -fosterer of ideas and chivalrous humanity, is Norman England, and the -Saxon influence has oftener held her back in dogged satisfaction and -stubbornness than urged her forward to higher levels. The power of -holding back is necessary to [Pg357] the stability, of a kingdom, but -not so necessary as the - - "Glory of going on and still to be----" - -The conjunction of Norman and Saxon elements has made England the -great nation that she is. - -It is too easy as we draw near the end of this story of the Normans -to wander into talk about the lessons of Norman history and to fall -into endless generalizations. Let us look a little longer at Henry -Beauclerc's time while Robert, under the shadow of his name of duke, -spends enough dreary blinded years in prison to give him space to -remember again and again the misspent years of his youth and his -freedom; while Henry plots and plans carefully for the continuance -of his family upon the throne of England and Normandy, only to be -disappointed at every turn. His son is coming from France with a gay -company and is lost in the White Ship with all his lords and ladies, -and the people who hear the news do not dare to tell the king, and at -last send a weeping little lad into the royal presence to falter out -the story of the shipwreck. What a touch of humanity is there! The -king never smiled afterward, but he plotted on and went his kingly -ways, "the last of those great Norman kings who, with all their vices, -their cruelty, and their lust, displayed great talents of organization -and adaptation, guided England with a wise, if a strong, hand through -the days of her youth, and by their instinctive, though selfish, love -of order paved the way for the ultimate rise of a more stable, yet a -freer government." - -The last Norman Duke of Normandy was really [Pg358] that young Prince -William, who was drowned in the White Ship off the port of Barfleur, -whom Henry had invested with the duchy and to whom the nobility had -just done homage. After his death, the son of Robert made claim to -the succession, and the greater proportion of the Normans upheld his -claim, and the king of France openly favored him, but he died of a -wound received in battle, and again Henry, rid of this competitor, -built an elaborate scheme upon the succession of his daughter Matilda, -whom he married to Geoffrey Plantagenet, son of the Count of Anjou. -But for all this, after the king's death, the law of succession was -too unsettled to give his daughter an unquestioned claim. Hereditary -title was not independent yet of election by the nobles, and Matilda's -claims were by many people set aside. There were wars and disorders -too intricate and dreary to repeat. Stephen, Count of Boulogne, son -of that Count Stephen of Blois who married the Conqueror's daughter -Adela, usurped the throne of England, and there was a miserable time -of anarchy in both England and Normandy. And as the government passed -away in this apparently profitless interregnum to the houses of Blois -and of Anjou, so Normandy seems like Normandy no longer. Her vitality -is turned into different channels, and it is in the history of England -and of France and of the Low Countries that we must trace the further -effect of Norman influence. [Pg359] - - [Illustration] - - - - -XVIII. - -CONCLUSION. - - "I looked: aside the dust-cloud rolled,---- - The Waster seemed the Builder too; - Upspringing from the ruined Old - I saw the New." - --WHITTIER. - - -It will be clearly seen that there is great apparent disproportion -between certain parts of this sketch of the rise and growth of the -Norman people. I have not set aside the truth that Normandy was not -reunited to France until 1204, and I do not forget that many years lie -between that date and the time when I close my account of the famous -duchy. But the story of the growth of the Normans gives one the key -to any later part of their history, and I have contented myself with -describing the characters of the first seven dukes and Eadward the -Confessor, who were men typical of their time and representative of -the various types of national character. Of the complex questions in -civic and legal history I am not competent to speak, nor does it seem -to me that they properly enter into such a book as this. With Mr. -Freeman's learned and exhaustive work at hand as a book of reference, -the readers of this story of Normandy will find all their puzzles -solved. [Pg360] - -But I hope that I have made others see the Normans as I have seen -them, and grow as interested in their fortunes as I have been. They -were the foremost people of their time, being most thoroughly alive -and quickest to see where advances might be made in government, in -architecture, in social life. They were gifted with sentiment and with -good taste, together with fine physical strength and intellectual -cleverness. In the first hundred years of the duchy they made -perhaps as rapid progress in every way, and had as signal influence -among their contemporaries, as any people of any age,--unless it is -ourselves, the people of the young republic of the United States, who -might be called the Normans of modern times. For with many of the -gifts and many of the weaknesses (and dangers, too) of our viking -ancestry, we have repeated the rapid increase of power which was a -characteristic of our Norman kindred; we have conquered in many fights -with the natural forces of the universe where they fought, humanity -against humanity. Much of what marked the Northman and the Norman -marks us still. - -The secret of Normandy's success was energetic self-development and -apprehension of truth; the secret of Normandy's failures was the -secret of all failures--blindness to the inevitable effects of certain -causes, and unwillingness to listen to her best and most far-seeing -teachers. Carlyle said once to a friend: "There has never been a -nation yet that did any thing great that was not deeply religious." -The things that are easy and near are chosen, instead of [Pg361] -the things that make for righteousness. When luxury becomes not the -means, but the end of life, humanity's best weapons grow rusty, and -humanity's best intelligence is dulled and threatens to disappear. -The church forgets her purpose and invites worshippers of the church -instead of worshippers of God. The state is no longer an impersonated -administrator of justice and order, but a reservoir from which to -plunder and by which to serve private ends. - -I am not able to speak of the influence of the Normans upon the later -kingdom of France, the France of our day, as I confess the writer of -such a book as this should have been, but there is one point which has -been of great interest as the southward course of the Northmen has -been eagerly followed. - -It has been the common impression that there was a marked growth of -refinement and courtliness, of dignified bearing and imaginative -literature connected with the development of the French men and women -of early times, to the gradual widening of which the modern world had -been indebted for much of its best social attainment. - -I think that a single glance at the France of the ninth and tenth -centuries will do away with any belief in its having been the -sole inspirer or benefactor. The Franks were products of German -development, and were not at that time pre-eminent for social culture. -They were a ruder people by far than the Italians or even the people -of Spain, less developed spiritually, and wanting in the finer -attributes of human instinct or perception. Great as they already -[Pg362] were, no one can claim that quickness of tact or special -intolerance of ill-breeding came from their direction. Dante speaks, a -little later than this, of the "guzzling Germans," and though we must -make allowance for considerable race prejudice, there was truth, too, -in his phrase. Not from the Franks, therefore, but from among the very -rocks and chasms of the viking nature, sprang a growth of delicate -refinement that made the yellow-haired jarls and the "sea-kings' -daughters" bring a true, poetical, and lovely spirit to Normandy, -where they gave a soul to the body of art and letters that awaited -them. Each nation had something to give to the other, it is true, but -it was the Northern spirit that made the gifts of both available and -fruitful to humanity. - -It may rightly be suggested that the standard of behavior was low -everywhere in the tenth century, according to our present standards, -but it is true that there was a re-kindling of light in the North, -which may be traced in its continued reflections through Norway to -Normandy, and thence to France and England and the world. We have -only to remind ourselves of the development of literature in Iceland -and the building of governmental and social strength and dignified -individuality, to see that the Northmen by no means owed every thing -to the influence of French superiority and precedence. We have only to -compare the tenth century with the eleventh, to see what an impulse -had been given. The saga-lovers and the clear-eyed people of the North -were gifted with a spark of grace peculiarly their own. [Pg363] - -There is a pretty story told by an English traveller in Norway, who -met a young woman leading an old blind beggar through the street of a -poor, plain village. She was descended from one of the noble families -of ancient times; it was her pleasure and duty to serve the friendless -old man. But the traveller insists that never, among the best people -he has met, has he found such dignity and grace as this provincial -woman wore, who knew nothing of courts or the world's elegance. There -was a natural nobility in her speech and manner which the courtliest -might envy, and which might adorn the noblest palace and be its most -charming decoration. It is easy to write these words with sympathy, -and perhaps the traveller's half-forgotten story has been embellished -unconsciously with the memory in my mind of kindred experiences in -that country of the North. Plainness and poverty make gentle blood -seem more gracious still, and the green mountain-sides and fresh air -of old Norway have not yet ceased to inspire simple, unperverted -souls, from whose life a better and higher generation seems more than -possible. - -The impulses that make toward social development are intermittent. -There is the succession of growing time and brooding time, of summer -and winter, in the great ages of the world. If we look at the -Normans as creatures of a famous spring where Europe made a bold and -profitable advance in every way, I think that we shall not be far from -right. - -In telling their story in this imperfect way I have not been unmindful -of the dark side of their [Pg364] character, but what they were is -permanent, while what they were not was temporary. The gaps they left -were to be filled up by other means--by the slow processes by which -God in nature and humanity evolves the best that is possible for the -present with something that forestalls the future. The stones that -make part of a cathedral wall are shaped also with relation to the -very dome. - -Here, at the beginning of the Norman absorption into England, I -shall end my story of the founding and growth of the Norman people. -The mingling of their brighter, fiercer, more enthusiastic, and -visionary nature with the stolid, dogged, prudent, and resolute -Anglo-Saxons belongs more properly to the history of England. Indeed, -the difficulty would lie in not knowing where to stop, for one may -tell the two races apart even now, after centuries of association and -affiliation. There are Saxon landholders, and farmers, and statesmen -in England yet--unconquered, unpersuaded, and un-Normanized. But the -effect on civilization of the welding of the two great natures cannot -be told fairly in this or any other book--we are too close to it and -we ourselves make too intimate a part of it to judge impartially. If -we are of English descent we are pretty sure to be members of one -party or the other. Saxon yet or Norman yet, and even the confusion -of the two forces renders us not more able to judge of either, but -less so. We must sometimes look at England as a later Normandy; and -yet, none the less, as the great leader and personified power that -she is and has been these many hundred years, drawing her strength -[Pg365] from the best of the Northern races, and presenting the world -with great men and women as typical of these races and as grandly -endowed to stand for the representatives of their time in days to -come, as the men and women of Greece were typical, and live yet in our -literature and song. In the courts and stately halls of England, in -the market-places, and among followers of the sea or of the drum, we -have seen the best triumphs and glories of modern humanity, no less -than the degradations, the treacheries, and the mistakes. In the great -pageant of history we can see a nation rise, and greaten, and dwindle, -and disappear like the varying lifetime of a single man, but the force -of our mother England is not yet spent, though great changes threaten -her, and the process of growth needs winter as well as summer. Her -life is not the life of a harborless country, her fortunes are the -fortunes of her generosity. But whether the Norman spirit leads her to -be self-confident or headstrong and wilful, or the Saxon spirit holds -her back into slowness and dulness, and lack of proper perception -in emergencies or epochs of necessary change, still she follows the -right direction and leads the way. It is the Norman graft upon the -sturdy old Saxon tree that has borne best fruit among the nations--that -has made the England of history, the England of great scholars and -soldiers and sailors, the England of great men and women, of books and -ships and gardens and pictures and songs! There is many a gray old -English house standing among its trees and fields, that has sheltered -and nurtured many a generation of loyal and [Pg366] tender and brave -and gentle souls. We shall find there men and women who, in their -cleverness and courtliness, their grace and true pride and beauty, -make us understand the old Norman beauty and grace, and seem to make -the days of chivalry alive again. - -But we may go back farther still, and discover in the lonely mountain -valleys and fiord-sides of Norway even a simpler, courtlier, and -nobler dignity. In the country of the sagamen and the rough sea-kings, -beside the steep-shored harbors of the viking dragon-ships, linger -the constantly repeated types of an earlier ancestry, and the flower -of the sagas blooms as fair as ever. Among the red roofs and gray -walls of the Norman towns, or the faint, bright colors of its country -landscapes, among the green hedgerows and golden wheat-fields of -England, the same flowers grow in more luxuriant fashion, but old -Norway and Denmark sent out the seed that has flourished in richer -soil. To-day the Northman, the Norman, and the Englishman, and a young -nation on this western shore of the Atlantic are all kindred who, -possessing a rich inheritance, should own the closest of kindred ties. - - [Illustration] - -[Pg367] - - [Illustration] - - - - -INDEX. - - - A - - Adela, 112 - - AElfred, the Confessor's brother, 184, 188 - - AElfred the Great, 103, 171; fines, 173 - - AElfgifu, see Emma of Normandy - - AEthelred the Unready, 102, 171; English contempt for, 175; flees - to Normandy, 177 - - Alan of Brittany, 70, 126, 137; death of, 151 - - Alencon, siege of, 213; Lord of, see William de Talvas - - Ambrieres, 250 - - Anglo-Saxons, 106, 365 - - Anjou, 358 - - Anselm, 238, 338, 349 - - Apulia, 131, 139; allegiance to Rome, 140 - - Architecture, 239, 240 - - Argentan, 97 - - Arlette, 122 - - Arnulf of Flanders, 63, 71, 87 - - Arrows, 252, 307 - - Ascelin, 340 - - Aumale, 248 - - Auxerre, 108 - - Aversa, 133, 139 - - Avranches, 248 - - - B - - Baldwin of Flanders, 121 - - Battle, 304 - - Baudri, 340 - - Bayeux, Northmen in, 40, 59; Richard the Fearless educated in, 62; - description of, 323 - - Bayeux tapestry, 238, 299, 323 - - Beaumont, house of, 152, 198, 282 - - Bec, abbey of, 219 - - Benedictines, 222 - - Berengarius, 230 - - Berenger, Count of Bayeux, 40 - - Bergen, 14, 291 - - Bernard the Dane, 60, 61, 75 - - Bernard Harcourt, 68 - - Bernard de Senlis, 59, 61; plot of, 76 - - Bertha, wife of Robert of France, 100 - - Bessin, 247 - - Blaatand Harold, 81 - - Borbillon, 210 - - Botho the Dane, 47, 60, 75 - - Breteuil, castle of, 250 - - Brionne, 224 - - Brittany, 58; Danish settlements in, 61; enmity between Normandy - and, 76; tributary to Normandy, 246; William's expedition against, - 265; aids William, 285 - - Bruce, Robert, 233 - - Burgundy, 54, 246; king of, 86; Henry of, 106 - - Burneville, 224 - - - C - - Caen, 113; William builds Church of St. Stephen in, 237; 298, 321, - 322, 340 - - Canterbury, archbishop of, 176 - - Carloman, 85 - - Carlyle, 360 - - Cathedrals, 219 - - Celts, 172 - - Chalons, Hugh, Count of, 108, 110 - - Charlemagne, 11, 19; empire of, 34, 52, 88 - - Charles the Fat, 54, 56 - - Charles the Simple, 34; resists Rolf's invasion, 37; captivity of, - 56 - - Chartres, Count of, 38; siege of, 41, 109 - - Chivalry, Norman, 93, 116 - - Civitella, battle of, 140, 141 - - Cloister life, 215 - - Cnut the Dane, 106, 119; banishment of English nobles, 120; chosen - king, 177; his improvement and England's, 178; pilgrimage to Rome, - 182; letter of, 182; death, 183 - - Cotentin, 103, 113; castles of, 116; over-population of, 116; home - of the Hautevilles, 134; rebellions, 152, 202; designs of Henry - of France toward, 247; men at Hastings, 306; sold by Robert of - Normandy, 348 - - Coutances, bishop of, 304 - - Crusades, 143, 351 - - Curfew bell, 251 - - - D - - Danegelt, the, 173 - - Danes in Bayeux, 74; in England, 103; inheritance from, in - Northern England, 187; schemes for regaining England, 258 - - Dante, 362 - - Dickens' "Child's History of England," 328 - - Dinan, 266 - - Dive, river, 297 - - Dol, 110, 266 - - Domesday Book, 328 - - Douglas, Scottish family of, 233 - - Drayton, 28 - - Dreux, county of, 109 - - Dunstan, 172 - - Durham, 339 - - - E - - Eadgyth (or Edith), the Confessor's wife, 188, 270 - - Eadgyth the Swan-throated, 310 - - Eadmund Ironside, 104, 177; poisoned, 178 - - Eadward the Confessor, 184; pious character of, 186; weakness of, - 188, 240; likeness to AEthelred, 189; preference for Normans, 191; - promises the crown to William, 242; also to Harold, 257; illness - and death, 269; love of hunting, 329 - - Eadward the Outlaw, 257 - - Eadwine, Earl of Mercia, 320 - - Eadwy, 180 - - Emma of Normandy (or AElfgifu), 102; marriage to AEthelred, 105; - flight to Normandy of, 106; sons of, 118; marries Cnut of England, - 180 - - England, Danes in, 103; low condition of, 106; under misrule of - AEthelred, 173; election of kings in, 179; same king as Denmark and - Scandinavia, 181; under Cnut, 181; behind Norman civilization, 185; - division into earldoms, 187; building of castles in, 193; conquest - of, planned in Normandy, 240; Harold made king, 272; conquest of, - by William, 308; English character, 365 - - Epte, St. Claire on, 44 - - Eremburga, 145 - - Ericson, Leif, 18 - - Ermenoldus, 113 - - Espriota, 66; second marriage, 80, 96, 152 - - Estrith, 121, 123 - - Eu, 236 - - Eustace of Boulogne, 285 - - Evreux, 40 - - Exeter, siege of, 325 - - Exmes, 97, 111, 113 - - - F - - Falaise, 92; industries of, 97; Robert in, 121; the Conqueror in, - 197 - - Fecamp, 89, 111, 303 - - Feudal system, 54, 154; in England, 316 - - Fitz-Osbern; see William Fitz-Osbern. - - Flails used as weapons, 76 - - Flanders, Baldwin of, 121 - - Flanders, civilization of, 232; aids William, 285 - - Fleming, Scottish families of, 233 - - Forests, Norman, 95; English, 330 - - France, 54, 361 - - Franks, 55, 361 - - Freeman's (E. A.) History of the Norman Conquest, 190, 205, 224, - 225, 280, 286, 355, 359 - - Froissart, 323 - - Fulbert the Tanner, 122 - - - G - - Gaul, 20 - - Geirrid the Norsewoman, 7 - - Geoffrey Martel, 250; dies, 252 - - Geoffrey Plantagenet, 358 - - Gerberga, 72; courage of, 82-85 - - Gerberoi, 334, 337 - - Germany, 54; sympathy for Louis Outremer, 83, 361 - - Gisla, 43 - - Godfrey of Brittany, 101 - - Godiva, Lady, 188 - - Godwine, Earl of Wessex, 184; character and gifts, 188; a - king-maker, 188; influence in England and banishment, 192; returns, - 244; remembrance of, in England, 315 - - Golet the Fool, 199 - - Gorm of Denmark, 30, 81 - - Gottfried, 19 - - Grantmesnil, 198 - - Greece, typical characters of, 365 - - Greenland, 16, 18 - - Gregory VII., (or Hildebrand), 279, 285, 298 - - Grimbald of Plessis, 202; imprisonment of, 212 - - Guizot's history of France, 159 - - Guy of Burgundy, 199; pretends to the ducal crown, 200; beaten at - Val-es-dunes, 210 - - Gyda, 30 - - Gytha, Godwine's wife, 192 - - Gyrth, son of Godwine, 303 - - - H - - Haarfager, Harold, 15; kingdom and marriage, 30; tyrannies of, 32 - - Haman of Thorigny, 202 - - Harold Blaatand 81, 82 - - Harold Hardrada, 288, 290, 294 - - Harold, son of Godwine, 192; in Ireland, 242; in Normandy, 253; - desires to succeed Eadward, 256; shipwrecked in Ponthieu, 260; - received by William of Normandy, and visits him, 264; at Mt. St. - Michel, 265; promises to marry one of William's daughters, 267; - oath on the relics, 267; again in Normandy, 267; made king of - England, 272; battle of Hastings, 300 - - /Ha Rou/, 49 - - Harthacnut, 170; becomes king, 183; dies, 184 - - Hasting the pirate, 38; Italian robberies, 130-144 - - Hastings, battle of, 299 - - Hauteville, Drogo of, 138 - - Hauteville, Humbert of, 141 - - Hauteville, Humphrey of, 138 - - Hauteville, Roger of, 143 - - Hauteville, Serlon of, 136; bravery of, 138, 141 - - Hauteville, Tancred of, 132, 135, 141 - - Hauteville, William of, president of Apulia, 139 - - Hautevilles, Family of the, 236 - - Hebrides, 2, 29, 50 - - Henry Beauclerc, 327; his father's legacy, 339, 348; seizes the - English crown, 354; death of his son, 357 - - Henry of Burgundy, 137 - - Henry of France, 197, 199; William's enemy, 202; Godwine's - partisan, 244 - - Herleva (or Arlette), 122 - - Herluin of Bec, 223; becomes prior, 224 - - Herluin of Montreuil, 81 - - Hildebrand, archdeacon, see Gregory VII. - - Hugh Capet, 63, 88, 98 - - Hugh the Great, Count of Paris, 56, 63, 153 - - - I - - Iceland, colonization of, 16, 32; expedition to England from, 291; - literature, 32, 92, 362 - - Italy, 54 - - - J - - Jersey, island of, 93 - - Jerusalem, Robert's pilgrimage to, 126 - - Jumieges, 35 - - - K - - Kent, 288, 290 - - Knighthood, 156; oaths of, 161 - - - L - - Land-holding, Norman system of, 46 - - Lanfranc, 219, 226; met by pilgrims, 231; brings about William's - marriage, 237; William's ally, 279; Bishop of Canterbury, 320 - - Laon, castle of, 72 - - Leo, Pope of Rome, 235, 236 - - Leofric, 188; grandsons of, 258 - - Leslies, Scottish family of, 233 - - Lillebonne, 282 - - Lisieux, 247, 252 - - Lisle, Baldwin de, 233 - - London, 177, 192, 302 - - Long Serpent, 12 - - Longsword, see William Longsword. - - Lorraine, 54 - - Lothair, 86 - - Louis Outremer, 71; in Rouen, 77; loses the battle with Normandy, - 82; death of, 86 - - - M - - Maine, Count of, 280 - - Malcolm, 288 - - Mantes, 337 - - Matilda of Flanders, 233; marries William of Normandy, 237; builds - Church of the Holy Trinity in Caen, 238; influence in Normandy, - 245; gives William a ship, 298; rules Normandy in his absence, 325; - favors her son Robert, 334; dies, 335 - - Mauger, 90; Archbishop of Rouen, 112, 124; opposition to William - and Matilda's marriage, 236; dismissal of, by William, 251 - - Mauritius, 238 - - Mercia, 187 - - Michael, Emperor of Constantinople, 128 - - Mirmande, 111 - - Monasticism, 215; value of, to Normandy, 230 - - Montgomery, house of, 152 - - Morkere, 288, 320 - - Mortain, Count of, 282 - - Mortemer, battle of, 248 - - Mount St. Michel, 265 - - - N - - Navarre, 54 - - Neal of St. Saviour, 201; at Val-es-dunes, 208; goes to Brittany, - 202; at Hastings, 306 - - Neustria, 35, 79 - - Normandy, Rolf's voyage to, 29, 34; formerly called Neustria, - 35; independence of, 44; division of, 46; improvement of, 47; - loyalty to France, 57; relations with France, 60; holds its own - against Louis Outremer, 82; first money coined in, 84; the Norman - character, 91; manufactures of, 92; chivalry in, 93; attacked - by AEthelred, 103; changes in, 115; Christianity in, 118; social - progress of, 132; colonies in Southern Italy, 133; feudalism in, - 153; knighthood of, 156; churches of, 168; plague in, 169; AEthelred - escapes to, 177; state of religion in, 217; architecture, 239, - 240; enmity between Flanders and, 245; victory at Mortemer, 248; - craftiness of, 250; victory at Varaville, 252; Harold in, 268; - governed by William and Lanfranc, 279; preparation for war in, 295; - wins the battle of Hastings, 300; influence of Norman character, - 356-360 - - Norman women, 323, 326 - - Northmen, voyages of, 4; literature of, 9; arts of the, 11; - ship-building of, 12; in Bayeux, 59 - - Norway, coast of, 1; metals in, 4; home-life in, 6; reputation of, - 9; ships of, 12-14; colonies of, 19; women in, 23; pirates, 26; - Haarfager's government of, 30 - - - O - - Odo of Bayeux, 282, 304, 323; made Earl of Kent, 324; Italian - plot, 336; release from prison, 339; plots of, 347 - - Odo of France, 247 - - Olaf of Norway, 109, 175 - - Ordericus Vitalis, chronicle of, 334, 337 - - Orkneys, 1, 30, 293 - - Oslac, 60 - - Osmond de Centeville, 72 - - Otho William, 107 - - Otto of Germany, 86 - - - P - - Palermo, 146 - - Palgrave, Sir Francis, 89, 91 - - Paris, plundering of, 19, 40; borders of Normandy near, 125 - - Pavia, Lanfranc born in, 226 - - Peasantry, Norman, 93; complaint of, 95; parliament of and - commune, 96; in England, 330 - - Peter the Hermit, 351 - - Pevensey, 299 - - Philip, King of France, 337 - - Poictiers, 246 - - Ponthieu, 246; Harold shipwrecked in, 260; William's ships sail - for, 297 - - Popa, 43, 45, 60 - - Pyrenees, 246 - - - Q - - Quevilly, 275 - - - R - - Ragnar Lodbrok, 25 - - Rainulf of Ferrieres, 68 - - Ralph Flambard, 349 - - Ralph of Tesson, 206 - - Ralph of Toesny, 249 - - Randolph of Bayeux, 202 - - Raoul of Ivry, 96; against the peasants, 97, 98 - - Ravens, black, 15 - - Renaud, 110 - - Richard of Evreux, 282 - - Richard the Fearless, 62; boyhood of, 66; made duke, 68; sent to - Laon, 71; charters of, 84; death of, 89 - - Richard the Good, 90; character of, 92; unruly subjects of, 96; - first peer of France, 99; marriage of, 101; war with Burgundy, 106; - war with Dreux, 108; death at Fecamp, 111 - - Richard the Third Duke, 110; becomes duke, 112; is poisoned, 113 - - Robert Curt-hose, 333; inherits Normandy, 339, 345; his character, - 350; goes on pilgrimage, 351; imprisonment, 357 - - Robert of Eu, 282 - - Robert of France, 98; wit of, 99 - - Robert Guiscard, 134; reaches Amalfi, 141; becomes duke, 142 - - Robert of Jumieges, 193 - - Robert the Magnificent, 112; bad name of, 114; enemy of England, - 118; marries the tanner's daughter, 122; goes on pilgrimage, 125; - dies, 129 - - Robert the Staller, 273, 300 - - Roger of Beaumont, 282, 322 - - Roger of Toesny, 195; colony in Spain, 196 - - Roegnwald, Jarl, of Moere, 31, 44 - - Rolf Ganger, ships, 29; profession, 32; siege of Rouen, 35; good - government, 41; made duke, 42; christened, 45; married Gisla, 45; - death, 50; tomb at Rouen, typical character, 53; tower in Rouen, - 78; hall in Rouen, 121; Cnut's likeness to, 157, 278, 282, 306 - - Romance language, 55 - - /Roman de Rou/, 94, 112, 204, 209, 267, 340 - - Roman roads, 92 - - Rome, Church of, 118 - - Rouen, 20; siege of, 35; Rolf's wedding in, 45; Rolf's palace - in, 50; Richard the Fearless' coronation in, 69; ruins in, 86; - reception of William and Matilda in, 236 - - Rudolph of Burgundy, 57 - - Rye, castle of, 200 - - - S - - Sagamen, 8 - - Sandwich, 288 - - Salle, 212 - - Sanglac, battle of, 104 - - Saxons, 287 - - Scandinavian peninsula, 1-3 - - Sea-kings, 9 - - Senlac, 304, 309 - - Shakespeare, 91 - - Sicily, 131, 139; Norman ruins in, 145; aids William, 285; - crusades of, 350 - - Siward of Northumberland, 258 - - Slavery, William's suppression of, 332 - - Spain, 20, 25, 306 - - Sperling, 80, 152 - - Stamford Bridge, battle of, 293, 298, 305 - - Stephen of Blois, 358 - - Stephen of Boulogne, 358 - - Stigand, 273 - - St. Michel's Mount, 101 - - Sturlesson, Snorro, 28 - - St. Valery, 297 - - Sussex, 288, 290, 299 - - Swegen, King of Denmark, 175 - - - T - - Taillefer the minstrel, 306 - - Taxes, 352 - - Tennyson, Lord, 28 - - /Terra Regis/, 318 - - Thurkill the sacristan, 303 - - Tillieres, 109; siege of, 136; castle of, 250 - - Tostig, 287, 292 - - Truce of God, 165 - - Turf-Einar, 32 - - - V - - Val-es-dunes, battle of, 205; changes since, 247 - - Valmeray, 205 - - Valognes, William's escape from, 199 - - Varaville, battle of, 251 - - Vaudreuil, 152 - - Venerable Bede, the, 218 - - Venosa (tomb of the Hautevilles), 146 - - Vermandois, Count of, 56; death of, 63 - - Vexin, district of the, 125, 337, 348 - - Vigr, island of, 29 - - Vikings, 9, 366 - - Vinland, 18 - - - W - - Wace, Master, 112, see /Roman de Rou/. - - Walter Giffard, 282 - - Walter Tyrrel, 353 - - Waltham, abbey of, 254, 303 - - Waltheof, 320 - - Westminster, 191, 269, 302, 311, 314, 353 - - Wight, isle of, 288; Odo's rendezvous in, 336 - - William the Conqueror, 104, 114; father of, 116; mother of, 122; - homage of barons to, 126; typical character of, 149; purity of - life, 167; Roger of Toesny an enemy to, 196; Guy of Burgundy's - rebellion, 199; not a man of blood in a certain sense, 211; mastery - in Normandy, 213; revenge upon Alencon, 214; meets Lanfranc, 229; - marries Matilda, 237; goes to England, 242; receives news of - Harold's shipwreck, 260; at Chateau d'Eu, 264; hears of Harold's - coronation, 275; embassy to Harold, 280; council at Lillebonne, - 282; at Hastings, 299; march to London, 313; coronation at - Westminster, 314; government of England, 316; returns to Normandy - in triumph, 321; at Mantes, 337; last illness and death, 337 - - William Fitz-Osbern, 250; at Rouen palace, 262; at Quevilly, 277, - 282; at Lillebonne, 284; made Count of Hereford, 324 - - William of Jumieges, 112 - - William Longsword, his youth, 43; education of, 56; his wife, 56; - lands in Brittany, 58; politics of, 60; government of, 62; death, - 63; character of, 64; lingering enmity toward Flanders caused by - his murder, 245 - - William Malet, 310 - - William of Malmesbury, 331 - - William Rufus, 338; inherits the English crown, 339; goes to - England, 345; is murdered, 353; is buried at Winchester, 353 - - William, son of Richard the Fearless, 97 - - William de Talvas, 124; the bastard's enemy, 152; rebels against - William, 213 - - William of Warren, 282 - - Witanagemot, 270, 275, 280, 317, 353 - - Women of Normandy, 101, 323, 326 - - - Y - - Yonge, Miss (Story of /The Little Duke/), 85 - - York, 292 - - - - - [Illustration] - - - - -The Story of the Nations. - - -MESSRS. G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS take pleasure in announcing that they have -in course of publication, in co-operation with Mr. T. Fisher Unwin, -of London, a series of historical studies, intended to present in a -graphic manner the stories of the different nations that have attained -prominence in history. - -In the story form the current of each national life is distinctly -indicated, and its picturesque and noteworthy periods and episodes are -presented for the reader in their philosophical relation to each other -as well as to universal history. - -It is the plan of the writers of the different volumes to enter into -the real life of the peoples, and to bring them before the reader as -they actually lived, labored, and struggled--as they studied and wrote, -and as they amused themselves. In carrying out this plan, the myths, -with which the history of all lands begins, will not be overlooked, -though these will be carefully distinguished from the actual history, -so far as the labors of the accepted historical authorities have -resulted in definite conclusions. - -The subjects of the different volumes have been planned to cover -connecting and, as far as possible, consecutive epochs or periods, so -that the set when completed will present in a comprehensive narrative -the chief events in the great STORY OF THE NATIONS; but it is, of -course, not always practicable to issue the several volumes in their -chronological order. - -The "Stories" are printed in good readable type, and in handsome 12mo -form. They are adequately illustrated and furnished with maps and -indexes. Price, per vol., cloth, $1.50. Half morocco, gilt top, $1.75. - -The following are now ready: - -GREECE. Prof. Jas. A. Harrison. - -ROME. Arthur Gilman. - -THE JEWS. Prof. James K. Hosmer. - -CHALDEA. Z. A. Ragozin. - -GERMANY. S. Baring-Gould. - -NORWAY. Hjalmar H. Boyesen. - -SPAIN. Rev. E. E. and Susan Hale. - -HUNGARY. Prof. A. Vambery. - -CARTHAGE. Prof. Alfred J. Church. - -THE SARACENS. Arthur Gilman. - -THE MOORS IN SPAIN. Stanley Lane-Poole. - -THE NORMANS. Sarah Orne Jewett. - -PERSIA. S. G. W. Benjamin. - -ANCIENT EGYPT. Prof. Geo. Rawlinson. - -ALEXANDER'S EMPIRE. Prof. J. P. Mahaffy. - -ASSYRIA. Z. A. Ragozin. - -THE GOTHS. Henry Bradley. - -IRELAND. Hon. Emily Lawless. - -TURKEY. Stanley Lane-Poole. - -MEDIA, BABYLON, AND PERSIA. Z. A. Ragozin. - -MEDIAEVAL FRANCE. Prof. Gustave Masson. - -HOLLAND. Prof. J. Thorold Rogers. - -MEXICO. Susan Hale. - -PH[OE]NICIA. Geo. Rawlinson. - -THE HANSA TOWNS. Helen Zimmern. - -EARLY BRITAIN. Prof. Alfree J. Church. - -THE BARBARY CORSAIRS. Stanley Lane-Poole. - -RUSSIA. W. R. Morfill. - -THE JEWS UNDER ROME. W. D. Morrison. - -SCOTLAND. John Mackintosh. - -SWITZERLAND. R. Stead and Mrs. A. Hug. - -PORTUGAL. H. Morse Stephens. - -THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE. C. W. C. Oman. - -SICILY. E. A. Freeman. - -THE TUSCAN REPUBLICS. Bella Duffy. - -POLAND. W. R. Morfill. - -PARTHIA. Geo. Rawlinson. - -JAPAN. David Murray. - -THE CHRISTIAN RECOVERY OF SPAIN. H. E. Watts. - -AUSTRALASIA. Greville Tregarthen. - -SOUTHERN AFRICA. Geo. M. Theal. - -VENICE. Alethea Wiel. - -THE CRUSADES. T. S. Archer and C. L. Kingsford. - -VEDIC INDIA. Z. A. Ragozin. - -BOHEMIA. C. E. Maurice. - -CANADA. J. G. Bourinot. - -THE BALKAN STATES. William Miller. - -BRITISH RULE IN INDIA. R. W. Frazer. - -MODERN FRANCE. Andre Le Bon. - -THE BUILDING OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE. Alfred T. Story. - - - [Illustration] - - - - -Heroes of the Nations. - -EDITED BY - -EVELYN ABBOTT, M.A., - -FELLOW OF BALLIOL COLLEGE, OXFORD. - - -A series of biographical studies of the lives and work of a number -of representative historical characters about whom have gathered the -great traditions of the Nations to which they belonged, and who have -been accepted, in many instances, as types of the several National -ideals. With the life of each typical character will be presented a -picture of the National conditions surrounding him during his career. - -The narratives are the work of writers who are recognized authorities -on their several subjects, and, while thoroughly trustworthy as -history, will present picturesque and dramatic "stories" of the Men -and of the events connected with them. - -To the Life of each "Hero" will be given one duodecimo volume, -handsomely printed in large type, provided with maps and adequately -illustrated according to the special requirements of the several -subjects. The volumes will be sold separately as follows: - - Large 12 deg., cloth extra $1 50 - Half morocco, uncut edges, gilt top 1 75 - -The following are now ready: - - "Nelson, and the Naval Supremacy of England." By W. CLARK RUSSELL, - author of "The Wreck of the Grosvenor," etc. - - "Gustavus Adolphus and the Struggle of Protestantism for Existence." - By C. R. L. FLETCHER, M.A., late Fellow of All Souls College. - - "Pericles, and the Golden Age of Athens." By EVELYN ABBOTT, M.A. - - "Theodoric the Goth, the Barbarian Champion of Civilisation." By - THOMAS HODGKIN, author of "Italy and Her Invaders," etc. - - "Sir Philip Sidney, and the Chivalry of England." By H. R. FOX - BOURNE, author of "The Life of John Locke," etc. - - "Julius Caesar, and the Organisation of the Roman Empire." By W. WARD - FOWLER, M.A., Fellow of Lincoln College, Oxford. - - "John Wyclif, Last of the Schoolmen and First of the English - Reformers." By LEWIS SERGEANT, author of "New Greece," etc. - - "Napoleon, Warrior and Ruler, and the Military Supremacy of - Revolutionary France." By W. O'CONNOR MORRIS. - - "Henry of Navarre, and the Huguenots of France." By P. F. WILLERT, - M.A., Fellow of Exeter College, Oxford. - - "Cicero, and the Fall of the Roman Republic." By J. L. - STRACHAN-DAVIDSON, M.A., Fellow of Balliol College, Oxford. - - "Abraham Lincoln, and the Downfall of American Slavery." By NOAH - BROOKS. - - "Prince Henry (of Portugal) the Navigator, and the Age of - Discovery." By C. R. BEAZLEY, Fellow of Merton College, Oxford. - - "Julian the Philosopher, and the Last Struggle of Paganism against - Christianity." By ALICE GARDNER. - - "Louis XIV., and the Zenith of the French Monarchy." By ARTHUR - HASSALL, M.A., Senior Student of Christ Church College, Oxford. - - "Charles XII., and the Collapse of the Swedish Empire, 1682-1719." - By R. NISBET BAIN. - - "Lorenzo de' Medici, and Florence in the 15th Century." By EDWARD - ARMSTRONG, M.A., Fellow of Queens's College, Oxford. - - "Jeanne d'Arc. Her Life and Death." By MRS. OLIPHANT. - - "Christopher Columbus. His Life and Voyages." By WASHINGTON IRVING. - - "Robert the Bruce, and the Struggle for Scottish Independence." By - SIR HERBERT MAXWELL, M.P. - - "Hannibal, Soldier, Statesman. Patriot; and the Crisis of the - Struggle between Carthage and Rome." By W. O'CONNOR MORRIS, Sometime - Scholar of Oriel College, Oxford. - - "Ulysses S. Grant, and the Period of National Preservation and - Reconstruction, 1822-1885." By LIEUT.-COL. WILLIAM CONANT CHURCH. - - "Robert E. Lee, and the Southern Confederacy, 1807-1870." By PROF. - HENRY ALEXANDER WHITE, of the Washington and Lee University. - - "The Cid Campeador, and the Waning of the Crescent in the West." By - H. BUTLER CLARKE, Fellow of St. John's College, Oxford. - - /To be followed by/: - - "Moltke, and the Military Supremacy of Germany." By SPENCER - WILKINSON, London University. - - "Bismarck. The New German Empire, How it Arose and What it - Displaced." By W. J. HEADLAM, M.A., Fellow of King's Collage. - - "Judas Maccabaeus, the Conflict between Hellenism and Hebraism." By - ISRAEL ABRAHAMS, author of the "Jews of the Middle Ages." - - "Henry V., the English Hero King." By CHARLES L. KINGSFORD, - joint-author of the "Story of the Crusades." - - -G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS. NEW YORK AND LONDON. - - - - -TRANSCRIBER'S ENDNOTE. - -In the List of Illustrations, corrected the page number for "OLD -HOUSES, DOL" to "265", and for the entry "FUNERAL OF EADWARD THE -CONFESSOR", to "273". - -Page 32: changed "literture" to "literature". - -Page 40: "whenever-they" to "whenever they". - -Page 101: "separted" to "separated". - -Page 142: the beginning quotation mark removed from "The medical and -philosophical schools ..." - -Page 145: "almosts without number," to "almost without number,". - -Page 161: opening quotation mark inserted before "First" in "The -candidates swore: First,". - -Page 174: the close quotation mark is missing from the paragraph -beginning '1002. "In this year ...'. It is not entirely clear where it -belongs; perhaps after 'evil.', where it has been placed. - -Page 178: The passage "all England south of the Thames--East Anglia and -Essex and London" seems wrong, as these areas are mostly north of the -Thames. - -Page 183: "out-grown" is retained, although "outgrown" appears in five -places. - -Page 222: "wordly" to "worldly". - -Page 247: "chieftan" to "chieftain". - -Page 320: "wordliness" to "worldliness". - -Page 325: changed comma to period after "as the winter wore away", and -period to comma after "was the most conspicuous event". - -Page 370: the page number for "Mantes" is changed to 337. - -Page 371: "victory ta Varaville" changed to "victory at Varaville". - -Page 372: "war with Burgundy, 106, with Dreux, 108;" to "war with -Burgundy, 106; war with Dreux, 108;". Also changed "Cnut's likeness -to, 157; 278. 282, 306" to "Cnut's likeness to, 157, 278, 282, 306". - -Page 373: "character, of, 64;" to "character of, 64;". - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Normans, by Sarah Orne Jewett - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NORMANS *** - -***** This file should be named 44920.txt or 44920.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/4/9/2/44920/ - -Produced by RichardW, sp1nd and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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