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diff --git a/old/44678.txt b/old/44678.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..3121349 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/44678.txt @@ -0,0 +1,2047 @@ +Project Gutenberg's The Penitente Moradas of Abiquiu, by Richard E. Ahlborn + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license + + +Title: The Penitente Moradas of Abiquiu + +Author: Richard E. Ahlborn + +Release Date: January 15, 2014 [EBook #44678] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PENITENTE MORADAS OF ABIQUIU *** + + + + +Produced by Chris Curnow, Chris Pinfield, Joseph Cooper +and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at +http://www.pgdp.net + + + + + +Transcriber's Note: + +With the exception of Figure 26, which forms the frontispiece of this +work, the descriptions of individual figures have been shifted to +follow their first mention in the text. + +Italics are indicated by _underscores_. Small capitals have been +replaced by full capitals. Apparent typographical errors have been +corrected. + + + + + CONTRIBUTIONS FROM + THE MUSEUM OF HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY + PAPER 63 + + +THE PENITENTE MORADAS OF ABIQUIU + +_Richard E. Ahlborn_ + + +Introduction + +Penitente Organization + +Origins of the Penitente Movement + +The History of Abiquiu + +The Architecture of the Moradas + +Interior Space and Artifacts + +Summary + + + SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION PRESS + WASHINGTON, D.C. + 1968 + + U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1968 0--287-597 + + For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, + U.S. Government Printing Office + Washington, D.C. 20402--Price 75 cents + +[Illustration: FIGURE 26. CROSS (_cruz_). SIZE: 106.7 centimeters +high, 73.6 wide. DATE: First quarter of 20th century. ORIGIN: Abiquiu; +Onesimo Martinez. LOCATION: South _morada_, center room. MANUFACTURE: +Indigo blue designs (stencilled?).] + + + + +_Richard E. Ahlborn_ + +_THE PENITENTE MORADAS OF ABIQUIU_ + + +_By the early 19th century, Spanish-speaking residents of villages in +northern New Mexico and southern Colorado felt the need for a +brotherhood that would preserve their traditional social and religious +beliefs. Known as "brothers of light," or _penitentes_, these +Spanish-Americans centered their activities in a houselike building, +or _morada_, especially equipped for Holy Week ceremonies._ + +_For the first time, two intact _moradas_ have been fully photographed +and described through the cooperation of the _penitente_ brothers of +Abiquiu, New Mexico._ + +THE AUTHOR: _Richard E. Ahlborn is associate curator in the Division +of Cultural History in the Smithsonian Institution's Museum of History +and Technology._ + + + + +_Introduction_ + + +This study describes two earthern buildings and their special +furnishings--humble but unique documents of Spanish-American culture. +The two structures are located in Abiquiu, a rural, Spanish-speaking +village in northern New Mexico. Known locally as _moradas_, they serve +as meeting houses for members of a flagellant brotherhood, the +_penitentes_. + +The _penitente_ brotherhood is characteristic of Spanish culture in +New Mexico (herein called _Hispano_ to indicate its derivation from +Hispanic traditions in Mexico). Although penitential activities +occurred in Spain's former colonies--Mexico, Argentina, and the +Philippines--the _penitentes_ in the mountainous region that extends +north of Albuquerque into southern Colorado are remarkable for their +persistence. + +After a century and a half of clerical criticism[1] and extracultural +pressures against the movement, physical evidence of _penitente_ +activity, although scattered and diminished, still survives. As +intact, functioning artifacts, the _penitente moradas_ at Abiquiu are +valuable records of an autonomous, socio-religious brotherhood and of +its place in the troubled history of Spanish-American culture in the +Southwest. + +This paper maintains that _penitentes_ are not culturally deviant or +aberrant but comprise a movement based firmly in Hispanic traditions +as shown by their architecture and equipment found at Abiquiu and by +previously established religious and social practices. Also, this +paper presents in print for the first time a complete, integrated, and +functioning group of _penitente_ artifacts documented, in situ, by +photographs. + +My indebtedness in this study to local residents is immense: first, +for inspiration, from Rosenaldo Salazar of Hernandez and his son +Regino, who introduced me to _penitente_ members at Abiquiu and four +times accompanied me to the _moradas_. The singular opportunity to +measure and to photograph interiors and individual artifacts is due +wholly to the understandably wary but proud, _penitentes_ themselves. +The task of identifying religious images in the _moradas_ was expertly +done by E. Boyd, Curator of the Spanish-Colonial Department in the +Museum of New Mexico at Santa Fe. The final responsibility for +accuracy and interpretation of data, of course, is mine alone. + +[1] Beginning in 1820 with the report of ecclesiastic visitor Nino de +Guevara, the Catholic Church has continued to frown upon _penitente_ +activities, A modern critical study by a churchman: FATHER ANGELICO +CHAVEZ, "The Penitentes of New Mexico," _New Mexico Historical Review_ +(April 1954), vol. 22, pp. 97-123. + + + + +_Penitente Organization_ + + +_Penitente_ brotherhoods usually are made up of Spanish-speaking +Catholic laymen in rural communities. Although the activities and +artifacts vary in specific details, the basic structure, ceremonies, +and aims of _penitentes_ as a cultural institution may be generalized. +Full membership is open only to adult males. Female relatives may +serve _penitente_ chapters as auxiliaries who clean, cook, and join in +prayer, as do children on occasion, but men hold all offices and make +up the membership-at-large. + +_Penitente_ membership comprises two strata distinguishable by title +and activity. In his study of _Hispano_ institutional values, Monro +Edmonson notes that _penitente_ chapters are divided into these two +groups: (1) common members or brothers in discipline, _hermanos +disciplantes_; and (2) officers, called brothers of light, _hermanos +de luz_. + +Edmonson names each officer and lists his duties: + + The head of the chapter is the _hermano mayor_. He is assisted in + administrative duties by the warden (_celador_) and the collector + (_mandatario_), and in ceremonial duties by an assistant + (_coadjutor_), reader (_secretario_), blood-letter (_sangredor_) and + flutist (_pitero_). An official called the nurse (_enfermero_) + attends the flagellants, and a master of novices (_maestro de + novios_) supervises the training of new members.[2] + +In an early and apparently biased account of the _penitentes_, +Reverend Alexandar Darley,[3] a Presbyterian missionary in southern +Colorado, provides additional terms for three officers: _picador_ (the +blood-letter), _regador_ or _rezador_ (a tenth officer, who led +prayers) and _mayordomo de la muerte_ (literally "steward of death"). +As host for meetings between _penitente_ chapters, the _mayordomo_ may +be a late 19th-century innovation that bears the political overtones +of a local leader.[4] + +Having less influence than individual officers are the _penitente_ +members-at-large, numbering between thirty and fifty in each chapter. +Through the _Hispano_ family system of extended bilateral kinship, +however, much of the village population is represented in each local +_penitente_ group. + +Edmonson's study in the Rimrock district demonstrates the deep sense +of social responsibility felt by _penitentes_ for members and their +extended family circles. "Special assistants were appointed from time +to time to visit the sick or perform other community services which +the brotherhood may undertake."[5] At other times of need, especially +in sickness and death, the general _penitente_ membership renders +invaluable service to the afflicted family. In addition, _penitente_ +welfare efforts include spiritual as well as physical comfort such as +wakes, prayers and rosaries, and the singing of funereal chants +(_alabados_). At Espanola in November of 1965, I witnessed +_penitentes_ contributing such help to respected nonmembers: grave +digging, financial aid, and a rosary service with _alabados_. + +These spiritual services, however, are peripheral to the principal +religious activity of _penitentes_--the Lenten observance of the +Passion and death of Jesus. During Holy Week, prayer meetings, +rosaries, and _via crucis_ processions with religious images are held +at the _morada_ and at a site representing Calvary (_calvario_), +usually the local cemetery. On Good Friday, vigils are kept and the +_morada_ is darkened for a service known as _las tinieblas_. The +ceremony of "the darkenings" consists of silent prayer broken by +violent noise making. Metal sheets and chains, wooden blocks and +rattles are manipulated to suggest natural disturbances at the moment +of Jesus' death on the cross. This emphatic portrayal of His last +hours is recalled also by acts of contrition and flagellation in +_penitente_ initiation rites, punishments, and Holy Week processions. + +_Penitentes_ use physical discipline and mortification as a dramatic +means to intensify their imitation of Jesus' suffering.[6] Heavy +timber crosses (_maderos_) and cactus whips (_disciplinas_) are used +in processions that often include a figure of death in a cart (_la +carreta de la muerte_). Disciplinary and initiatory mortification in +the _morada_ makes use of flint or glass blood-letting devices +(_padernales_).[7] + +[2] MONRO S. EDMONSON, _Los Manitos: A Study of Institutional Values_ +(Publ. 25, Middle American Research Institute; New Orleans: Tulane +University, 1950), p. 43. + +[3] ALEXANDER M. DARLEY, _The Passionists of the Southwest_ (Pueblo, +_1893_). + +[4] E. BOYD, Curator of the Spanish-Colonial Department, Museum of New +Mexico, Santa Fe, states that Jesus Trujjillo in 1947 furnished +information on other _penitente_ officers, including one man who uses +the _matraca_ and one who acts as a sergeant at arms. + +[5] EDMONSON, loc. cit. + +[6] GEORGE WHARTON JAMES, _New Mexico: Land of the Delight Makers_ +(Boston, 1920), lists concisely the Biblical and historical references +to religious mortification practiced by New Mexican _penitentes_. + +[7] DARLEY (op. cit., pp. 8 ff.) gives an exhaustive list of methods +of mortification said to be used by _penitentes_. + + + + +_Origins of the Penitente Movement_ + + +By 1833, bodily penance practiced in lay brotherhoods of _Hispano_ +Catholics attracted criticism from the Church in New Mexico and +resulted in the pejorative name _penitentes_.[8] Historically, +however, within the traditional framework of Hispanic Catholicism, the +_penitentes_ had precedents for their religious practices, including +flagellation. + +_Penitente_ rites were derived from Catholic services already common +in colonial New Mexico. Prayers and rosaries said before altars +comprised an important part of _Hispano_ religious observances, and +processions of Catholics and _penitentes_ alike were announced by +bell, drum, and rifle in _Hispano_ villages. In particular, +_penitentes_ used _via crucis_ processions to dramatize the Passion, +portrayed in every Catholic church by the fourteen Stations of the +Cross. _Penitentes_ also maintained Catholic Lenten practices by +holding _tenebrae_ services, the _tinieblas_ rites mentioned above, +and by flagellation. + +These parallels between Catholic and _penitente_ religious observances +caused Edmonson to theorize that "the autonomous movement originated +within the Church."[9] Variations, however, between the two religious +traditions led Edmonson to discover "an important thread of religious +independence and even apostasy in New Mexican history."[10] Edmonson's +study of 1950 has established the persistence of _penitente_ activity +in _Hispano_ culture. + +Three and a half centuries earlier, in 1598, Spanish settlers made a +courageous thrust into the inhospitable environment of New Mexico. +Through the 17th and 18th centuries, Spanish settlement along the +upper Rio Grande was a tenuous thread unraveled from a stronger fabric +in Mexico. Aridity and extremes in temperatures marked New Mexico's +climate. Arable land was scarce and could be extended back from +streams only by careful upkeep of the irrigation ditches. Plateaus +rose from 1500 to more than 2500 meters in altitude. Building timbers +were hard to obtain without roads or navigable rivers. + +Finally, distance itself was a challenge, sometimes insurmountable for +the supply caravans from Mexico. Outfitted over a thousand miles to +the south of Santa Fe, the Mexican caravans brought _presidio_ and +mission supplies, but few goods for the common settler. By the end of +the 18th century, Spanish authorities thought of the northern colonies +(_provincias internas_) primarily as missionary fields and military +buffer zones.[11] + +Cultural traditions and an insecure environment caused Spanish +colonists to turn to religion for comfort. Again, however, a supply +problem arose. Individual _ranchos_ were too scattered for clerical +visits, and even settlements that were grouped for greater security, +_poblaciones_ or _plazas_, became _visitas_ on little more than an +annual basis, sharing two dozen Franciscan clergy with missions +assigned to Indian _pueblos_ and Spanish villages. Before 1800, a +shortage of friars prompted the Bishop in Durango to send secular +clergy into the Franciscan enclave of New Mexico. In 1821 the Mexican +Revolution formalized secularization with a new constitution. In +brief, the traditional religious patterns of the _Hispanos_ were +threatened. They needed reinforcement if they were to survive. + +By 1850, other conditions in New Mexico endangered the status quo of +the Spanish-speaking residents. With the growing dominance of +Anglo-Americans in the commercial, military, political, and social +matters of Santa Fe, _Hispanos_ recognized the threat of Anglo culture +to their own traditional way of life. This cultural challenge turned +many _Hispanos_ back in upon themselves for physical and social +security and for spiritual comfort. By the second quarter of the 19th +century, _penitentes_ were common in _Hispano_ villages such as +Abiquiu.[12] The immediate origins of penitentism were clearly present +in early 19th-century New Mexico. + +Despite this evidence, historians of the Spanish Southwest have +suggested geographically and culturally remote sources for the +_penitentes_. Dorothy Woodward has pointed out similarities between +New Mexican _penitentes_ and Spanish brotherhoods (_cofradias_) of +laymen.[13] _Cofradias_ were not full church orders like the +Franciscan Third Order, but they did conduct Lenten processions with +flagellation. + +Somewhat nearer in miles but culturally more distant from _Hispano +penitente_ experience was mortification practiced by Indians in New +Spain. In the 16th century, Spanish chroniclers reported incidents +ranging from sanguinary ceremonies of central Mexican tribes to +whippings witnessed in the northern provinces of Sonora and New +Mexico. While of peripheral interest to this study, these activities +of American Indians had no direct bearing on _Hispano_ cultural needs +in early 19th-century New Mexico. + +It is more significant that _Hispanos_ already knew a lay religious +institution that very easily could have served as a model for the +_penitente_ brotherhood--the Third Order of St. Francis. Established +in 13th-century Italy and carried to Spain by the Gray Friars, the +Order is recorded in contemporary histories of New Mexico before +1700. Materials in the archives of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe also +document the presence of the Franciscan Third Order in New Mexico and +suggest to me its influence on _penitente_ activity.[14] + +In March 1776, Fray Dominguez, an ecclesiastic visitor, recorded +Lenten "exercises" of the Third Order under the supervision of the +resident priest at Santa Cruz and, two weeks later, in April, +Dominguez visited Abiquiu, where he commended the Franciscan friar, +Fray Sebastian Angel Fernandez, for "feasts of Our Lady, rosary with +the father in church. Fridays of Lent, _Via Crucis_ with the father, +and later, after dark, discipline attended by those who came +voluntarily."[15] Dominguez, however, described the priest as "not at +all obedient to rule"[16] when Father Fernandez, acting in an +independent manner, proceeded to build missions at Picuris and Sandia +without authorization. But in 1777, he again praised Fray Fernandez +for special _Via Crucis_ devotions and "scourging by the resident +missionary and some of the faithful."[17] Dominguez thus documented +flagellant practices and _tinieblas_ services at Abiquiu and his +approval, as an official Church representative, of these activities. + +Father Chavez, O.F.M., protests the theory of _penitente_ origins in +the Third Order of St. Francis and counters with the idea that +"penitentism" was imported directly from Mexico in the early +1800s.[18] I note, however, that the bishops seated in Santa Fe after +1848 recognized the strength of this lay socio-religious movement and +tried to deal with it in terms of the Order. At a synod in 1888, +Archbishop Salpointe pleaded for _penitentes_ "to return" to the Third +Order. Some degree of direct influence of the Third Order on +"penitentism" seems fairly certain. + +[8] ANGELICO CHAVEZ, _Archives of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe, +1678-1900_ (Washington, 1957): "Books of Patentes," 1833: books xi, +xii, xix, lxxiii, and lxxxii. (Original documents from archives noted +hereinafter as AASF.) + +[9] EDMONSON, p. 33. + +[10] Ibid., p. 18. + +[11] H. E. BOLTON, "The Spanish Borderlands and the Mission as a +Frontier Institution," _American Historical Review_ (Santa Fe, 1917), +vol. 23, pp. 42-61, indicates that this policy was developed after +1765 by Charles III of Spain in an attempt to reorganize the +administration of his vast colonial empire. + +[12] AASF, Patentes, book lxxiii, box 6. + +[13] "The Penitentes of the Southwest" (unpublished Ph. D. +dissertation, Yale University, 1935). + +[14] CHAVEZ, _Archives_, p. 3 (ftn.). + +[15] FRAY FRANCISCO ATANASIO DOMINGUEZ, _The Missions of New Mexico, +1776_, transl. and annot. Eleanor B. Adams and Fray Angelico Chavez +(Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1956), p. 124. + +[16] DOMINGUEZ, ms., from Biblioteca Nacional de Mejico, leg. 10, no. +46, p. 300. + +[17] Ibid., no. 43, p. 321. + +[18] CHAVEZ, "Penitentes," p. 100. + + + + +_The History of Abiquiu_ + + +About three generations before the first _morada_ was built at +Abiquiu, the conditions of settlement mentioned earlier and subsequent +historical events resulted in an environment conducive to the +development of _penitente_ activity. Shortly after 1740, civil +authorities in Santa Fe attempted to settle colonists along the Chama +River in order to create a buffer zone between marauding Indians to +the northwest and Spanish and Pueblo villages on the Rio Grande +(Figure 1). This constant threat of annihilation produced self-reliant +and independent-minded settlers. + +[Illustration: FIGURE 1. Mid-19th-century New Mexico, showing +pertinent geographical features, Indian pueblos (indicated by solid +triangles), and Spanish villages cited in text.] + +Unorthodoxy appeared early in the religious history of Abiquiu. By +1744, settlers had installed Santa Rosa de Lima as their patroness in +a little riverside plaza near modern Abiquiu. After a decade, several +colonists from Santa Rosa were moved to the hilltop plaza of Abiquiu, +where the mission of Santo Tomas Apostol had been established. In his +1776 visit to Abiquiu, Dominguez noted, however, a continuing +allegiance to the earlier patroness: "... settlers use the name of +Santa Rosa, as the lost mission was called in the old days. Therefore, +they celebrate the feast of this female saint [August 30th] and not of +that masculine saint [St. Thomas the Apostle, December 21]."[19] +Loyalty to Saint Rose survived this official protest, and village +festivals have persisted in honoring Santa Rosa to this day. It is, +therefore, not surprising to find her image in the earlier east +_morada_ of Abiquiu. + +A disturbing influence in the religious life of Abiquiu were +semi-Christianized servants _(genizaros)_, who had been ransomed from +the Indians by Spaniards.[20] Often used to establish frontier +settlements, _genizaros_ came to be a threat to the cultural stability +of Abiquiu. For example, in 1762, two _genizaros_ accused of +witchcraft were taken to Santa Cruz for judicial action. After the +trial, Governor Cachupin sent a detachment from Santa Fe to Abiquiu to +destroy an inscribed stone said to be a relic of black magic.[21] +Similar incidents with _genizaros_ during the next generation +prolonged the unstable religious pattern at Abiquiu. In 1766, an +Indian girl accused a _genizaro_ couple of killing the resident +priest, Fray Felix Ordonez y Machado, by witchcraft.[22] And again in +1782 and 1786, charges of apostasy were entered against Abiquiu +_genizaros_.[23] + +Another disturbing element in the religious history of Abiquiu was the +disinterest of her settlers in the building and furnishing of Santo +Tomas Mission. Although the structure was completed in the first +generation of settlement at Abiquiu, 1755 to 1776, Dominguez could +report only two contributions from colonists, both loans: "In this +room [sacristy] there is an ordinary table with a drawer and key ... a +loan from a settler called Juan Pablo Martin ... the chalice is in +three pieces, and one of them, for it is a loan by the settlers, is +used for a little shrine they have."[24] All mission equipment was +supplied by royal funds (_sinodos_) except some religious articles +provided by the resident missionary, Fray Fernandez, who finished the +structure raised half way by his predecessor, Fray Juan Jose Toledo. +Both Franciscans found settlers busy with everyday problems of +survival and resentful when called on to labor for the mission. The +settlers not only failed to supply any objects, but when they were +required to work at the mission, all tools and equipment had to be +supplied to them.[25] + +Despite these detrimental influences, the mission at Abiquiu continued +to grow. Between 1760 and 1793, the population increased from 733 to +1,363, making Abiquiu the third largest settlement in colonial New +Mexico north of Paso del Norte [Ciudad Juarez].[26] (Only Santa Cruz +with 1,650 and Santa Fe with 2,419 persons were larger.) In 1795, the +pueblo had maintained its size at 1,558, with Indians representing +less than 10 percent of the population.[27] + +The increase in size brought the mission at Abiquiu more important and +longer-term resident missionaries: Fathers Jose de la Prada, from 1789 +to 1806, and Teodoro Alcina de la Borda, from 1806 to 1823. Both men +were elected directors (_custoses_) of the Franciscan mission field in +New Mexico, "The Custody of the Conversion of St. Paul." _Custoses_ +Prada and Borda backed the Franciscans, who were fighting for a +missionary field that they had long considered their own. Official +directives (_patentes_) issued by _Custos_ Prada at Abiquiu warned all +settlers against "new ideas of liberty" and asked each friar for his +personal concept of governmental rights.[28] In 1802, Fray Prada also +complained to the new _Custos_, Father Sanchez Vergara, about missions +that had been neglected under the secular clergy.[29] In this period, +Abiquiu's mission was a center of clerical reaction to the +revolutionary political ideas and clerical secularization that had +resulted from Mexico's recent independence from Spain. + +In the year 1820, the strained relations between religious authorities +and the laity at Abiquiu clearly reflected the unstable conditions in +New Mexico. Eventually, charges of manipulating mission funds and +neglect of clerical duties were brought against Father Alcina de la +Borda by the citizens of Abiquiu.[30] At the same time, Governor +Melgares informed the _Alcalde Mayor_, Santiago Salazar, that these +funds (_sinodos_) had been reduced and that an oath of loyalty to the +Spanish crown would be required.[31] This situation produced a strong +reaction in Abiquiu's next generation, which sought to preserve its +traditional cultural patterns in the _penitente_ brotherhoods. + +The great-grandsons of Abiquiu's first settlers witnessed a +significant change in organization of their mission--its +secularization in 1826. For three years, Father Borda had shared his +mission duties with Franciscans from San Juan and Santa Clara +_pueblos_, giving way in 1823 to the last member of the Order to serve +Santo Tomas, Fray Sanchez Vergara. Santo Tomas Mission received its +first secular priest in 1823, Cura Leyva y Rosas, who returned to +Abiquiu in 1832. Officially the mission at Abiquiu was secularized in +1826, along with those at Belen and Taos.[32] + +The first secular priest assigned to Santo Tomas reflected the now +traditional and self-sufficient character of _Hispano_ culture at +Abiquiu.[33] He was the independent-minded Don Antonio Jose Martinez. +Born in Abiquiu, Don Antonio later became an ambitious spiritual and +political leader in Taos, where he fought to preserve traditional +_Hispano_ culture from Anglo-American influences. + +The mission served by Father Martinez in Taos bore resemblance to that +at Abiquiu. Both missions rested on much earlier Indian settlements, +but the Taos pueblo was still active. Furthermore, Taos and Abiquiu +were buffer settlements on the frontier, where Indian raids as well as +trade occurred. In 1827 a census by P. B. Pino listed nearly 3,600 +persons at Taos and a similar count at Abiquiu; only Santa Fe with +5,700 and Santa Cruz with 6,500 were larger villages. + +At this time, an independent element appeared in the religious +activities of the Santa Cruz region. In 1831, Vicar Rascon gave +permission to sixty members of the Third Order of St. Francis at Santa +Cruz to hold Lenten exercises in Taos, provided that no "abuses" arose +to be corrected on his next visit.[34] Apparently this warning proved +inadequate, for in 1833 Archbishop Zubiria concluded his visitation at +Santa Cruz by ordering that "pastors of this villa ... must never in +the future permit such reunions of _Penitentes_ under any pretext +whatsoever."[35] We have noted, however, that two generations earlier +Fray Dominguez had commended similar observances at Santa Cruz and +Abiquiu, and it was not until the visitation of Fray Nino de Guevara, +1817-1820, that Church officials found it necessary to condemn +penitential activity in New Mexico.[36] + +In little more than two generations, from 1776 to 1833, the Franciscan +missions were disrupted by secularization and excessive acts of +penance. In the second half of the 19th century, the new, non-Spanish +Archbishops, Lamy and Salpointe, saw a relation between the Franciscan +Third Order and the brotherhood of _penitentes_. When J. B. Lamy began +signing rule books (_arreglos_) for the _penitente_ chapters of New +Mexico,[37] he hoped to reintegrate them into accepted Church practice +as members of the Third Order. And at the end of the century, J. B. +Salpointe expressed his belief that the _penitente_ brotherhood had +been an outgrowth of the Franciscan tertiaries.[38] + +Abiquiu shared in events that marked the religious history of New +Mexico in the last three quarters of the 19th century. We have noted +the secularization of Santo Tomas Mission in 1826; by 1856 the village +had its _penitente_ rule book duly signed by Archbishop Lamy. Entitled +_Arreglo de la Santa Hermandad de la Sangre de Nuestro Senor +Jesucristo_, a copy was signed by Abiquiu's priest, Don Pedro Bernal, +on April 6, 1867.[39] While officialdom worked out new religious and +political relations, villagers struggled to preserve a more familiar +tradition. + +Occupation of New Mexico in 1846 by United States troops tended to +solidify traditional _Hispano_ life in Abiquiu. In that year, Navajo +harassments caused an encampment of 180 men under Major Gilpin to be +stationed at Abiquiu.[40] Eventually, the Indian raids slackened, and +a trading post for the Utes was set up at Abiquiu in 1853.[41] Neither +the U.S. Army nor Indian trading posts, however, became integrated +into Abiquiu's _Hispano_ way of life, and these extracultural +influences soon moved on, leaving only a few commercial artifacts. + +With a new generation of inhabitants occupying Abiquiu between 1864 +and 1886, the village on the Rio Chama lost its primary function as a +buffer settlement against nomadic Indians and settled down into a +well-established cultural pattern, which in part was preserved by the +_penitentes_. Kit Carson had rounded up the Navajos at Bosque Redondo, +and two decades later, by 1883, the Utes had been moved north. In +preparation, the Indian trading post at Abiquiu was closed in 1872 and +moved to the new seat of Rio Arriba County, Tierra Amarilla,[42] 65 +kilometers northward. Within two generations, Abiquiu's population had +fallen to fewer than 800 from a high of nearly 3,600 in 1827.[43] As a +result, many _Hispanos_ at Abiquiu withdrew into the _penitente_ +organization, which promised to preserve and even intensify their +traditional ways of life and beliefs. These attitudes were +materialized in the building of the _penitente moradas_. + +[19] DOMINGUEZ, _Missions_, pp. 121 (ftn. 1), 200. + +[20] AASF, Patentes, 1700, forbids friars to buy _genizaros_ even +under the excuse of Christianizing them since the result would likely +be morally dangerous. + +[21] H. H. BANCROFT, _History of Arizona and New Mexico_ (San +Francisco, 1889), p. 258. + +[22] DOMINGUEZ, _Missions_, p. 336. + +[23] AASF, Loose Documents, Mission, 1782, no. 7. + +[24] DOMINGUEZ, _Missions_, p. 122. + +[25] Ibid., p. 123. + +[26] BANCROFT, p. 279. + +[27] AASF, Loose Documents, Mission, 1795, no. 13. + +[28] Ibid., 1796, nos. 6, 7. + +[29] Ibid., 1802, no. 18. + +[30] Ibid., 1820, nos. 15, 21, 38; also R. E. TWITCHELL, _The Spanish +Archives of New Mexico_ (Cedar Rapids, 1914), vol. 2, pp. 630, 631. + +[31] AASF, Loose Documents, Mission, 1820, nos. 12, 21. + +[32] Ibid., 1826, no. 7. + +[33] Don Antonio was less than eager to accept his first post; he had +to be ordered to report to duty (AASF, Accounts, book lxvi [box 6], +April 27, 1826). + +[34] AASF, Patentes, 1831, book lxx, box 4, p. 25. + +[35] Ibid., book lxxiii, box 7. + +[36] AASF, Accounts, book lxii, box 5. + +[37] AASF, Loose Documents, Diocesan, 1853, no. 17, for Santuario and +Cochiti; other rule books document _penitente_ chapters at Chimayo, El +Rito, and Taos. + +[38] JEAN B. SALPOINTE, _Soldiers of the Cross_ (Banning, Calif., +1898). + +[39] AASF, Loose Documents, Diocesan, 1856, no. 12. + +[40] TWITCHELL, pp. 533-534. + +[41] BANCROFT, p. 665. + +[42] TWITCHELL, p. 447. + +[43] Ibid., p. 449, from P. B. PINO, _Noticias historicas_ (Mejico, +1848); and _Ninth U.S. Census_ (1870). The later figure may represent +only the town proper; earlier statistics generally included outlying +settlements. + + + + +_The Architecture of the Moradas_ + + +In a modern map (Figure 2), circles enclose the Mission of Abiquiu and +its two _penitente moradas_. The _moradas_ lie 300 meters east and 400 +meters south of the main plaza onto which Santo Tomas Mission faces +from the north. Between the _moradas_ rests the local burial ground +(_campo santo_), a cemetery that serves _penitentes_ as "Calvary" +(_calvario_) in their Lenten re-enactment of the Passion. + +[Illustration: FIGURE 2. The Abiquiu area, showing the Chama River, +U.S. Highway 84, and siting of buildings (the mission of Santo Tomas +and the two _moradas_ are circled).] + +_Penitente moradas_ share a common system of _adobe_ construction with +the religious and domestic structures of New Mexico. While the Indians +set walls of puddled earth directly on the ground, the Spaniards, +following Moorish precedent, laid _adobe_ bricks on stone foundations. +Standard house-size _adobes_ average 15 by 30 by 50 centimeters. +_Adobe_ bricks are made by packing a mixture of mud, sand, and straw +into a wood frame from which the block then is knocked out onto the +ground to dry in the sun. Stones set in _adobe_ mortar provide a +foundation. The sun-dried bricks, which are also laid in _adobe_ +mortar, form exterior, load-bearing walls and interior partitions. + +Spanish _adobe_ construction also employs wood. Openings are framed +and closed with a lintel that projects well into the wall. These +recessed lintel faces often are left exposed after the plastering of +adjoining surfaces. Roofs are transverse beams (_vigas_), which in +turn hold small cross branches (_savinos_) or planks (_tablas_). A +final layer of brush and _adobe_ plaster closes the surface cracks. +Plank drains (_canales_), rectangular in section, lead water from this +soft roof surface (Figure 3). + +[Illustration: FIGURE 3. North roofline of east _morada_, showing +exposed ends of ceiling beams (_vigas_), chimney of oratory stove, and +construction of water drain (_canal_).] + +Domestic _adobe_ structures differ from ecclesiastic buildings in +scale and in spatial arrangement. Colonial New Mexican churches are +relatively large, unicellular spaces. Their simple nave volume often +is made cruciform by a transept whose higher roof allows for a +clerestory. A choir loft over the entry and a narrowed, elevated +sanctuary further articulate the space at each end of the nave. In +contrast, _Hispano_ houses consist of several low rooms set in a line +or grouped around a court (_placita_) in which a gate and porch +(_portal_) are placed. Rooms vary in width according to the length of +the transverse beams, which usually are from four to six meters +long.[44] + +The everyday living spaces inside Spanish-New Mexican houses tend to +combine domestic activities and to appear similar in space and decor. +Inside a _Hispano_ church, however, areas of special useage are marked +off clearly within the volume. Celebration of the mass requires a +special spatial treatment to indicate the sanctuary. This area is +emphasized by an arched entry, lateral pilasters, raised floor, and +characteristically convergent side walls. These slanting walls provide +better vision for the congregation and easier movement for the +celebrants. The convergent wall of sanctuaries is often visible from +the exterior. It is noteworthy that both the contracted sanctuary of +local churches and the linear arrangement of domestic interiors appear +in the _penitente moradas_ of Abiquiu. + +In the plans of the Abiquiu _moradas_ (Figure 4), the identical +arrangement of the three rooms reveals an origin in the typical +_Hispano_ house form. George Kubler has observed that the design of +_moradas_ "is closer to the domestic architecture of New Mexico than +to the churches."[45] Bainbridge Bunting confirms the houselike form +of _moradas_ but notes their lack of uniformity.[46] In comparison to +_moradas_ of the L-plan,[47] and even of the pre-1856 T-plan structure +at Arroyo Hondo,[48] the two _penitente_ buildings at Abiquiu preserve +a simple | shape with one significant variation--a contracted chancel. + +[Illustration: FIGURE 4. Plans of south _morada_ (top) and east +_morada_ (bottom): A=altar; B=standard; C=candelabra; D=sandbox; +E=benches; F=fireplace; G=stove; H=chest; I=tub.] + +The basic form of the Abiquiu _moradas_ (Figures 5 and 6) is a +rectangular box that closely resembles nearby houses. Even the long, +windowless north facade of both Abiquiu _moradas_ recalls the unbroken +walls of earlier _Hispano_ houses in hostile frontier regions. The +Abiquiu _moradas_, however, possess one exception to the domestic +form--a narrowed, accented end. On each _morada_ the west end is +blunted and buttressed by a salient bell tower of stones laid in +_adobe_ mortar and strengthened by horizontal boards (Figures 7 and +8). This innovation in the form of the Abiquiu _moradas_ appears to be +ecclesiastic in origin. + +[Illustration: FIGURE 5. SOUTH _Morada_. SIZE: 24.02 meters long, 5.41 +wide, 3.51 high. DATE: About 1900. LOCATION: 400 meters south of Santo +Tomas Church in main plaza; seen from southeast corner. MANUFACTURE: +_Adobe_ bricks on stone foundation; wood door and window frames.] + +[Illustration: FIGURE 6. EAST _Morada_. SIZE: 28.82 meters long, 4.88 +wide, 3.58 high. DATE: 19th century. LOCATION: 300 meters +east-southeast of Santo Tomas Church in main plaza; seen from +northeast corner. MANUFACTURE: _Adobe_ bricks set on stone foundation; +wood drains (_canales_) and beam (_viga_) ends at top of wall.] + +[Illustration: FIGURE 7. West end of south _morada_, showing +construction of bell tower and contracted sanctuary walls.] + +[Illustration: FIGURE 8. Northwest view of east _morada_, showing +limestone slab bell tower on contracted west end.] + +Plans of churches built close to Abiquiu in time, distance, and +orientation could have served as sources for the design of the +_moradas'_ west ends (Figure 9). Only five kilometers east of Abiquiu +stood the chapel dedicated to Santa Rosa de Lima. As shown in Figure 9F, +the sanctuary in its west end had a raised floor and flanking entry +pilasters, features found in the east _morada's_ west end. This chapel +was dedicated about 1744 and was still active as a _visita_ from +Abiquiu in 1830.[49] Through this period and to the present, the +popularity of Saint Rose of Lima has persisted at Abiquiu. Her nearby +chapel would have been a likely and logical choice for the design of +the _morada's_ sanctuary end. + +[Illustration: FIGURE 9. Plans of two Abiquiu _moradas_ compared to +New Mexican churches with contracted sanctuaries: A, south _morada_, +B, east _morada_; C, Zia Mission; D, San Miguel in Santa Fe; E, Santa +Cruz; F, Santa Rosa; G, Ranchos de Taos; H, the _santuario_ at +Chimayo; I, Cordova. (From Kubler, _Religious Architecture_ [see ftn. +45]: C=his figure 8; D=28, E=9, F=34, G=13, H=22, I=35.)] + +A second possible source for the contracted ends of the Abiquiu +_moradas_ would be the south transept chapel of the Third Order of St. +Francis at Santa Cruz (Figure 9E). It was completed shortly before +1798[50] and served Franciscan tertiaries into the 1830s. Plans +compared in Figure 9 indicate that the dimensions of this left +transept chapel at Santa Cruz measure only five percent larger than +the chapel room of the east _morada_ at Abiquiu, and the plans also +reveal contracted chancel walls at both locations. + +The concept of a constricted sanctuary as seen in Abiquiu _moradas_ +originated in earlier Spanish and Mexican churches. In 1479, architect +Juan Guas used a trapezoidal apse plan in San Juan de los Reyes at +Toledo and, by 1512, the design found its way into America's first +cathedral at Santo Domingo. Within the first century of Spanish +colonization, contracted sanctuary walls appeared on the American +mainland in Arciniega's revised plan for Mexico City's Cathedral +(post-1584)[51] and, again, in New Mexico, where it first appeared at +the stone mission of Zia, built about 1614 (Figure 9C). Once +established in the Franciscan province, the concept of converging +sanctuary walls survived the 1680 Indian revolt and returned with the +reconquest of New Mexico in 1693. Spaniards raised and rebuilt +missions from the capital at Santa Fe (San Miguel, rebuilt 1710; +Figure 9D) north to Taos (San Geronimo, 1706). Throughout the 18th +century, in a three-to-one ratio, the churches of New Mexico used the +contracted, as opposed to the box, sanctuary. + +In the early 19th century, churches at Ranchos de Taos (1805-1815[52]; +Figure 9G), Chimayo (about 1810; Figure 9H), and Cordova (after 1830; +Figure 9I) continued to employ the trapezoidal sanctuary form. By +midcentury, _penitente_ brotherhoods are known to have been active in +these villages, and the local ecclesiastic structures could have acted +as an influence in the design of the _penitente moradas_ at Abiquiu. + +In summary, the _moradas_ at Abiquiu are traditional regional +buildings in material and in basic form. The pointed west end of each +building, however, is an ecclesiastic innovation in an otherwise +typical domestic design. These _moradas_ provide a significant design +variant in the history of Spanish-American architecture in New Mexico. + +[44] The "Hall of Everyday Life in the American Past" in the Museum of +History and Technology (Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.) +displays an interior typical of a Spanish-New Mexican _adobe_ house of +about 1800. + +[45] GEORGE KUBLER, _The Religious Architecture of New Mexico_ +(Colorado Springs, 1940), p. viii. + +[46] BAINBRIDGE BUNTING, _Taos Adobes_ (Santa Fe, 1964), P. 54. + +[47] L-plan _moradas_ are pictured by Woodward [see ftn. 13] in a 1925 +photograph at San Mateo, a different _morada_ from that illustrated in +CHARLES F. LUMMIS, _Land of Poco Tiempo_ (New York, 1897), as well as +in another Woodward photograph [see ftn. 13] taken on the road to +Chimayo. L. B. PRINCE, _Spanish Mission Churches of New Mexico_ (Cedar +Rapids, 1915), shows an L-plan _morada_ near Las Vegas. Was the L-plan +house an unconscious recall of the more secure structure that +completely enclosed a _placita_? + +[48] BUNTING, p. 56. After 1960 the Arroyo Hondo _morada_ became the +private residence of Larry Franks. + +[49] AASF, Loose Documents, Mission, 1829 (May 27). + +[50] KUBLER, _Religious Architecture_, p. 103. + +[51] GEORGE KUBLER and MARTIN SORIA, _The Art and Architecture of +Spain and Portugal and Their American Dominions, 1500 to 1800_ +(Baltimore, 1959), pp. 3, 64, 74. + +[52] E. BOYD, interview, April 1966. Building date of about 1780 +usually is given for the present church. Boyd, however, states that +documents in AASF support the tree-ring dates given in KUBLER. +_Religious Architecture_, p. 121, as 1816+-10. + + + + +_Interior Space and Artifacts_ + + +The plans of the two _penitente moradas_ of Abiquiu (Figure 4) reveal +an identical arrangement of interior space. There are three rooms in +each _morada_: (1) the longest is on the west end and, with its +constricted sanctuary space, acts as an oratory; (2) the center room +serves as a sacristy; and (3) the east room is for storage. The only +major difference between the two _moradas_ is the length of the +storage room, which is nearly twice as long in the east _morada_. The +remarkable similarities in design suggest that one served as the model +for the other; local oral tradition holds that the east _morada_ is +older.[53] + +Internal evidence indicates that the east _morada_ is indeed the older +one. As shown in Figure 2, the south _morada_ is located farther from +the Abiquiu _plaza_, suggesting it was built at a later date--perhaps +nearer 1900, when public and official criticism had prompted greater +privacy for Holy Week processions, which were considered spectacles by +tourists. In addition, the lesser width of the south _morada_ rooms, +the square-milled beams in the oratory, and the fireplace in the east +end storage room indicate that it was built after the east _morada_. +In contrast, the two corner fireplaces of the east _morada_ are set in +the center room, while another heating arrangement--an oil drum set on +a low _adobe_ dais--appears to have been added at a later date. + +The east _morada_ was the obvious model for the builders of the later +one on the south edge of Abiquiu. Local _penitentes_ admit that there +was a division in the original chapter just prior to 1900[54] but deny +that the separation was made because of political differences, as +suggested by one author.[55] The older members say that the first +_morada_ merely had become too large for convenient use of the +building. + +The three rooms in each _morada_ are distinguished by bare, +whitewashed walls of _adobe_ plaster, hard-packed dirt floors, two +exterior doors, and three windows. A locked door is located off the +oratory in the north face of the south _morada_. Figures 10 and 11 +show the sanctuaries in the south and east _morada_; and Figure 12, +the back of the east _morada_ oratory. Its open door leads into the +center room, where the members would not remove the boards on the +windows for me to take photographs. The east end room in each +_morada_ serves for storage of processional and ceremonial equipment. + +[Illustration: FIGURE 10. ALTAR IN SOUTH _Morada_. SIZE: 10.05 meters +long, 3.51 wide. LOCATION: West room in south _morada_. DESCRIPTION: +Looking west into sanctuary; dirt floor with cotton rag rugs; side +walls lined with benches and hung with religious prints; square-milled +timber ceiling; draped arch with candelabra; altar and gradin with +religious images. (Numbers refer to subsequent illustrations.)] + +[Illustration: FIGURE 11. ALTAR IN EAST _Morada_. DESCRIPTION: Looking +into sanctuary; dirt floor and convergent _adobe_ walls; sacristy +entry marked by drapes and raised floor; candelabra and sand boxes for +votive candles; draped altar table supplied with religious images. +(Numbers refer to subsequent illustrations.)] + +[Illustration: FIGURE 12. REAR OF ORATORY, EAST _Morada_. SIZE: 10.98 +meters long, 4.04 wide. LOCATION: Back of west room in east _morada_. +DESCRIPTION: Looking east, to rear of oratory. Dirt floor, +_adobe_-plastered walls, wooden benches, iron stove, framed religious +prints on walls, ceiling of round beams (_vigas_).] + + +STORAGE ROOM IN BOTH MORADAS.--In the south _morada_ (Figure 13), +there are cactus scourges (_disciplinas_), corrugated metal sheeting +used for roofing, and three rattles (_matracas_; Figure 14), also used +for noise-making in _tinieblas_ services. Situated here also are black +Lenten candelabrum, a ladder, a cross with silvered Passion emblems, +and massive penitential crosses (_maderos_; Figure 15). The Lenten +ladder and cross are shown next to the exterior entry (Figure 16). A +corner fireplace is flanked by locally made tin candle sconces (Figure +17). Two 19th-century kerosene lamps appear on the fireplace mantle, +and a tin-shaded lantern with its silver-plated reservoir hangs from +the ceiling (Figure 15). + +[Illustration: FIGURE 13. FLOOR TUB IN STORAGE ROOM. SIZE: tub 53.3 +centimeters high. LOCATION: South _morada_, northwest corner of room. +DESCRIPTION: Cement tub, dirt floor, fire wood, galvanized tubs, +enamelized buckets, braided cactus whips (_disciplinas_), wooden box +rattle (_matraca_), punched tin wall sconce, corrugated metal +roofing.] + +[Illustration: FIGURE 14. RATTLES (_matracas_). SIZE: 26 to 40 +centimeters long. LOCATION: South _morada_ storage (east) room. +DESCRIPTION: Flexible tongue set at one end of wooden frame, and +notched cylinder on handle turning in opposite end.] + +[Illustration: FIGURE 15. PENITENTE CROSSES (_maderos_) IN STORAGE +ROOM. SIZES: black cross 269.2 centimeters high (Figure 16); ceiling +boards 2.5 by 15; _maderos_ 345 long. DATE: 20th century. ORIGIN: New +Mexico, unidentified carpenter. LOCATION: South _morada_, northeast +corner. DESCRIPTION: black candelabra (_tenebrario_), kerosene +lanterns, tin shades, wooden keg and box under table.] + +[Illustration: FIGURE 16. CROSS AND LADDER (_cruz_ and _escalera_). +SIZE: cross 269.2 centimeters high. DATE: Fourth quarter of 19th +century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified carpenter. LOCATION: South +_morada_, storage (east) room. DESCRIPTION: Milled and carved wood +(painted), black cross and ladder, silvered nails (left arm), hammer +and pliers (right arm).] + +[Illustration: FIGURE 17. CORNER FIREPLACE IN STORAGE ROOM. SIZE: +mantel 106.7 centimeters high. LOCATION: South _morada_, southeast +corner. DESCRIPTION: Walls, fireplace, and flue of plastered _adobe_, +kerosene lamps and tin wall sconces, boarded up window to left +(east).] + +In each _morada_ storage area, there is a tub built on the floor that +serves to wash off blood after penance. Figure 13 shows the tub in the +south _morada_. In the older, east _morada_, the tub (Figure 18) is a +wood- and tin-lined trough pushed against the north wall and plastered +with _adobe_. + +[Illustration: FIGURE 18. STORAGE ROOM, EAST _Morada_. SIZES: Tub +112.6 centimeters long, 46 wide, 25.6 high; ladder 175 high. +DESCRIPTION: Detail of north wall showing enamelized containers, tub +built into the floor for washing after penance, and ladder.] + +The storage room in the east _morada_ also contains commercially made +lamps, such as the plated reservoir with stamped Neo-rococo motifs +(Figure 19). Nearby is a processional cross with two metal faces and a +small, cast corpus (Figure 20). While kerosene lanterns are evidence +of east-west rail commerce after 1880, the cross probably indicates a +southern contact, possibly through Parral or Chihuahua, Mexico. +Locally made, however, are the woven rag rugs (_jergas_) hung over a +pole (_varal_)[56] that drops from the ceiling. Also in the east +_morada_ storage are two percussion rifles (Figure 21). Craddock +Goins, Department of Armed Forces History, the Smithsonian +Institution, identifies both as common Indian trade objects from +midcentury Europe. These rifles probably were imports for sale to the +Utes at the Abiquiu trading post between 1853 and 1874. At the rear of +the room (Figure 22) rests a saw-horse table holding an assortment of +stocks for these "trade guns," of wooden rattles (_matracas_), and of +heavy crosses (_maderos_). On the ground stands a large bell, which, +in a photograph (Museum of New Mexico, Photo No. 8550) taken by +William Lippincott about 1945, appears on the tower of the _morada_. +The silhouette dates the bell as being cast after 1760. Behind the +bell rests the _morada_ death cart. Also in the room are a plank +ladder and the oil drum stove raised on an _adobe_ dais (Figure 23) to +the east of the exterior door. + +[Illustration: FIGURE 19. RESERVOIR FOR KEROSENE LAMP. SIZE: 25.4 +centimeters wide. DATE: Second half of 19th century. ORIGIN: Imported +to New Mexico. LOCATION: East _morada_, storage (east) room. +MANUFACTURE: Silver-plated metal stamped into Rococco revival +decorations.] + +[Illustration: FIGURE 20. PROCESSIONAL CROSS. SIZE: 30.5 centimeters +high. DATE: 19th century. ORIGIN: Imported to New Mexico, probably +from Mexico. LOCATION: East _morada_, storage (east) room. +MANUFACTURE: Punched trifoil ends in metal face, cast corpus.] + +[Illustration: FIGURE 21. PERCUSSION RIFLES. SIZE: 111.8 centimeters +long. DATE: Middle of 19th century. ORIGIN: European (Belgian?) +exports. LOCATION: East _Morada_, storage (east) room.] + +[Illustration: FIGURE 22. STORAGE ROOM, EAST _Morada_. SIZES: Bell 64 +centimeters wide (diameter), 47.4 high; cart 122 long (frame), 70 wide +(frame), 71 between axle centers; wheels 45 high. DESCRIPTION: Detail +of east wall showing saw-horse table, corrugated sheeting, bell, and +death cart of cottonwood and pine.] + +[Illustration: FIGURE 23. STORAGE ROOM, EAST _Morada_: View next to +exterior door showing low _adobe_ dais supporting oil drum stove.] + + +SACRISTY IN BOTH MORADAS.--While a panelled wooden box in the south +_morada_ stands inside the exterior door of the east room, another +type of chest, said to hold cooking utensils, rests in the northwest +corner of the center room of the east _morada_. Both storage chests +are located in rooms with corner fireplaces. An informant said that +these boxes held heating and cooking utensils and ceremonial +equipment, including the _penitentes'_ rule book. As noted above, the +two fireplaces in the middle room of the east _morada_ suggest that it +was built earlier than the south _morada_, which has a single +fireplace in the less active and more convenient rear storage room. +Further evidence of this point is that the storage chest in the east +_morada_ is better constructed than that in the south _morada_; the +former displays a slanted top and punch-decorated tin reinforcements +on its corners. In the center room there are several benches with +lathe-turned legs (Figure 24). + +[Illustration: FIGURE 24. BENCH (_banco_). SIZE: 108 centimeters long, +51 high, 47 wide. LOCATION: East _morada_, center room.] + +The central room of the south _morada_ also displays a number of +benches of an earlier style (Figure 25). Over the rear door appears an +unusual cross (Figure 26). The cross consists of two wood planks, 1.6 +centimeters thick, notched together and covered with paper. The +surface bears carefully drawn, or perhaps stenciled, floral and +religious designs in indigo blue: eleven Latin crosses appear among +flowering vases, oversize buds, and 4-, 5-, and 8-pointed stars. These +motifs probably are the result of copying from weaving or quilt +pattern books of the late 19th century. A local _penitente_ leader +stated that the cross was made before 1925 by Onesimo Martinez of +Abiquiu, when the latter was in his thirties. (The strong religious +symbolism of the New Mexican designs reminds one of the stylized +motifs on Atlantic Coastal folk drawings and textiles of Germanic +origin.) + +[Illustration: FIGURE 25. BENCH (_banco_). SIZE: 128 centimeters long, +106 high at back, 45 wide. LOCATION: South _morada_, center room.] + +(_Figure 26 is frontispiece._) + +Snare drums appear in the central room of both _moradas_ (Figures 27, +28). The drum in the east _morada_ is mounted on top of a truncated +wicker basket. It is interesting to note that rifles and drums +commonly are recorded in mission choir lofts in 1776 by Dominguez.[57] +In addition to marking significant moments in church ritual, they are +used in Indian and _Hispano_ village _fiestas_. + +[Illustration: FIGURE 27. SNARE DRUM (_tambor_). SIZE: 55.9 +centimeters long. DATE: 19th century. ORIGIN: Imported to New Mexico. +LOCATION: East _morada_, center room. MANUFACTURE: Commercially made, +military type, rope lines with leather drum ears [tighteners].] + +[Illustration: FIGURE 28. SNARE DRUM (_tambor_). SIZE: 58.4 +centimeters long. DATE: 19th century. ORIGIN: Imported to New Mexico. +LOCATION: South _morada_, center room. MANUFACTURE: Commercially made, +military type, reddish stain, rope tension lines with rope and leather +drum ears [tighteners].] + +Before describing religious objects in the west end rooms of Abiquiu +_moradas_, a list of similar items in Santo Tomas Mission at an +earlier date (1776) is of interest: + + a medium-sized bell ... altar table ... gradin ... altar cloth ... a + banner ... candleholders ... processional cross ... a painted wooden + cross ... ordinary single-leaved door ... image in the round of Our + Lady of the [Immaculate] Conception ... a wig ... silver crown ... + string of fine seed pearls ... ordinary bouquet ... painting on + copper of Our Lady of Sorrows (_Dolores_) in a black frame ... _Via + Crucis_ in small paper prints on their little boards ... a print of + the Guadalupe.[58] + +Comparable versions of each of these objects occur in Abiquiu's +_moradas_. In fact, virtually all objects found in the _penitente +moradas_ of Abiquiu are recorded as typical artifacts by church +inventories and house wills of 18th- and 19th-century Spanish New +Mexico.[59] + + +ORATORY IN THE EAST MORADA.--In the rear of the oratory of the older +east _morada_ (Figure 12), one sees a stove and lantern on the right. +Both are imported, extracultural items. The pierced, tin +candle-lantern (Figure 29) is a common artifact found throughout +Europe and America.[60] + +[Illustration: FIGURE 29. CANDLE LANTERN. SIZE: 30.5 centimeters high. +DATE: 19th century. ORIGIN: Imported to New Mexico. LOCATION: East +_morada_, chapel. MANUFACTURE: Pierced tinwork.] + +Along the walls of the oratory hang imported religious prints framed +in local punch-decorated tinwork. Tin handicraft became more +widespread after 1850 when metal U.S. Army containers became available +to the _Hispanos_. Designs seen on three tin frames (Figure 30) +include twisted columns, crests, scallops, corner blocks, wings, and a +variety of simple repousse patterns. Paper prints in the tin frame +suggest midcentury trade contacts between northern Mexico and the +Atlantic Coast. Even the Mexican War (1846-1848) did not discourage +American publishers such as Currier from appealing to Mexican +religious and national loyalties with lithographs of Our Lady of +Guadalupe (much in the same manner as the British, after the +Revolution and War of 1812, profited by selling Americans objects +that bore images of Yankee ships, eagles, and likenesses of Franklin +and Washington). A fourth piece of local tinwork (Figure 31) in the +east _morada_ oratory is a niche for a small figure of the Holy Child +of Atocha, _Santo Nino de Atocha_. This advocation of Jesus, like that +of His mother in the Guadalupe image, further indicates Mexican +influence.[61] The image of the _Atocha_ is a product of local +craftsmanship. + +[Illustration: FIGURE 30. RELIGIOUS PRINTS IN TIN FRAMES. SIZE: 52.1 +centimeters high (center). DATE: First three-quarters of 19th century. +ORIGIN: Prints imported to New Mexico; frames from New Mexico, +unidentified tinsmiths. LOCATION: East _morada_, walls in chapel +(west) room. MANUFACTURE: Tin frames: cut, repousse, stamped and +soldered into Federal and Victorian designs. Prints: left, +_Guadalupe_, early 19th century, Mexican copperplate engraving; +center, _Guadalupe_, 1847, N. Currier, hand-colored lithograph; right, +_San Gregorio_ [Pope St. Gregory], mid-19th-century lithograph.] + +[Illustration: FIGURE 31. NICHE WITH IMAGE OF THE HOLY CHILD OF ATOCHA +(_nicho_ and _El Santo Nino de Atocha_). SIZE: niche 44.4 centimeters +high, image 21.6 high. DATE: Second half of 19th century. ORIGIN: New +Mexico, unidentified tinsmith and _santero_. LOCATION: East _morada_, +wall in chapel room. MANUFACTURE: Tin: cut, repousse, soldered into +fan, shell, and guilloche designs. Image: carved wood, gessoed and +painted red and white. Rosary and artificial flowers.] + +These representations of religious personages are called _santos_, and +their makers, _santeros_. Flat panel paintings are known locally as +_retablos_, while sculptured forms are _bultos_. George Kubler, +distinguished art historian at Yale, suggests that _bultos_, because +of their greater dimensional realism, are more popular than planar +_retablos_ with the _Hispanos_.[62] Supporting this theory is the fact +that _bultos_ in the Abiquiu _moradas_ outnumber prints and _retablos_ +two to one. + +Perhaps the most distinctive three-dimensional image in any _morada_ +is not a _santo_ by definition, but a unique figure that represents +death (_la muerte_). Also known as _La Dona Sebastiana_, her image +clearly marks a building as a _penitente_ sanctuary. Personifying +death with a sculptured image and dragging her cart to a cemetery +called _calvario_, the _penitentes_ of New Mexico reflect the sense of +fate common to Spanish-speaking cultures, the recognition that death +is life's one personal certainty.[63] The figure of death in the east +_morada_ hangs in the corner at the rear of the oratory. Placed +outside for examination, this _muerte_ (Figure 32) presents a flat, +oval face with blank eyes. The black gown and bow and arrow are +typical of _muerte_ figures.[64] Turning toward the altar (Figure 11), +one sees that death is outnumbered by images of hope and compassion: +Jesus, His mother, and the saints who intercede for man. + +[Illustration: FIGURE 32. DEATH (_la muerte_). SIZE: 76.2 centimeters +high. DATE: Early 20th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified +_santero_. LOCATION: East _morada_, back of oratory. MANUFACTURE: +Carved and whitewashed wood, glass eyes and wood teeth, dressed in +black fabric with white lace border, bow and arrow.] + +On the lower step of the altar appear a host of small, commercial +products, mostly crucifixes, in plaster, plastic, and cheap metal +alloys as well as numerous glass cups for candles. Above the upper +ledge (_gradin_) appear five locally made images of Jesus crucified, +_El Cristo_.[65] At the side of this central _Cristo_ (Figure 33) +hangs a small angel, _angelito_, which traditionally held a chalice to +catch blood from the spear wound. Other _Cristos_, at the Taylor +Museum in Colorado Springs and at the Museum of New Mexico (McCormick +Collection A.7.49-24) in Santa Fe, repeat the weightless corpus and +stylized wounds used by the anonymous _santero_ who, after 1850, made +these _bultos_. + +[Illustration: FIGURE 33. CRUCIFIX WITH ANGEL (_Cristo_ and +_angelito_). SIZE: cross 139.7 centimeters high. DATE: Fourth quarter +of 19th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: +East _morada_, center of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood gessoed and +painted, over-painted in oil; crown of thorns, rosaries, crucifix; +wooden plank, H-shape platform; black cross with _iNRi_ plaque; +_angelito_ with white cotton skirt.] + +Additional _Cristo_ figures appear on the convergent walls of the east +_morada_ sanctuary. There are two pairs, large and small, perhaps +dating as late as 1900, one pair to the right (Figures 34, 35), the +other, on the Gospel side (plates 36, 37). + +[Illustration: FIGURE 34. CRUCIFIX (_Cristo_). SIZE: cross 170.2 +centimeters high. DATE: Second half of 19th century. ORIGIN: New +Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: East _morada_, right wall +behind altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and painted, +over-painted in oils; black gauze shroud over head; rosary and _iNRi_ +plaque.] + +[Illustration: FIGURE 35. CRUCIFIX (_Cristo_). SIZE: cross 64.8 +centimeters high. DATE: Second half of 19th century. ORIGIN: New +Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: East _morada_, right wall +behind altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and painted; dressed +in white skirt with rosary.] + +[Illustration: FIGURE 36. CRUCIFIX (_Cristo_). SIZE: cross 71.1 +centimeters high. DATE: Second half of 19th century. ORIGIN: New +Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: East _morada_, left wall +behind altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and painted, repainted +in oil colors, yellow and red strips on black; dressed in white cotton +skirt; rosary.] + +[Illustration: FIGURE 37. CRUCIFIX (_Cristo_). SIZE: cross 177.8 +centimeters high. DATE: Fourth quarter of 19th century. ORIGIN: New +Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: East _morada_, left wall +behind altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and painted; crown of +thorns and rosary; dressed in white cotton waist cloth.] + +To the far left stands an important image: the scourged Jesus (Figure +38) prominent in _penitente_ activity as "Our Father Jesus the +Nazarene" (_Nuestro Padre Jesus Nazareno_). By 1918, Alice Corbin +Henderson[66] reports, this same figure appeared in _penitente_ Holy +Week processions at Abiquiu. She claims it was made originally for the +Mission of Santo Tomas. E. Boyd points out stylistic traits shared by +this Abiquiu _bulto_ and the _retablo_ figures in the San Jose de +Chama Chapel at nearby Hernandez, which was the work of _santero_ +Rafael Aragon, active from 1829 to after 1855.[67] Symbolic of man's +physical suffering, the image of the _Jesus Nazareno_ is essential to +_penitente_ enactments of the Passion. + +[Illustration: FIGURE 38. MAN OF SORROWS (_Ecce Homo, Nuestro Padre +Jesus Nazareno_). SIZE: 1.60 meters high. DATE: Second quarter of 19th +century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, Rafael Aragon, active 1829-55. LOCATION: +East _morada_, to left of altar. MANUFACTURE: Dressed in red fabric +gown, palm clusters and rosaries, leather crown of thorns, horsehair +wig, bright border painted on platform.] + +On the left side of the east _morada_ altar, two carved images +represent the grieving mother of Jesus as "Our Lady of Sorrows" +(_Nuestra Senora de los Dolores_), one image (Figure 39) in pink +equipped with her attribute, a dagger; the other (Figure 40), like +many processional figures, has been constructed by draping a pyramidal +frame of four sticks with gesso-dipped cloth, which, when dry, is +painted to represent a skirt. The apron-like design that appears on +the skirt, now hidden under a black dress, indicates that the original +identity probably was "Our Lady of Solitude" (_Nuestra Senora de la +Soledad_).[68] + +[Illustration: FIGURE 39. OUR LADY OF SORROWS (_Nuestra Senora de los +Dolores_). SIZE: 99.1 centimeters base to crown. DATE: Early 20th +century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: East +_morada_, left side of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and +painted; dressed in pink cotton gown and veil; tin crown and metal +dagger; artificial flowers, rosaries.] + +[Illustration: FIGURE 40. OUR LADY OF SORROWS OR SOLITUDE (_Nuestra +Senora de los Dolores_ or _la Soledad_). SIZE: 81.3 centimeters base +to crown. DATE: Second half of 19th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, +unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: East _morada_, left side of altar. +MANUFACTURE: Carved wood head and hands, gessoed, painted, and +repainted; body of gesso-wetted cloth, draped on stick frame to dry, +painted; dressed in black satin habit with white lace border; tin +halo, rosary, artificial flowers.] + +Also on the left side of the east _morada_ altar, there are two male +saints (_santos_) who fill vital roles in the _penitente_ Easter +drama. One, St. Peter (San Pedro) with the cock (Figure 41), is a +_bulto_ whose frame construction duplicates that of Our Lady (Figure +40). The cock apparently was made by another hand, and, despite its +replaced tail, is a fine expression of local art. This group +represents Peter's triple denial of Jesus before the cock announced +dawn of the day of the Crucifixion. The _bulto_ of San Pedro has +special meaning for _penitentes_ who, through their penance, bear +witness to "Jesus the Nazarene." + +[Illustration: FIGURE 41. SAINT PETER AND COCK (_San Pedro_ and +_Gallo_). SIZE: 61 centimeters high. DATE: First quarter of 19th +century, and 19th century cock. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified +_santero_. LOCATION: East _morada_, left side of altar. MANUFACTURE: +St. Peter's head (later): carved wood, gessoed and painted. Body: +cloth dipped in wet gesso, draped over stick frame to dry, and +painted, later over-painted. Blue gown and orange cape. Cock of carved +wood, gessoed and painted; orange body with green haunch. Carved wood +tail, replacement.] + +With the other _bulto_, _penitentes_ have also recalled the +crucifixion by representing St. John the Evangelist (San Juan) at the +foot of the cross, where Jesus charged the disciple with the care of +His mother. The image of John (Figure 42) bears distinctive stylistic +features: blunt fingers; protruding forehead, cheek bones, and chin; +and a full-lipped, open mouth. + +[Illustration: FIGURE 42. SAINT JOHN THE EVANGELIST (_San Juan_). +SIZE: 137.2 centimeters high. DATE: Second half of 19th century. +ORIGIN: New Mexico, "Abiquiu _morada_" _santero_. LOCATION: East +_morada_, left side of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and +painted; black horsehair wig; dressed in white cotton fabric; palm +clusters and rosary.] + +Since these stylistic traits also occur in a _Cristo_ figure in the +Taylor Museum collection[69] and in two other _bultos_--a _Cristo_ and +_Jesus Nazareno_ in the south _morada_ at Abiquiu--it seems reasonable +to designate the anonymous image-maker as the "Abiquiu _morada +santero_." + +A _bulto_ that Alice Henderson identifies as St. Joseph is probably +this figure of St. John (Figure 42) now resting in the east _morada_. +She has reported that this image and that of St. Peter were in the +mission of Santo Tomas before 1919.[70] The shift in residence for +these _santos_ was substantiated by Jose Espinosa, who stated that +several images "were removed to one of the local _moradas_ ... when +the old church was torn down."[71] + +On the right side of the east _morada_ altar, images of two male +saints reflect the intense affection felt by _penitentes_ for the +Franciscan saints Anthony of Padua and John of Nepomuk. The most +popular New Mexican saint, San Antonio (Figure 43), customarily +carries the young Jesus, _El Santo Nino_. This image has been painted +dark blue to represent the traditional Franciscan habit of New Mexico +before the 1890s.[72] + +[Illustration: FIGURE 43. SAINT ANTHONY OF PADUA AND THE INFANT JESUS +(_San Antonio y Nino_). SIZE: 43.2 centimeters high. DATE: First half +of 19th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: +East _morada_, right side of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed +and painted with repainted head; dark blue habit; dressed in light +blue cotton fabric with white border, artificial flowers.] + +The 14th-century saint, John of Nepomuk, Bohemia (Figure 44), is known +from a legend that states he was killed by King Wenceslaus for +refusing to reveal secrets of the Queen, for whom he was confessor. +The story notes that, after torture, John was drowned in the Moldau +River, but that his body floated all night and, in the morning, was +taken to the Church of the Holy Cross of the Penitents in Prague. +After the martyred chaplain was canonized in 1729, his cult spread to +Rome, then Spain, and, by 1800, into New Mexico. + +[Illustration: FIGURE 44. SAINT JOHN OF NEPOMUK (_San Juan +Nepomuceno_). SIZE: base to hat 78.7 centimeters. DATE: Second quarter +of 19th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: +East _morada_, right side of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed +and painted; dark blue robe with white border; dressed in black hat +and robe under white alblike coat; rosary.] + +Among the _Hispanos_, local Franciscans promoted this cult of St. John +as a prognosticator and as a respecter of secrecy.[73] Due in part to +this promotion, _San Juan Nepomuceno_ became a favorite of New Mexican +_penitentes_. E. Boyd suggests that the image of St. John (Figure 44) +may have first represented St. Francis or St. Joseph. She also notes a +stylistically similar _bulto_ of St. Joseph in Colorado Springs, +manufactured not long after 1825.[74] + + +ORATORY IN SOUTH MORADA.--Turning to the south _morada_ chapel, we +find numerous parallels to the earlier east _morada_ in _santo_ +identities and in religious artifacts. (Figure 10 presents a +previously unphotographed view of this active _penitente_ chapel with +its fully equipped altar.) The walls of the west chamber of the south +_morada_ are lined with benches over which hang religious prints in +frames of commercial plaster and local tin work (Figure 45). + +[Illustration: FIGURE 45. SAINT JOSEPH AND CHRIST CHILD (_San Jose y +el Santo Nino_). SIZE: frame 45.7 centimeters high. DATE: Fourth +quarter of 19th century. ORIGIN: Imported commercial products. +LOCATION: South _morada_, chapel wall. MANUFACTURE: Plaster frame, +molded and gilded. Chromo-lithograph on paper. SAINT PETER (_San +Pedro_). SIZE: frame 25.4 centimeters high. DATE: Third quarter of +19th century. ORIGIN: Imported, commercially made print. New Mexico, +unidentified tinsmith. LOCATION: South _morada_, chapel wall. +MANUFACTURE: Tin frame: cut, repousse, stamped, and soldered. +Chromo-lithograph on paper.] + +The tin frame for a lithograph of St. Peter reveals repousse designs +found on east _morada_ frames (Figure 30, center). Other examples of +local tinwork are seen in Figure 46. On the right is a cross of +punched tinwork with pomegranate ends and corner fillers that reflect +Moorish characteristics in Spanish arts known as _mudejar_. The frame +dates from after 1850, as indicated by glass panes painted with floral +patterns suggesting Victorian wallpaper. To the left is a niche made +of six glass panels painted with wavy lines and an early 19th-century +woodcut of the Holy Child of Atocha. Here again, twisted half-columns +repeat a motif seen on a tin frame in the east _morada_ chapel. In +front of the draped entry to the south _morada_ sanctuary stand two +candelabra, one of which is shown in the doorway to the oratory +(Figure 47) with tin reflectors and hand-carved sockets.[75] There are +also vigil light boxes, kerosene lanterns with varnished tin shades, +commercial religious images and ornaments that are similar to items in +the east _morada_ sanctuary. + +[Illustration: FIGURE 46. NICHE WITH PRINT OF CHRIST CHILD (_Nicho_ +and _Santo Nino de Atocha_). SIZE: 35.5 centimeters high. DATE: Second +half of 19th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified tinsmith. +LOCATION: South _morada_, chapel walls. MANUFACTURE: Tin frame: cut, +repousse, and soldered. Glass: cut and painted. Woodcut on paper. +CROSS (_cruz_). SIZE: 43.2 centimeters high. DATE: Fourth quarter of +19th century. ORIGINS: New Mexico, unidentified tinsmith. LOCATION: +South _morada_, chapel walls. MANUFACTURE: Tin frame: cut, repousse, +and soldered. Glass: cut and painted.] + +[Illustration: FIGURE 47. CANDELABRUM (_candelabro_). SIZE: 157.5 +centimeters high. DATE: Early 20th century. LOCATION: South _morada_, +in front of altar in oratory. MANUFACTURE: Mill-cut wood stand, +hand-carved pegs to hold candles, and hand-worked tin crosses. Painted +white. One of a pair.] + +Embroidered textiles portray the Last Supper, and a chapter banner, +made up for the brotherhood after 1925, shows the Crucifixion in oil +colors. This banner bears the words "Fraternidad Piadosa D[e] +N[uestro] P[adre] J[esus] D[e] Nazareno, Seccion No. 12, Abiquiu, New +Mexico." The title _fraternidad_ is that assumed by _penitente_ +chapters that incorporated in New Mexico around 1930, although the +term _cofradia_ often appears in transfers of private land to +_penitente_ organizations.[76] A second banner, this one on the left, +reads "Sociedad de la Sagrada Familia," which is a Catholic women's +organization that often supports _penitente_ groups. + +In the oratory of the south _morada_, locally made images merit +special notice. Two carved images flank the entry to the south +_morada_ sanctuary. The _bulto_ on the right, St. Francis of Assisi +(Figure 48), has a special significance. As we noted in the east +_morada_, many Spanish settlers in New Mexico honored San Francisco as +the founder of the Franciscans, the order whose missionaries long had +served the region. The second _bulto_ (Figure 49) reveals clues that +it originally had been a representation of the Immaculate Conception +(_Inmaculata Concepcion_). In Abiquiu, however, this figure is called +_la mujer de San Juan_ ("the woman of St. John"), a phrase that +indicates the major role Mary holds for the _penitentes_. With this +image they refer to the moment in the Crucifixion when Jesus committed +the care of His mother to St. John. As introductions to the south +_morada_ chancel, St. Francis and the Marian image are excellent +specimens of pre-1850 _santero_ craftsmanship. + +[Illustration: FIGURE 48. SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI (_San Francisco_). +SIZE: 53.3 centimeters high. DATE: First half of 19th century. ORIGIN: +New Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: South _morada_, right +wall of chapel. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and painted; blue +habit with brown collar; wood cross and skull, tin halo; rosary beads +with fish pendants.] + +[Illustration: FIGURE 49. THE IMMACULATE CONCEPTION (_la mujer de San +Juan_ [local name]). SIZE: 55.9 centimeters high. DATE: First half of +19th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: +South _morada_, left wall of chapel. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed +and painted; oil colors over earlier tempera; red gown and crown; blue +cape and base.] + +Two more images of Mary occur on the altar of the south _morada_ +sanctuary. The first (Figure 50) takes its proper ecclesiastic +position on the Gospel side, to the viewer's left of the crucifix. The +second "Marian" image (Figure 51) is less orthodox. Not only does +this _bulto_ stand on the Epistle side of the crucifix but, like the +Marian advocation cited above as _la mujer de San Juan_, this figure's +identity has been changed to suit local taste. _Penitentes_ at Abiquiu +refer to the image as Santa Rosa, the traditional patroness of the +area following its first settlement by Spaniards. + +[Illustration: FIGURE 50. OUR LADY OF SORROWS (_Nuestra Senora de los +Dolores_). SIZE: 104.1 centimeters high. DATE: Third quarter of 19th +century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: South +_morada_, left side of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and +painted; dressed in pink satin; artificial flowers, tin crown.] + +[Illustration: FIGURE 51. VIRGIN AND CHILD OR SAINT RITA (_Santa Rosa +de Lima_ [local name]). SIZE: 68 centimeters high. DATE: Fourth +quarter of 19th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified _santero_. +LOCATION: South _morada_, right side of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved +wood, gessoed and painted; dressed in pink satin; cross of turned +wood; artificial flowers, shell crown.] + +Between these Marian images there are two large _bultos_ that are +examples of the work of the "Abiquiu _morada santero_" suggested +earlier. Both are figures of Jesus. The first, a _Cristo_ (Figure 52), +is the central crucifix on the altar. As in the east _morada_, the +focal image is accompanied by an _angelito_, this time with tin +wings.[77] To the right stands the other image of Jesus, the Nazarene, +_Nuestro Padre Jesus Nazareno_ (Figure 53). Along with the nearby +crucifix (Figure 52) and the figure of St. John the Evangelist (Figure +42) in the east _morada_, this representation of the scourged Jesus +reflects the style of the "Abiquiu _morada santero_." This Nazarene +_bulto_ embodies the _penitente_ concept of Jesus as a Man of +suffering Who must be followed. + +[Illustration: FIGURE 52. CRUCIFIX WITH ANGEL (_Cristo_ and +_angelito_). SIZE: Cross 144.8 centimeters high. DATE: Early 20th +century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, "Abiquiu _morada_" _santero_. LOCATION: +South _morada_, center of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and +painted; purple fabric, waist cloths; tin wings on _angelito_; black +cross with _iNRi_ plaque.] + +[Illustration: FIGURE 53. MAN OF SORROWS (_Ecce Homo, Nuestro Padre +Jesus Nazareno_). SIZE: 122 centimeters high. DATE: Second half of +19th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, "Abiquiu _morada_" _santero_. +LOCATION: South _morada_, right side of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved +wood, gessoed and painted; black horsehair wig, crown of thorns; +purple fabric gown; palm clusters, rosaries.] + +The special character of the _penitente_ brotherhood is demonstrated +also in the last two _bultos_ on the south _morada_ altar. The +prominent size and position of St. John of Nepomuk (Figure 54) on the +altar indicate again the importance given by the _penitentes_ to San +Juan as a keeper of secrets. The other figure is the south _morada_'s +personification of death (Figure 55), _la muerte_, here even more +gaunt than the image in the east _morada_. Probably made after 1900, +this figure demonstrates the persistent artistic and religious +heritage of _Hispano_ culture. + +[Illustration: FIGURE 54. SAINT JOHN OF NEPOMUK (_San Juan +Nepomuceno_). SIZE: 90.2 centimeters high. DATE: Early 20th century. +ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: South _morada_, +left side of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and painted; +dressed in black gown and cap; white cotton cassock; artificial +flowers; horsehair wig.] + +[Illustration: FIGURE 55. DEATH (_la muerte_). SIZE: 111.8 centimeters +high. DATE: Fourth quarter of 19th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, +unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: South _morada_, left side of altar. +MANUFACTURE: Carved and whitewashed wood; glass eyes and bone teeth; +dressed in black fabric; rosary, bow and arrow.] + +[53] Interviews with Abiquiu inhabitants: Delfino Garcia in summer +1963 and Agapita Lopez in fall 1966. + +[54] Interviews with _penitente_ members at Abiquiu, summers of 1965 +and 1967. + +[55] JOSE ESPINOSA, _Saints in the Valley_ (Albuquerque, 1960), p. 75. + +[56] DOMINGUEZ, _Missions_, p. 50 (ftn. 5), defines _varal_ and its +customary use. + +[57] Ibid., pp. 107, 131 (ftn. 4), 167. + +[58] Ibid., pp. 121-123. + +[59] AASF, Loose Documents, Mission, 1680-1850, and Accounts, books +xxxxv and lxiv. Also in Wills and Hijuelas, State Records Center, and +in Twitchell documents, Land Management Bureau, both offices in Santa +Fe, New Mexico. + +[60] WALTER HOUGH, _Collections of Heating and Lighting_ (Smithsonian +Inst. Bull. 141, Washington, D.C., 1928), pl. 28a, no. 3. + +[61] STEPHEN BORHEGYI, _El Santuario de Chimayo_ (Santa Fe, 1956); +also E. BOYD, _Saints and Saint Makers_ (Santa Fe, 1946), pp. 126-132. + +[62] GEORGE KUBLER, in _Santos: An Exhibition of the Religious Folk +Art of New Mexico with an Essay by George Kubler_ (Fort Worth, Tex.: +Amon Carter Museum of Western Art, June 1964). + +[63] A fuller discussion of the _penitente_ death cart and further +illustrations are found in MITCHELL A. WILDER and EDGAR BREITENBACH, +_Santos: The Religious Folk Art of New Mexico_ (Colorado Springs, +1943), pl. 30 and text. Relevant to this study is the death cart with +immobile wheels recorded by HENDERSON, p. 32 [see ftn. 64], as having +been used in processions before 1919. It is likely that this is the +same cart described above in the storage room of the east _morada_ +(Figure 22); it is important because its measurements and construction +details are nearly identical to the death cart in the collections of +the Museum of New Mexico, reputed to have come from Abiquiu. + +[64] ALICE CORBIN HENDERSON, _Brothers of Light_ (Chicago, 1962), p. +32, describes a _muerte_ figure: chalk-white face, obsidian eyes, +black outfit. + +[65] E. BOYD, "Crucifix in Santero Art," _El Palacio_, vol. LX, no. 3 +(March 1953), pp. 112-115, indicates the significance of this image +form. + +[66] HENDERSON, pp. 13 (red gown, blindfolded, flowing black hair), 26 +(red gown, bound hands, made for mission), and 43-46 (tall, almost +life size, blindfolded, carried on small platform in procession from +lower [east] _morada_, horsehair rope). + +[67] BOYD, in litt., Nov. 13, 1965. + +[68] BOYD, loc. cit. Regarding construction, see E. BOYD, "New Mexican +Bultos with Hollow Skirts: How They Were Made," _El Palacio_, vol. +LVIII, no. 5 (May, 1951), pp. 145-148. + +[69] WILDER and BREITENBACH, pls. 24, 25. + +[70] HENDERSON, p. 26. + +[71] JOSE ESPINOSA, op. cit., p. 75. + +[72] DOMINGUEZ, _Missions_, p. 264 (ftn. 59). The brown robe worn by +Franciscans today is a late 19th-century innovation. + +[73] BOYD, _Saints_, p. 133. + +[74] BOYD, in litt., Nov. 13, 1965. For a comparative illustration of +St. Joseph, see WILDER and BREITENBACH, pl. 42. + +[75] HENDERSON, p. 51, notes this pair of candelabra with the 13 +sockets. Fifteen is the ecclesiastically correct number for _tenebrae_ +services. + +[76] _Acts of Incorporation_, microfilm, Corporation Bureau, State +Capitol, Santa Fe; see also Land Records, _General Indirect Index_, +Rio Arriba County Court House, vols. I (1852-1912) and II (1912-1930). + +[77] HENDERSON, p. 51, describes the _angelito_, in the dim light of +the _morada_ ceremony, as a "dove like a wasp." Another angel figure +was given me through Regino Salazar by one of the _penitente_ brothers +of Abiquiu. According to E. Boyd, it appears to be the work of Jose +Rafael Aragon, who worked in the Santa Cruz area after 1825. + + + + +_Summary_ + + +The two Abiquiu _moradas_ are clearly parallel in their +architectural design (including the constricted chancels), in their +artifacts--especially _bulto_ identities such as Jesus (_Cristo_, +_Nazareno_, _Ecce Homo_, _Santo Nino de Atocha_), Mary (_Dolores_, +_Immaculata Concepcion_, _Soledad_, _Guadalupe_), Saint John of +Nepomuk, Saint Peter, and death--and lastly, in the ceremonies held +in the buildings, which link rather than separate the _penitente_ +movement and the common social values of _Hispano_ culture. + +Edmonson uses six institutional values to define _Hispano_ culture.[78] +All six can be found in the _penitente_ brotherhood. "Paternalism" is +found in the relation of the members-at-large to the officers and of +all the _penitente_ brothers to _Nuestro Padre Jesus_, "Our Father +Jesus." "Familism" is reflected in the structure of the _penitente_ +organization and especially in the extension of its social benefits to +the entire community. "Dramatism" is an essential ingredient of +_penitente_ ceremonies such as the _tinieblas_. "Personalism" is +revealed in the immediate and individual participation of all members +in _penitente_ activities. "Fatalism" is the focus of Holy Week and of +funerals and is personified by the _muerte_ figure in each _morada_. + +Finally, Edmonson cited "traditionalism" as definitive of _Hispano_ +culture, a characteristic that is clearly evident in the _penitente_ +forms of shelter, ceremonies, and artifacts. These commonplace objects +and activities had been established at Abiquiu before and during the +period of _morada_ building and furnishing. Literary and pictorial +documents presented in this study of Abiquiu and the _penitente +moradas_ reveal that their physical structure, furnishings, +membership, and the brotherhood itself are related intimately to, and +drawn from, the traditional and persistent Hispanic culture of New +Mexico. + +[78] EDMONDSON, p. 62. + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Penitente Moradas of Abiquiu, by +Richard E. 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