initial commit of ebook 44678HEADmain

111 files changed, 10947 insertions, 0 deletions

diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6833f05
--- /dev/null
+++ b/.gitattributes
@@ -0,0 +1,3 @@
+* text=auto
+*.txt text
+*.md text
diff --git a/44678-0.txt b/44678-0.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..c78d10f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-0.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,1657 @@
+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 44678 ***
+
+Transcriber's Note:
+
+With the exception of Figure 26, which forms the frontispiece of this
+work, the descriptions of individual figures have been shifted to
+follow their first mention in the text.
+
+Italics are indicated by _underscores_. Small capitals have been
+replaced by full capitals. Apparent typographical errors have been
+corrected.
+
+
+
+
+ CONTRIBUTIONS FROM
+ THE MUSEUM OF HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY
+ PAPER 63
+
+
+THE PENITENTE MORADAS OF ABIQUIÚ
+
+_Richard E. Ahlborn_
+
+
+Introduction
+
+Penitente Organization
+
+Origins of the Penitente Movement
+
+The History of Abiquiú
+
+The Architecture of the Moradas
+
+Interior Space and Artifacts
+
+Summary
+
+
+ SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION PRESS
+ WASHINGTON, D.C.
+ 1968
+
+ U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1968 0--287-597
+
+ For sale by the Superintendent of Documents,
+ U.S. Government Printing Office
+ Washington, D.C. 20402--Price 75 cents
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 26. CROSS (_cruz_). SIZE: 106.7 centimeters
+high, 73.6 wide. DATE: First quarter of 20th century. ORIGIN: Abiquiú;
+Onésimo Martínez. LOCATION: South _morada_, center room. MANUFACTURE:
+Indigo blue designs (stencilled?).]
+
+
+
+
+_Richard E. Ahlborn_
+
+_THE PENITENTE MORADAS OF ABIQUIÚ_
+
+
+_By the early 19th century, Spanish-speaking residents of villages in
+northern New Mexico and southern Colorado felt the need for a
+brotherhood that would preserve their traditional social and religious
+beliefs. Known as "brothers of light," or _penitentes_, these
+Spanish-Americans centered their activities in a houselike building,
+or _morada_, especially equipped for Holy Week ceremonies._
+
+_For the first time, two intact _moradas_ have been fully photographed
+and described through the cooperation of the _penitente_ brothers of
+Abiquiú, New Mexico._
+
+THE AUTHOR: _Richard E. Ahlborn is associate curator in the Division
+of Cultural History in the Smithsonian Institution's Museum of History
+and Technology._
+
+
+
+
+_Introduction_
+
+
+This study describes two earthern buildings and their special
+furnishings--humble but unique documents of Spanish-American culture.
+The two structures are located in Abiquiú, a rural, Spanish-speaking
+village in northern New Mexico. Known locally as _moradas_, they serve
+as meeting houses for members of a flagellant brotherhood, the
+_penitentes_.
+
+The _penitente_ brotherhood is characteristic of Spanish culture in
+New Mexico (herein called _Hispano_ to indicate its derivation from
+Hispanic traditions in Mexico). Although penitential activities
+occurred in Spain's former colonies--Mexico, Argentina, and the
+Philippines--the _penitentes_ in the mountainous region that extends
+north of Albuquerque into southern Colorado are remarkable for their
+persistence.
+
+After a century and a half of clerical criticism[1] and extracultural
+pressures against the movement, physical evidence of _penitente_
+activity, although scattered and diminished, still survives. As
+intact, functioning artifacts, the _penitente moradas_ at Abiquiú are
+valuable records of an autonomous, socio-religious brotherhood and of
+its place in the troubled history of Spanish-American culture in the
+Southwest.
+
+This paper maintains that _penitentes_ are not culturally deviant or
+aberrant but comprise a movement based firmly in Hispanic traditions
+as shown by their architecture and equipment found at Abiquiú and by
+previously established religious and social practices. Also, this
+paper presents in print for the first time a complete, integrated, and
+functioning group of _penitente_ artifacts documented, in situ, by
+photographs.
+
+My indebtedness in this study to local residents is immense: first,
+for inspiration, from Rosenaldo Salazar of Hernández and his son
+Regino, who introduced me to _penitente_ members at Abiquiú and four
+times accompanied me to the _moradas_. The singular opportunity to
+measure and to photograph interiors and individual artifacts is due
+wholly to the understandably wary but proud, _penitentes_ themselves.
+The task of identifying religious images in the _moradas_ was expertly
+done by E. Boyd, Curator of the Spanish-Colonial Department in the
+Museum of New Mexico at Santa Fe. The final responsibility for
+accuracy and interpretation of data, of course, is mine alone.
+
+[1] Beginning in 1820 with the report of ecclesiastic visitor Niño de
+Guevara, the Catholic Church has continued to frown upon _penitente_
+activities, A modern critical study by a churchman: FATHER ANGÉLICO
+CHAVEZ, "The Penitentes of New Mexico," _New Mexico Historical Review_
+(April 1954), vol. 22, pp. 97-123.
+
+
+
+
+_Penitente Organization_
+
+
+_Penitente_ brotherhoods usually are made up of Spanish-speaking
+Catholic laymen in rural communities. Although the activities and
+artifacts vary in specific details, the basic structure, ceremonies,
+and aims of _penitentes_ as a cultural institution may be generalized.
+Full membership is open only to adult males. Female relatives may
+serve _penitente_ chapters as auxiliaries who clean, cook, and join in
+prayer, as do children on occasion, but men hold all offices and make
+up the membership-at-large.
+
+_Penitente_ membership comprises two strata distinguishable by title
+and activity. In his study of _Hispano_ institutional values, Monro
+Edmonson notes that _penitente_ chapters are divided into these two
+groups: (1) common members or brothers in discipline, _hermanos
+disciplantes_; and (2) officers, called brothers of light, _hermanos
+de luz_.
+
+Edmonson names each officer and lists his duties:
+
+ The head of the chapter is the _hermano mayor_. He is assisted in
+ administrative duties by the warden (_celador_) and the collector
+ (_mandatario_), and in ceremonial duties by an assistant
+ (_coadjutor_), reader (_secretario_), blood-letter (_sangredor_) and
+ flutist (_pitero_). An official called the nurse (_enfermero_)
+ attends the flagellants, and a master of novices (_maestro de
+ novios_) supervises the training of new members.[2]
+
+In an early and apparently biased account of the _penitentes_,
+Reverend Alexandar Darley,[3] a Presbyterian missionary in southern
+Colorado, provides additional terms for three officers: _picador_ (the
+blood-letter), _regador_ or _rezador_ (a tenth officer, who led
+prayers) and _mayordomo de la muerte_ (literally "steward of death").
+As host for meetings between _penitente_ chapters, the _mayordomo_ may
+be a late 19th-century innovation that bears the political overtones
+of a local leader.[4]
+
+Having less influence than individual officers are the _penitente_
+members-at-large, numbering between thirty and fifty in each chapter.
+Through the _Hispano_ family system of extended bilateral kinship,
+however, much of the village population is represented in each local
+_penitente_ group.
+
+Edmonson's study in the Rimrock district demonstrates the deep sense
+of social responsibility felt by _penitentes_ for members and their
+extended family circles. "Special assistants were appointed from time
+to time to visit the sick or perform other community services which
+the brotherhood may undertake."[5] At other times of need, especially
+in sickness and death, the general _penitente_ membership renders
+invaluable service to the afflicted family. In addition, _penitente_
+welfare efforts include spiritual as well as physical comfort such as
+wakes, prayers and rosaries, and the singing of funereal chants
+(_alabados_). At Española in November of 1965, I witnessed
+_penitentes_ contributing such help to respected nonmembers: grave
+digging, financial aid, and a rosary service with _alabados_.
+
+These spiritual services, however, are peripheral to the principal
+religious activity of _penitentes_--the Lenten observance of the
+Passion and death of Jesus. During Holy Week, prayer meetings,
+rosaries, and _via crucis_ processions with religious images are held
+at the _morada_ and at a site representing Calvary (_calvario_),
+usually the local cemetery. On Good Friday, vigils are kept and the
+_morada_ is darkened for a service known as _las tinieblas_. The
+ceremony of "the darkenings" consists of silent prayer broken by
+violent noise making. Metal sheets and chains, wooden blocks and
+rattles are manipulated to suggest natural disturbances at the moment
+of Jesus' death on the cross. This emphatic portrayal of His last
+hours is recalled also by acts of contrition and flagellation in
+_penitente_ initiation rites, punishments, and Holy Week processions.
+
+_Penitentes_ use physical discipline and mortification as a dramatic
+means to intensify their imitation of Jesus' suffering.[6] Heavy
+timber crosses (_maderos_) and cactus whips (_disciplinas_) are used
+in processions that often include a figure of death in a cart (_la
+carreta de la muerte_). Disciplinary and initiatory mortification in
+the _morada_ makes use of flint or glass blood-letting devices
+(_padernales_).[7]
+
+[2] MONRO S. EDMONSON, _Los Manitos: A Study of Institutional Values_
+(Publ. 25, Middle American Research Institute; New Orleans: Tulane
+University, 1950), p. 43.
+
+[3] ALEXANDER M. DARLEY, _The Passionists of the Southwest_ (Pueblo,
+_1893_).
+
+[4] E. BOYD, Curator of the Spanish-Colonial Department, Museum of New
+Mexico, Santa Fe, states that Jesús Trujjillo in 1947 furnished
+information on other _penitente_ officers, including one man who uses
+the _matraca_ and one who acts as a sergeant at arms.
+
+[5] EDMONSON, loc. cit.
+
+[6] GEORGE WHARTON JAMES, _New Mexico: Land of the Delight Makers_
+(Boston, 1920), lists concisely the Biblical and historical references
+to religious mortification practiced by New Mexican _penitentes_.
+
+[7] DARLEY (op. cit., pp. 8 ff.) gives an exhaustive list of methods
+of mortification said to be used by _penitentes_.
+
+
+
+
+_Origins of the Penitente Movement_
+
+
+By 1833, bodily penance practiced in lay brotherhoods of _Hispano_
+Catholics attracted criticism from the Church in New Mexico and
+resulted in the pejorative name _penitentes_.[8] Historically,
+however, within the traditional framework of Hispanic Catholicism, the
+_penitentes_ had precedents for their religious practices, including
+flagellation.
+
+_Penitente_ rites were derived from Catholic services already common
+in colonial New Mexico. Prayers and rosaries said before altars
+comprised an important part of _Hispano_ religious observances, and
+processions of Catholics and _penitentes_ alike were announced by
+bell, drum, and rifle in _Hispano_ villages. In particular,
+_penitentes_ used _via crucis_ processions to dramatize the Passion,
+portrayed in every Catholic church by the fourteen Stations of the
+Cross. _Penitentes_ also maintained Catholic Lenten practices by
+holding _tenebrae_ services, the _tinieblas_ rites mentioned above,
+and by flagellation.
+
+These parallels between Catholic and _penitente_ religious observances
+caused Edmonson to theorize that "the autonomous movement originated
+within the Church."[9] Variations, however, between the two religious
+traditions led Edmonson to discover "an important thread of religious
+independence and even apostasy in New Mexican history."[10] Edmonson's
+study of 1950 has established the persistence of _penitente_ activity
+in _Hispano_ culture.
+
+Three and a half centuries earlier, in 1598, Spanish settlers made a
+courageous thrust into the inhospitable environment of New Mexico.
+Through the 17th and 18th centuries, Spanish settlement along the
+upper Rio Grande was a tenuous thread unraveled from a stronger fabric
+in Mexico. Aridity and extremes in temperatures marked New Mexico's
+climate. Arable land was scarce and could be extended back from
+streams only by careful upkeep of the irrigation ditches. Plateaus
+rose from 1500 to more than 2500 meters in altitude. Building timbers
+were hard to obtain without roads or navigable rivers.
+
+Finally, distance itself was a challenge, sometimes insurmountable for
+the supply caravans from Mexico. Outfitted over a thousand miles to
+the south of Santa Fe, the Mexican caravans brought _presidio_ and
+mission supplies, but few goods for the common settler. By the end of
+the 18th century, Spanish authorities thought of the northern colonies
+(_provincias internas_) primarily as missionary fields and military
+buffer zones.[11]
+
+Cultural traditions and an insecure environment caused Spanish
+colonists to turn to religion for comfort. Again, however, a supply
+problem arose. Individual _ranchos_ were too scattered for clerical
+visits, and even settlements that were grouped for greater security,
+_poblaciones_ or _plazas_, became _visitas_ on little more than an
+annual basis, sharing two dozen Franciscan clergy with missions
+assigned to Indian _pueblos_ and Spanish villages. Before 1800, a
+shortage of friars prompted the Bishop in Durango to send secular
+clergy into the Franciscan enclave of New Mexico. In 1821 the Mexican
+Revolution formalized secularization with a new constitution. In
+brief, the traditional religious patterns of the _Hispanos_ were
+threatened. They needed reinforcement if they were to survive.
+
+By 1850, other conditions in New Mexico endangered the status quo of
+the Spanish-speaking residents. With the growing dominance of
+Anglo-Americans in the commercial, military, political, and social
+matters of Santa Fe, _Hispanos_ recognized the threat of Anglo culture
+to their own traditional way of life. This cultural challenge turned
+many _Hispanos_ back in upon themselves for physical and social
+security and for spiritual comfort. By the second quarter of the 19th
+century, _penitentes_ were common in _Hispano_ villages such as
+Abiquiú.[12] The immediate origins of penitentism were clearly present
+in early 19th-century New Mexico.
+
+Despite this evidence, historians of the Spanish Southwest have
+suggested geographically and culturally remote sources for the
+_penitentes_. Dorothy Woodward has pointed out similarities between
+New Mexican _penitentes_ and Spanish brotherhoods (_cofradías_) of
+laymen.[13] _Cofradías_ were not full church orders like the
+Franciscan Third Order, but they did conduct Lenten processions with
+flagellation.
+
+Somewhat nearer in miles but culturally more distant from _Hispano
+penitente_ experience was mortification practiced by Indians in New
+Spain. In the 16th century, Spanish chroniclers reported incidents
+ranging from sanguinary ceremonies of central Mexican tribes to
+whippings witnessed in the northern provinces of Sonora and New
+Mexico. While of peripheral interest to this study, these activities
+of American Indians had no direct bearing on _Hispano_ cultural needs
+in early 19th-century New Mexico.
+
+It is more significant that _Hispanos_ already knew a lay religious
+institution that very easily could have served as a model for the
+_penitente_ brotherhood--the Third Order of St. Francis. Established
+in 13th-century Italy and carried to Spain by the Gray Friars, the
+Order is recorded in contemporary histories of New Mexico before
+1700. Materials in the archives of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe also
+document the presence of the Franciscan Third Order in New Mexico and
+suggest to me its influence on _penitente_ activity.[14]
+
+In March 1776, Fray Domínguez, an ecclesiastic visitor, recorded
+Lenten "exercises" of the Third Order under the supervision of the
+resident priest at Santa Cruz and, two weeks later, in April,
+Domínguez visited Abiquiú, where he commended the Franciscan friar,
+Fray Sebastian Angel Fernández, for "feasts of Our Lady, rosary with
+the father in church. Fridays of Lent, _Via Crucis_ with the father,
+and later, after dark, discipline attended by those who came
+voluntarily."[15] Domínguez, however, described the priest as "not at
+all obedient to rule"[16] when Father Fernández, acting in an
+independent manner, proceeded to build missions at Picuris and Sandia
+without authorization. But in 1777, he again praised Fray Fernández
+for special _Via Crucis_ devotions and "scourging by the resident
+missionary and some of the faithful."[17] Domínguez thus documented
+flagellant practices and _tinieblas_ services at Abiquiú and his
+approval, as an official Church representative, of these activities.
+
+Father Chavez, O.F.M., protests the theory of _penitente_ origins in
+the Third Order of St. Francis and counters with the idea that
+"penitentism" was imported directly from Mexico in the early
+1800s.[18] I note, however, that the bishops seated in Santa Fe after
+1848 recognized the strength of this lay socio-religious movement and
+tried to deal with it in terms of the Order. At a synod in 1888,
+Archbishop Salpointe pleaded for _penitentes_ "to return" to the Third
+Order. Some degree of direct influence of the Third Order on
+"penitentism" seems fairly certain.
+
+[8] ANGÉLICO CHAVEZ, _Archives of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe,
+1678-1900_ (Washington, 1957): "Books of Patentes," 1833: books xi,
+xii, xix, lxxiii, and lxxxii. (Original documents from archives noted
+hereinafter as AASF.)
+
+[9] EDMONSON, p. 33.
+
+[10] Ibid., p. 18.
+
+[11] H. E. BOLTON, "The Spanish Borderlands and the Mission as a
+Frontier Institution," _American Historical Review_ (Santa Fe, 1917),
+vol. 23, pp. 42-61, indicates that this policy was developed after
+1765 by Charles III of Spain in an attempt to reorganize the
+administration of his vast colonial empire.
+
+[12] AASF, Patentes, book lxxiii, box 6.
+
+[13] "The Penitentes of the Southwest" (unpublished Ph. D.
+dissertation, Yale University, 1935).
+
+[14] CHAVEZ, _Archives_, p. 3 (ftn.).
+
+[15] FRAY FRANCISCO ATANASIO DOMÍNGUEZ, _The Missions of New Mexico,
+1776_, transl. and annot. Eleanor B. Adams and Fray Angelico Chavez
+(Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1956), p. 124.
+
+[16] DOMÍNGUEZ, ms., from Biblioteca Nacional de Méjico, leg. 10, no.
+46, p. 300.
+
+[17] Ibid., no. 43, p. 321.
+
+[18] CHAVEZ, "Penitentes," p. 100.
+
+
+
+
+_The History of Abiquiú_
+
+
+About three generations before the first _morada_ was built at
+Abiquiú, the conditions of settlement mentioned earlier and subsequent
+historical events resulted in an environment conducive to the
+development of _penitente_ activity. Shortly after 1740, civil
+authorities in Santa Fe attempted to settle colonists along the Chama
+River in order to create a buffer zone between marauding Indians to
+the northwest and Spanish and Pueblo villages on the Rio Grande
+(Figure 1). This constant threat of annihilation produced self-reliant
+and independent-minded settlers.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 1. Mid-19th-century New Mexico, showing
+pertinent geographical features, Indian pueblos (indicated by solid
+triangles), and Spanish villages cited in text.]
+
+Unorthodoxy appeared early in the religious history of Abiquiú. By
+1744, settlers had installed Santa Rosa de Lima as their patroness in
+a little riverside plaza near modern Abiquiú. After a decade, several
+colonists from Santa Rosa were moved to the hilltop plaza of Abiquiú,
+where the mission of Santo Tomás Apostol had been established. In his
+1776 visit to Abiquiú, Domínguez noted, however, a continuing
+allegiance to the earlier patroness: "... settlers use the name of
+Santa Rosa, as the lost mission was called in the old days. Therefore,
+they celebrate the feast of this female saint [August 30th] and not of
+that masculine saint [St. Thomas the Apostle, December 21]."[19]
+Loyalty to Saint Rose survived this official protest, and village
+festivals have persisted in honoring Santa Rosa to this day. It is,
+therefore, not surprising to find her image in the earlier east
+_morada_ of Abiquiú.
+
+A disturbing influence in the religious life of Abiquiú were
+semi-Christianized servants _(genízaros)_, who had been ransomed from
+the Indians by Spaniards.[20] Often used to establish frontier
+settlements, _genízaros_ came to be a threat to the cultural stability
+of Abiquiú. For example, in 1762, two _genízaros_ accused of
+witchcraft were taken to Santa Cruz for judicial action. After the
+trial, Governor Cachupín sent a detachment from Santa Fe to Abiquiú to
+destroy an inscribed stone said to be a relic of black magic.[21]
+Similar incidents with _genízaros_ during the next generation
+prolonged the unstable religious pattern at Abiquiú. In 1766, an
+Indian girl accused a _genízaro_ couple of killing the resident
+priest, Fray Felix Ordoñez y Machado, by witchcraft.[22] And again in
+1782 and 1786, charges of apostasy were entered against Abiquiú
+_genízaros_.[23]
+
+Another disturbing element in the religious history of Abiquiú was the
+disinterest of her settlers in the building and furnishing of Santo
+Tomás Mission. Although the structure was completed in the first
+generation of settlement at Abiquiú, 1755 to 1776, Domínguez could
+report only two contributions from colonists, both loans: "In this
+room [sacristy] there is an ordinary table with a drawer and key ... a
+loan from a settler called Juan Pablo Martin ... the chalice is in
+three pieces, and one of them, for it is a loan by the settlers, is
+used for a little shrine they have."[24] All mission equipment was
+supplied by royal funds (_sínodos_) except some religious articles
+provided by the resident missionary, Fray Fernández, who finished the
+structure raised half way by his predecessor, Fray Juan José Toledo.
+Both Franciscans found settlers busy with everyday problems of
+survival and resentful when called on to labor for the mission. The
+settlers not only failed to supply any objects, but when they were
+required to work at the mission, all tools and equipment had to be
+supplied to them.[25]
+
+Despite these detrimental influences, the mission at Abiquiú continued
+to grow. Between 1760 and 1793, the population increased from 733 to
+1,363, making Abiquiú the third largest settlement in colonial New
+Mexico north of Paso del Norte [Ciudad Juarez].[26] (Only Santa Cruz
+with 1,650 and Santa Fe with 2,419 persons were larger.) In 1795, the
+pueblo had maintained its size at 1,558, with Indians representing
+less than 10 percent of the population.[27]
+
+The increase in size brought the mission at Abiquiú more important and
+longer-term resident missionaries: Fathers José de la Prada, from 1789
+to 1806, and Teodoro Alcina de la Borda, from 1806 to 1823. Both men
+were elected directors (_custoses_) of the Franciscan mission field in
+New Mexico, "The Custody of the Conversion of St. Paul." _Custoses_
+Prada and Borda backed the Franciscans, who were fighting for a
+missionary field that they had long considered their own. Official
+directives (_patentes_) issued by _Custos_ Prada at Abiquiú warned all
+settlers against "new ideas of liberty" and asked each friar for his
+personal concept of governmental rights.[28] In 1802, Fray Prada also
+complained to the new _Custos_, Father Sanchez Vergara, about missions
+that had been neglected under the secular clergy.[29] In this period,
+Abiquiú's mission was a center of clerical reaction to the
+revolutionary political ideas and clerical secularization that had
+resulted from Mexico's recent independence from Spain.
+
+In the year 1820, the strained relations between religious authorities
+and the laity at Abiquiú clearly reflected the unstable conditions in
+New Mexico. Eventually, charges of manipulating mission funds and
+neglect of clerical duties were brought against Father Alcina de la
+Borda by the citizens of Abiquiú.[30] At the same time, Governor
+Melgares informed the _Alcalde Mayor_, Santiago Salazar, that these
+funds (_sínodos_) had been reduced and that an oath of loyalty to the
+Spanish crown would be required.[31] This situation produced a strong
+reaction in Abiquiú's next generation, which sought to preserve its
+traditional cultural patterns in the _penitente_ brotherhoods.
+
+The great-grandsons of Abiquiú's first settlers witnessed a
+significant change in organization of their mission--its
+secularization in 1826. For three years, Father Borda had shared his
+mission duties with Franciscans from San Juan and Santa Clara
+_pueblos_, giving way in 1823 to the last member of the Order to serve
+Santo Tomás, Fray Sanchez Vergara. Santo Tomás Mission received its
+first secular priest in 1823, Cura Leyva y Rosas, who returned to
+Abiquiú in 1832. Officially the mission at Abiquiú was secularized in
+1826, along with those at Belén and Taos.[32]
+
+The first secular priest assigned to Santo Tomás reflected the now
+traditional and self-sufficient character of _Hispano_ culture at
+Abiquiú.[33] He was the independent-minded Don Antonio José Martínez.
+Born in Abiquiú, Don Antonio later became an ambitious spiritual and
+political leader in Taos, where he fought to preserve traditional
+_Hispano_ culture from Anglo-American influences.
+
+The mission served by Father Martínez in Taos bore resemblance to that
+at Abiquiú. Both missions rested on much earlier Indian settlements,
+but the Taos pueblo was still active. Furthermore, Taos and Abiquiú
+were buffer settlements on the frontier, where Indian raids as well as
+trade occurred. In 1827 a census by P. B. Pino listed nearly 3,600
+persons at Taos and a similar count at Abiquiú; only Santa Fe with
+5,700 and Santa Cruz with 6,500 were larger villages.
+
+At this time, an independent element appeared in the religious
+activities of the Santa Cruz region. In 1831, Vicar Rascon gave
+permission to sixty members of the Third Order of St. Francis at Santa
+Cruz to hold Lenten exercises in Taos, provided that no "abuses" arose
+to be corrected on his next visit.[34] Apparently this warning proved
+inadequate, for in 1833 Archbishop Zubiría concluded his visitation at
+Santa Cruz by ordering that "pastors of this villa ... must never in
+the future permit such reunions of _Penitentes_ under any pretext
+whatsoever."[35] We have noted, however, that two generations earlier
+Fray Domínguez had commended similar observances at Santa Cruz and
+Abiquiú, and it was not until the visitation of Fray Niño de Guevara,
+1817-1820, that Church officials found it necessary to condemn
+penitential activity in New Mexico.[36]
+
+In little more than two generations, from 1776 to 1833, the Franciscan
+missions were disrupted by secularization and excessive acts of
+penance. In the second half of the 19th century, the new, non-Spanish
+Archbishops, Lamy and Salpointe, saw a relation between the Franciscan
+Third Order and the brotherhood of _penitentes_. When J. B. Lamy began
+signing rule books (_arreglos_) for the _penitente_ chapters of New
+Mexico,[37] he hoped to reintegrate them into accepted Church practice
+as members of the Third Order. And at the end of the century, J. B.
+Salpointe expressed his belief that the _penitente_ brotherhood had
+been an outgrowth of the Franciscan tertiaries.[38]
+
+Abiquiú shared in events that marked the religious history of New
+Mexico in the last three quarters of the 19th century. We have noted
+the secularization of Santo Tomás Mission in 1826; by 1856 the village
+had its _penitente_ rule book duly signed by Archbishop Lamy. Entitled
+_Arreglo de la Santa Hermandad de la Sangre de Nuestro Señor
+Jesucristo_, a copy was signed by Abiquiú's priest, Don Pedro Bernal,
+on April 6, 1867.[39] While officialdom worked out new religious and
+political relations, villagers struggled to preserve a more familiar
+tradition.
+
+Occupation of New Mexico in 1846 by United States troops tended to
+solidify traditional _Hispano_ life in Abiquiú. In that year, Navajo
+harassments caused an encampment of 180 men under Major Gilpin to be
+stationed at Abiquiú.[40] Eventually, the Indian raids slackened, and
+a trading post for the Utes was set up at Abiquiú in 1853.[41] Neither
+the U.S. Army nor Indian trading posts, however, became integrated
+into Abiquiú's _Hispano_ way of life, and these extracultural
+influences soon moved on, leaving only a few commercial artifacts.
+
+With a new generation of inhabitants occupying Abiquiú between 1864
+and 1886, the village on the Rio Chama lost its primary function as a
+buffer settlement against nomadic Indians and settled down into a
+well-established cultural pattern, which in part was preserved by the
+_penitentes_. Kit Carson had rounded up the Navajos at Bosque Redondo,
+and two decades later, by 1883, the Utes had been moved north. In
+preparation, the Indian trading post at Abiquiú was closed in 1872 and
+moved to the new seat of Rio Arriba County, Tierra Amarilla,[42] 65
+kilometers northward. Within two generations, Abiquiú's population had
+fallen to fewer than 800 from a high of nearly 3,600 in 1827.[43] As a
+result, many _Hispanos_ at Abiquiú withdrew into the _penitente_
+organization, which promised to preserve and even intensify their
+traditional ways of life and beliefs. These attitudes were
+materialized in the building of the _penitente moradas_.
+
+[19] DOMÍNGUEZ, _Missions_, pp. 121 (ftn. 1), 200.
+
+[20] AASF, Patentes, 1700, forbids friars to buy _genízaros_ even
+under the excuse of Christianizing them since the result would likely
+be morally dangerous.
+
+[21] H. H. BANCROFT, _History of Arizona and New Mexico_ (San
+Francisco, 1889), p. 258.
+
+[22] DOMÍNGUEZ, _Missions_, p. 336.
+
+[23] AASF, Loose Documents, Mission, 1782, no. 7.
+
+[24] DOMÍNGUEZ, _Missions_, p. 122.
+
+[25] Ibid., p. 123.
+
+[26] BANCROFT, p. 279.
+
+[27] AASF, Loose Documents, Mission, 1795, no. 13.
+
+[28] Ibid., 1796, nos. 6, 7.
+
+[29] Ibid., 1802, no. 18.
+
+[30] Ibid., 1820, nos. 15, 21, 38; also R. E. TWITCHELL, _The Spanish
+Archives of New Mexico_ (Cedar Rapids, 1914), vol. 2, pp. 630, 631.
+
+[31] AASF, Loose Documents, Mission, 1820, nos. 12, 21.
+
+[32] Ibid., 1826, no. 7.
+
+[33] Don Antonio was less than eager to accept his first post; he had
+to be ordered to report to duty (AASF, Accounts, book lxvi [box 6],
+April 27, 1826).
+
+[34] AASF, Patentes, 1831, book lxx, box 4, p. 25.
+
+[35] Ibid., book lxxiii, box 7.
+
+[36] AASF, Accounts, book lxii, box 5.
+
+[37] AASF, Loose Documents, Diocesan, 1853, no. 17, for Santuario and
+Cochiti; other rule books document _penitente_ chapters at Chimayo, El
+Rito, and Taos.
+
+[38] JEAN B. SALPOINTE, _Soldiers of the Cross_ (Banning, Calif.,
+1898).
+
+[39] AASF, Loose Documents, Diocesan, 1856, no. 12.
+
+[40] TWITCHELL, pp. 533-534.
+
+[41] BANCROFT, p. 665.
+
+[42] TWITCHELL, p. 447.
+
+[43] Ibid., p. 449, from P. B. PINO, _Notícias históricas_ (Méjico,
+1848); and _Ninth U.S. Census_ (1870). The later figure may represent
+only the town proper; earlier statistics generally included outlying
+settlements.
+
+
+
+
+_The Architecture of the Moradas_
+
+
+In a modern map (Figure 2), circles enclose the Mission of Abiquiú and
+its two _penitente moradas_. The _moradas_ lie 300 meters east and 400
+meters south of the main plaza onto which Santo Tomás Mission faces
+from the north. Between the _moradas_ rests the local burial ground
+(_campo santo_), a cemetery that serves _penitentes_ as "Calvary"
+(_calvario_) in their Lenten re-enactment of the Passion.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 2. The Abiquiú area, showing the Chama River,
+U.S. Highway 84, and siting of buildings (the mission of Santo Tomás
+and the two _moradas_ are circled).]
+
+_Penitente moradas_ share a common system of _adobe_ construction with
+the religious and domestic structures of New Mexico. While the Indians
+set walls of puddled earth directly on the ground, the Spaniards,
+following Moorish precedent, laid _adobe_ bricks on stone foundations.
+Standard house-size _adobes_ average 15 by 30 by 50 centimeters.
+_Adobe_ bricks are made by packing a mixture of mud, sand, and straw
+into a wood frame from which the block then is knocked out onto the
+ground to dry in the sun. Stones set in _adobe_ mortar provide a
+foundation. The sun-dried bricks, which are also laid in _adobe_
+mortar, form exterior, load-bearing walls and interior partitions.
+
+Spanish _adobe_ construction also employs wood. Openings are framed
+and closed with a lintel that projects well into the wall. These
+recessed lintel faces often are left exposed after the plastering of
+adjoining surfaces. Roofs are transverse beams (_vigas_), which in
+turn hold small cross branches (_savinos_) or planks (_tablas_). A
+final layer of brush and _adobe_ plaster closes the surface cracks.
+Plank drains (_canales_), rectangular in section, lead water from this
+soft roof surface (Figure 3).
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 3. North roofline of east _morada_, showing
+exposed ends of ceiling beams (_vigas_), chimney of oratory stove, and
+construction of water drain (_canal_).]
+
+Domestic _adobe_ structures differ from ecclesiastic buildings in
+scale and in spatial arrangement. Colonial New Mexican churches are
+relatively large, unicellular spaces. Their simple nave volume often
+is made cruciform by a transept whose higher roof allows for a
+clerestory. A choir loft over the entry and a narrowed, elevated
+sanctuary further articulate the space at each end of the nave. In
+contrast, _Hispano_ houses consist of several low rooms set in a line
+or grouped around a court (_placita_) in which a gate and porch
+(_portal_) are placed. Rooms vary in width according to the length of
+the transverse beams, which usually are from four to six meters
+long.[44]
+
+The everyday living spaces inside Spanish-New Mexican houses tend to
+combine domestic activities and to appear similar in space and decor.
+Inside a _Hispano_ church, however, areas of special useage are marked
+off clearly within the volume. Celebration of the mass requires a
+special spatial treatment to indicate the sanctuary. This area is
+emphasized by an arched entry, lateral pilasters, raised floor, and
+characteristically convergent side walls. These slanting walls provide
+better vision for the congregation and easier movement for the
+celebrants. The convergent wall of sanctuaries is often visible from
+the exterior. It is noteworthy that both the contracted sanctuary of
+local churches and the linear arrangement of domestic interiors appear
+in the _penitente moradas_ of Abiquiú.
+
+In the plans of the Abiquiú _moradas_ (Figure 4), the identical
+arrangement of the three rooms reveals an origin in the typical
+_Hispano_ house form. George Kubler has observed that the design of
+_moradas_ "is closer to the domestic architecture of New Mexico than
+to the churches."[45] Bainbridge Bunting confirms the houselike form
+of _moradas_ but notes their lack of uniformity.[46] In comparison to
+_moradas_ of the L-plan,[47] and even of the pre-1856 T-plan structure
+at Arroyo Hondo,[48] the two _penitente_ buildings at Abiquiú preserve
+a simple | shape with one significant variation--a contracted chancel.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 4. Plans of south _morada_ (top) and east
+_morada_ (bottom): A=altar; B=standard; C=candelabra; D=sandbox;
+E=benches; F=fireplace; G=stove; H=chest; I=tub.]
+
+The basic form of the Abiquiú _moradas_ (Figures 5 and 6) is a
+rectangular box that closely resembles nearby houses. Even the long,
+windowless north facade of both Abiquiú _moradas_ recalls the unbroken
+walls of earlier _Hispano_ houses in hostile frontier regions. The
+Abiquiú _moradas_, however, possess one exception to the domestic
+form--a narrowed, accented end. On each _morada_ the west end is
+blunted and buttressed by a salient bell tower of stones laid in
+_adobe_ mortar and strengthened by horizontal boards (Figures 7 and
+8). This innovation in the form of the Abiquiú _moradas_ appears to be
+ecclesiastic in origin.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 5. SOUTH _Morada_. SIZE: 24.02 meters long, 5.41
+wide, 3.51 high. DATE: About 1900. LOCATION: 400 meters south of Santo
+Tomás Church in main plaza; seen from southeast corner. MANUFACTURE:
+_Adobe_ bricks on stone foundation; wood door and window frames.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 6. EAST _Morada_. SIZE: 28.82 meters long, 4.88
+wide, 3.58 high. DATE: 19th century. LOCATION: 300 meters
+east-southeast of Santo Tomás Church in main plaza; seen from
+northeast corner. MANUFACTURE: _Adobe_ bricks set on stone foundation;
+wood drains (_canales_) and beam (_viga_) ends at top of wall.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 7. West end of south _morada_, showing
+construction of bell tower and contracted sanctuary walls.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 8. Northwest view of east _morada_, showing
+limestone slab bell tower on contracted west end.]
+
+Plans of churches built close to Abiquiú in time, distance, and
+orientation could have served as sources for the design of the
+_moradas'_ west ends (Figure 9). Only five kilometers east of Abiquiú
+stood the chapel dedicated to Santa Rosa de Lima. As shown in Figure 9F,
+the sanctuary in its west end had a raised floor and flanking entry
+pilasters, features found in the east _morada's_ west end. This chapel
+was dedicated about 1744 and was still active as a _visíta_ from
+Abiquiú in 1830.[49] Through this period and to the present, the
+popularity of Saint Rose of Lima has persisted at Abiquiú. Her nearby
+chapel would have been a likely and logical choice for the design of
+the _morada's_ sanctuary end.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 9. Plans of two Abiquiú _moradas_ compared to
+New Mexican churches with contracted sanctuaries: A, south _morada_,
+B, east _morada_; C, Zía Mission; D, San Miguel in Santa Fe; E, Santa
+Cruz; F, Santa Rosa; G, Ranchos de Taos; H, the _santuario_ at
+Chimayo; I, Córdova. (From Kubler, _Religious Architecture_ [see ftn.
+45]: C=his figure 8; D=28, E=9, F=34, G=13, H=22, I=35.)]
+
+A second possible source for the contracted ends of the Abiquiú
+_moradas_ would be the south transept chapel of the Third Order of St.
+Francis at Santa Cruz (Figure 9E). It was completed shortly before
+1798[50] and served Franciscan tertiaries into the 1830s. Plans
+compared in Figure 9 indicate that the dimensions of this left
+transept chapel at Santa Cruz measure only five percent larger than
+the chapel room of the east _morada_ at Abiquiú, and the plans also
+reveal contracted chancel walls at both locations.
+
+The concept of a constricted sanctuary as seen in Abiquiú _moradas_
+originated in earlier Spanish and Mexican churches. In 1479, architect
+Juan Guas used a trapezoidal apse plan in San Juan de los Reyes at
+Toledo and, by 1512, the design found its way into America's first
+cathedral at Santo Domingo. Within the first century of Spanish
+colonization, contracted sanctuary walls appeared on the American
+mainland in Arciniega's revised plan for Mexico City's Cathedral
+(post-1584)[51] and, again, in New Mexico, where it first appeared at
+the stone mission of Zía, built about 1614 (Figure 9C). Once
+established in the Franciscan province, the concept of converging
+sanctuary walls survived the 1680 Indian revolt and returned with the
+reconquest of New Mexico in 1693. Spaniards raised and rebuilt
+missions from the capital at Santa Fe (San Miguel, rebuilt 1710;
+Figure 9D) north to Taos (San Geronimo, 1706). Throughout the 18th
+century, in a three-to-one ratio, the churches of New Mexico used the
+contracted, as opposed to the box, sanctuary.
+
+In the early 19th century, churches at Ranchos de Taos (1805-1815[52];
+Figure 9G), Chimayo (about 1810; Figure 9H), and Córdova (after 1830;
+Figure 9I) continued to employ the trapezoidal sanctuary form. By
+midcentury, _penitente_ brotherhoods are known to have been active in
+these villages, and the local ecclesiastic structures could have acted
+as an influence in the design of the _penitente moradas_ at Abiquiú.
+
+In summary, the _moradas_ at Abiquiú are traditional regional
+buildings in material and in basic form. The pointed west end of each
+building, however, is an ecclesiastic innovation in an otherwise
+typical domestic design. These _moradas_ provide a significant design
+variant in the history of Spanish-American architecture in New Mexico.
+
+[44] The "Hall of Everyday Life in the American Past" in the Museum of
+History and Technology (Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.)
+displays an interior typical of a Spanish-New Mexican _adobe_ house of
+about 1800.
+
+[45] GEORGE KUBLER, _The Religious Architecture of New Mexico_
+(Colorado Springs, 1940), p. viii.
+
+[46] BAINBRIDGE BUNTING, _Taos Adobes_ (Santa Fe, 1964), P. 54.
+
+[47] L-plan _moradas_ are pictured by Woodward [see ftn. 13] in a 1925
+photograph at San Mateo, a different _morada_ from that illustrated in
+CHARLES F. LUMMIS, _Land of Poco Tiempo_ (New York, 1897), as well as
+in another Woodward photograph [see ftn. 13] taken on the road to
+Chimayo. L. B. PRINCE, _Spanish Mission Churches of New Mexico_ (Cedar
+Rapids, 1915), shows an L-plan _morada_ near Las Vegas. Was the L-plan
+house an unconscious recall of the more secure structure that
+completely enclosed a _placita_?
+
+[48] BUNTING, p. 56. After 1960 the Arroyo Hondo _morada_ became the
+private residence of Larry Franks.
+
+[49] AASF, Loose Documents, Mission, 1829 (May 27).
+
+[50] KUBLER, _Religious Architecture_, p. 103.
+
+[51] GEORGE KUBLER and MARTIN SORIA, _The Art and Architecture of
+Spain and Portugal and Their American Dominions, 1500 to 1800_
+(Baltimore, 1959), pp. 3, 64, 74.
+
+[52] E. BOYD, interview, April 1966. Building date of about 1780
+usually is given for the present church. Boyd, however, states that
+documents in AASF support the tree-ring dates given in KUBLER.
+_Religious Architecture_, p. 121, as 1816±10.
+
+
+
+
+_Interior Space and Artifacts_
+
+
+The plans of the two _penitente moradas_ of Abiquiú (Figure 4) reveal
+an identical arrangement of interior space. There are three rooms in
+each _morada_: (1) the longest is on the west end and, with its
+constricted sanctuary space, acts as an oratory; (2) the center room
+serves as a sacristy; and (3) the east room is for storage. The only
+major difference between the two _moradas_ is the length of the
+storage room, which is nearly twice as long in the east _morada_. The
+remarkable similarities in design suggest that one served as the model
+for the other; local oral tradition holds that the east _morada_ is
+older.[53]
+
+Internal evidence indicates that the east _morada_ is indeed the older
+one. As shown in Figure 2, the south _morada_ is located farther from
+the Abiquiú _plaza_, suggesting it was built at a later date--perhaps
+nearer 1900, when public and official criticism had prompted greater
+privacy for Holy Week processions, which were considered spectacles by
+tourists. In addition, the lesser width of the south _morada_ rooms,
+the square-milled beams in the oratory, and the fireplace in the east
+end storage room indicate that it was built after the east _morada_.
+In contrast, the two corner fireplaces of the east _morada_ are set in
+the center room, while another heating arrangement--an oil drum set on
+a low _adobe_ dais--appears to have been added at a later date.
+
+The east _morada_ was the obvious model for the builders of the later
+one on the south edge of Abiquiú. Local _penitentes_ admit that there
+was a division in the original chapter just prior to 1900[54] but deny
+that the separation was made because of political differences, as
+suggested by one author.[55] The older members say that the first
+_morada_ merely had become too large for convenient use of the
+building.
+
+The three rooms in each _morada_ are distinguished by bare,
+whitewashed walls of _adobe_ plaster, hard-packed dirt floors, two
+exterior doors, and three windows. A locked door is located off the
+oratory in the north face of the south _morada_. Figures 10 and 11
+show the sanctuaries in the south and east _morada_; and Figure 12,
+the back of the east _morada_ oratory. Its open door leads into the
+center room, where the members would not remove the boards on the
+windows for me to take photographs. The east end room in each
+_morada_ serves for storage of processional and ceremonial equipment.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 10. ALTAR IN SOUTH _Morada_. SIZE: 10.05 meters
+long, 3.51 wide. LOCATION: West room in south _morada_. DESCRIPTION:
+Looking west into sanctuary; dirt floor with cotton rag rugs; side
+walls lined with benches and hung with religious prints; square-milled
+timber ceiling; draped arch with candelabra; altar and gradin with
+religious images. (Numbers refer to subsequent illustrations.)]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 11. ALTAR IN EAST _Morada_. DESCRIPTION: Looking
+into sanctuary; dirt floor and convergent _adobe_ walls; sacristy
+entry marked by drapes and raised floor; candelabra and sand boxes for
+votive candles; draped altar table supplied with religious images.
+(Numbers refer to subsequent illustrations.)]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 12. REAR OF ORATORY, EAST _Morada_. SIZE: 10.98
+meters long, 4.04 wide. LOCATION: Back of west room in east _morada_.
+DESCRIPTION: Looking east, to rear of oratory. Dirt floor,
+_adobe_-plastered walls, wooden benches, iron stove, framed religious
+prints on walls, ceiling of round beams (_vigas_).]
+
+
+STORAGE ROOM IN BOTH MORADAS.--In the south _morada_ (Figure 13),
+there are cactus scourges (_disciplinas_), corrugated metal sheeting
+used for roofing, and three rattles (_matracas_; Figure 14), also used
+for noise-making in _tinieblas_ services. Situated here also are black
+Lenten candelabrum, a ladder, a cross with silvered Passion emblems,
+and massive penitential crosses (_maderos_; Figure 15). The Lenten
+ladder and cross are shown next to the exterior entry (Figure 16). A
+corner fireplace is flanked by locally made tin candle sconces (Figure
+17). Two 19th-century kerosene lamps appear on the fireplace mantle,
+and a tin-shaded lantern with its silver-plated reservoir hangs from
+the ceiling (Figure 15).
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 13. FLOOR TUB IN STORAGE ROOM. SIZE: tub 53.3
+centimeters high. LOCATION: South _morada_, northwest corner of room.
+DESCRIPTION: Cement tub, dirt floor, fire wood, galvanized tubs,
+enamelized buckets, braided cactus whips (_disciplinas_), wooden box
+rattle (_matraca_), punched tin wall sconce, corrugated metal
+roofing.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 14. RATTLES (_matracas_). SIZE: 26 to 40
+centimeters long. LOCATION: South _morada_ storage (east) room.
+DESCRIPTION: Flexible tongue set at one end of wooden frame, and
+notched cylinder on handle turning in opposite end.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 15. PENITENTE CROSSES (_maderos_) IN STORAGE
+ROOM. SIZES: black cross 269.2 centimeters high (Figure 16); ceiling
+boards 2.5 by 15; _maderos_ 345 long. DATE: 20th century. ORIGIN: New
+Mexico, unidentified carpenter. LOCATION: South _morada_, northeast
+corner. DESCRIPTION: black candelabra (_tenebrario_), kerosene
+lanterns, tin shades, wooden keg and box under table.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 16. CROSS AND LADDER (_cruz_ and _escalera_).
+SIZE: cross 269.2 centimeters high. DATE: Fourth quarter of 19th
+century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified carpenter. LOCATION: South
+_morada_, storage (east) room. DESCRIPTION: Milled and carved wood
+(painted), black cross and ladder, silvered nails (left arm), hammer
+and pliers (right arm).]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 17. CORNER FIREPLACE IN STORAGE ROOM. SIZE:
+mantel 106.7 centimeters high. LOCATION: South _morada_, southeast
+corner. DESCRIPTION: Walls, fireplace, and flue of plastered _adobe_,
+kerosene lamps and tin wall sconces, boarded up window to left
+(east).]
+
+In each _morada_ storage area, there is a tub built on the floor that
+serves to wash off blood after penance. Figure 13 shows the tub in the
+south _morada_. In the older, east _morada_, the tub (Figure 18) is a
+wood- and tin-lined trough pushed against the north wall and plastered
+with _adobe_.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 18. STORAGE ROOM, EAST _Morada_. SIZES: Tub
+112.6 centimeters long, 46 wide, 25.6 high; ladder 175 high.
+DESCRIPTION: Detail of north wall showing enamelized containers, tub
+built into the floor for washing after penance, and ladder.]
+
+The storage room in the east _morada_ also contains commercially made
+lamps, such as the plated reservoir with stamped Neo-rococo motifs
+(Figure 19). Nearby is a processional cross with two metal faces and a
+small, cast corpus (Figure 20). While kerosene lanterns are evidence
+of east-west rail commerce after 1880, the cross probably indicates a
+southern contact, possibly through Parral or Chihuahua, Mexico.
+Locally made, however, are the woven rag rugs (_jergas_) hung over a
+pole (_varal_)[56] that drops from the ceiling. Also in the east
+_morada_ storage are two percussion rifles (Figure 21). Craddock
+Goins, Department of Armed Forces History, the Smithsonian
+Institution, identifies both as common Indian trade objects from
+midcentury Europe. These rifles probably were imports for sale to the
+Utes at the Abiquiú trading post between 1853 and 1874. At the rear of
+the room (Figure 22) rests a saw-horse table holding an assortment of
+stocks for these "trade guns," of wooden rattles (_matracas_), and of
+heavy crosses (_maderos_). On the ground stands a large bell, which,
+in a photograph (Museum of New Mexico, Photo No. 8550) taken by
+William Lippincott about 1945, appears on the tower of the _morada_.
+The silhouette dates the bell as being cast after 1760. Behind the
+bell rests the _morada_ death cart. Also in the room are a plank
+ladder and the oil drum stove raised on an _adobe_ dais (Figure 23) to
+the east of the exterior door.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 19. RESERVOIR FOR KEROSENE LAMP. SIZE: 25.4
+centimeters wide. DATE: Second half of 19th century. ORIGIN: Imported
+to New Mexico. LOCATION: East _morada_, storage (east) room.
+MANUFACTURE: Silver-plated metal stamped into Rococco revival
+decorations.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 20. PROCESSIONAL CROSS. SIZE: 30.5 centimeters
+high. DATE: 19th century. ORIGIN: Imported to New Mexico, probably
+from Mexico. LOCATION: East _morada_, storage (east) room.
+MANUFACTURE: Punched trifoil ends in metal face, cast corpus.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 21. PERCUSSION RIFLES. SIZE: 111.8 centimeters
+long. DATE: Middle of 19th century. ORIGIN: European (Belgian?)
+exports. LOCATION: East _Morada_, storage (east) room.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 22. STORAGE ROOM, EAST _Morada_. SIZES: Bell 64
+centimeters wide (diameter), 47.4 high; cart 122 long (frame), 70 wide
+(frame), 71 between axle centers; wheels 45 high. DESCRIPTION: Detail
+of east wall showing saw-horse table, corrugated sheeting, bell, and
+death cart of cottonwood and pine.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 23. STORAGE ROOM, EAST _Morada_: View next to
+exterior door showing low _adobe_ dais supporting oil drum stove.]
+
+
+SACRISTY IN BOTH MORADAS.--While a panelled wooden box in the south
+_morada_ stands inside the exterior door of the east room, another
+type of chest, said to hold cooking utensils, rests in the northwest
+corner of the center room of the east _morada_. Both storage chests
+are located in rooms with corner fireplaces. An informant said that
+these boxes held heating and cooking utensils and ceremonial
+equipment, including the _penitentes'_ rule book. As noted above, the
+two fireplaces in the middle room of the east _morada_ suggest that it
+was built earlier than the south _morada_, which has a single
+fireplace in the less active and more convenient rear storage room.
+Further evidence of this point is that the storage chest in the east
+_morada_ is better constructed than that in the south _morada_; the
+former displays a slanted top and punch-decorated tin reinforcements
+on its corners. In the center room there are several benches with
+lathe-turned legs (Figure 24).
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 24. BENCH (_banco_). SIZE: 108 centimeters long,
+51 high, 47 wide. LOCATION: East _morada_, center room.]
+
+The central room of the south _morada_ also displays a number of
+benches of an earlier style (Figure 25). Over the rear door appears an
+unusual cross (Figure 26). The cross consists of two wood planks, 1.6
+centimeters thick, notched together and covered with paper. The
+surface bears carefully drawn, or perhaps stenciled, floral and
+religious designs in indigo blue: eleven Latin crosses appear among
+flowering vases, oversize buds, and 4-, 5-, and 8-pointed stars. These
+motifs probably are the result of copying from weaving or quilt
+pattern books of the late 19th century. A local _penitente_ leader
+stated that the cross was made before 1925 by Onésimo Martínez of
+Abiquiú, when the latter was in his thirties. (The strong religious
+symbolism of the New Mexican designs reminds one of the stylized
+motifs on Atlantic Coastal folk drawings and textiles of Germanic
+origin.)
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 25. BENCH (_banco_). SIZE: 128 centimeters long,
+106 high at back, 45 wide. LOCATION: South _morada_, center room.]
+
+(_Figure 26 is frontispiece._)
+
+Snare drums appear in the central room of both _moradas_ (Figures 27,
+28). The drum in the east _morada_ is mounted on top of a truncated
+wicker basket. It is interesting to note that rifles and drums
+commonly are recorded in mission choir lofts in 1776 by Domínguez.[57]
+In addition to marking significant moments in church ritual, they are
+used in Indian and _Hispano_ village _fiestas_.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 27. SNARE DRUM (_tambor_). SIZE: 55.9
+centimeters long. DATE: 19th century. ORIGIN: Imported to New Mexico.
+LOCATION: East _morada_, center room. MANUFACTURE: Commercially made,
+military type, rope lines with leather drum ears [tighteners].]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 28. SNARE DRUM (_tambor_). SIZE: 58.4
+centimeters long. DATE: 19th century. ORIGIN: Imported to New Mexico.
+LOCATION: South _morada_, center room. MANUFACTURE: Commercially made,
+military type, reddish stain, rope tension lines with rope and leather
+drum ears [tighteners].]
+
+Before describing religious objects in the west end rooms of Abiquiú
+_moradas_, a list of similar items in Santo Tomás Mission at an
+earlier date (1776) is of interest:
+
+ a medium-sized bell ... altar table ... gradin ... altar cloth ... a
+ banner ... candleholders ... processional cross ... a painted wooden
+ cross ... ordinary single-leaved door ... image in the round of Our
+ Lady of the [Immaculate] Conception ... a wig ... silver crown ...
+ string of fine seed pearls ... ordinary bouquet ... painting on
+ copper of Our Lady of Sorrows (_Dolores_) in a black frame ... _Via
+ Crucis_ in small paper prints on their little boards ... a print of
+ the Guadalupe.[58]
+
+Comparable versions of each of these objects occur in Abiquiú's
+_moradas_. In fact, virtually all objects found in the _penitente
+moradas_ of Abiquiú are recorded as typical artifacts by church
+inventories and house wills of 18th- and 19th-century Spanish New
+Mexico.[59]
+
+
+ORATORY IN THE EAST MORADA.--In the rear of the oratory of the older
+east _morada_ (Figure 12), one sees a stove and lantern on the right.
+Both are imported, extracultural items. The pierced, tin
+candle-lantern (Figure 29) is a common artifact found throughout
+Europe and America.[60]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 29. CANDLE LANTERN. SIZE: 30.5 centimeters high.
+DATE: 19th century. ORIGIN: Imported to New Mexico. LOCATION: East
+_morada_, chapel. MANUFACTURE: Pierced tinwork.]
+
+Along the walls of the oratory hang imported religious prints framed
+in local punch-decorated tinwork. Tin handicraft became more
+widespread after 1850 when metal U.S. Army containers became available
+to the _Hispanos_. Designs seen on three tin frames (Figure 30)
+include twisted columns, crests, scallops, corner blocks, wings, and a
+variety of simple repoussé patterns. Paper prints in the tin frame
+suggest midcentury trade contacts between northern Mexico and the
+Atlantic Coast. Even the Mexican War (1846-1848) did not discourage
+American publishers such as Currier from appealing to Mexican
+religious and national loyalties with lithographs of Our Lady of
+Guadalupe (much in the same manner as the British, after the
+Revolution and War of 1812, profited by selling Americans objects
+that bore images of Yankee ships, eagles, and likenesses of Franklin
+and Washington). A fourth piece of local tinwork (Figure 31) in the
+east _morada_ oratory is a niche for a small figure of the Holy Child
+of Atocha, _Santo Niño de Atocha_. This advocation of Jesus, like that
+of His mother in the Guadalupe image, further indicates Mexican
+influence.[61] The image of the _Atocha_ is a product of local
+craftsmanship.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 30. RELIGIOUS PRINTS IN TIN FRAMES. SIZE: 52.1
+centimeters high (center). DATE: First three-quarters of 19th century.
+ORIGIN: Prints imported to New Mexico; frames from New Mexico,
+unidentified tinsmiths. LOCATION: East _morada_, walls in chapel
+(west) room. MANUFACTURE: Tin frames: cut, repoussé, stamped and
+soldered into Federal and Victorian designs. Prints: left,
+_Guadalupe_, early 19th century, Mexican copperplate engraving;
+center, _Guadalupe_, 1847, N. Currier, hand-colored lithograph; right,
+_San Gregorio_ [Pope St. Gregory], mid-19th-century lithograph.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 31. NICHE WITH IMAGE OF THE HOLY CHILD OF ATOCHA
+(_nicho_ and _El Santo Niño de Atocha_). SIZE: niche 44.4 centimeters
+high, image 21.6 high. DATE: Second half of 19th century. ORIGIN: New
+Mexico, unidentified tinsmith and _santero_. LOCATION: East _morada_,
+wall in chapel room. MANUFACTURE: Tin: cut, repoussé, soldered into
+fan, shell, and guilloche designs. Image: carved wood, gessoed and
+painted red and white. Rosary and artificial flowers.]
+
+These representations of religious personages are called _santos_, and
+their makers, _santeros_. Flat panel paintings are known locally as
+_retablos_, while sculptured forms are _bultos_. George Kubler,
+distinguished art historian at Yale, suggests that _bultos_, because
+of their greater dimensional realism, are more popular than planar
+_retablos_ with the _Hispanos_.[62] Supporting this theory is the fact
+that _bultos_ in the Abiquiú _moradas_ outnumber prints and _retablos_
+two to one.
+
+Perhaps the most distinctive three-dimensional image in any _morada_
+is not a _santo_ by definition, but a unique figure that represents
+death (_la muerte_). Also known as _La Doña Sebastiana_, her image
+clearly marks a building as a _penitente_ sanctuary. Personifying
+death with a sculptured image and dragging her cart to a cemetery
+called _calvario_, the _penitentes_ of New Mexico reflect the sense of
+fate common to Spanish-speaking cultures, the recognition that death
+is life's one personal certainty.[63] The figure of death in the east
+_morada_ hangs in the corner at the rear of the oratory. Placed
+outside for examination, this _muerte_ (Figure 32) presents a flat,
+oval face with blank eyes. The black gown and bow and arrow are
+typical of _muerte_ figures.[64] Turning toward the altar (Figure 11),
+one sees that death is outnumbered by images of hope and compassion:
+Jesus, His mother, and the saints who intercede for man.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 32. DEATH (_la muerte_). SIZE: 76.2 centimeters
+high. DATE: Early 20th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified
+_santero_. LOCATION: East _morada_, back of oratory. MANUFACTURE:
+Carved and whitewashed wood, glass eyes and wood teeth, dressed in
+black fabric with white lace border, bow and arrow.]
+
+On the lower step of the altar appear a host of small, commercial
+products, mostly crucifixes, in plaster, plastic, and cheap metal
+alloys as well as numerous glass cups for candles. Above the upper
+ledge (_gradin_) appear five locally made images of Jesus crucified,
+_El Cristo_.[65] At the side of this central _Cristo_ (Figure 33)
+hangs a small angel, _angelito_, which traditionally held a chalice to
+catch blood from the spear wound. Other _Cristos_, at the Taylor
+Museum in Colorado Springs and at the Museum of New Mexico (McCormick
+Collection A.7.49-24) in Santa Fe, repeat the weightless corpus and
+stylized wounds used by the anonymous _santero_ who, after 1850, made
+these _bultos_.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 33. CRUCIFIX WITH ANGEL (_Cristo_ and
+_angelito_). SIZE: cross 139.7 centimeters high. DATE: Fourth quarter
+of 19th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION:
+East _morada_, center of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood gessoed and
+painted, over-painted in oil; crown of thorns, rosaries, crucifix;
+wooden plank, H-shape platform; black cross with _iNRi_ plaque;
+_angelito_ with white cotton skirt.]
+
+Additional _Cristo_ figures appear on the convergent walls of the east
+_morada_ sanctuary. There are two pairs, large and small, perhaps
+dating as late as 1900, one pair to the right (Figures 34, 35), the
+other, on the Gospel side (plates 36, 37).
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 34. CRUCIFIX (_Cristo_). SIZE: cross 170.2
+centimeters high. DATE: Second half of 19th century. ORIGIN: New
+Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: East _morada_, right wall
+behind altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and painted,
+over-painted in oils; black gauze shroud over head; rosary and _iNRi_
+plaque.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 35. CRUCIFIX (_Cristo_). SIZE: cross 64.8
+centimeters high. DATE: Second half of 19th century. ORIGIN: New
+Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: East _morada_, right wall
+behind altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and painted; dressed
+in white skirt with rosary.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 36. CRUCIFIX (_Cristo_). SIZE: cross 71.1
+centimeters high. DATE: Second half of 19th century. ORIGIN: New
+Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: East _morada_, left wall
+behind altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and painted, repainted
+in oil colors, yellow and red strips on black; dressed in white cotton
+skirt; rosary.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 37. CRUCIFIX (_Cristo_). SIZE: cross 177.8
+centimeters high. DATE: Fourth quarter of 19th century. ORIGIN: New
+Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: East _morada_, left wall
+behind altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and painted; crown of
+thorns and rosary; dressed in white cotton waist cloth.]
+
+To the far left stands an important image: the scourged Jesus (Figure
+38) prominent in _penitente_ activity as "Our Father Jesus the
+Nazarene" (_Nuestro Padre Jesus Nazareno_). By 1918, Alice Corbin
+Henderson[66] reports, this same figure appeared in _penitente_ Holy
+Week processions at Abiquiú. She claims it was made originally for the
+Mission of Santo Tomás. E. Boyd points out stylistic traits shared by
+this Abiquiú _bulto_ and the _retablo_ figures in the San José de
+Chama Chapel at nearby Hernández, which was the work of _santero_
+Rafael Aragon, active from 1829 to after 1855.[67] Symbolic of man's
+physical suffering, the image of the _Jesus Nazareno_ is essential to
+_penitente_ enactments of the Passion.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 38. MAN OF SORROWS (_Ecce Homo, Nuestro Padre
+Jesus Nazareno_). SIZE: 1.60 meters high. DATE: Second quarter of 19th
+century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, Rafael Aragon, active 1829-55. LOCATION:
+East _morada_, to left of altar. MANUFACTURE: Dressed in red fabric
+gown, palm clusters and rosaries, leather crown of thorns, horsehair
+wig, bright border painted on platform.]
+
+On the left side of the east _morada_ altar, two carved images
+represent the grieving mother of Jesus as "Our Lady of Sorrows"
+(_Nuestra Señora de los Dolores_), one image (Figure 39) in pink
+equipped with her attribute, a dagger; the other (Figure 40), like
+many processional figures, has been constructed by draping a pyramidal
+frame of four sticks with gesso-dipped cloth, which, when dry, is
+painted to represent a skirt. The apron-like design that appears on
+the skirt, now hidden under a black dress, indicates that the original
+identity probably was "Our Lady of Solitude" (_Nuestra Señora de la
+Soledad_).[68]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 39. OUR LADY OF SORROWS (_Nuestra Señora de los
+Dolores_). SIZE: 99.1 centimeters base to crown. DATE: Early 20th
+century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: East
+_morada_, left side of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and
+painted; dressed in pink cotton gown and veil; tin crown and metal
+dagger; artificial flowers, rosaries.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 40. OUR LADY OF SORROWS OR SOLITUDE (_Nuestra
+Señora de los Dolores_ or _la Soledad_). SIZE: 81.3 centimeters base
+to crown. DATE: Second half of 19th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico,
+unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: East _morada_, left side of altar.
+MANUFACTURE: Carved wood head and hands, gessoed, painted, and
+repainted; body of gesso-wetted cloth, draped on stick frame to dry,
+painted; dressed in black satin habit with white lace border; tin
+halo, rosary, artificial flowers.]
+
+Also on the left side of the east _morada_ altar, there are two male
+saints (_santos_) who fill vital roles in the _penitente_ Easter
+drama. One, St. Peter (San Pedro) with the cock (Figure 41), is a
+_bulto_ whose frame construction duplicates that of Our Lady (Figure
+40). The cock apparently was made by another hand, and, despite its
+replaced tail, is a fine expression of local art. This group
+represents Peter's triple denial of Jesus before the cock announced
+dawn of the day of the Crucifixion. The _bulto_ of San Pedro has
+special meaning for _penitentes_ who, through their penance, bear
+witness to "Jesus the Nazarene."
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 41. SAINT PETER AND COCK (_San Pedro_ and
+_Gallo_). SIZE: 61 centimeters high. DATE: First quarter of 19th
+century, and 19th century cock. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified
+_santero_. LOCATION: East _morada_, left side of altar. MANUFACTURE:
+St. Peter's head (later): carved wood, gessoed and painted. Body:
+cloth dipped in wet gesso, draped over stick frame to dry, and
+painted, later over-painted. Blue gown and orange cape. Cock of carved
+wood, gessoed and painted; orange body with green haunch. Carved wood
+tail, replacement.]
+
+With the other _bulto_, _penitentes_ have also recalled the
+crucifixion by representing St. John the Evangelist (San Juan) at the
+foot of the cross, where Jesus charged the disciple with the care of
+His mother. The image of John (Figure 42) bears distinctive stylistic
+features: blunt fingers; protruding forehead, cheek bones, and chin;
+and a full-lipped, open mouth.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 42. SAINT JOHN THE EVANGELIST (_San Juan_).
+SIZE: 137.2 centimeters high. DATE: Second half of 19th century.
+ORIGIN: New Mexico, "Abiquiú _morada_" _santero_. LOCATION: East
+_morada_, left side of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and
+painted; black horsehair wig; dressed in white cotton fabric; palm
+clusters and rosary.]
+
+Since these stylistic traits also occur in a _Cristo_ figure in the
+Taylor Museum collection[69] and in two other _bultos_--a _Cristo_ and
+_Jesus Nazareno_ in the south _morada_ at Abiquiú--it seems reasonable
+to designate the anonymous image-maker as the "Abiquiú _morada
+santero_."
+
+A _bulto_ that Alice Henderson identifies as St. Joseph is probably
+this figure of St. John (Figure 42) now resting in the east _morada_.
+She has reported that this image and that of St. Peter were in the
+mission of Santo Tomás before 1919.[70] The shift in residence for
+these _santos_ was substantiated by José Espinosa, who stated that
+several images "were removed to one of the local _moradas_ ... when
+the old church was torn down."[71]
+
+On the right side of the east _morada_ altar, images of two male
+saints reflect the intense affection felt by _penitentes_ for the
+Franciscan saints Anthony of Padua and John of Nepomuk. The most
+popular New Mexican saint, San Antonio (Figure 43), customarily
+carries the young Jesus, _El Santo Niño_. This image has been painted
+dark blue to represent the traditional Franciscan habit of New Mexico
+before the 1890s.[72]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 43. SAINT ANTHONY OF PADUA AND THE INFANT JESUS
+(_San Antonio y Niño_). SIZE: 43.2 centimeters high. DATE: First half
+of 19th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION:
+East _morada_, right side of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed
+and painted with repainted head; dark blue habit; dressed in light
+blue cotton fabric with white border, artificial flowers.]
+
+The 14th-century saint, John of Nepomuk, Bohemia (Figure 44), is known
+from a legend that states he was killed by King Wenceslaus for
+refusing to reveal secrets of the Queen, for whom he was confessor.
+The story notes that, after torture, John was drowned in the Moldau
+River, but that his body floated all night and, in the morning, was
+taken to the Church of the Holy Cross of the Penitents in Prague.
+After the martyred chaplain was canonized in 1729, his cult spread to
+Rome, then Spain, and, by 1800, into New Mexico.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 44. SAINT JOHN OF NEPOMUK (_San Juan
+Nepomuceno_). SIZE: base to hat 78.7 centimeters. DATE: Second quarter
+of 19th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION:
+East _morada_, right side of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed
+and painted; dark blue robe with white border; dressed in black hat
+and robe under white alblike coat; rosary.]
+
+Among the _Hispanos_, local Franciscans promoted this cult of St. John
+as a prognosticator and as a respecter of secrecy.[73] Due in part to
+this promotion, _San Juan Nepomuceno_ became a favorite of New Mexican
+_penitentes_. E. Boyd suggests that the image of St. John (Figure 44)
+may have first represented St. Francis or St. Joseph. She also notes a
+stylistically similar _bulto_ of St. Joseph in Colorado Springs,
+manufactured not long after 1825.[74]
+
+
+ORATORY IN SOUTH MORADA.--Turning to the south _morada_ chapel, we
+find numerous parallels to the earlier east _morada_ in _santo_
+identities and in religious artifacts. (Figure 10 presents a
+previously unphotographed view of this active _penitente_ chapel with
+its fully equipped altar.) The walls of the west chamber of the south
+_morada_ are lined with benches over which hang religious prints in
+frames of commercial plaster and local tin work (Figure 45).
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 45. SAINT JOSEPH AND CHRIST CHILD (_San José y
+el Santo Niño_). SIZE: frame 45.7 centimeters high. DATE: Fourth
+quarter of 19th century. ORIGIN: Imported commercial products.
+LOCATION: South _morada_, chapel wall. MANUFACTURE: Plaster frame,
+molded and gilded. Chromo-lithograph on paper. SAINT PETER (_San
+Pedro_). SIZE: frame 25.4 centimeters high. DATE: Third quarter of
+19th century. ORIGIN: Imported, commercially made print. New Mexico,
+unidentified tinsmith. LOCATION: South _morada_, chapel wall.
+MANUFACTURE: Tin frame: cut, repoussé, stamped, and soldered.
+Chromo-lithograph on paper.]
+
+The tin frame for a lithograph of St. Peter reveals repoussé designs
+found on east _morada_ frames (Figure 30, center). Other examples of
+local tinwork are seen in Figure 46. On the right is a cross of
+punched tinwork with pomegranate ends and corner fillers that reflect
+Moorish characteristics in Spanish arts known as _mudéjar_. The frame
+dates from after 1850, as indicated by glass panes painted with floral
+patterns suggesting Victorian wallpaper. To the left is a niche made
+of six glass panels painted with wavy lines and an early 19th-century
+woodcut of the Holy Child of Atocha. Here again, twisted half-columns
+repeat a motif seen on a tin frame in the east _morada_ chapel. In
+front of the draped entry to the south _morada_ sanctuary stand two
+candelabra, one of which is shown in the doorway to the oratory
+(Figure 47) with tin reflectors and hand-carved sockets.[75] There are
+also vigil light boxes, kerosene lanterns with varnished tin shades,
+commercial religious images and ornaments that are similar to items in
+the east _morada_ sanctuary.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 46. NICHE WITH PRINT OF CHRIST CHILD (_Nicho_
+and _Santo Niño de Atocha_). SIZE: 35.5 centimeters high. DATE: Second
+half of 19th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified tinsmith.
+LOCATION: South _morada_, chapel walls. MANUFACTURE: Tin frame: cut,
+repoussé, and soldered. Glass: cut and painted. Woodcut on paper.
+CROSS (_cruz_). SIZE: 43.2 centimeters high. DATE: Fourth quarter of
+19th century. ORIGINS: New Mexico, unidentified tinsmith. LOCATION:
+South _morada_, chapel walls. MANUFACTURE: Tin frame: cut, repoussé,
+and soldered. Glass: cut and painted.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 47. CANDELABRUM (_candelabro_). SIZE: 157.5
+centimeters high. DATE: Early 20th century. LOCATION: South _morada_,
+in front of altar in oratory. MANUFACTURE: Mill-cut wood stand,
+hand-carved pegs to hold candles, and hand-worked tin crosses. Painted
+white. One of a pair.]
+
+Embroidered textiles portray the Last Supper, and a chapter banner,
+made up for the brotherhood after 1925, shows the Crucifixion in oil
+colors. This banner bears the words "Fraternidad Piadosa D[e]
+N[uestro] P[adre] J[esus] D[e] Nazareno, Sección No. 12, Abiquiú, New
+Mexico." The title _fraternidad_ is that assumed by _penitente_
+chapters that incorporated in New Mexico around 1930, although the
+term _cofradía_ often appears in transfers of private land to
+_penitente_ organizations.[76] A second banner, this one on the left,
+reads "Sociedad de la Sagrada Familia," which is a Catholic women's
+organization that often supports _penitente_ groups.
+
+In the oratory of the south _morada_, locally made images merit
+special notice. Two carved images flank the entry to the south
+_morada_ sanctuary. The _bulto_ on the right, St. Francis of Assisi
+(Figure 48), has a special significance. As we noted in the east
+_morada_, many Spanish settlers in New Mexico honored San Francisco as
+the founder of the Franciscans, the order whose missionaries long had
+served the region. The second _bulto_ (Figure 49) reveals clues that
+it originally had been a representation of the Immaculate Conception
+(_Inmaculata Concepción_). In Abiquiú, however, this figure is called
+_la mujer de San Juan_ ("the woman of St. John"), a phrase that
+indicates the major role Mary holds for the _penitentes_. With this
+image they refer to the moment in the Crucifixion when Jesus committed
+the care of His mother to St. John. As introductions to the south
+_morada_ chancel, St. Francis and the Marian image are excellent
+specimens of pre-1850 _santero_ craftsmanship.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 48. SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI (_San Francisco_).
+SIZE: 53.3 centimeters high. DATE: First half of 19th century. ORIGIN:
+New Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: South _morada_, right
+wall of chapel. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and painted; blue
+habit with brown collar; wood cross and skull, tin halo; rosary beads
+with fish pendants.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 49. THE IMMACULATE CONCEPTION (_la mujer de San
+Juan_ [local name]). SIZE: 55.9 centimeters high. DATE: First half of
+19th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION:
+South _morada_, left wall of chapel. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed
+and painted; oil colors over earlier tempera; red gown and crown; blue
+cape and base.]
+
+Two more images of Mary occur on the altar of the south _morada_
+sanctuary. The first (Figure 50) takes its proper ecclesiastic
+position on the Gospel side, to the viewer's left of the crucifix. The
+second "Marian" image (Figure 51) is less orthodox. Not only does
+this _bulto_ stand on the Epistle side of the crucifix but, like the
+Marian advocation cited above as _la mujer de San Juan_, this figure's
+identity has been changed to suit local taste. _Penitentes_ at Abiquiú
+refer to the image as Santa Rosa, the traditional patroness of the
+area following its first settlement by Spaniards.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 50. OUR LADY OF SORROWS (_Nuestra Señora de los
+Dolores_). SIZE: 104.1 centimeters high. DATE: Third quarter of 19th
+century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: South
+_morada_, left side of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and
+painted; dressed in pink satin; artificial flowers, tin crown.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 51. VIRGIN AND CHILD OR SAINT RITA (_Santa Rosa
+de Lima_ [local name]). SIZE: 68 centimeters high. DATE: Fourth
+quarter of 19th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified _santero_.
+LOCATION: South _morada_, right side of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved
+wood, gessoed and painted; dressed in pink satin; cross of turned
+wood; artificial flowers, shell crown.]
+
+Between these Marian images there are two large _bultos_ that are
+examples of the work of the "Abiquiú _morada santero_" suggested
+earlier. Both are figures of Jesus. The first, a _Cristo_ (Figure 52),
+is the central crucifix on the altar. As in the east _morada_, the
+focal image is accompanied by an _angelito_, this time with tin
+wings.[77] To the right stands the other image of Jesus, the Nazarene,
+_Nuestro Padre Jesus Nazareno_ (Figure 53). Along with the nearby
+crucifix (Figure 52) and the figure of St. John the Evangelist (Figure
+42) in the east _morada_, this representation of the scourged Jesus
+reflects the style of the "Abiquiú _morada santero_." This Nazarene
+_bulto_ embodies the _penitente_ concept of Jesus as a Man of
+suffering Who must be followed.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 52. CRUCIFIX WITH ANGEL (_Cristo_ and
+_angelito_). SIZE: Cross 144.8 centimeters high. DATE: Early 20th
+century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, "Abiquiú _morada_" _santero_. LOCATION:
+South _morada_, center of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and
+painted; purple fabric, waist cloths; tin wings on _angelito_; black
+cross with _iNRi_ plaque.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 53. MAN OF SORROWS (_Ecce Homo, Nuestro Padre
+Jesus Nazareno_). SIZE: 122 centimeters high. DATE: Second half of
+19th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, "Abiquiú _morada_" _santero_.
+LOCATION: South _morada_, right side of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved
+wood, gessoed and painted; black horsehair wig, crown of thorns;
+purple fabric gown; palm clusters, rosaries.]
+
+The special character of the _penitente_ brotherhood is demonstrated
+also in the last two _bultos_ on the south _morada_ altar. The
+prominent size and position of St. John of Nepomuk (Figure 54) on the
+altar indicate again the importance given by the _penitentes_ to San
+Juan as a keeper of secrets. The other figure is the south _morada_'s
+personification of death (Figure 55), _la muerte_, here even more
+gaunt than the image in the east _morada_. Probably made after 1900,
+this figure demonstrates the persistent artistic and religious
+heritage of _Hispano_ culture.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 54. SAINT JOHN OF NEPOMUK (_San Juan
+Nepomuceno_). SIZE: 90.2 centimeters high. DATE: Early 20th century.
+ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: South _morada_,
+left side of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and painted;
+dressed in black gown and cap; white cotton cassock; artificial
+flowers; horsehair wig.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 55. DEATH (_la muerte_). SIZE: 111.8 centimeters
+high. DATE: Fourth quarter of 19th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico,
+unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: South _morada_, left side of altar.
+MANUFACTURE: Carved and whitewashed wood; glass eyes and bone teeth;
+dressed in black fabric; rosary, bow and arrow.]
+
+[53] Interviews with Abiquiú inhabitants: Delfino Garcia in summer
+1963 and Agapita Lopez in fall 1966.
+
+[54] Interviews with _penitente_ members at Abiquiú, summers of 1965
+and 1967.
+
+[55] JOSÉ ESPINOSA, _Saints in the Valley_ (Albuquerque, 1960), p. 75.
+
+[56] DOMÍNGUEZ, _Missions_, p. 50 (ftn. 5), defines _varal_ and its
+customary use.
+
+[57] Ibid., pp. 107, 131 (ftn. 4), 167.
+
+[58] Ibid., pp. 121-123.
+
+[59] AASF, Loose Documents, Mission, 1680-1850, and Accounts, books
+xxxxv and lxiv. Also in Wills and Hijuelas, State Records Center, and
+in Twitchell documents, Land Management Bureau, both offices in Santa
+Fe, New Mexico.
+
+[60] WALTER HOUGH, _Collections of Heating and Lighting_ (Smithsonian
+Inst. Bull. 141, Washington, D.C., 1928), pl. 28a, no. 3.
+
+[61] STEPHEN BORHEGYI, _El Santuario de Chimayo_ (Santa Fe, 1956);
+also E. BOYD, _Saints and Saint Makers_ (Santa Fe, 1946), pp. 126-132.
+
+[62] GEORGE KUBLER, in _Santos: An Exhibition of the Religious Folk
+Art of New Mexico with an Essay by George Kubler_ (Fort Worth, Tex.:
+Amon Carter Museum of Western Art, June 1964).
+
+[63] A fuller discussion of the _penitente_ death cart and further
+illustrations are found in MITCHELL A. WILDER and EDGAR BREITENBACH,
+_Santos: The Religious Folk Art of New Mexico_ (Colorado Springs,
+1943), pl. 30 and text. Relevant to this study is the death cart with
+immobile wheels recorded by HENDERSON, p. 32 [see ftn. 64], as having
+been used in processions before 1919. It is likely that this is the
+same cart described above in the storage room of the east _morada_
+(Figure 22); it is important because its measurements and construction
+details are nearly identical to the death cart in the collections of
+the Museum of New Mexico, reputed to have come from Abiquiú.
+
+[64] ALICE CORBIN HENDERSON, _Brothers of Light_ (Chicago, 1962), p.
+32, describes a _muerte_ figure: chalk-white face, obsidian eyes,
+black outfit.
+
+[65] E. BOYD, "Crucifix in Santero Art," _El Palacio_, vol. LX, no. 3
+(March 1953), pp. 112-115, indicates the significance of this image
+form.
+
+[66] HENDERSON, pp. 13 (red gown, blindfolded, flowing black hair), 26
+(red gown, bound hands, made for mission), and 43-46 (tall, almost
+life size, blindfolded, carried on small platform in procession from
+lower [east] _morada_, horsehair rope).
+
+[67] BOYD, in litt., Nov. 13, 1965.
+
+[68] BOYD, loc. cit. Regarding construction, see E. BOYD, "New Mexican
+Bultos with Hollow Skirts: How They Were Made," _El Palacio_, vol.
+LVIII, no. 5 (May, 1951), pp. 145-148.
+
+[69] WILDER and BREITENBACH, pls. 24, 25.
+
+[70] HENDERSON, p. 26.
+
+[71] JOSÉ ESPINOSA, op. cit., p. 75.
+
+[72] DOMÍNGUEZ, _Missions_, p. 264 (ftn. 59). The brown robe worn by
+Franciscans today is a late 19th-century innovation.
+
+[73] BOYD, _Saints_, p. 133.
+
+[74] BOYD, in litt., Nov. 13, 1965. For a comparative illustration of
+St. Joseph, see WILDER and BREITENBACH, pl. 42.
+
+[75] HENDERSON, p. 51, notes this pair of candelabra with the 13
+sockets. Fifteen is the ecclesiastically correct number for _tenebrae_
+services.
+
+[76] _Acts of Incorporation_, microfilm, Corporation Bureau, State
+Capitol, Santa Fe; see also Land Records, _General Indirect Index_,
+Rio Arriba County Court House, vols. I (1852-1912) and II (1912-1930).
+
+[77] HENDERSON, p. 51, describes the _angelito_, in the dim light of
+the _morada_ ceremony, as a "dove like a wasp." Another angel figure
+was given me through Regino Salazar by one of the _penitente_ brothers
+of Abiquiú. According to E. Boyd, it appears to be the work of José
+Rafael Aragon, who worked in the Santa Cruz area after 1825.
+
+
+
+
+_Summary_
+
+
+The two Abiquiú _moradas_ are clearly parallel in their
+architectural design (including the constricted chancels), in their
+artifacts--especially _bulto_ identities such as Jesus (_Cristo_,
+_Nazareno_, _Ecce Homo_, _Santo Niño de Atocha_), Mary (_Dolores_,
+_Immaculata Concepción_, _Soledad_, _Guadalupe_), Saint John of
+Nepomuk, Saint Peter, and death--and lastly, in the ceremonies held
+in the buildings, which link rather than separate the _penitente_
+movement and the common social values of _Hispano_ culture.
+
+Edmonson uses six institutional values to define _Hispano_ culture.[78]
+All six can be found in the _penitente_ brotherhood. "Paternalism" is
+found in the relation of the members-at-large to the officers and of
+all the _penitente_ brothers to _Nuestro Padre Jesus_, "Our Father
+Jesus." "Familism" is reflected in the structure of the _penitente_
+organization and especially in the extension of its social benefits to
+the entire community. "Dramatism" is an essential ingredient of
+_penitente_ ceremonies such as the _tinieblas_. "Personalism" is
+revealed in the immediate and individual participation of all members
+in _penitente_ activities. "Fatalism" is the focus of Holy Week and of
+funerals and is personified by the _muerte_ figure in each _morada_.
+
+Finally, Edmonson cited "traditionalism" as definitive of _Hispano_
+culture, a characteristic that is clearly evident in the _penitente_
+forms of shelter, ceremonies, and artifacts. These commonplace objects
+and activities had been established at Abiquiú before and during the
+period of _morada_ building and furnishing. Literary and pictorial
+documents presented in this study of Abiquiú and the _penitente
+moradas_ reveal that their physical structure, furnishings,
+membership, and the brotherhood itself are related intimately to, and
+drawn from, the traditional and persistent Hispanic culture of New
+Mexico.
+
+[78] EDMONDSON, p. 62.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Penitente Moradas of Abiquiú, by 
+Richard E. Ahlborn
+
+*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 44678 ***
diff --git a/44678-h/44678-h.htm b/44678-h/44678-h.htm
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..e1761c9
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/44678-h.htm
@@ -0,0 +1,2381 @@
+<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN"
+    "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd">
+
+<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">
+  <head>
+    <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=UTF-8" />
+    <title>
+      The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Penitente Moradas of Abiquiú,
+      by Richard Eighme Ahlborn.
+    </title>
+
+    <link rel="coverpage" href="images/cover.jpg" />
+
+    <style type="text/css">
+
+    p   {margin-top: .5em; text-indent: 1em;
+         text-align: justify; margin-bottom: .5em;
+         line-height: 120%; }  /* allow room for fn anchors */
+
+    h1                 {text-align: center; font-weight: normal;
+                        clear: both; line-height: 125%;
+                        font-size: 140%; }
+    h2                 {text-align: center; font-weight: normal;
+                        clear: both; line-height: 100%;
+                        font-size: 110%; }
+    body               {margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%;font-size: 100%; }
+
+    /* styles for Transcriber's Note */
+    .tnote   {background-color: #EEE; color: inherit;
+              margin: 5% 15%; padding: 0.5em 1em;
+              border: 1px solid gray; font-size: small; }
+    .tnote p {text-indent: 0; text-align: left; margin-bottom: .25em;
+              margin-top: .25em; }
+
+    /* style for front matter */
+    .frontm p  {text-align: right; }
+
+    /* styles for printer detail */
+    .printr p  {text-align: center; font-size: 80%; }
+    .printr hr {width: 80%; margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%;
+                margin-top: 0.5em; margin-bottom: 0.5em; }
+
+    /* styles for images */
+    .image-center  {text-align: center; margin: 1.5em auto; }
+    .image-left    {float: left; margin-right: 1.5em; }
+    .caption p     {text-align: justify; font-size: 80%; text-indent: 0; margin: 0.25em 0; }
+
+    /* styles for author and forward */
+    .forwd       {margin-left: 20%; margin-right: 20%; }
+    .forwd .auth {margin-top: 2em; margin-bottom: 2em; text-align: center; }
+
+    /* styles for footnotes; fnanchor styled to fit within line height */
+    .footnote         {margin-left: 2.5%; margin-right: 2.5%;
+                       margin-top: 1em; margin-bottom: 1em; font-size: 95%; }
+    .fnanchor         {vertical-align: 0.3em; font-size: small;
+                       font-style: normal; text-decoration: none; }
+
+    /* misc styles */
+    .nodent        {text-indent: 0; }
+    .block         {margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-indent: 0; }
+    .smcap         {font-variant: small-caps; }
+    .gap-above     {margin-top: 3em; }
+    #coverpage     {border: 1px solid gray; }
+
+    /* style for sidenotes on handheld devices */
+    @media handheld {
+    .image-left {float: none; text-align: center; margin-right: 0; }
+                     }
+
+    </style>
+  </head>
+<body>
+<div>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 44678 ***</div>
+
+<div class="tnote">
+
+<p>Transcriber's Note:</p>
+
+<p>With the exception of Figure 26, which forms the frontispiece of
+this work, the individual figures have been shifted next to their
+first mention in the text.</p>
+
+<p>Apparent typographical errors have been corrected.</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<div class="frontm">
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Contributions from<br />The Museum of History
+and Technology<br />Paper 63</span></p>
+
+<p class="gap-above"><span class="smcap">The Penitente Moradas of Abiquiú</span><br />
+<i>Richard E. Ahlborn</i></p>
+
+<p class="gap-above">Introduction</p>
+
+<p>Penitente Organization</p>
+
+<p>Origins of the Penitente Movement</p>
+
+<p>The History of Abiquiú</p>
+
+<p>The Architecture of the Moradas</p>
+
+<p>Interior Space and Artifacts</p>
+
+<p>Summary</p>
+
+<p class="gap-above"><span class="smcap">Smithsonian Institution
+Press<br />Washington, D.C.</span><br />1968</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<div class="printr">
+
+<p class="gap-above">U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1968 0&mdash;287-597</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p>For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office<br />
+Washington, D.C. 20402&mdash;Price 75 cents</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 447px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_26.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 26.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Cross</span> (<i>cruz</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 106.7 centimeters high, 73.6 wide.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: First quarter of 20th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: Abiquiú; Onésimo Martínez.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>, center room.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Indigo blue designs (stencilled?).</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="forwd">
+
+<p class="auth"><i>Richard E. Ahlborn</i></p>
+
+<h1><i>THE PENITENTE MORADAS OF ABIQUIÚ</i></h1>
+
+<p class="nodent"><i>By the early 19th century, Spanish-speaking residents of villages
+in northern New Mexico and southern Colorado felt the need for a
+brotherhood that would preserve their traditional social and religious
+beliefs. Known as "brothers of light," or </i>penitentes<i>, these
+Spanish-Americans centered their activities in a houselike building,
+or </i>morada<i>, especially equipped for Holy Week ceremonies.</i></p>
+
+<p><i>For the first time, two intact </i>moradas<i> have been fully
+photographed and described through the cooperation of the
+</i>penitente<i> brothers of Abiquiú, New Mexico.</i></p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">The Author</span>: <i>Richard E. Ahlborn is associate curator in the
+Division of Cultural History in the Smithsonian Institution's Museum
+of History and Technology.</i></p>
+
+</div>
+
+<h2><i>Introduction</i></h2>
+
+<p class="nodent"><span class="smcap">This study describes</span> two
+earthern buildings and their special furnishings&mdash;humble but unique
+documents of Spanish-American culture. The two structures are located
+in Abiquiú, a rural, Spanish-speaking village in northern New Mexico.
+Known locally as <i>moradas</i>, they serve as meeting houses for
+members of a flagellant brotherhood, the <i>penitentes</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The <i>penitente</i> brotherhood is characteristic of Spanish culture
+in New Mexico (herein called <i>Hispano</i> to indicate its derivation
+from Hispanic traditions in Mexico). Although penitential activities
+occurred in
+Spain's former colonies&mdash;Mexico, Argentina, and the
+Philippines&mdash;the <i>penitentes</i> in the mountainous region
+that extends north of Albuquerque into southern Colorado
+are remarkable for their persistence.</p>
+
+<p>After a century and a half of clerical criticism<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_1" id="Ref_1" href="#Foot_1">[1]</a></span> and
+extracultural pressures against the movement, physical
+evidence of <i>penitente</i> activity, although scattered
+and diminished, still survives. As intact, functioning
+artifacts, the <i>penitente moradas</i> at Abiquiú are valuable
+records of an autonomous, socio-religious brotherhood
+and of its place in the troubled history of
+Spanish-American culture in the Southwest.</p>
+
+<p>This paper maintains that <i>penitentes</i> are not culturally deviant
+or aberrant but comprise a movement based firmly in Hispanic
+traditions as shown by their architecture and equipment found at
+Abiquiú and by previously established religious and social practices.
+Also, this paper presents in print for the first time a complete,
+integrated, and functioning group of <i>penitente</i> artifacts
+documented, in situ, by photographs.</p>
+
+<p>My indebtedness in this study to local residents is immense: first,
+for inspiration, from Rosenaldo Salazar of Hernández and his son
+Regino, who introduced me to <i>penitente</i> members at Abiquiú and
+four times accompanied me to the <i>moradas</i>. The singular
+opportunity to measure and to photograph interiors and individual
+artifacts is due wholly to the understandably wary but proud,
+<i>penitentes</i> themselves. The task of identifying religious images
+in the <i>moradas</i> was expertly done by E. Boyd, Curator of the
+Spanish-Colonial Department in the Museum of New Mexico at Santa Fe.
+The final responsibility for accuracy and interpretation of data, of
+course, is mine alone.</p>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_1" id="Foot_1" href="#Ref_1">[1]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+Beginning in 1820 with the report of ecclesiastic visitor Niño de
+Guevara, the Catholic Church has continued to frown upon
+<i>penitente</i> activities, A modern critical study by a churchman:
+<span class="smcap">Father Angélico Chavez</span>, "The Penitentes of New Mexico,"
+<i>New Mexico Historical Review</i> (April 1954), vol. 22, pp. 97-123.</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<h2><i>Penitente Organization</i></h2>
+
+<p class="nodent"><i>Penitente</i> brotherhoods usually are made up of Spanish-speaking
+Catholic laymen in rural communities. Although the activities and
+artifacts vary in specific details, the basic structure, ceremonies,
+and aims of <i>penitentes</i> as a cultural institution may be
+generalized. Full membership is open only to adult males. Female
+relatives may serve <i>penitente</i> chapters as auxiliaries who
+clean, cook, and join in prayer, as do children on occasion, but men
+hold all offices and make up the membership-at-large.</p>
+
+<p><i>Penitente</i> membership comprises two strata distinguishable by
+title and activity. In his study of <i>Hispano</i> institutional
+values, Monro Edmonson notes that <i>penitente</i> chapters are
+divided into these two groups: (1) common members or brothers in
+discipline, <i>hermanos disciplantes</i>; and (2) officers, called
+brothers of light, <i>hermanos de luz</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Edmonson names each officer and lists his duties:</p>
+
+<p class="block">The head of the chapter is the <i>hermano mayor</i>. He is assisted
+in administrative duties by the warden (<i>celador</i>) and the
+collector (<i>mandatario</i>), and in ceremonial duties by an
+assistant (<i>coadjutor</i>), reader (<i>secretario</i>),
+blood-letter (<i>sangredor</i>) and flutist (<i>pitero</i>). An
+official called the nurse (<i>enfermero</i>) attends the flagellants,
+and a master of novices (<i>maestro de novios</i>) supervises the
+training of new members.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_2" id="Ref_2" href="#Foot_2">[2]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>In an early and apparently biased account of the <i>penitentes</i>,
+Reverend Alexandar Darley,<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_3" id="Ref_3" href="#Foot_3">[3]</a></span>
+a Presbyterian missionary in southern
+Colorado, provides additional terms for three officers: <i>picador</i>
+(the blood-letter), <i>regador</i> or <i>rezador</i> (a tenth officer,
+who led prayers) and <i>mayordomo de la muerte</i> (literally "steward
+of death"). As host for meetings between <i>penitente</i> chapters,
+the <i>mayordomo</i> may be a late 19th-century innovation that bears
+the political overtones of a local leader.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_4" id="Ref_4" href="#Foot_4">[4]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Having less influence than individual officers are the
+<i>penitente</i> members-at-large, numbering between thirty and fifty
+in each chapter. Through the <i>Hispano</i> family system of extended
+bilateral kinship, however, much of the village population is
+represented in each local <i>penitente</i> group.</p>
+
+<p>Edmonson's study in the Rimrock district demonstrates the deep sense
+of social responsibility felt by <i>penitentes</i> for members and
+their extended family circles. "Special assistants were appointed from
+time to time to visit the sick or perform other community services
+which the brotherhood may undertake."<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_5" id="Ref_5" href="#Foot_5">[5]</a></span>
+At other times of need,
+especially in sickness and death, the general <i>penitente</i>
+membership renders invaluable service to the afflicted family. In
+addition, <i>penitente</i> welfare efforts include spiritual as well
+as physical comfort such as wakes, prayers and rosaries, and the
+singing of funereal chants (<i>alabados</i>). At Española in November
+of 1965, I witnessed <i>penitentes</i> contributing such help to
+respected nonmembers: grave digging, financial aid, and a rosary
+service with <i>alabados</i>.</p>
+
+<p>These spiritual services, however, are peripheral to the principal
+religious activity of <i>penitentes</i>&mdash;the Lenten observance of the
+Passion and death of Jesus. During Holy Week, prayer meetings,
+rosaries, and <i>via crucis</i> processions with religious images are
+held at the <i>morada</i> and at a site representing Calvary
+(<i>calvario</i>), usually the local cemetery. On Good Friday, vigils
+are kept and the <i>morada</i> is darkened for a service known as
+<i>las tinieblas</i>. The ceremony of "the darkenings" consists of
+silent prayer broken by violent noise making. Metal sheets and chains,
+wooden blocks and rattles are manipulated to suggest natural
+disturbances at the moment of Jesus' death on the cross. This emphatic
+portrayal of His last hours is recalled also by acts of contrition and
+flagellation in <i>penitente</i> initiation rites, punishments, and
+Holy Week processions.</p>
+
+<p><i>Penitentes</i> use physical discipline and mortification as a
+dramatic means to intensify their imitation of Jesus' suffering.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_6" id="Ref_6" href="#Foot_6">[6]</a></span>
+Heavy timber crosses (<i>maderos</i>) and cactus whips
+(<i>disciplinas</i>) are used in processions that often include a
+figure of death in a cart (<i>la carreta de la muerte</i>).
+Disciplinary and initiatory mortification in the <i>morada</i> makes
+use of flint or glass blood-letting devices (<i>padernales</i>).<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_7" id="Ref_7" href="#Foot_7">[7]</a></span></p>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_2" id="Foot_2" href="#Ref_2">[2]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Monro S. Edmonson</span>, <i>Los Manitos: A Study of
+Institutional Values</i> (Publ. 25, Middle American Research
+Institute; New Orleans: Tulane University, 1950), p. 43.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_3" id="Foot_3" href="#Ref_3">[3]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Alexander M. Darley</span>, <i>The Passionists of the
+Southwest</i> (Pueblo, <i>1893</i>).</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_4" id="Foot_4" href="#Ref_4">[4]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">E. Boyd</span>, Curator of the Spanish-Colonial Department,
+Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe, states that Jesús Trujjillo in 1947
+furnished information on other <i>penitente</i> officers, including
+one man who uses the <i>matraca</i> and one who acts as a sergeant at
+arms.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_5" id="Foot_5" href="#Ref_5">[5]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Edmonson</span>, loc. cit.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_6" id="Foot_6" href="#Ref_6">[6]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">George Wharton James</span>, <i>New Mexico: Land of the Delight
+Makers</i> (Boston, 1920), lists concisely the Biblical and historical
+references to religious mortification practiced by New Mexican
+<i>penitentes</i>.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_7" id="Foot_7" href="#Ref_7">[7]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Darley</span> (op. cit., pp. 8 ff.) gives an exhaustive list of
+methods of mortification said to be used by <i>penitentes</i>.</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<h2><i>Origins of the Penitente Movement</i></h2>
+
+<p class="nodent">By 1833, bodily penance practiced in lay brotherhoods of
+<i>Hispano</i> Catholics attracted criticism from the Church in New
+Mexico and resulted in the pejorative name <i>penitentes</i>.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_8" id="Ref_8" href="#Foot_8">[8]</a></span>
+Historically, however, within the traditional framework of Hispanic
+Catholicism, the <i>penitentes</i> had precedents for their religious
+practices, including flagellation.</p>
+
+<p><i>Penitente</i> rites were derived from Catholic services already
+common in colonial New Mexico. Prayers and rosaries said before altars
+comprised an important part of <i>Hispano</i> religious observances,
+and processions of Catholics and <i>penitentes</i> alike were
+announced by bell, drum, and rifle in <i>Hispano</i> villages. In
+particular,
+<i>penitentes</i> used <i>via crucis</i> processions to dramatize the
+Passion, portrayed in every Catholic church by the
+fourteen Stations of the Cross. <i>Penitentes</i> also maintained
+Catholic Lenten practices by holding <i>tenebrae</i>
+services, the <i>tinieblas</i> rites mentioned above, and by
+flagellation.</p>
+
+<p>These parallels between Catholic and <i>penitente</i> religious
+observances caused Edmonson to theorize that "the autonomous movement
+originated within the Church."<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_9" id="Ref_9" href="#Foot_9">[9]</a></span>
+Variations, however, between the two
+religious traditions led Edmonson to discover "an important thread of
+religious independence and even apostasy in New Mexican history."<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_10" id="Ref_10" href="#Foot_10">[10]</a></span>
+Edmonson's study of 1950 has established the persistence of
+<i>penitente</i> activity in <i>Hispano</i> culture.</p>
+
+<p>Three and a half centuries earlier, in 1598, Spanish settlers made a
+courageous thrust into the inhospitable environment of New Mexico.
+Through the 17th and 18th centuries, Spanish settlement along the
+upper Rio Grande was a tenuous thread unraveled from a stronger fabric
+in Mexico. Aridity and extremes in temperatures marked New Mexico's
+climate. Arable land was scarce and could be extended back from
+streams only by careful upkeep of the irrigation ditches. Plateaus
+rose from 1500 to more than 2500 meters in altitude. Building timbers
+were hard to obtain without roads or navigable rivers.</p>
+
+<p>Finally, distance itself was a challenge, sometimes insurmountable for
+the supply caravans from Mexico. Outfitted over a thousand miles to
+the south of Santa Fe, the Mexican caravans brought <i>presidio</i>
+and mission supplies, but few goods for the common settler. By the end
+of the 18th century, Spanish authorities thought of the northern
+colonies (<i>provincias internas</i>) primarily as missionary fields
+and military buffer zones.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_11" id="Ref_11" href="#Foot_11">[11]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Cultural traditions and an insecure environment caused Spanish
+colonists to turn to religion for comfort. Again, however, a supply
+problem arose. Individual <i>ranchos</i> were too scattered for
+clerical visits, and even settlements that were grouped for greater
+security, <i>poblaciones</i> or <i>plazas</i>, became <i>visitas</i>
+on little
+more than an annual basis, sharing two dozen Franciscan
+clergy with missions assigned to Indian <i>pueblos</i>
+and Spanish villages. Before 1800, a shortage of friars
+prompted the Bishop in Durango to send secular clergy
+into the Franciscan enclave of New Mexico. In 1821
+the Mexican Revolution formalized secularization with
+a new constitution. In brief, the traditional religious
+patterns of the <i>Hispanos</i> were threatened. They needed
+reinforcement if they were to survive.</p>
+
+<p>By 1850, other conditions in New Mexico endangered the status quo of
+the Spanish-speaking residents. With the growing dominance of
+Anglo-Americans in the commercial, military, political, and social
+matters of Santa Fe, <i>Hispanos</i> recognized the threat of Anglo
+culture to their own traditional way of life. This cultural challenge
+turned many <i>Hispanos</i> back in upon themselves for physical and
+social security and for spiritual comfort. By the second quarter of
+the 19th century, <i>penitentes</i> were common in <i>Hispano</i>
+villages such as Abiquiú.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_12" id="Ref_12" href="#Foot_12">[12]</a></span>
+The immediate origins of penitentism
+were clearly present in early 19th-century New Mexico.</p>
+
+<p>Despite this evidence, historians of the Spanish Southwest have
+suggested geographically and culturally remote sources for the
+<i>penitentes</i>. Dorothy Woodward has pointed out similarities
+between New Mexican <i>penitentes</i> and Spanish brotherhoods
+(<i>cofradías</i>) of laymen.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_13" id="Ref_13" href="#Foot_13">[13]</a></span>
+<i>Cofradías</i> were not full
+church orders like the Franciscan Third Order, but they did conduct
+Lenten processions with flagellation.</p>
+
+<p>Somewhat nearer in miles but culturally more distant from <i>Hispano
+penitente</i> experience was mortification practiced by Indians in New
+Spain. In the 16th century, Spanish chroniclers reported incidents
+ranging from sanguinary ceremonies of central Mexican tribes to
+whippings witnessed in the northern provinces of Sonora and New
+Mexico. While of peripheral interest to this study, these activities
+of American Indians had no direct bearing on <i>Hispano</i> cultural
+needs in early 19th-century New Mexico.</p>
+
+<p>It is more significant that <i>Hispanos</i> already knew a lay
+religious institution that very easily could have served as a model
+for the <i>penitente</i> brotherhood&mdash;the Third Order of St. Francis.
+Established in 13th-century Italy and carried to Spain by the Gray
+Friars, the Order is recorded in contemporary histories of New
+Mexico before 1700. Materials in the archives of the
+Archdiocese of Santa Fe also document the presence
+of the Franciscan Third Order in New Mexico and
+suggest to me its influence on <i>penitente</i> activity.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_14" id="Ref_14" href="#Foot_14">[14]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>In March 1776, Fray Domínguez, an ecclesiastic visitor, recorded
+Lenten "exercises" of the Third Order under the supervision of the
+resident priest at Santa Cruz and, two weeks later, in April,
+Domínguez visited Abiquiú, where he commended the Franciscan friar,
+Fray Sebastian Angel Fernández, for "feasts of Our Lady, rosary with
+the father in church. Fridays of Lent, <i>Via Crucis</i> with the
+father, and later, after dark, discipline attended by those who came
+voluntarily."<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_15" id="Ref_15" href="#Foot_15">[15]</a></span>
+Domínguez, however, described the priest as "not at
+all obedient to rule"<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_16" id="Ref_16" href="#Foot_16">[16]</a></span>
+when Father Fernández, acting in an
+independent manner, proceeded to build missions at Picuris and Sandia
+without authorization. But in 1777, he again praised Fray Fernández
+for special <i>Via Crucis</i> devotions and "scourging by the resident
+missionary and some of the faithful."<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_17" id="Ref_17" href="#Foot_17">[17]</a></span>
+Domínguez thus documented
+flagellant practices and <i>tinieblas</i> services at Abiquiú and his
+approval, as an official Church representative, of these activities.</p>
+
+<p>Father Chavez, O.F.M., protests the theory of <i>penitente</i> origins
+in the Third Order of St. Francis and counters with the idea that
+"penitentism" was imported directly from Mexico in the early
+1800s.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_18" id="Ref_18" href="#Foot_18">[18]</a></span>
+I note, however, that the bishops seated in Santa Fe after
+1848 recognized the strength of this lay socio-religious movement and
+tried to deal with it in terms of the Order. At a synod in 1888,
+Archbishop Salpointe pleaded for <i>penitentes</i> "to return" to the
+Third Order. Some degree of direct influence of the Third Order on
+"penitentism" seems fairly certain.</p>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_8" id="Foot_8" href="#Ref_8">[8]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Angélico Chavez</span>, <i>Archives of the Archdiocese of Santa
+Fe, 1678-1900</i> (Washington, 1957): "Books of Patentes," 1833: books
+xi, xii, xix, lxxiii, and lxxxii. (Original documents from archives
+noted hereinafter as AASF.)</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_9" id="Foot_9" href="#Ref_9">[9]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Edmonson</span>, p. 33.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_10" id="Foot_10" href="#Ref_10">[10]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+Ibid., p. 18.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_11" id="Foot_11" href="#Ref_11">[11]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">H. E. Bolton</span>, "The Spanish Borderlands and the Mission
+as a Frontier Institution," <i>American Historical Review</i> (Santa
+Fe, 1917), vol. 23, pp. 42-61, indicates that this policy was
+developed after 1765 by Charles III of Spain in an attempt to
+reorganize the administration of his vast colonial empire.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_12" id="Foot_12" href="#Ref_12">[12]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+AASF, Patentes, book lxxiii, box 6.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_13" id="Foot_13" href="#Ref_13">[13]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+"The Penitentes of the Southwest" (unpublished Ph. D.
+dissertation, Yale University, 1935).</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_14" id="Foot_14" href="#Ref_14">[14]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Chavez</span>, <i>Archives</i>, p. 3 (ftn.).</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_15" id="Foot_15" href="#Ref_15">[15]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Fray Francisco Atanasio Domínguez</span>, <i>The Missions of
+New Mexico, 1776</i>, transl. and annot. Eleanor B. Adams and Fray
+Angelico Chavez (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1956),
+p. 124.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_16" id="Foot_16" href="#Ref_16">[16]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Domínguez</span>, ms., from Biblioteca Nacional de Méjico, leg.
+10, no. 46, p. 300.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_17" id="Foot_17" href="#Ref_17">[17]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+Ibid., no. 43, p. 321.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_18" id="Foot_18" href="#Ref_18">[18]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Chavez</span>, "Penitentes," p. 100.</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<h2><i>The History of Abiquiú</i></h2>
+
+<div class="image-left" style="max-width: 177px;">
+  <a href="images/fig_01_large.png">
+  <img src="images/fig_01_thumb.jpg" alt=""/>
+  </a>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 1.</span>
+    Mid-19th-century New Mexico, showing pertinent geographical
+    features, Indian pueblos (indicated by solid triangles), and
+    Spanish villages cited in text.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class="nodent">About three generations before the first <i>morada</i> was built at
+Abiquiú, the conditions of settlement mentioned earlier and subsequent
+historical events resulted in an environment conducive to the
+development of
+<i>penitente</i> activity. Shortly after 1740, civil authorities
+in Santa Fe attempted to settle colonists along the
+Chama River in order to create a buffer zone between
+marauding Indians to the northwest and Spanish and
+Pueblo villages on the Rio Grande (Figure 1). This
+constant threat of annihilation produced self-reliant
+and independent-minded settlers.</p>
+
+<p>Unorthodoxy appeared early in the religious history of Abiquiú. By
+1744, settlers had installed Santa Rosa de Lima as their patroness in
+a little riverside plaza near modern Abiquiú. After a decade, several
+colonists from Santa Rosa were moved to the hilltop plaza of Abiquiú,
+where the mission of Santo Tomás Apostol had been established. In his
+1776 visit to Abiquiú, Domínguez noted, however, a continuing
+allegiance to the earlier patroness: "... settlers use the name of
+Santa Rosa, as the lost mission was called in the old days. Therefore,
+they celebrate the feast of this female saint [August 30th] and not of
+that masculine saint [St. Thomas the Apostle, December 21]."<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_19" id="Ref_19" href="#Foot_19">[19]</a></span>
+Loyalty to Saint Rose survived this official protest, and village
+festivals have persisted in honoring Santa Rosa to this day. It is,
+therefore, not surprising to find her image in the earlier east
+<i>morada</i> of Abiquiú.</p>
+
+<p>A disturbing influence in the religious life of Abiquiú were
+semi-Christianized servants <i>(genízaros)</i>, who had been ransomed
+from the Indians by Spaniards.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_20" id="Ref_20" href="#Foot_20">[20]</a></span>
+Often used to establish frontier
+settlements, <i>genízaros</i> came to be a threat to the cultural
+stability of Abiquiú. For example, in 1762, two <i>genízaros</i>
+accused of witchcraft were taken to Santa Cruz for judicial action.
+After the trial, Governor Cachupín sent a detachment from Santa Fe to
+Abiquiú to destroy an inscribed stone said to be a relic of black
+magic.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_21" id="Ref_21" href="#Foot_21">[21]</a></span>
+Similar incidents with <i>genízaros</i> during the next
+generation prolonged the unstable religious pattern at Abiquiú. In
+1766, an Indian girl accused a <i>genízaro</i> couple of killing the
+resident priest, Fray Felix Ordoñez y Machado, by witchcraft.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_22" id="Ref_22" href="#Foot_22">[22]</a></span>
+And again in 1782 and 1786, charges of apostasy were entered against
+Abiquiú <i>genízaros</i>.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_23" id="Ref_23" href="#Foot_23">[23]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Another disturbing element in the religious history of Abiquiú was the
+disinterest of her settlers in the
+building and furnishing of Santo Tomás Mission. Although
+the structure was completed in the first generation
+of settlement at Abiquiú, 1755 to 1776, Domínguez
+could report only two contributions from colonists, both
+loans: "In this room [sacristy] there is an ordinary table
+with a drawer and key ... a loan from a settler called
+Juan Pablo Martin ... the chalice is in three pieces,
+and one of them, for it is a loan by the settlers, is used
+for a little shrine they have."<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_24" id="Ref_24" href="#Foot_24">[24]</a></span>
+All mission equipment
+was supplied by royal funds (<i>sínodos</i>) except some
+religious articles provided by the resident missionary,
+Fray Fernández, who finished the structure raised half
+way by his predecessor, Fray Juan José Toledo. Both
+Franciscans found settlers busy with everyday problems
+of survival and resentful when called on to labor
+for the mission. The settlers not only failed to supply
+any objects, but when they were required to work at
+the mission, all tools and equipment had to be supplied
+to them.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_25" id="Ref_25" href="#Foot_25">[25]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Despite these detrimental influences, the mission at Abiquiú continued
+to grow. Between 1760 and 1793, the population increased from 733 to
+1,363, making Abiquiú the third largest settlement in colonial New
+Mexico north of Paso del Norte [Ciudad Juarez].<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_26" id="Ref_26" href="#Foot_26">[26]</a></span>
+(Only Santa Cruz with 1,650 and Santa Fe with 2,419 persons were larger.) In 1795, the
+pueblo had maintained its size at 1,558, with Indians representing
+less than 10 percent of the population.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_27" id="Ref_27" href="#Foot_27">[27]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The increase in size brought the mission at Abiquiú more important and
+longer-term resident missionaries: Fathers José de la Prada, from 1789
+to 1806, and Teodoro Alcina de la Borda, from 1806 to 1823. Both men
+were elected directors (<i>custoses</i>) of the Franciscan mission
+field in New Mexico, "The Custody of the Conversion of St. Paul."
+<i>Custoses</i> Prada and Borda backed the Franciscans, who were
+fighting for a missionary field that they had long considered their
+own. Official directives (<i>patentes</i>) issued by <i>Custos</i>
+Prada at Abiquiú warned all settlers against "new ideas of liberty"
+and asked each friar for his personal concept of governmental
+rights.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_28" id="Ref_28" href="#Foot_28">[28]</a></span>
+In 1802, Fray Prada also complained to the new
+<i>Custos</i>, Father Sanchez Vergara, about missions that had been
+neglected under the secular clergy.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_29" id="Ref_29" href="#Foot_29">[29]</a></span>
+In this period, Abiquiú's mission
+was a center of clerical reaction to the revolutionary
+political ideas and clerical secularization that had resulted
+from Mexico's recent independence from Spain.</p>
+
+<p>In the year 1820, the strained relations between religious authorities
+and the laity at Abiquiú clearly reflected the unstable conditions in
+New Mexico. Eventually, charges of manipulating mission funds and
+neglect of clerical duties were brought against Father Alcina de la
+Borda by the citizens of Abiquiú.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_30" id="Ref_30" href="#Foot_30">[30]</a></span>
+At the same time, Governor
+Melgares informed the <i>Alcalde Mayor</i>, Santiago Salazar, that
+these funds (<i>sínodos</i>) had been reduced and that an oath of
+loyalty to the Spanish crown would be required.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_31" id="Ref_31" href="#Foot_31">[31]</a></span>
+This situation produced a strong reaction in Abiquiú's next generation, which sought
+to preserve its traditional cultural patterns in the <i>penitente</i>
+brotherhoods.</p>
+
+<p>The great-grandsons of Abiquiú's first settlers witnessed a
+significant change in organization of their mission&mdash;its
+secularization in 1826. For three years, Father Borda had shared his
+mission duties with Franciscans from San Juan and Santa Clara
+<i>pueblos</i>, giving way in 1823 to the last member of the Order to
+serve Santo Tomás, Fray Sanchez Vergara. Santo Tomás Mission received
+its first secular priest in 1823, Cura Leyva y Rosas, who returned to
+Abiquiú in 1832. Officially the mission at Abiquiú was secularized in
+1826, along with those at Belén and Taos.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_32" id="Ref_32" href="#Foot_32">[32]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The first secular priest assigned to Santo Tomás reflected the now
+traditional and self-sufficient character of <i>Hispano</i> culture at
+Abiquiú.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_33" id="Ref_33" href="#Foot_33">[33]</a></span>
+He was the independent-minded Don Antonio José Martínez.
+Born in Abiquiú, Don Antonio later became an ambitious spiritual and
+political leader in Taos, where he fought to preserve traditional
+<i>Hispano</i> culture from Anglo-American influences.</p>
+
+<p>The mission served by Father Martínez in Taos bore resemblance to that
+at Abiquiú. Both missions rested on much earlier Indian settlements,
+but the Taos pueblo was still active. Furthermore, Taos and Abiquiú
+were buffer settlements on the frontier, where Indian raids as well as
+trade occurred. In 1827 a census by P. B. Pino listed nearly 3,600
+persons at
+Taos and a similar count at Abiquiú; only Santa Fe
+with 5,700 and Santa Cruz with 6,500 were larger
+villages.</p>
+
+<p>At this time, an independent element appeared in the religious
+activities of the Santa Cruz region. In 1831, Vicar Rascon gave
+permission to sixty members of the Third Order of St. Francis at Santa
+Cruz to hold Lenten exercises in Taos, provided that no "abuses" arose
+to be corrected on his next visit.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_34" id="Ref_34" href="#Foot_34">[34]</a></span>
+Apparently this warning proved
+inadequate, for in 1833 Archbishop Zubiría concluded his visitation at
+Santa Cruz by ordering that "pastors of this villa ... must never in
+the future permit such reunions of <i>Penitentes</i> under any pretext
+whatsoever."<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_35" id="Ref_35" href="#Foot_35">[35]</a></span>
+We have noted, however, that two generations earlier
+Fray Domínguez had commended similar observances at Santa Cruz and
+Abiquiú, and it was not until the visitation of Fray Niño de Guevara,
+1817-1820, that Church officials found it necessary to condemn
+penitential activity in New Mexico.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_36" id="Ref_36" href="#Foot_36">[36]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>In little more than two generations, from 1776 to 1833, the Franciscan
+missions were disrupted by secularization and excessive acts of
+penance. In the second half of the 19th century, the new, non-Spanish
+Archbishops, Lamy and Salpointe, saw a relation between the Franciscan
+Third Order and the brotherhood of <i>penitentes</i>. When J. B. Lamy
+began signing rule books (<i>arreglos</i>) for the <i>penitente</i>
+chapters of New Mexico,<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_37" id="Ref_37" href="#Foot_37">[37]</a></span>
+he hoped to reintegrate them into accepted
+Church practice as members of the Third Order. And at the end of the
+century, J. B. Salpointe expressed his belief that the
+<i>penitente</i> brotherhood had been an outgrowth of the Franciscan
+tertiaries.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_38" id="Ref_38" href="#Foot_38">[38]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Abiquiú shared in events that marked the religious history of New
+Mexico in the last three quarters of the 19th century. We have noted
+the secularization of Santo Tomás Mission in 1826; by 1856 the village
+had its <i>penitente</i> rule book duly signed by Archbishop Lamy.
+Entitled <i>Arreglo de la Santa Hermandad de la Sangre de Nuestro
+Señor Jesucristo</i>, a copy was signed by Abiquiú's priest, Don Pedro
+Bernal, on April 6, 1867.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_39" id="Ref_39" href="#Foot_39">[39]</a></span>
+While officialdom worked out new religious and political
+relations, villagers struggled to preserve a more
+familiar tradition.</p>
+
+<p>Occupation of New Mexico in 1846 by United States troops tended to
+solidify traditional <i>Hispano</i> life in Abiquiú. In that year,
+Navajo harassments caused an encampment of 180 men under Major Gilpin
+to be stationed at Abiquiú.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_40" id="Ref_40" href="#Foot_40">[40]</a></span>
+Eventually, the Indian raids
+slackened, and a trading post for the Utes was set up at Abiquiú in
+1853.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_41" id="Ref_41" href="#Foot_41">[41]</a></span>
+Neither the U.S. Army nor Indian trading posts, however,
+became integrated into Abiquiú's <i>Hispano</i> way of life, and these
+extracultural influences soon moved on, leaving only a few commercial
+artifacts.</p>
+
+<p>With a new generation of inhabitants occupying Abiquiú between 1864
+and 1886, the village on the Rio Chama lost its primary function as a
+buffer settlement against nomadic Indians and settled down into a
+well-established cultural pattern, which in part was preserved by the
+<i>penitentes</i>. Kit Carson had rounded up the Navajos at Bosque
+Redondo, and two decades later, by 1883, the Utes had been moved
+north. In preparation, the Indian trading post at Abiquiú was closed
+in 1872 and moved to the new seat of Rio Arriba County, Tierra
+Amarilla,<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_42" id="Ref_42" href="#Foot_42">[42]</a></span>
+65 kilometers northward. Within two generations,
+Abiquiú's population had fallen to fewer than 800 from a high of
+nearly 3,600 in 1827.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_43" id="Ref_43" href="#Foot_43">[43]</a></span>
+As a result, many <i>Hispanos</i> at Abiquiú
+withdrew into the <i>penitente</i> organization, which promised to
+preserve and even intensify their traditional ways of life and
+beliefs. These attitudes were materialized in the building of the
+<i>penitente moradas</i>.</p>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_19" id="Foot_19" href="#Ref_19">[19]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Domínguez</span>, <i>Missions</i>, pp. 121 (ftn. 1), 200.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_20" id="Foot_20" href="#Ref_20">[20]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+AASF, Patentes, 1700, forbids friars to buy <i>genízaros</i>
+even under the excuse of Christianizing them since the result would
+likely be morally dangerous.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_21" id="Foot_21" href="#Ref_21">[21]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">H. H. Bancroft</span>, <i>History of Arizona and New Mexico</i>
+(San Francisco, 1889), p. 258.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_22" id="Foot_22" href="#Ref_22">[22]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Domínguez</span>, <i>Missions</i>, p. 336.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_23" id="Foot_23" href="#Ref_23">[23]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+AASF, Loose Documents, Mission, 1782, no. 7.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_24" id="Foot_24" href="#Ref_24">[24]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Domínguez</span>, <i>Missions</i>, p. 122.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_25" id="Foot_25" href="#Ref_25">[25]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+Ibid., p. 123.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_26" id="Foot_26" href="#Ref_26">[26]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Bancroft</span>, p. 279.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_27" id="Foot_27" href="#Ref_27">[27]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+AASF, Loose Documents, Mission, 1795, no. 13.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_28" id="Foot_28" href="#Ref_28">[28]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+Ibid., 1796, nos. 6, 7.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_29" id="Foot_29" href="#Ref_29">[29]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+Ibid., 1802, no. 18.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_30" id="Foot_30" href="#Ref_30">[30]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+Ibid., 1820, nos. 15, 21, 38; also <span class="smcap">R. E. Twitchell</span>,
+<i>The Spanish Archives of New Mexico</i> (Cedar Rapids, 1914), vol.
+2, pp. 630, 631.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_31" id="Foot_31" href="#Ref_31">[31]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+AASF, Loose Documents, Mission, 1820, nos. 12, 21.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_32" id="Foot_32" href="#Ref_32">[32]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+Ibid., 1826, no. 7.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_33" id="Foot_33" href="#Ref_33">[33]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+Don Antonio was less than eager to accept his first post; he had
+to be ordered to report to duty (AASF, Accounts, book lxvi [box 6],
+April 27, 1826).</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_34" id="Foot_34" href="#Ref_34">[34]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+AASF, Patentes, 1831, book lxx, box 4, p. 25.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_35" id="Foot_35" href="#Ref_35">[35]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+Ibid., book lxxiii, box 7.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_36" id="Foot_36" href="#Ref_36">[36]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+AASF, Accounts, book lxii, box 5.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_37" id="Foot_37" href="#Ref_37">[37]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+AASF, Loose Documents, Diocesan, 1853, no. 17, for Santuario and
+Cochiti; other rule books document <i>penitente</i> chapters at
+Chimayo, El Rito, and Taos.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_38" id="Foot_38" href="#Ref_38">[38]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Jean B. Salpointe</span>, <i>Soldiers of the Cross</i>
+(Banning, Calif., 1898).</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_39" id="Foot_39" href="#Ref_39">[39]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+AASF, Loose Documents, Diocesan, 1856, no. 12.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_40" id="Foot_40" href="#Ref_40">[40]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Twitchell</span>, pp. 533-534.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_41" id="Foot_41" href="#Ref_41">[41]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Bancroft</span>, p. 665.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_42" id="Foot_42" href="#Ref_42">[42]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Twitchell</span>, p. 447.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_43" id="Foot_43" href="#Ref_43">[43]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+Ibid., p. 449, from <span class="smcap">P. B. Pino</span>, <i>Notícias
+históricas</i> (Méjico, 1848); and <i>Ninth U.S. Census</i> (1870).
+The later figure may represent only the town proper; earlier
+statistics generally included outlying settlements.</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<h2><i>The Architecture of the Moradas</i></h2>
+
+<div class="image-left" style="max-width: 195px;">
+  <a href="images/fig_02_large.png">
+  <img src="images/fig_02_thumb.jpg" alt=""/>
+  </a>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 2.</span>
+    The Abiquiú area, showing the Chama River, U.S. Highway 84, and
+    siting of buildings (the mission of Santo Tomás and the two
+    <i>moradas</i> are circled).</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class="nodent">In a modern map (Figure 2), circles enclose the Mission of Abiquiú and
+its two <i>penitente moradas</i>. The <i>moradas</i> lie 300 meters
+east and 400 meters south of the main plaza onto which Santo Tomás
+Mission faces from the north. Between the <i>moradas</i> rests the
+local burial ground (<i>campo santo</i>), a cemetery that serves
+<i>penitentes</i> as "Calvary" (<i>calvario</i>) in their Lenten
+re-enactment of the Passion.</p>
+
+<p><i>Penitente moradas</i> share a common system of <i>adobe</i>
+construction with the religious and domestic structures of New Mexico.
+While the Indians set walls of puddled earth directly on the ground,
+the Spaniards, following Moorish precedent, laid <i>adobe</i> bricks
+on stone foundations. Standard house-size <i>adobes</i> average 15 by
+30 by 50 centimeters. <i>Adobe</i> bricks are made by packing a
+mixture of mud, sand, and straw into a wood frame from which the block
+then is knocked out onto the ground to dry in the sun. Stones set in
+<i>adobe</i> mortar provide a foundation. The sun-dried bricks, which
+are also laid in <i>adobe</i> mortar, form exterior, load-bearing
+walls and interior partitions.</p>
+
+<p>Spanish <i>adobe</i> construction also employs wood. Openings are
+framed and closed with a lintel that
+projects well into the wall. These recessed lintel faces
+often are left exposed after the plastering of adjoining
+surfaces. Roofs are transverse beams (<i>vigas</i>), which
+in turn hold small cross branches (<i>savinos</i>) or planks
+(<i>tablas</i>). A final layer of brush and <i>adobe</i> plaster closes
+the surface cracks. Plank drains (<i>canales</i>), rectangular
+in section, lead water from this soft roof surface (Figure 3).</p>
+
+<p>Domestic <i>adobe</i> structures differ from ecclesiastic buildings in
+scale and in spatial arrangement. Colonial New Mexican churches are
+relatively large, unicellular spaces. Their simple nave volume often
+is made cruciform by a transept whose higher roof allows for a
+clerestory. A choir loft over the entry and a narrowed, elevated
+sanctuary further articulate the space at each end of the nave. In
+contrast, <i>Hispano</i> houses consist of several low rooms set in a
+line or grouped around a court (<i>placita</i>) in which a gate and
+porch (<i>portal</i>) are placed. Rooms vary in width according to the
+length of the transverse beams, which usually are from four to six
+meters long.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_44" id="Ref_44" href="#Foot_44">[44]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The everyday living spaces inside Spanish-New Mexican houses tend to
+combine domestic activities and to appear similar in space and decor.
+Inside a <i>Hispano</i> church, however, areas of special useage are
+marked off clearly within the volume. Celebration of the mass requires
+a special spatial treatment to indicate the sanctuary. This area is
+emphasized by an arched entry, lateral pilasters, raised floor, and
+characteristically convergent side walls. These slanting walls provide
+better vision for the congregation and easier movement for the
+celebrants. The convergent wall of sanctuaries is often visible from
+the exterior. It is noteworthy that both the contracted sanctuary of
+local churches and the linear arrangement of domestic interiors appear
+in the <i>penitente moradas</i> of Abiquiú.</p>
+
+<p>In the plans of the Abiquiú <i>moradas</i> (Figure 4), the identical
+arrangement of the three rooms reveals an origin in the typical
+<i>Hispano</i> house form. George Kubler has observed that the design
+of <i>moradas</i> "is closer to the domestic architecture of New
+Mexico than to the churches."<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_45" id="Ref_45" href="#Foot_45">[45]</a></span>
+Bainbridge Bunting confirms the
+houselike form of <i>moradas</i> but notes their lack of
+uniformity.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_46" id="Ref_46" href="#Foot_46">[46]</a></span>
+In comparison to <i>moradas</i> of the L-plan,<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_47" id="Ref_47" href="#Foot_47">[47]</a></span>
+and
+even of the pre-1856 T-plan structure at Arroyo Hondo,<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_48" id="Ref_48" href="#Foot_48">[48]</a></span>
+the two <i>penitente</i> buildings at Abiquiú preserve a simple | shape with
+one significant variation&mdash;a contracted chancel.</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 500px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_03.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 3.</span>
+    North roofline of east <i>morada</i>, showing exposed ends of
+    ceiling beams (<i>vigas</i>), chimney of oratory stove, and
+    construction of water drain (<i>canal</i>).</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 500px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_04.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 4.</span>
+    Plans of south <i>morada</i> (top) and east <i>morada</i>
+    (bottom): A=altar; B=standard; C=candelabra; D=sandbox; E=benches;
+    F=fireplace; G=stove; H=chest; I=tub.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>The basic form of the Abiquiú <i>moradas</i> (Figures 5 and 6) is a
+rectangular box that closely resembles nearby houses. Even the long,
+windowless north facade of both Abiquiú <i>moradas</i> recalls the
+unbroken walls of earlier <i>Hispano</i> houses in hostile frontier
+regions. The Abiquiú <i>moradas</i>, however, possess one exception to
+the domestic form&mdash;a narrowed, accented end. On each <i>morada</i> the
+west end is blunted and buttressed by a salient bell tower of stones
+laid in <i>adobe</i> mortar and strengthened by horizontal boards
+(Figures 7 and 8). This innovation in the form of the Abiquiú
+<i>moradas</i> appears to be ecclesiastic in origin.</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 500px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_05.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 5.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">South</span> <i>Morada</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 24.02 meters long, 5.41 wide, 3.51 high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: About 1900.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: 400 meters south of Santo Tomás
+    Church in main plaza; seen from southeast corner.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: <i>Adobe</i> bricks on stone
+    foundation; wood door and window frames.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 500px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_06.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 6.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">East</span> <i>Morada</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 28.82 meters long, 4.88 wide, 3.58 high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: 300 meters east-southeast of Santo
+    Tomás Church in main plaza; seen from northeast corner.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: <i>Adobe</i> bricks set on stone
+    foundation; wood drains (<i>canales</i>) and beam (<i>viga</i>) ends at top
+    of wall.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 273px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_07.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 7.</span>
+    West end of south <i>morada</i>, showing construction of bell
+    tower and contracted sanctuary walls.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 500px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_08.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 8.</span>
+    Northwest view of east <i>morada</i>, showing limestone slab bell
+    tower on contracted west end.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Plans of churches built close to Abiquiú in time, distance, and
+orientation could have served as sources for the design of the
+<i>moradas'</i> west ends (Figure 9). Only five kilometers east of
+Abiquiú stood the chapel dedicated to Santa Rosa de Lima. As shown in
+Figure 9<span class="smcap">f</span>, the sanctuary in its west end had
+a raised floor and flanking entry pilasters, features found in the east
+<i>morada's</i> west end. This chapel was dedicated about 1744 and was
+still active as a <i>visíta</i> from Abiquiú in 1830.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_49" id="Ref_49" href="#Foot_49">[49]</a></span>
+Through this period and to
+the present, the popularity of Saint Rose of Lima has persisted at
+Abiquiú. Her nearby chapel would have been a likely and logical choice
+for the design of the <i>morada's</i> sanctuary end.</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 500px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_09.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 9.</span>
+    Plans of two Abiquiú <i>moradas</i> compared to New Mexican
+    churches with contracted sanctuaries: A, south <i>morada</i>, B,
+    east <i>morada</i>; C, Zía Mission; D, San Miguel in Santa Fe; E,
+    Santa Cruz; F, Santa Rosa; G, Ranchos de Taos; H, the
+    <i>santuario</i> at Chimayo; I, Córdova. (From Kubler,
+    <i>Religious Architecture</i> [see ftn. 45]: C=his figure 8; D=28,
+    E=9, F=34, G=13, H=22, I=35.)</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>A second possible source for the contracted ends of the Abiquiú
+<i>moradas</i> would be the south transept chapel of the Third Order
+of St. Francis at Santa Cruz (Figure 9<span class="smcap">e</span>). It was completed
+shortly before 1798<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_50" id="Ref_50" href="#Foot_50">[50]</a></span>
+and served Franciscan tertiaries into the
+1830s. Plans compared in Figure 9 indicate that the dimensions of this
+left transept chapel at Santa Cruz measure only
+five percent larger than the chapel room of the east
+<i>morada</i> at Abiquiú, and the plans also reveal contracted
+chancel walls at both locations.</p>
+
+<p>The concept of a constricted sanctuary as seen in Abiquiú
+<i>moradas</i> originated in earlier Spanish and Mexican churches. In
+1479, architect Juan Guas used a trapezoidal apse plan in San Juan de
+los Reyes at Toledo and, by 1512, the design found its way into
+America's first cathedral at Santo Domingo. Within the first century
+of Spanish colonization, contracted sanctuary walls appeared on the
+American mainland in Arciniega's revised plan for Mexico City's
+Cathedral (post-1584)<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_51" id="Ref_51" href="#Foot_51">[51]</a></span>
+and, again, in New Mexico, where it first
+appeared at the stone mission of Zía, built about 1614 (Figure 9<span class="smcap">c</span>).
+Once established in the Franciscan province, the concept of converging
+sanctuary walls survived the 1680 Indian revolt and returned with the
+reconquest of New Mexico in 1693. Spaniards raised and rebuilt
+missions from the capital at Santa Fe (San Miguel, rebuilt 1710;
+Figure 9<span class="smcap">d</span>) north to Taos (San Geronimo, 1706). Throughout the
+18th century, in a three-to-one ratio, the churches of New Mexico used
+the contracted, as opposed to the box, sanctuary.</p>
+
+<p>In the early 19th century, churches at Ranchos de Taos (1805-1815<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_52" id="Ref_52" href="#Foot_52">[52]</a></span>;
+Figure 9<span class="smcap">g</span>), Chimayo (about 1810; Figure 9<span class="smcap">h</span>), and
+Córdova (after 1830; Figure 9<span class="smcap">i</span>) continued to employ the trapezoidal
+sanctuary form. By midcentury, <i>penitente</i> brotherhoods are known
+to have been active in these villages, and the local ecclesiastic
+structures could have acted as an influence in the design of the
+<i>penitente moradas</i> at Abiquiú.</p>
+
+<p>In summary, the <i>moradas</i> at Abiquiú are traditional regional
+buildings in material and in basic form. The pointed west end of each
+building, however, is an ecclesiastic innovation in an otherwise
+typical domestic design. These <i>moradas</i> provide a significant
+design variant in the history of Spanish-American architecture in New
+Mexico.</p>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_44" id="Foot_44" href="#Ref_44">[44]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+The "Hall of Everyday Life in the American Past" in the Museum of
+History and Technology (Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.)
+displays an interior typical of a Spanish-New Mexican <i>adobe</i>
+house of about 1800.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_45" id="Foot_45" href="#Ref_45">[45]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">George Kubler</span>, <i>The Religious Architecture of New
+Mexico</i> (Colorado Springs, 1940), p. viii.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_46" id="Foot_46" href="#Ref_46">[46]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Bainbridge Bunting</span>, <i>Taos Adobes</i> (Santa Fe, 1964),
+P. 54.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_47" id="Foot_47" href="#Ref_47">[47]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+L-plan <i>moradas</i> are pictured by Woodward [see ftn. 13] in a
+1925 photograph at San Mateo, a different <i>morada</i> from that
+illustrated in <span class="smcap">Charles F. Lummis</span>, <i>Land of Poco Tiempo</i>
+(New York, 1897), as well as in another Woodward photograph [see ftn.
+13] taken on the road to Chimayo. <span class="smcap">L. B. Prince</span>, <i>Spanish
+Mission Churches of New Mexico</i> (Cedar Rapids, 1915), shows an
+L-plan <i>morada</i> near Las Vegas. Was the L-plan house an
+unconscious recall of the more secure structure that completely
+enclosed a <i>placita</i>?</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_48" id="Foot_48" href="#Ref_48">[48]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Bunting</span>, p. 56. After 1960 the Arroyo Hondo
+<i>morada</i> became the private residence of Larry Franks.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_49" id="Foot_49" href="#Ref_49">[49]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+AASF, Loose Documents, Mission, 1829 (May 27).</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_50" id="Foot_50" href="#Ref_50">[50]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Kubler</span>, <i>Religious Architecture</i>, p. 103.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_51" id="Foot_51" href="#Ref_51">[51]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">George Kubler</span> and <span class="smcap">Martin Soria</span>, <i>The Art and
+Architecture of Spain and Portugal and Their American Dominions, 1500
+to 1800</i> (Baltimore, 1959), pp. 3, 64, 74.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_52" id="Foot_52" href="#Ref_52">[52]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">E. Boyd</span>, interview, April 1966. Building date of about
+1780 usually is given for the present church. Boyd, however, states
+that documents in AASF support the tree-ring dates given in
+<span class="smcap">Kubler</span>. <i>Religious Architecture</i>, p. 121, as 1816±10.</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<h2><i>Interior Space and Artifacts</i></h2>
+
+<p class="nodent">The plans of the two <i>penitente moradas</i> of Abiquiú (Figure 4)
+reveal an identical arrangement of interior
+space. There are three rooms in each <i>morada</i>: (1) the
+longest is on the west end and, with its constricted
+sanctuary space, acts as an oratory; (2) the center
+room serves as a sacristy; and (3) the east room is for
+storage. The only major difference between the two
+<i>moradas</i> is the length of the storage room, which is
+nearly twice as long in the east <i>morada</i>. The remarkable
+similarities in design suggest that one served as the
+model for the other; local oral tradition holds that the
+east <i>morada</i> is older.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_53" id="Ref_53" href="#Foot_53">[53]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Internal evidence indicates that the east <i>morada</i> is indeed the
+older one. As shown in Figure 2, the south <i>morada</i> is located
+farther from the Abiquiú <i>plaza</i>, suggesting it was built at a
+later date&mdash;perhaps nearer 1900, when public and official criticism
+had prompted greater privacy for Holy Week processions, which were
+considered spectacles by tourists. In addition, the lesser width of
+the south <i>morada</i> rooms, the square-milled beams in the oratory,
+and the fireplace in the east end storage room indicate that it was
+built after the east <i>morada</i>. In contrast, the two corner
+fireplaces of the east <i>morada</i> are set in the center room, while
+another heating arrangement&mdash;an oil drum set on a low <i>adobe</i>
+dais&mdash;appears to have been added at a later date.</p>
+
+<p>The east <i>morada</i> was the obvious model for the builders of the
+later one on the south edge of Abiquiú. Local <i>penitentes</i> admit
+that there was a division in the original chapter just prior to
+1900<span class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_54" id="Ref_54" href="#Foot_54">[54]</a></span>
+but deny that the separation was made because of political
+differences, as suggested by one author.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_55" id="Ref_55" href="#Foot_55">[55]</a></span>
+The older members say
+that the first <i>morada</i> merely had become too large for
+convenient use of the building.</p>
+
+<p>The three rooms in each <i>morada</i> are distinguished by bare,
+whitewashed walls of <i>adobe</i> plaster, hard-packed dirt floors,
+two exterior doors, and three windows. A locked door is located off
+the oratory in the north face of the south <i>morada</i>. Figures 10
+and 11 show the sanctuaries in the south and east <i>morada</i>; and
+Figure 12, the back of the east <i>morada</i> oratory. Its open door
+leads into the center room, where the members would not remove the
+boards on the windows for me to take photographs. The east end room in
+each <i>morada</i>
+serves for storage of processional and ceremonial equipment.</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 500px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_10.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 10.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Altar in South</span> <i>Morada</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 10.05 meters long, 3.51 wide.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: West room in south <i>morada</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Description</span>: Looking west into sanctuary;
+    dirt floor with cotton rag rugs; side walls lined with benches and
+    hung with religious prints; square-milled timber ceiling; draped
+    arch with candelabra; altar and gradin with religious images.
+    (Numbers refer to subsequent illustrations.)</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 500px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_11.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 11.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Altar in East</span> <i>Morada</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Description</span>: Looking into sanctuary;
+    dirt floor and convergent <i>adobe</i> walls; sacristy entry
+    marked by drapes and raised floor; candelabra and sand boxes for
+    votive candles; draped altar table supplied with religious images.
+    (Numbers refer to subsequent illustrations.)</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 500px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_12.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 12.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Rear of Oratory, East</span> <i>Morada</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 10.98 meters long, 4.04 wide.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: Back of west room in east <i>morada</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Description</span>: Looking east, to rear of
+    oratory. Dirt floor, <i>adobe</i>-plastered walls, wooden benches,
+    iron stove, framed religious prints on walls, ceiling of round
+    beams (<i>vigas</i>).</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class="gap-above"><span class="smcap">Storage Room in Both Moradas.</span>&mdash;In the south <i>morada</i>
+(Figure 13), there are cactus scourges (<i>disciplinas</i>),
+corrugated metal sheeting used for roofing, and three rattles
+(<i>matracas</i>; Figure 14), also used for noise-making in
+<i>tinieblas</i> services. Situated here also are black Lenten
+candelabrum, a ladder, a cross with silvered Passion emblems, and
+massive penitential crosses (<i>maderos</i>; Figure 15). The Lenten
+ladder and cross are shown next to the exterior entry (Figure 16). A
+corner fireplace is flanked by locally made tin candle sconces (Figure
+17). Two 19th-century kerosene lamps appear on the fireplace mantle,
+and a tin-shaded lantern with its silver-plated reservoir hangs from
+the ceiling (Figure 15).</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 383px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_13.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 13.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Floor Tub in Storage Room.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: tub 53.3 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>,
+    northwest corner of room.
+    <span class="smcap">Description</span>: Cement tub, dirt floor,
+    fire wood, galvanized tubs, enamelized buckets, braided cactus whips
+    (<i>disciplinas</i>), wooden box rattle (<i>matraca</i>), punched
+    tin wall sconce, corrugated metal roofing.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 500px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_14.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 14.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Rattles</span> (<i>matracas</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 26 to 40 centimeters long.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i> storage (east) room.
+    <span class="smcap">Description</span>: Flexible tongue set
+    at one end of wooden frame, and notched cylinder on handle turning
+    in opposite end.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 379px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_15.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 15.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Penitente Crosses</span> (<i>maderos</i>)
+    <span class="smcap">in Storage Room</span>.
+    <span class="smcap">Sizes</span>: black cross 269.2 centimeters high
+    (Figure 16); ceiling boards 2.5 by 15; <i>maderos</i> 345 long.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: 20th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified carpenter.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>,
+    northeast corner.
+    <span class="smcap">Description</span>: black candelabra
+    (<i>tenebrario</i>), kerosene lanterns, tin shades, wooden keg and
+    box under table.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 321px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_16.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 16.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Cross and Ladder</span> (<i>cruz</i> and <i>escalera</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: cross 269.2 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Fourth quarter of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified carpenter.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>, storage (east) room.
+    <span class="smcap">Description</span>: Milled and carved wood
+    (painted), black cross and ladder, silvered nails (left arm),
+    hammer and pliers (right arm).</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 415px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_17.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 17.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Corner Fireplace in Storage Room.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: mantel 106.7 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>, southeast corner.
+    <span class="smcap">Description</span>: Walls, fireplace,
+    and flue of plastered <i>adobe</i>, kerosene lamps and tin wall
+    sconces, boarded up window to left (east).</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>In each <i>morada</i> storage area, there is a tub built
+on the floor that serves to wash off blood after penance.
+Figure 13 shows the tub in the south <i>morada</i>. In the
+older, east <i>morada</i>, the tub (Figure 18) is a wood- and
+tin-lined trough pushed against the north wall and
+plastered with <i>adobe</i>.</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 500px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_18.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 18.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Storage Room, East</span> <i>Morada</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Sizes</span>: Tub 112.6 centimeters long, 46 wide,
+    25.6 high; ladder 175 high.
+    <span class="smcap">Description</span>: Detail of north wall showing
+    enamelized containers, tub built into the floor for washing after
+    penance, and ladder.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>The storage room in the east <i>morada</i> also contains commercially
+made lamps, such as the plated reservoir with stamped Neo-rococo
+motifs (Figure 19). Nearby is a processional cross with two metal
+faces and a small, cast corpus (Figure 20). While kerosene lanterns
+are evidence of east-west rail commerce after 1880, the cross probably
+indicates a southern contact, possibly through Parral or Chihuahua,
+Mexico. Locally made, however, are the woven rag rugs (<i>jergas</i>)
+hung over a pole (<i>varal</i>)<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_56" id="Ref_56" href="#Foot_56">[56]</a></span>
+that drops from the ceiling. Also
+in the east <i>morada</i> storage are two percussion rifles (Figure
+21). Craddock Goins, Department of Armed Forces History, the
+Smithsonian Institution, identifies both as common Indian trade
+objects from midcentury Europe. These rifles probably were imports for
+sale to the Utes at the Abiquiú trading post between 1853 and 1874. At
+the rear of the room (Figure 22) rests a saw-horse table holding an
+assortment of stocks for these "trade guns," of wooden rattles
+(<i>matracas</i>), and of heavy crosses (<i>maderos</i>). On the
+ground stands a large bell, which, in a photograph (Museum of New
+Mexico, Photo No. 8550) taken by William Lippincott about 1945,
+appears on the tower of the <i>morada</i>. The
+silhouette dates the bell as being cast after 1760. Behind
+the bell rests the <i>morada</i> death cart. Also in the
+room are a plank ladder and the oil drum stove raised
+on an <i>adobe</i> dais (Figure 23) to the east of the exterior
+door.</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 580px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_19.jpg" alt=""/>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+  <img src="images/fig_20.jpg" alt=""/>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+  <img src="images/fig_21.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 19.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Reservoir for Kerosene Lamp.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 25.4 centimeters wide.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Second half of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: Imported to New Mexico.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, storage (east) room.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Silver-plated metal
+    stamped into Rococco revival decorations.</p>
+
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 20.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Processional Cross.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 30.5 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: Imported to New Mexico, probably from Mexico.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, storage (east) room.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Punched trifoil ends in
+    metal face, cast corpus.</p>
+
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 21.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Percussion Rifles.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 111.8 centimeters long.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Middle of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: European (Belgian?) exports.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>Morada</i>, storage (east) room.</p>
+
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 351px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_22.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 22.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Storage Room, East</span> <i>Morada</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Sizes</span>: Bell 64 centimeters wide (diameter), 47.4
+    high; cart 122 long (frame), 70 wide (frame), 71 between axle centers;
+    wheels 45 high.
+    <span class="smcap">Description</span>: Detail of east wall showing
+    saw-horse table, corrugated sheeting, bell, and death
+    cart of cottonwood and pine.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 351px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_23.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 23.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Storage Room, East</span> <i>Morada</i>: View next to
+    exterior door showing low <i>adobe</i> dais supporting oil drum stove.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class="gap-above"><span class="smcap">Sacristy in Both Moradas.</span>&mdash;While a panelled wooden box in the
+south <i>morada</i> stands inside the exterior door of the east room,
+another type of chest, said to hold cooking utensils, rests in the
+northwest corner of the center room of the east <i>morada</i>. Both
+storage chests are located in rooms with corner fireplaces. An
+informant said that these boxes held heating and cooking utensils and
+ceremonial equipment, including the <i>penitentes'</i> rule book. As
+noted above, the two fireplaces in the middle room of the east
+<i>morada</i> suggest that it was built earlier than the south
+<i>morada</i>, which has a single fireplace in the less active and
+more convenient rear storage room. Further evidence of this point is
+that the storage chest in the east <i>morada</i> is better constructed
+than that in the south <i>morada</i>; the former displays a slanted
+top and punch-decorated tin reinforcements on its corners. In the
+center room there are several benches with lathe-turned legs (Figure
+24).</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 350px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_24.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 24.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Bench</span> (<i>banco</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 108 centimeters long, 51 high, 47 wide.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, center room.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>The central room of the south <i>morada</i> also displays a number of
+benches of an earlier style (Figure 25). Over the rear door appears an
+unusual cross (Figure 26). The cross consists of two wood planks, 1.6
+centimeters thick, notched together and covered with paper. The
+surface bears carefully drawn, or perhaps stenciled, floral and
+religious designs in indigo blue: eleven Latin crosses appear among
+flowering vases, oversize buds, and 4-, 5-, and 8-pointed stars. These
+motifs probably are the result of copying from weaving or quilt
+pattern books of the late 19th century. A local <i>penitente</i>
+leader stated that the cross was made before 1925 by Onésimo Martínez
+of Abiquiú, when the latter was in his thirties. (The strong religious
+symbolism of the New Mexican designs reminds one of the stylized
+motifs on Atlantic Coastal folk drawings and textiles of Germanic
+origin.)</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 350px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_25.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 25.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Bench</span> (<i>banco</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 128 centimeters long, 106 high at back, 45 wide.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>, center room.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class="nodent">(<i>Figure 26 is frontispiece.</i>)</p>
+
+<p>Snare drums appear in the central room of both <i>moradas</i> (Figures
+27, 28). The drum in the east <i>morada</i> is mounted on top of a
+truncated wicker basket. It is interesting to note that rifles and
+drums commonly are recorded in mission choir lofts in 1776 by
+Domínguez.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_57" id="Ref_57" href="#Foot_57">[57]</a></span>
+In addition to marking significant moments in church
+ritual, they are used in Indian and <i>Hispano</i> village <i>fiestas</i>.</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 450px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_27.jpg" alt=""/>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+  <img src="images/fig_28.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 27.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Snare Drum</span> (<i>tambor</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 55.9 centimeters long.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: Imported to New Mexico.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, center room.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Commercially made, military
+    type, rope lines with leather drum ears [tighteners].</p>
+
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 28.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Snare Drum</span> (<i>tambor</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 58.4 centimeters long.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: Imported to New Mexico.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>, center room.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Commercially made, military
+    type, reddish stain, rope tension lines with rope and leather
+    drum ears [tighteners].</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Before describing religious objects in the west end rooms of Abiquiú
+<i>moradas</i>, a list of similar items in Santo Tomás Mission at an
+earlier date (1776) is of interest:</p>
+
+ <p class="block">a medium-sized bell ... altar table ... gradin ... altar cloth ... a
+ banner ... candleholders ... processional cross ... a painted wooden
+ cross ... ordinary single-leaved door ... image in the round of Our
+ Lady of the [Immaculate] Conception ... a wig ... silver crown ...
+ string of fine seed pearls ... ordinary bouquet ... painting on
+ copper of Our Lady of Sorrows (<i>Dolores</i>) in a black frame ...
+ <i>Via Crucis</i> in small paper prints on their little boards ... a
+ print of the Guadalupe.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_58" id="Ref_58" href="#Foot_58">[58]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Comparable versions of each of these objects occur in Abiquiú's
+<i>moradas</i>. In fact, virtually all objects found in the
+<i>penitente moradas</i> of Abiquiú are recorded as typical artifacts
+by church inventories and house wills of 18th- and 19th-century
+Spanish New Mexico.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_59" id="Ref_59" href="#Foot_59">[59]</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="gap-above"><span class="smcap">Oratory in the East Morada.</span>&mdash;In the rear of the oratory of
+the older east <i>morada</i> (Figure 12), one sees a stove and lantern
+on the right. Both are imported, extracultural items. The pierced, tin
+candle-lantern (Figure 29) is a common artifact found throughout
+Europe and America.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_60" id="Ref_60" href="#Foot_60">[60]</a></span></p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 250px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_29.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 29.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Candle Lantern.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 30.5 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: Imported to New Mexico.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, chapel.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Pierced tinwork.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Along the walls of the oratory hang imported religious prints framed
+in local punch-decorated tinwork. Tin handicraft became more
+widespread after 1850 when metal U.S. Army containers became available
+to the <i>Hispanos</i>. Designs seen on three tin frames (Figure 30)
+include twisted columns, crests, scallops, corner blocks, wings, and a
+variety of simple repoussé patterns. Paper prints in the tin frame
+suggest midcentury trade contacts between northern Mexico and the
+Atlantic Coast. Even the Mexican War (1846-1848) did not discourage
+American publishers such as Currier from appealing to Mexican
+religious and national loyalties with lithographs of Our Lady of
+Guadalupe (much in the same manner as the British, after the
+Revolution and War of 1812, profited by selling Americans objects that
+bore images of Yankee ships, eagles, and likenesses of
+Franklin and Washington). A fourth piece of local
+tinwork (Figure 31) in the east <i>morada</i> oratory is a
+niche for a small figure of the Holy Child of Atocha,
+<i>Santo Niño de Atocha</i>. This advocation of Jesus, like
+that of His mother in the Guadalupe image, further
+indicates Mexican influence.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_61" id="Ref_61" href="#Foot_61">[61]</a></span>
+The image of the
+<i>Atocha</i> is a product of local craftsmanship.</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 500px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_30.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 30.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Religious Prints in Tin Frames.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 52.1 centimeters high (center).
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: First three-quarters of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: Prints imported to New Mexico; frames
+    from New Mexico, unidentified tinsmiths.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, walls in chapel
+    (west) room.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Tin frames: cut, repoussé,
+    stamped and soldered into Federal and Victorian designs. Prints:
+    left, <i>Guadalupe</i>, early 19th century, Mexican copperplate
+    engraving; center, <i>Guadalupe</i>, 1847, N. Currier,
+    hand-colored lithograph; right, <i>San Gregorio</i> [Pope St.
+    Gregory], mid-19th-century lithograph.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 250px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_31.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 31.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Niche with Image of the Holy Child of Atocha</span>
+    (<i>nicho</i> and <i>El Santo Niño de Atocha</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: niche 44.4 centimeters high, image 21.6 high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Second half of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified tinsmith
+    and <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, wall in chapel room.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Tin: cut, repoussé,
+    soldered into fan, shell, and guilloche designs. Image: carved
+    wood, gessoed and painted red and white. Rosary and artificial
+    flowers.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>These representations of religious personages are called
+<i>santos</i>, and their makers, <i>santeros</i>. Flat panel paintings
+are known locally as <i>retablos</i>, while sculptured forms are
+<i>bultos</i>. George Kubler, distinguished art historian at Yale,
+suggests that <i>bultos</i>, because of their greater dimensional
+realism, are more popular than planar <i>retablos</i> with the
+<i>Hispanos</i>.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_62" id="Ref_62" href="#Foot_62">[62]</a></span>
+Supporting this theory is the fact that
+<i>bultos</i> in the Abiquiú <i>moradas</i> outnumber prints and
+<i>retablos</i> two to one.</p>
+
+<p>Perhaps the most distinctive three-dimensional image in any
+<i>morada</i> is not a <i>santo</i> by definition, but a unique figure
+that represents death (<i>la muerte</i>). Also known as <i>La Doña
+Sebastiana</i>, her image clearly marks a building as a
+<i>penitente</i> sanctuary. Personifying death with a sculptured image
+and dragging her cart to a cemetery called <i>calvario</i>, the
+<i>penitentes</i> of New Mexico reflect the sense of fate common to
+Spanish-speaking cultures, the recognition that death is life's one
+personal certainty.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_63" id="Ref_63" href="#Foot_63">[63]</a></span>
+The figure of death in the east <i>morada</i>
+hangs in the corner at the rear of the oratory. Placed outside for
+examination, this <i>muerte</i> (Figure 32) presents a flat, oval face
+with blank eyes. The black gown and bow and arrow are typical of
+<i>muerte</i> figures.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_64" id="Ref_64" href="#Foot_64">[64]</a></span>
+Turning toward the altar (Figure 11), one sees
+that death is outnumbered by images of hope and compassion:
+Jesus, His mother, and the saints who intercede
+for man.</p>
+
+<p>On the lower step of the altar appear a host of small, commercial
+products, mostly crucifixes, in plaster, plastic, and cheap metal
+alloys as well as numerous glass cups for candles. Above the upper
+ledge (<i>gradin</i>) appear five locally made images of Jesus
+crucified, <i>El Cristo</i>.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_65" id="Ref_65" href="#Foot_65">[65]</a></span>
+At the side of this central
+<i>Cristo</i> (Figure 33) hangs a small angel, <i>angelito</i>, which
+traditionally held a chalice to catch blood from the spear wound.
+Other <i>Cristos</i>, at the Taylor Museum in Colorado Springs and at
+the Museum of New Mexico (McCormick Collection A.7.49-24) in Santa Fe,
+repeat the weightless corpus and stylized wounds used by the anonymous
+<i>santero</i> who, after 1850, made these <i>bultos</i>.</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 550px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_32.jpg" alt=""/>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+  <img src="images/fig_33.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 32.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Death</span> (<i>la muerte</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 76.2 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Early 20th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, back of oratory.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Carved and whitewashed
+    wood, glass eyes and wood teeth, dressed in black fabric with
+    white lace border, bow and arrow.</p>
+
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 33.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Crucifix with Angel</span> (<i>Cristo</i> and <i>angelito</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: cross 139.7 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Fourth quarter of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, center of altar.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Carved wood gessoed and
+    painted, over-painted in oil; crown of thorns, rosaries, crucifix;
+    wooden plank, H-shape platform; black cross with <i>iNRi</i>
+    plaque; <i>angelito</i> with white cotton skirt.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Additional <i>Cristo</i> figures appear on the convergent walls of the
+east <i>morada</i> sanctuary. There are two pairs, large and small,
+perhaps dating as late as 1900, one pair to the right (Figures 34,
+35), the other, on the Gospel side (plates 36, 37).</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 500px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_34-37.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><i>top left</i></p>
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 34.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Crucifix</span> (<i>Cristo</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: cross 170.2 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Second half of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, right wall behind altar.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Carved wood, gessoed and
+    painted, over-painted in oils; black gauze shroud over head;
+    rosary and <i>iNRi</i> plaque.</p>
+
+    <p><i>bottom left</i></p>
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 35.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Crucifix</span> (<i>Cristo</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: cross 64.8 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Second half of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, right wall behind altar.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Carved wood, gessoed and
+    painted; dressed in white skirt with rosary.</p>
+
+    <p><i>top right</i></p>
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 36.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Crucifix</span> (<i>Cristo</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: cross 71.1 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Second half of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, left wall behind altar.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Carved wood, gessoed and
+    painted, repainted in oil colors, yellow and red strips on black;
+    dressed in white cotton skirt; rosary.</p>
+
+    <p><i>bottom right</i></p>
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 37.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Crucifix</span> (<i>Cristo</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: cross 177.8 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Fourth quarter of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, left wall behind altar.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Carved wood, gessoed and
+    painted; crown of thorns and rosary; dressed in white cotton waist
+    cloth.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>To the far left stands an important image: the scourged Jesus (Figure 38)
+prominent in <i>penitente</i> activity as "Our Father Jesus the
+Nazarene" (<i>Nuestro Padre Jesus Nazareno</i>). By 1918, Alice Corbin
+Henderson<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_66" id="Ref_66" href="#Foot_66">[66]</a></span>
+reports, this same figure appeared in <i>penitente</i>
+Holy Week processions at Abiquiú. She claims it was made originally
+for the Mission of Santo Tomás. E. Boyd points out stylistic traits
+shared by this Abiquiú <i>bulto</i> and the <i>retablo</i> figures in
+the San José de Chama Chapel at nearby Hernández, which was the work
+of <i>santero</i> Rafael Aragon, active from 1829 to after 1855.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_67" id="Ref_67" href="#Foot_67">[67]</a></span>
+Symbolic of man's physical suffering, the image of the <i>Jesus
+Nazareno</i> is essential to <i>penitente</i> enactments of the
+Passion.</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 250px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_38.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 38.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Man of Sorrows</span> (<i>Ecce Homo, Nuestro Padre Jesus Nazareno</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 1.60 meters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Second quarter of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, Rafael Aragon, active 1829-55.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, to left of altar.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Dressed in red fabric
+    gown, palm clusters and rosaries, leather crown of thorns,
+    horsehair wig, bright border painted on platform.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>On the left side of the east <i>morada</i> altar, two carved images
+represent the grieving mother of Jesus as "Our Lady of Sorrows"
+(<i>Nuestra Señora de los Dolores</i>), one image (Figure 39) in pink
+equipped with her attribute, a dagger; the other (Figure 40), like
+many processional figures, has been constructed by draping a pyramidal
+frame of four sticks with gesso-dipped cloth,
+which, when dry, is painted to represent a skirt. The
+apron-like design that appears on the skirt, now hidden
+under a black dress, indicates that the original identity
+probably was "Our Lady of Solitude" (<i>Nuestra Señora
+de la Soledad</i>).<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_68" id="Ref_68" href="#Foot_68">[68]</a></span></p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 500px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_39-40.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 39.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Our Lady of Sorrows</span> (<i>Nuestra Señora de los Dolores</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 99.1 centimeters base to crown.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Early 20th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, left side of altar.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Carved wood, gessoed and
+    painted; dressed in pink cotton gown and veil; tin crown and metal
+    dagger; artificial flowers, rosaries.</p>
+
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 40.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Our Lady of Sorrows or Solitude</span>
+    (<i>Nuestra Señora de los Dolores</i> or <i>la Soledad</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 81.3 centimeters base to crown.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Second half of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, left side of altar.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Carved wood head and
+    hands, gessoed, painted, and repainted; body of gesso-wetted
+    cloth, draped on stick frame to dry, painted; dressed in black
+    satin habit with white lace border; tin halo, rosary, artificial
+    flowers.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Also on the left side of the east <i>morada</i> altar, there are two
+male saints (<i>santos</i>) who fill vital roles in the
+<i>penitente</i> Easter drama. One, St. Peter (San Pedro) with the
+cock (Figure 41), is a <i>bulto</i> whose frame construction
+duplicates that of Our Lady (Figure 40). The cock apparently was made
+by another hand, and, despite its replaced tail, is a fine expression
+of local art. This group represents Peter's triple denial of Jesus
+before the cock announced dawn of the day of the Crucifixion. The
+<i>bulto</i> of San Pedro has special meaning for <i>penitentes</i>
+who, through their penance, bear witness to "Jesus the Nazarene."</p>
+
+<p>With the other <i>bulto</i>, <i>penitentes</i> have also recalled the
+crucifixion by representing St. John the Evangelist (San Juan) at the
+foot of the cross, where Jesus charged the disciple with the care of
+His mother. The image of John (Figure 42) bears distinctive stylistic
+features: blunt fingers; protruding forehead, cheek bones, and chin;
+and a full-lipped, open mouth.</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 460px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_41.jpg" alt=""/>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+  <img src="images/fig_42.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 41.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Saint Peter and Cock</span> (<i>San Pedro</i> and <i>Gallo</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 61 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: First quarter of 19th century, and 19th century cock.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, left side of altar.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: St. Peter's head (later):
+    carved wood, gessoed and painted. Body: cloth dipped in wet gesso,
+    draped over stick frame to dry, and painted, later over-painted.
+    Blue gown and orange cape. Cock of carved wood, gessoed and
+    painted; orange body with green haunch. Carved wood tail,
+    replacement.</p>
+
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 42.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Saint John the Evangelist</span> (<i>San Juan</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 137.2 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Second half of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, "Abiquiú <i>morada</i>" <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, left side of altar.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Carved wood, gessoed and
+    painted; black horsehair wig; dressed in white cotton fabric; palm
+    clusters and rosary. </p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Since these stylistic traits also occur in a <i>Cristo</i> figure in
+the Taylor Museum collection<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_69" id="Ref_69" href="#Foot_69">[69]</a></span>
+and in two other <i>bultos</i>&mdash;a
+<i>Cristo</i> and <i>Jesus Nazareno</i> in the south <i>morada</i> at
+Abiquiú&mdash;it seems reasonable to designate the anonymous image-maker as
+the "Abiquiú <i>morada santero</i>."</p>
+
+<p>A <i>bulto</i> that Alice Henderson identifies as St. Joseph is
+probably this figure of St. John (Figure 42) now resting in the east
+<i>morada</i>. She has reported that this image and that of St. Peter
+were in the mission of Santo Tomás before 1919.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_70" id="Ref_70" href="#Foot_70">[70]</a></span>
+The shift in residence for these <i>santos</i> was substantiated by José Espinosa,
+who stated that several images "were removed to one of the local
+<i>moradas</i> ... when the old church was torn down."<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_71" id="Ref_71" href="#Foot_71">[71]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>On the right side of the east <i>morada</i> altar, images of two male
+saints reflect the intense affection felt by <i>penitentes</i> for the
+Franciscan saints Anthony of Padua and John of Nepomuk. The most
+popular New Mexican
+saint, San Antonio (Figure 43), customarily carries
+the young Jesus, <i>El Santo Niño</i>. This image has been
+painted dark blue to represent the traditional Franciscan
+habit of New Mexico before the 1890s.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_72" id="Ref_72" href="#Foot_72">[72]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The 14th-century saint, John of Nepomuk, Bohemia (Figure 44), is known
+from a legend that states he was killed by King Wenceslaus for
+refusing to reveal secrets of the Queen, for whom he was confessor.
+The story notes that, after torture, John was drowned in the Moldau
+River, but that his body floated all night and, in the morning, was
+taken to the Church of the Holy Cross of the Penitents in Prague.
+After the martyred chaplain was canonized in 1729, his cult spread to
+Rome, then Spain, and, by 1800, into New Mexico.</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 500px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_43-44.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 43.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Saint Anthony of Padua and the Infant Jesus</span> (<i>San Antonio y Niño</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 43.2 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: First half of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, right side of altar.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Carved wood, gessoed and
+    painted with repainted head; dark blue habit; dressed in light
+    blue cotton fabric with white border, artificial flowers.</p>
+
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 44.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Saint John of Nepomuk</span> (<i>San Juan Nepomuceno</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: base to hat 78.7 centimeters.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Second quarter of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, right side of altar.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Carved wood, gessoed and
+    painted; dark blue robe with white border; dressed in black hat
+    and robe under white alblike coat; rosary.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Among the <i>Hispanos</i>, local Franciscans promoted this cult of St.
+John as a prognosticator and as a respecter of secrecy.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_73" id="Ref_73" href="#Foot_73">[73]</a></span>
+Due in part to this promotion, <i>San Juan Nepomuceno</i> became a favorite
+of New Mexican <i>penitentes</i>. E. Boyd suggests that the image of
+St. John (Figure 44) may have first represented St. Francis or St.
+Joseph. She also notes a stylistically similar <i>bulto</i> of St.
+Joseph in Colorado Springs, manufactured not long after 1825.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_74" id="Ref_74" href="#Foot_74">[74]</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="gap-above"><span class="smcap">Oratory in South Morada.</span>&mdash;Turning to the south <i>morada</i>
+chapel, we find numerous parallels to the earlier east <i>morada</i>
+in <i>santo</i> identities and in religious artifacts. (Figure 10
+presents a previously unphotographed view of this active
+<i>penitente</i> chapel with its fully equipped altar.) The walls of
+the west chamber of the south <i>morada</i> are lined with benches
+over which hang religious prints in frames of commercial plaster and
+local tin work (Figure 45).</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 500px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_45.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 45.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Saint Joseph and Christ Child</span> (<i>San José y el Santo Niño</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: frame 45.7 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Fourth quarter of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: Imported commercial products.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>, chapel wall.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Plaster frame, molded and gilded.
+    Chromo-lithograph on paper.
+    <span class="smcap">Saint Peter</span> (<i>San Pedro</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: frame 25.4 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Third quarter of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: Imported, commercially made print.
+    New Mexico, unidentified tinsmith.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>, chapel wall.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Tin frame: cut, repoussé, stamped,
+    and soldered. Chromo-lithograph on paper.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>The tin frame for a lithograph of St. Peter reveals repoussé designs
+found on east <i>morada</i> frames (Figure 30, center). Other examples
+of local tinwork are seen in Figure 46. On the right is a cross of
+punched tinwork with pomegranate ends and corner fillers that reflect
+Moorish characteristics in Spanish arts known as <i>mudéjar</i>. The
+frame dates from after 1850, as indicated by glass panes painted with
+floral patterns suggesting Victorian wallpaper. To the left is a niche
+made of six glass panels painted with wavy lines and an early
+19th-century woodcut of the Holy Child of Atocha.
+Here again, twisted half-columns repeat a motif seen
+on a tin frame in the east <i>morada</i> chapel. In front of
+the draped entry to the south <i>morada</i> sanctuary stand
+two candelabra, one of which is shown in the doorway
+to the oratory (Figure 47) with tin reflectors and
+hand-carved sockets.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_75" id="Ref_75" href="#Foot_75">[75]</a></span>
+There are also vigil light boxes,
+kerosene lanterns with varnished tin shades, commercial
+religious images and ornaments that are similar to
+items in the east <i>morada</i> sanctuary.</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 500px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_46.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 46.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Niche with Print of Christ Child</span> (<i>Nicho</i>
+    and <i>Santo Niño de Atocha</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 35.5 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Second half of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified tinsmith.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>, chapel walls.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Tin frame: cut, repoussé,
+    and soldered. Glass: cut and painted. Woodcut on paper.
+    <span class="smcap">Cross</span> (<i>cruz</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 43.2 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Fourth quarter of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origins</span>: New Mexico, unidentified tinsmith.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>, chapel walls.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Tin frame: cut, repoussé, and
+    soldered. Glass: cut and painted.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 250px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_47.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 47.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Candelabrum</span> (<i>candelabro</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 157.5 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Early 20th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>, in front of altar in oratory.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Mill-cut wood stand,
+    hand-carved pegs to hold candles, and hand-worked tin crosses.
+    Painted white. One of a pair. </p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Embroidered textiles portray the Last Supper, and a chapter banner,
+made up for the brotherhood after 1925, shows the Crucifixion in oil
+colors. This banner bears the words "Fraternidad Piadosa D[e]
+N[uestro] P[adre] J[esus] D[e] Nazareno, Sección No. 12, Abiquiú, New
+Mexico." The title <i>fraternidad</i> is that assumed by
+<i>penitente</i> chapters that incorporated in New Mexico around 1930,
+although the term <i>cofradía</i> often appears in transfers of
+private land to <i>penitente</i> organizations.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_76" id="Ref_76" href="#Foot_76">[76]</a></span>
+A second banner, this one on the left, reads "Sociedad de la Sagrada Familia," which is
+a Catholic women's organization that often supports <i>penitente</i>
+groups.</p>
+
+<p>In the oratory of the south <i>morada</i>, locally made images merit
+special notice. Two carved images flank the entry to the south
+<i>morada</i> sanctuary. The <i>bulto</i> on the right, St. Francis of
+Assisi (Figure 48), has a special significance. As we noted in the
+east <i>morada</i>, many Spanish settlers in New Mexico honored San
+Francisco as the founder of the Franciscans, the order whose
+missionaries long had served the region. The second <i>bulto</i>
+(Figure 49) reveals clues that it originally had been a representation
+of the Immaculate Conception (<i>Inmaculata Concepción</i>). In
+Abiquiú, however, this figure is called <i>la mujer de San Juan</i>
+("the woman of St. John"), a phrase that indicates the major role Mary
+holds for the <i>penitentes</i>. With this image they refer to the
+moment in the Crucifixion when Jesus committed the care of His mother
+to St. John. As introductions to the south <i>morada</i> chancel, St.
+Francis and the Marian image are excellent specimens of pre-1850
+<i>santero</i> craftsmanship.</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 450px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_48-49.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 48.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Saint Francis of Assisi</span> (<i>San Francisco</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 53.3 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: First half of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>, right wall of chapel.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Carved wood, gessoed and
+    painted; blue habit with brown collar; wood cross and skull, tin
+    halo; rosary beads with fish pendants.</p>
+
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 49.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">The Immaculate Conception</span> (<i>la mujer de San Juan</i> [local name]).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 55.9 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: First half of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>, left wall of chapel.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Carved wood, gessoed and
+    painted; oil colors over earlier tempera; red gown and crown; blue
+    cape and base.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Two more images of Mary occur on the altar of the south <i>morada</i>
+sanctuary. The first (Figure 50) takes its proper ecclesiastic
+position on the Gospel side, to the viewer's left of the crucifix. The
+second "Marian"
+image (Figure 51) is less orthodox. Not only does this
+<i>bulto</i> stand on the Epistle side of the crucifix but, like
+the Marian advocation cited above as <i>la mujer de San
+Juan</i>, this figure's identity has been changed to suit
+local taste. <i>Penitentes</i> at Abiquiú refer to the image as
+Santa Rosa, the traditional patroness of the area following
+its first settlement by Spaniards.</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 460px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_50.jpg" alt=""/>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+  <img src="images/fig_51.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 50.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Our Lady of Sorrows</span> (<i>Nuestra Señora de los Dolores</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 104.1 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Third quarter of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>, left side of altar.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Carved wood, gessoed and
+    painted; dressed in pink satin; artificial flowers, tin crown.</p>
+
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 51.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Virgin and Child or Saint Rita</span> (<i>Santa Rosa de Lima</i> [local name]).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 68 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Fourth quarter of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>, right side of altar.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Carved wood, gessoed and
+    painted; dressed in pink satin; cross of turned wood; artificial
+    flowers, shell crown.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Between these Marian images there are two large <i>bultos</i> that are
+examples of the work of the "Abiquiú <i>morada santero</i>" suggested
+earlier. Both are figures of Jesus. The first, a <i>Cristo</i> (Figure 52),
+is the central crucifix on the altar. As in the east <i>morada</i>,
+the focal image is accompanied by an <i>angelito</i>, this time with
+tin wings.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_77" id="Ref_77" href="#Foot_77">[77]</a></span>
+To the right stands the other image of Jesus, the
+Nazarene, <i>Nuestro Padre Jesus Nazareno</i> (Figure 53). Along with
+the nearby crucifix (Figure 52) and the figure of St. John the
+Evangelist (Figure 42) in the east <i>morada</i>, this representation
+of the scourged Jesus reflects the style of the "Abiquiú <i>morada
+santero</i>." This Nazarene <i>bulto</i> embodies the <i>penitente</i>
+concept of Jesus as a Man of suffering Who must be followed.</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 450px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_52-53.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 52.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Crucifix with Angel</span> (<i>Cristo</i> and <i>angelito</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: Cross 144.8 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Early 20th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, "Abiquiú <i>morada</i>" <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>, center of altar.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Carved wood, gessoed and
+    painted; purple fabric, waist cloths; tin wings on
+    <i>angelito</i>; black cross with <i>iNRi</i> plaque.</p>
+
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 53.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Man of Sorrows</span> (<i>Ecce Homo, Nuestro Padre Jesus Nazareno</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 122 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Second half of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, "Abiquiú <i>morada</i>" <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>, right side of altar.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Carved wood, gessoed and
+    painted; black horsehair wig, crown of thorns; purple fabric gown;
+    palm clusters, rosaries.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>The special character of the <i>penitente</i> brotherhood is
+demonstrated also in the last two <i>bultos</i> on the south
+<i>morada</i> altar. The prominent size and position of St. John of
+Nepomuk (Figure 54) on the altar indicate again the importance given
+by the <i>penitentes</i> to San Juan as a keeper of secrets. The other
+figure is the south <i>morada</i>'s personification of death (Figure
+55), <i>la muerte</i>, here even more gaunt than the image in the east
+<i>morada</i>. Probably made after 1900, this figure demonstrates the
+persistent artistic and religious heritage of <i>Hispano</i> culture.</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 450px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_54-55.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 54.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Saint John of Nepomuk</span> (<i>San Juan Nepomuceno</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 90.2 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Early 20th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>, left side of altar.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Carved wood, gessoed and
+    painted; dressed in black gown and cap; white cotton cassock;
+    artificial flowers; horsehair wig.</p>
+
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 55.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Death</span> (<i>la muerte</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size:</span> 111.8 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Fourth quarter of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>, left side of altar.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_53" id="Foot_53" href="#Ref_53">[53]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+Interviews with Abiquiú inhabitants: Delfino Garcia in summer
+1963 and Agapita Lopez in fall 1966.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_54" id="Foot_54" href="#Ref_54">[54]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+Interviews with <i>penitente</i> members at Abiquiú, summers of
+1965 and 1967.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_55" id="Foot_55" href="#Ref_55">[55]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">José Espinosa</span>, <i>Saints in the Valley</i> (Albuquerque,
+1960), p. 75.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_56" id="Foot_56" href="#Ref_56">[56]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Domínguez</span>, <i>Missions</i>, p. 50 (ftn. 5), defines
+<i>varal</i> and its customary use.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_57" id="Foot_57" href="#Ref_57">[57]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+Ibid., pp. 107, 131 (ftn. 4), 167.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_58" id="Foot_58" href="#Ref_58">[58]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+Ibid., pp. 121-123.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_59" id="Foot_59" href="#Ref_59">[59]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+AASF, Loose Documents, Mission, 1680-1850, and Accounts,
+books xxxxv and lxiv. Also in Wills and Hijuelas, State Records
+Center, and in Twitchell documents, Land Management Bureau, both
+offices in Santa Fe, New Mexico.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_60" id="Foot_60" href="#Ref_60">[60]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Walter Hough</span>, <i>Collections of Heating and Lighting</i>
+(Smithsonian Inst. Bull. 141, Washington, D.C., 1928), pl. 28a, no. 3.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_61" id="Foot_61" href="#Ref_61">[61]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Stephen Borhegyi</span>, <i>El Santuario de Chimayo</i> (Santa
+Fe, 1956); also <span class="smcap">E. Boyd</span>, <i>Saints and Saint Makers</i>
+(Santa Fe, 1946), pp. 126-132.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_62" id="Foot_62" href="#Ref_62">[62]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">George Kubler</span>, in <i>Santos: An Exhibition of the
+Religious Folk Art of New Mexico with an Essay by George Kubler</i>
+(Fort Worth, Tex.: Amon Carter Museum of Western Art, June 1964).</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_63" id="Foot_63" href="#Ref_63">[63]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+A fuller discussion of the <i>penitente</i> death cart and
+further illustrations are found in <span class="smcap">Mitchell A. Wilder</span> and
+<span class="smcap">Edgar Breitenbach</span>, <i>Santos: The Religious Folk Art of New
+Mexico</i> (Colorado Springs, 1943), pl. 30 and text. Relevant to this
+study is the death cart with immobile wheels recorded by
+<span class="smcap">Henderson</span>, p. 32 [see ftn. 64], as having been used in
+processions before 1919. It is likely that this is the same cart
+described above in the storage room of the east <i>morada</i> (Figure
+22); it is important because its measurements and construction details
+are nearly identical to the death cart in the collections of the
+Museum of New Mexico, reputed to have come from Abiquiú.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_64" id="Foot_64" href="#Ref_64">[64]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Alice Corbin Henderson</span>, <i>Brothers of Light</i>
+(Chicago, 1962), p. 32, describes a <i>muerte</i> figure: chalk-white
+face, obsidian eyes, black outfit.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_65" id="Foot_65" href="#Ref_65">[65]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">E. Boyd</span>, "Crucifix in Santero Art," <i>El Palacio</i>,
+vol. LX, no. 3 (March 1953), pp. 112-115, indicates the significance
+of this image form.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_66" id="Foot_66" href="#Ref_66">[66]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Henderson</span>, pp. 13 (red gown, blindfolded, flowing black
+hair), 26 (red gown, bound hands, made for mission), and 43-46 (tall,
+almost life size, blindfolded, carried on small platform in procession
+from lower [east] <i>morada</i>, horsehair rope).</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_67" id="Foot_67" href="#Ref_67">[67]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Boyd</span>, in litt., Nov. 13, 1965.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_68" id="Foot_68" href="#Ref_68">[68]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Boyd</span>, loc. cit. Regarding
+construction, see <span class="smcap">E. Boyd</span>, "New Mexican
+Bultos with Hollow Skirts: How They Were Made," <i>El Palacio</i>,
+vol. LVIII, no. 5 (May, 1951), pp. 145-148.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_69" id="Foot_69" href="#Ref_69">[69]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Wilder</span> and <span class="smcap">Breitenbach</span>, pls. 24, 25.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_70" id="Foot_70" href="#Ref_70">[70]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Henderson</span>, p. 26.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_71" id="Foot_71" href="#Ref_71">[71]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">José Espinosa</span>, op. cit., p. 75.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_72" id="Foot_72" href="#Ref_72">[72]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Domínguez</span>, <i>Missions</i>, p. 264 (ftn. 59). The brown
+robe worn by Franciscans today is a late 19th-century innovation.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_73" id="Foot_73" href="#Ref_73">[73]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Boyd</span>, <i>Saints</i>, p. 133.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_74" id="Foot_74" href="#Ref_74">[74]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Boyd</span>, in litt., Nov. 13, 1965. For a comparative
+illustration of St. Joseph, see <span class="smcap">Wilder</span> and
+<span class="smcap">Breitenbach</span>, pl. 42.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_75" id="Foot_75" href="#Ref_75">[75]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Henderson</span>, p. 51, notes this pair of candelabra with the
+13 sockets. Fifteen is the ecclesiastically correct number for
+<i>tenebrae</i> services.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_76" id="Foot_76" href="#Ref_76">[76]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<i>Acts of Incorporation</i>, microfilm, Corporation Bureau,
+State Capitol, Santa Fe; see also Land Records, <i>General Indirect
+Index</i>, Rio Arriba County Court House, vols. I (1852-1912) and II
+(1912-1930).</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_77" id="Foot_77" href="#Ref_77">[77]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Henderson</span>, p. 51, describes the <i>angelito</i>, in the
+dim light of the <i>morada</i> ceremony, as a "dove like a wasp."
+Another angel figure was given me through Regino Salazar by one of the
+<i>penitente</i> brothers of Abiquiú. According to E. Boyd, it appears
+to be the work of José Rafael Aragon, who worked in the Santa Cruz
+area after 1825.</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<h2><i>Summary</i></h2>
+
+<p class="nodent">The two Abiquiú <i>moradas</i> are clearly parallel in their
+architectural design (including the constricted chancels), in their
+artifacts&mdash;especially <i>bulto</i> identities such as Jesus
+(<i>Cristo</i>, <i>Nazareno</i>, <i>Ecce Homo</i>, <i>Santo Niño de
+Atocha</i>), Mary (<i>Dolores</i>, <i>Immaculata Concepción</i>,
+<i>Soledad</i>, <i>Guadalupe</i>), Saint John of Nepomuk, Saint Peter,
+and death&mdash;and lastly, in the ceremonies held
+in the buildings, which link rather than separate the
+<i>penitente</i> movement and the common social values of
+<i>Hispano</i> culture.</p>
+
+<p>Edmonson uses six institutional values to define <i>Hispano</i>
+culture.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_78" id="Ref_78" href="#Foot_78">[78]</a></span>
+All six can be found in the <i>penitente</i> brotherhood.
+"Paternalism" is found in the relation of the members-at-large to the
+officers and of all the <i>penitente</i> brothers to <i>Nuestro Padre
+Jesus</i>, "Our Father Jesus." "Familism" is reflected in the
+structure of the <i>penitente</i> organization and especially in the
+extension of its social benefits to the entire community. "Dramatism"
+is an essential ingredient of <i>penitente</i> ceremonies such as the
+<i>tinieblas</i>. "Personalism" is revealed in the immediate and
+individual participation of all
+members in <i>penitente</i> activities. "Fatalism" is the focus
+of Holy Week and of funerals and is personified by the
+<i>muerte</i> figure in each <i>morada</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Finally, Edmonson cited "traditionalism" as definitive of
+<i>Hispano</i> culture, a characteristic that is clearly evident in
+the <i>penitente</i> forms of shelter, ceremonies, and artifacts.
+These commonplace objects and activities had been established at
+Abiquiú before and during the period of <i>morada</i> building and
+furnishing. Literary and pictorial documents presented in this study
+of Abiquiú and the <i>penitente moradas</i> reveal that their physical
+structure, furnishings, membership, and the brotherhood itself are
+related intimately to, and drawn from, the traditional and persistent
+Hispanic culture of New Mexico.</p>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_78" id="Foot_78" href="#Ref_78">[78]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Edmondson</span>, p. 62.</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<div>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 44678 ***</div>
+</body>
+
+</html>
diff --git a/44678-h/images/cover.jpg b/44678-h/images/cover.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..c3aa046
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/cover.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_01_large.png b/44678-h/images/fig_01_large.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..4d82b9b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_01_large.png
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_01_thumb.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_01_thumb.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..3f7b11b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_01_thumb.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_02_large.png b/44678-h/images/fig_02_large.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..0014c7b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_02_large.png
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_02_thumb.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_02_thumb.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..ba3ddc5
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_02_thumb.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_03.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_03.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8d1fb3b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_03.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_04.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_04.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6875070
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_04.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_05.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_05.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6040f3b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_05.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_06.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_06.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8c13d6c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_06.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_07.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_07.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..82b66e9
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_07.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_08.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_08.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a2eb0d4
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_08.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_09.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_09.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..bdcb629
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_09.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_10.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_10.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6ee5baf
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_10.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_11.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_11.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..5a79053
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_11.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_12.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_12.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..155be1e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_12.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_13.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_13.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..ec3a068
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_13.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_14.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_14.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..fa889f3
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_14.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_15.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_15.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..7ed065a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_15.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_16.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_16.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..baa15b7
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_16.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_17.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_17.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..020e248
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_17.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_18.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_18.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..d6b5b9f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_18.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_19.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_19.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..cb2509b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_19.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_20.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_20.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b5e015e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_20.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_21.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_21.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..ac89d0c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_21.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_22.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_22.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..d00220a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_22.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_23.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_23.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..53c11b7
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_23.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_24.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_24.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a057335
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_24.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_25.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_25.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..1c67832
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_25.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_26.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_26.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..68dba95
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_26.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_27.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_27.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..c252c86
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_27.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_28.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_28.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..15a3df6
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_28.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_29.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_29.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..682e1b9
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_29.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_30.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_30.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8eec496
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_30.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_31.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_31.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..79c4d8b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_31.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_32.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_32.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..f53718e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_32.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_33.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_33.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..ed8c07e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_33.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_34-37.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_34-37.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..88bcf2d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_34-37.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_38.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_38.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..e93ba46
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_38.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_39-40.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_39-40.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..e00c552
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_39-40.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_41.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_41.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..9458b2b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_41.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_42.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_42.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b520faf
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_42.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_43-44.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_43-44.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..507020d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_43-44.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_45.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_45.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..cba7d88
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_45.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_46.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_46.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..9e66b36
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_46.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_47.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_47.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b1a6235
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_47.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_48-49.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_48-49.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6387825
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_48-49.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_50.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_50.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..709e25e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_50.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_51.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_51.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..2ef0273
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_51.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_52-53.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_52-53.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..0b0ad45
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_52-53.jpg
diff --git a/44678-h/images/fig_54-55.jpg b/44678-h/images/fig_54-55.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..ed4befc
--- /dev/null
+++ b/44678-h/images/fig_54-55.jpg
diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6312041
--- /dev/null
+++ b/LICENSE.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,11 @@
+This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements,
+metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be
+in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES.
+
+Procedures for determining public domain status are described in
+the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org.
+
+No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in
+jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize
+this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright
+status under the laws that apply to them.
diff --git a/README.md b/README.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..f34b0cc
--- /dev/null
+++ b/README.md
@@ -0,0 +1,2 @@
+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #44678 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/44678)
diff --git a/old/44678-8.txt b/old/44678-8.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a2202c1
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-8.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,2047 @@
+Project Gutenberg's The Penitente Moradas of Abiqui�, by Richard E. Ahlborn
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license
+
+
+Title: The Penitente Moradas of Abiqui�
+
+Author: Richard E. Ahlborn
+
+Release Date: January 15, 2014 [EBook #44678]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PENITENTE MORADAS OF ABIQUI� ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Chris Curnow, Chris Pinfield, Joseph Cooper
+and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
+http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+Transcriber's Note:
+
+With the exception of Figure 26, which forms the frontispiece of this
+work, the descriptions of individual figures have been shifted to
+follow their first mention in the text.
+
+Italics are indicated by _underscores_. Small capitals have been
+replaced by full capitals. Apparent typographical errors have been
+corrected.
+
+
+
+
+ CONTRIBUTIONS FROM
+ THE MUSEUM OF HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY
+ PAPER 63
+
+
+THE PENITENTE MORADAS OF ABIQUI�
+
+_Richard E. Ahlborn_
+
+
+Introduction
+
+Penitente Organization
+
+Origins of the Penitente Movement
+
+The History of Abiqui�
+
+The Architecture of the Moradas
+
+Interior Space and Artifacts
+
+Summary
+
+
+ SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION PRESS
+ WASHINGTON, D.C.
+ 1968
+
+ U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1968 0--287-597
+
+ For sale by the Superintendent of Documents,
+ U.S. Government Printing Office
+ Washington, D.C. 20402--Price 75 cents
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 26. CROSS (_cruz_). SIZE: 106.7 centimeters
+high, 73.6 wide. DATE: First quarter of 20th century. ORIGIN: Abiqui�;
+On�simo Mart�nez. LOCATION: South _morada_, center room. MANUFACTURE:
+Indigo blue designs (stencilled?).]
+
+
+
+
+_Richard E. Ahlborn_
+
+_THE PENITENTE MORADAS OF ABIQUI�_
+
+
+_By the early 19th century, Spanish-speaking residents of villages in
+northern New Mexico and southern Colorado felt the need for a
+brotherhood that would preserve their traditional social and religious
+beliefs. Known as "brothers of light," or _penitentes_, these
+Spanish-Americans centered their activities in a houselike building,
+or _morada_, especially equipped for Holy Week ceremonies._
+
+_For the first time, two intact _moradas_ have been fully photographed
+and described through the cooperation of the _penitente_ brothers of
+Abiqui�, New Mexico._
+
+THE AUTHOR: _Richard E. Ahlborn is associate curator in the Division
+of Cultural History in the Smithsonian Institution's Museum of History
+and Technology._
+
+
+
+
+_Introduction_
+
+
+This study describes two earthern buildings and their special
+furnishings--humble but unique documents of Spanish-American culture.
+The two structures are located in Abiqui�, a rural, Spanish-speaking
+village in northern New Mexico. Known locally as _moradas_, they serve
+as meeting houses for members of a flagellant brotherhood, the
+_penitentes_.
+
+The _penitente_ brotherhood is characteristic of Spanish culture in
+New Mexico (herein called _Hispano_ to indicate its derivation from
+Hispanic traditions in Mexico). Although penitential activities
+occurred in Spain's former colonies--Mexico, Argentina, and the
+Philippines--the _penitentes_ in the mountainous region that extends
+north of Albuquerque into southern Colorado are remarkable for their
+persistence.
+
+After a century and a half of clerical criticism[1] and extracultural
+pressures against the movement, physical evidence of _penitente_
+activity, although scattered and diminished, still survives. As
+intact, functioning artifacts, the _penitente moradas_ at Abiqui� are
+valuable records of an autonomous, socio-religious brotherhood and of
+its place in the troubled history of Spanish-American culture in the
+Southwest.
+
+This paper maintains that _penitentes_ are not culturally deviant or
+aberrant but comprise a movement based firmly in Hispanic traditions
+as shown by their architecture and equipment found at Abiqui� and by
+previously established religious and social practices. Also, this
+paper presents in print for the first time a complete, integrated, and
+functioning group of _penitente_ artifacts documented, in situ, by
+photographs.
+
+My indebtedness in this study to local residents is immense: first,
+for inspiration, from Rosenaldo Salazar of Hern�ndez and his son
+Regino, who introduced me to _penitente_ members at Abiqui� and four
+times accompanied me to the _moradas_. The singular opportunity to
+measure and to photograph interiors and individual artifacts is due
+wholly to the understandably wary but proud, _penitentes_ themselves.
+The task of identifying religious images in the _moradas_ was expertly
+done by E. Boyd, Curator of the Spanish-Colonial Department in the
+Museum of New Mexico at Santa Fe. The final responsibility for
+accuracy and interpretation of data, of course, is mine alone.
+
+[1] Beginning in 1820 with the report of ecclesiastic visitor Ni�o de
+Guevara, the Catholic Church has continued to frown upon _penitente_
+activities, A modern critical study by a churchman: FATHER ANG�LICO
+CHAVEZ, "The Penitentes of New Mexico," _New Mexico Historical Review_
+(April 1954), vol. 22, pp. 97-123.
+
+
+
+
+_Penitente Organization_
+
+
+_Penitente_ brotherhoods usually are made up of Spanish-speaking
+Catholic laymen in rural communities. Although the activities and
+artifacts vary in specific details, the basic structure, ceremonies,
+and aims of _penitentes_ as a cultural institution may be generalized.
+Full membership is open only to adult males. Female relatives may
+serve _penitente_ chapters as auxiliaries who clean, cook, and join in
+prayer, as do children on occasion, but men hold all offices and make
+up the membership-at-large.
+
+_Penitente_ membership comprises two strata distinguishable by title
+and activity. In his study of _Hispano_ institutional values, Monro
+Edmonson notes that _penitente_ chapters are divided into these two
+groups: (1) common members or brothers in discipline, _hermanos
+disciplantes_; and (2) officers, called brothers of light, _hermanos
+de luz_.
+
+Edmonson names each officer and lists his duties:
+
+ The head of the chapter is the _hermano mayor_. He is assisted in
+ administrative duties by the warden (_celador_) and the collector
+ (_mandatario_), and in ceremonial duties by an assistant
+ (_coadjutor_), reader (_secretario_), blood-letter (_sangredor_) and
+ flutist (_pitero_). An official called the nurse (_enfermero_)
+ attends the flagellants, and a master of novices (_maestro de
+ novios_) supervises the training of new members.[2]
+
+In an early and apparently biased account of the _penitentes_,
+Reverend Alexandar Darley,[3] a Presbyterian missionary in southern
+Colorado, provides additional terms for three officers: _picador_ (the
+blood-letter), _regador_ or _rezador_ (a tenth officer, who led
+prayers) and _mayordomo de la muerte_ (literally "steward of death").
+As host for meetings between _penitente_ chapters, the _mayordomo_ may
+be a late 19th-century innovation that bears the political overtones
+of a local leader.[4]
+
+Having less influence than individual officers are the _penitente_
+members-at-large, numbering between thirty and fifty in each chapter.
+Through the _Hispano_ family system of extended bilateral kinship,
+however, much of the village population is represented in each local
+_penitente_ group.
+
+Edmonson's study in the Rimrock district demonstrates the deep sense
+of social responsibility felt by _penitentes_ for members and their
+extended family circles. "Special assistants were appointed from time
+to time to visit the sick or perform other community services which
+the brotherhood may undertake."[5] At other times of need, especially
+in sickness and death, the general _penitente_ membership renders
+invaluable service to the afflicted family. In addition, _penitente_
+welfare efforts include spiritual as well as physical comfort such as
+wakes, prayers and rosaries, and the singing of funereal chants
+(_alabados_). At Espa�ola in November of 1965, I witnessed
+_penitentes_ contributing such help to respected nonmembers: grave
+digging, financial aid, and a rosary service with _alabados_.
+
+These spiritual services, however, are peripheral to the principal
+religious activity of _penitentes_--the Lenten observance of the
+Passion and death of Jesus. During Holy Week, prayer meetings,
+rosaries, and _via crucis_ processions with religious images are held
+at the _morada_ and at a site representing Calvary (_calvario_),
+usually the local cemetery. On Good Friday, vigils are kept and the
+_morada_ is darkened for a service known as _las tinieblas_. The
+ceremony of "the darkenings" consists of silent prayer broken by
+violent noise making. Metal sheets and chains, wooden blocks and
+rattles are manipulated to suggest natural disturbances at the moment
+of Jesus' death on the cross. This emphatic portrayal of His last
+hours is recalled also by acts of contrition and flagellation in
+_penitente_ initiation rites, punishments, and Holy Week processions.
+
+_Penitentes_ use physical discipline and mortification as a dramatic
+means to intensify their imitation of Jesus' suffering.[6] Heavy
+timber crosses (_maderos_) and cactus whips (_disciplinas_) are used
+in processions that often include a figure of death in a cart (_la
+carreta de la muerte_). Disciplinary and initiatory mortification in
+the _morada_ makes use of flint or glass blood-letting devices
+(_padernales_).[7]
+
+[2] MONRO S. EDMONSON, _Los Manitos: A Study of Institutional Values_
+(Publ. 25, Middle American Research Institute; New Orleans: Tulane
+University, 1950), p. 43.
+
+[3] ALEXANDER M. DARLEY, _The Passionists of the Southwest_ (Pueblo,
+_1893_).
+
+[4] E. BOYD, Curator of the Spanish-Colonial Department, Museum of New
+Mexico, Santa Fe, states that Jes�s Trujjillo in 1947 furnished
+information on other _penitente_ officers, including one man who uses
+the _matraca_ and one who acts as a sergeant at arms.
+
+[5] EDMONSON, loc. cit.
+
+[6] GEORGE WHARTON JAMES, _New Mexico: Land of the Delight Makers_
+(Boston, 1920), lists concisely the Biblical and historical references
+to religious mortification practiced by New Mexican _penitentes_.
+
+[7] DARLEY (op. cit., pp. 8 ff.) gives an exhaustive list of methods
+of mortification said to be used by _penitentes_.
+
+
+
+
+_Origins of the Penitente Movement_
+
+
+By 1833, bodily penance practiced in lay brotherhoods of _Hispano_
+Catholics attracted criticism from the Church in New Mexico and
+resulted in the pejorative name _penitentes_.[8] Historically,
+however, within the traditional framework of Hispanic Catholicism, the
+_penitentes_ had precedents for their religious practices, including
+flagellation.
+
+_Penitente_ rites were derived from Catholic services already common
+in colonial New Mexico. Prayers and rosaries said before altars
+comprised an important part of _Hispano_ religious observances, and
+processions of Catholics and _penitentes_ alike were announced by
+bell, drum, and rifle in _Hispano_ villages. In particular,
+_penitentes_ used _via crucis_ processions to dramatize the Passion,
+portrayed in every Catholic church by the fourteen Stations of the
+Cross. _Penitentes_ also maintained Catholic Lenten practices by
+holding _tenebrae_ services, the _tinieblas_ rites mentioned above,
+and by flagellation.
+
+These parallels between Catholic and _penitente_ religious observances
+caused Edmonson to theorize that "the autonomous movement originated
+within the Church."[9] Variations, however, between the two religious
+traditions led Edmonson to discover "an important thread of religious
+independence and even apostasy in New Mexican history."[10] Edmonson's
+study of 1950 has established the persistence of _penitente_ activity
+in _Hispano_ culture.
+
+Three and a half centuries earlier, in 1598, Spanish settlers made a
+courageous thrust into the inhospitable environment of New Mexico.
+Through the 17th and 18th centuries, Spanish settlement along the
+upper Rio Grande was a tenuous thread unraveled from a stronger fabric
+in Mexico. Aridity and extremes in temperatures marked New Mexico's
+climate. Arable land was scarce and could be extended back from
+streams only by careful upkeep of the irrigation ditches. Plateaus
+rose from 1500 to more than 2500 meters in altitude. Building timbers
+were hard to obtain without roads or navigable rivers.
+
+Finally, distance itself was a challenge, sometimes insurmountable for
+the supply caravans from Mexico. Outfitted over a thousand miles to
+the south of Santa Fe, the Mexican caravans brought _presidio_ and
+mission supplies, but few goods for the common settler. By the end of
+the 18th century, Spanish authorities thought of the northern colonies
+(_provincias internas_) primarily as missionary fields and military
+buffer zones.[11]
+
+Cultural traditions and an insecure environment caused Spanish
+colonists to turn to religion for comfort. Again, however, a supply
+problem arose. Individual _ranchos_ were too scattered for clerical
+visits, and even settlements that were grouped for greater security,
+_poblaciones_ or _plazas_, became _visitas_ on little more than an
+annual basis, sharing two dozen Franciscan clergy with missions
+assigned to Indian _pueblos_ and Spanish villages. Before 1800, a
+shortage of friars prompted the Bishop in Durango to send secular
+clergy into the Franciscan enclave of New Mexico. In 1821 the Mexican
+Revolution formalized secularization with a new constitution. In
+brief, the traditional religious patterns of the _Hispanos_ were
+threatened. They needed reinforcement if they were to survive.
+
+By 1850, other conditions in New Mexico endangered the status quo of
+the Spanish-speaking residents. With the growing dominance of
+Anglo-Americans in the commercial, military, political, and social
+matters of Santa Fe, _Hispanos_ recognized the threat of Anglo culture
+to their own traditional way of life. This cultural challenge turned
+many _Hispanos_ back in upon themselves for physical and social
+security and for spiritual comfort. By the second quarter of the 19th
+century, _penitentes_ were common in _Hispano_ villages such as
+Abiqui�.[12] The immediate origins of penitentism were clearly present
+in early 19th-century New Mexico.
+
+Despite this evidence, historians of the Spanish Southwest have
+suggested geographically and culturally remote sources for the
+_penitentes_. Dorothy Woodward has pointed out similarities between
+New Mexican _penitentes_ and Spanish brotherhoods (_cofrad�as_) of
+laymen.[13] _Cofrad�as_ were not full church orders like the
+Franciscan Third Order, but they did conduct Lenten processions with
+flagellation.
+
+Somewhat nearer in miles but culturally more distant from _Hispano
+penitente_ experience was mortification practiced by Indians in New
+Spain. In the 16th century, Spanish chroniclers reported incidents
+ranging from sanguinary ceremonies of central Mexican tribes to
+whippings witnessed in the northern provinces of Sonora and New
+Mexico. While of peripheral interest to this study, these activities
+of American Indians had no direct bearing on _Hispano_ cultural needs
+in early 19th-century New Mexico.
+
+It is more significant that _Hispanos_ already knew a lay religious
+institution that very easily could have served as a model for the
+_penitente_ brotherhood--the Third Order of St. Francis. Established
+in 13th-century Italy and carried to Spain by the Gray Friars, the
+Order is recorded in contemporary histories of New Mexico before
+1700. Materials in the archives of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe also
+document the presence of the Franciscan Third Order in New Mexico and
+suggest to me its influence on _penitente_ activity.[14]
+
+In March 1776, Fray Dom�nguez, an ecclesiastic visitor, recorded
+Lenten "exercises" of the Third Order under the supervision of the
+resident priest at Santa Cruz and, two weeks later, in April,
+Dom�nguez visited Abiqui�, where he commended the Franciscan friar,
+Fray Sebastian Angel Fern�ndez, for "feasts of Our Lady, rosary with
+the father in church. Fridays of Lent, _Via Crucis_ with the father,
+and later, after dark, discipline attended by those who came
+voluntarily."[15] Dom�nguez, however, described the priest as "not at
+all obedient to rule"[16] when Father Fern�ndez, acting in an
+independent manner, proceeded to build missions at Picuris and Sandia
+without authorization. But in 1777, he again praised Fray Fern�ndez
+for special _Via Crucis_ devotions and "scourging by the resident
+missionary and some of the faithful."[17] Dom�nguez thus documented
+flagellant practices and _tinieblas_ services at Abiqui� and his
+approval, as an official Church representative, of these activities.
+
+Father Chavez, O.F.M., protests the theory of _penitente_ origins in
+the Third Order of St. Francis and counters with the idea that
+"penitentism" was imported directly from Mexico in the early
+1800s.[18] I note, however, that the bishops seated in Santa Fe after
+1848 recognized the strength of this lay socio-religious movement and
+tried to deal with it in terms of the Order. At a synod in 1888,
+Archbishop Salpointe pleaded for _penitentes_ "to return" to the Third
+Order. Some degree of direct influence of the Third Order on
+"penitentism" seems fairly certain.
+
+[8] ANG�LICO CHAVEZ, _Archives of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe,
+1678-1900_ (Washington, 1957): "Books of Patentes," 1833: books xi,
+xii, xix, lxxiii, and lxxxii. (Original documents from archives noted
+hereinafter as AASF.)
+
+[9] EDMONSON, p. 33.
+
+[10] Ibid., p. 18.
+
+[11] H. E. BOLTON, "The Spanish Borderlands and the Mission as a
+Frontier Institution," _American Historical Review_ (Santa Fe, 1917),
+vol. 23, pp. 42-61, indicates that this policy was developed after
+1765 by Charles III of Spain in an attempt to reorganize the
+administration of his vast colonial empire.
+
+[12] AASF, Patentes, book lxxiii, box 6.
+
+[13] "The Penitentes of the Southwest" (unpublished Ph. D.
+dissertation, Yale University, 1935).
+
+[14] CHAVEZ, _Archives_, p. 3 (ftn.).
+
+[15] FRAY FRANCISCO ATANASIO DOM�NGUEZ, _The Missions of New Mexico,
+1776_, transl. and annot. Eleanor B. Adams and Fray Angelico Chavez
+(Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1956), p. 124.
+
+[16] DOM�NGUEZ, ms., from Biblioteca Nacional de M�jico, leg. 10, no.
+46, p. 300.
+
+[17] Ibid., no. 43, p. 321.
+
+[18] CHAVEZ, "Penitentes," p. 100.
+
+
+
+
+_The History of Abiqui�_
+
+
+About three generations before the first _morada_ was built at
+Abiqui�, the conditions of settlement mentioned earlier and subsequent
+historical events resulted in an environment conducive to the
+development of _penitente_ activity. Shortly after 1740, civil
+authorities in Santa Fe attempted to settle colonists along the Chama
+River in order to create a buffer zone between marauding Indians to
+the northwest and Spanish and Pueblo villages on the Rio Grande
+(Figure 1). This constant threat of annihilation produced self-reliant
+and independent-minded settlers.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 1. Mid-19th-century New Mexico, showing
+pertinent geographical features, Indian pueblos (indicated by solid
+triangles), and Spanish villages cited in text.]
+
+Unorthodoxy appeared early in the religious history of Abiqui�. By
+1744, settlers had installed Santa Rosa de Lima as their patroness in
+a little riverside plaza near modern Abiqui�. After a decade, several
+colonists from Santa Rosa were moved to the hilltop plaza of Abiqui�,
+where the mission of Santo Tom�s Apostol had been established. In his
+1776 visit to Abiqui�, Dom�nguez noted, however, a continuing
+allegiance to the earlier patroness: "... settlers use the name of
+Santa Rosa, as the lost mission was called in the old days. Therefore,
+they celebrate the feast of this female saint [August 30th] and not of
+that masculine saint [St. Thomas the Apostle, December 21]."[19]
+Loyalty to Saint Rose survived this official protest, and village
+festivals have persisted in honoring Santa Rosa to this day. It is,
+therefore, not surprising to find her image in the earlier east
+_morada_ of Abiqui�.
+
+A disturbing influence in the religious life of Abiqui� were
+semi-Christianized servants _(gen�zaros)_, who had been ransomed from
+the Indians by Spaniards.[20] Often used to establish frontier
+settlements, _gen�zaros_ came to be a threat to the cultural stability
+of Abiqui�. For example, in 1762, two _gen�zaros_ accused of
+witchcraft were taken to Santa Cruz for judicial action. After the
+trial, Governor Cachup�n sent a detachment from Santa Fe to Abiqui� to
+destroy an inscribed stone said to be a relic of black magic.[21]
+Similar incidents with _gen�zaros_ during the next generation
+prolonged the unstable religious pattern at Abiqui�. In 1766, an
+Indian girl accused a _gen�zaro_ couple of killing the resident
+priest, Fray Felix Ordo�ez y Machado, by witchcraft.[22] And again in
+1782 and 1786, charges of apostasy were entered against Abiqui�
+_gen�zaros_.[23]
+
+Another disturbing element in the religious history of Abiqui� was the
+disinterest of her settlers in the building and furnishing of Santo
+Tom�s Mission. Although the structure was completed in the first
+generation of settlement at Abiqui�, 1755 to 1776, Dom�nguez could
+report only two contributions from colonists, both loans: "In this
+room [sacristy] there is an ordinary table with a drawer and key ... a
+loan from a settler called Juan Pablo Martin ... the chalice is in
+three pieces, and one of them, for it is a loan by the settlers, is
+used for a little shrine they have."[24] All mission equipment was
+supplied by royal funds (_s�nodos_) except some religious articles
+provided by the resident missionary, Fray Fern�ndez, who finished the
+structure raised half way by his predecessor, Fray Juan Jos� Toledo.
+Both Franciscans found settlers busy with everyday problems of
+survival and resentful when called on to labor for the mission. The
+settlers not only failed to supply any objects, but when they were
+required to work at the mission, all tools and equipment had to be
+supplied to them.[25]
+
+Despite these detrimental influences, the mission at Abiqui� continued
+to grow. Between 1760 and 1793, the population increased from 733 to
+1,363, making Abiqui� the third largest settlement in colonial New
+Mexico north of Paso del Norte [Ciudad Juarez].[26] (Only Santa Cruz
+with 1,650 and Santa Fe with 2,419 persons were larger.) In 1795, the
+pueblo had maintained its size at 1,558, with Indians representing
+less than 10 percent of the population.[27]
+
+The increase in size brought the mission at Abiqui� more important and
+longer-term resident missionaries: Fathers Jos� de la Prada, from 1789
+to 1806, and Teodoro Alcina de la Borda, from 1806 to 1823. Both men
+were elected directors (_custoses_) of the Franciscan mission field in
+New Mexico, "The Custody of the Conversion of St. Paul." _Custoses_
+Prada and Borda backed the Franciscans, who were fighting for a
+missionary field that they had long considered their own. Official
+directives (_patentes_) issued by _Custos_ Prada at Abiqui� warned all
+settlers against "new ideas of liberty" and asked each friar for his
+personal concept of governmental rights.[28] In 1802, Fray Prada also
+complained to the new _Custos_, Father Sanchez Vergara, about missions
+that had been neglected under the secular clergy.[29] In this period,
+Abiqui�'s mission was a center of clerical reaction to the
+revolutionary political ideas and clerical secularization that had
+resulted from Mexico's recent independence from Spain.
+
+In the year 1820, the strained relations between religious authorities
+and the laity at Abiqui� clearly reflected the unstable conditions in
+New Mexico. Eventually, charges of manipulating mission funds and
+neglect of clerical duties were brought against Father Alcina de la
+Borda by the citizens of Abiqui�.[30] At the same time, Governor
+Melgares informed the _Alcalde Mayor_, Santiago Salazar, that these
+funds (_s�nodos_) had been reduced and that an oath of loyalty to the
+Spanish crown would be required.[31] This situation produced a strong
+reaction in Abiqui�'s next generation, which sought to preserve its
+traditional cultural patterns in the _penitente_ brotherhoods.
+
+The great-grandsons of Abiqui�'s first settlers witnessed a
+significant change in organization of their mission--its
+secularization in 1826. For three years, Father Borda had shared his
+mission duties with Franciscans from San Juan and Santa Clara
+_pueblos_, giving way in 1823 to the last member of the Order to serve
+Santo Tom�s, Fray Sanchez Vergara. Santo Tom�s Mission received its
+first secular priest in 1823, Cura Leyva y Rosas, who returned to
+Abiqui� in 1832. Officially the mission at Abiqui� was secularized in
+1826, along with those at Bel�n and Taos.[32]
+
+The first secular priest assigned to Santo Tom�s reflected the now
+traditional and self-sufficient character of _Hispano_ culture at
+Abiqui�.[33] He was the independent-minded Don Antonio Jos� Mart�nez.
+Born in Abiqui�, Don Antonio later became an ambitious spiritual and
+political leader in Taos, where he fought to preserve traditional
+_Hispano_ culture from Anglo-American influences.
+
+The mission served by Father Mart�nez in Taos bore resemblance to that
+at Abiqui�. Both missions rested on much earlier Indian settlements,
+but the Taos pueblo was still active. Furthermore, Taos and Abiqui�
+were buffer settlements on the frontier, where Indian raids as well as
+trade occurred. In 1827 a census by P. B. Pino listed nearly 3,600
+persons at Taos and a similar count at Abiqui�; only Santa Fe with
+5,700 and Santa Cruz with 6,500 were larger villages.
+
+At this time, an independent element appeared in the religious
+activities of the Santa Cruz region. In 1831, Vicar Rascon gave
+permission to sixty members of the Third Order of St. Francis at Santa
+Cruz to hold Lenten exercises in Taos, provided that no "abuses" arose
+to be corrected on his next visit.[34] Apparently this warning proved
+inadequate, for in 1833 Archbishop Zubir�a concluded his visitation at
+Santa Cruz by ordering that "pastors of this villa ... must never in
+the future permit such reunions of _Penitentes_ under any pretext
+whatsoever."[35] We have noted, however, that two generations earlier
+Fray Dom�nguez had commended similar observances at Santa Cruz and
+Abiqui�, and it was not until the visitation of Fray Ni�o de Guevara,
+1817-1820, that Church officials found it necessary to condemn
+penitential activity in New Mexico.[36]
+
+In little more than two generations, from 1776 to 1833, the Franciscan
+missions were disrupted by secularization and excessive acts of
+penance. In the second half of the 19th century, the new, non-Spanish
+Archbishops, Lamy and Salpointe, saw a relation between the Franciscan
+Third Order and the brotherhood of _penitentes_. When J. B. Lamy began
+signing rule books (_arreglos_) for the _penitente_ chapters of New
+Mexico,[37] he hoped to reintegrate them into accepted Church practice
+as members of the Third Order. And at the end of the century, J. B.
+Salpointe expressed his belief that the _penitente_ brotherhood had
+been an outgrowth of the Franciscan tertiaries.[38]
+
+Abiqui� shared in events that marked the religious history of New
+Mexico in the last three quarters of the 19th century. We have noted
+the secularization of Santo Tom�s Mission in 1826; by 1856 the village
+had its _penitente_ rule book duly signed by Archbishop Lamy. Entitled
+_Arreglo de la Santa Hermandad de la Sangre de Nuestro Se�or
+Jesucristo_, a copy was signed by Abiqui�'s priest, Don Pedro Bernal,
+on April 6, 1867.[39] While officialdom worked out new religious and
+political relations, villagers struggled to preserve a more familiar
+tradition.
+
+Occupation of New Mexico in 1846 by United States troops tended to
+solidify traditional _Hispano_ life in Abiqui�. In that year, Navajo
+harassments caused an encampment of 180 men under Major Gilpin to be
+stationed at Abiqui�.[40] Eventually, the Indian raids slackened, and
+a trading post for the Utes was set up at Abiqui� in 1853.[41] Neither
+the U.S. Army nor Indian trading posts, however, became integrated
+into Abiqui�'s _Hispano_ way of life, and these extracultural
+influences soon moved on, leaving only a few commercial artifacts.
+
+With a new generation of inhabitants occupying Abiqui� between 1864
+and 1886, the village on the Rio Chama lost its primary function as a
+buffer settlement against nomadic Indians and settled down into a
+well-established cultural pattern, which in part was preserved by the
+_penitentes_. Kit Carson had rounded up the Navajos at Bosque Redondo,
+and two decades later, by 1883, the Utes had been moved north. In
+preparation, the Indian trading post at Abiqui� was closed in 1872 and
+moved to the new seat of Rio Arriba County, Tierra Amarilla,[42] 65
+kilometers northward. Within two generations, Abiqui�'s population had
+fallen to fewer than 800 from a high of nearly 3,600 in 1827.[43] As a
+result, many _Hispanos_ at Abiqui� withdrew into the _penitente_
+organization, which promised to preserve and even intensify their
+traditional ways of life and beliefs. These attitudes were
+materialized in the building of the _penitente moradas_.
+
+[19] DOM�NGUEZ, _Missions_, pp. 121 (ftn. 1), 200.
+
+[20] AASF, Patentes, 1700, forbids friars to buy _gen�zaros_ even
+under the excuse of Christianizing them since the result would likely
+be morally dangerous.
+
+[21] H. H. BANCROFT, _History of Arizona and New Mexico_ (San
+Francisco, 1889), p. 258.
+
+[22] DOM�NGUEZ, _Missions_, p. 336.
+
+[23] AASF, Loose Documents, Mission, 1782, no. 7.
+
+[24] DOM�NGUEZ, _Missions_, p. 122.
+
+[25] Ibid., p. 123.
+
+[26] BANCROFT, p. 279.
+
+[27] AASF, Loose Documents, Mission, 1795, no. 13.
+
+[28] Ibid., 1796, nos. 6, 7.
+
+[29] Ibid., 1802, no. 18.
+
+[30] Ibid., 1820, nos. 15, 21, 38; also R. E. TWITCHELL, _The Spanish
+Archives of New Mexico_ (Cedar Rapids, 1914), vol. 2, pp. 630, 631.
+
+[31] AASF, Loose Documents, Mission, 1820, nos. 12, 21.
+
+[32] Ibid., 1826, no. 7.
+
+[33] Don Antonio was less than eager to accept his first post; he had
+to be ordered to report to duty (AASF, Accounts, book lxvi [box 6],
+April 27, 1826).
+
+[34] AASF, Patentes, 1831, book lxx, box 4, p. 25.
+
+[35] Ibid., book lxxiii, box 7.
+
+[36] AASF, Accounts, book lxii, box 5.
+
+[37] AASF, Loose Documents, Diocesan, 1853, no. 17, for Santuario and
+Cochiti; other rule books document _penitente_ chapters at Chimayo, El
+Rito, and Taos.
+
+[38] JEAN B. SALPOINTE, _Soldiers of the Cross_ (Banning, Calif.,
+1898).
+
+[39] AASF, Loose Documents, Diocesan, 1856, no. 12.
+
+[40] TWITCHELL, pp. 533-534.
+
+[41] BANCROFT, p. 665.
+
+[42] TWITCHELL, p. 447.
+
+[43] Ibid., p. 449, from P. B. PINO, _Not�cias hist�ricas_ (M�jico,
+1848); and _Ninth U.S. Census_ (1870). The later figure may represent
+only the town proper; earlier statistics generally included outlying
+settlements.
+
+
+
+
+_The Architecture of the Moradas_
+
+
+In a modern map (Figure 2), circles enclose the Mission of Abiqui� and
+its two _penitente moradas_. The _moradas_ lie 300 meters east and 400
+meters south of the main plaza onto which Santo Tom�s Mission faces
+from the north. Between the _moradas_ rests the local burial ground
+(_campo santo_), a cemetery that serves _penitentes_ as "Calvary"
+(_calvario_) in their Lenten re-enactment of the Passion.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 2. The Abiqui� area, showing the Chama River,
+U.S. Highway 84, and siting of buildings (the mission of Santo Tom�s
+and the two _moradas_ are circled).]
+
+_Penitente moradas_ share a common system of _adobe_ construction with
+the religious and domestic structures of New Mexico. While the Indians
+set walls of puddled earth directly on the ground, the Spaniards,
+following Moorish precedent, laid _adobe_ bricks on stone foundations.
+Standard house-size _adobes_ average 15 by 30 by 50 centimeters.
+_Adobe_ bricks are made by packing a mixture of mud, sand, and straw
+into a wood frame from which the block then is knocked out onto the
+ground to dry in the sun. Stones set in _adobe_ mortar provide a
+foundation. The sun-dried bricks, which are also laid in _adobe_
+mortar, form exterior, load-bearing walls and interior partitions.
+
+Spanish _adobe_ construction also employs wood. Openings are framed
+and closed with a lintel that projects well into the wall. These
+recessed lintel faces often are left exposed after the plastering of
+adjoining surfaces. Roofs are transverse beams (_vigas_), which in
+turn hold small cross branches (_savinos_) or planks (_tablas_). A
+final layer of brush and _adobe_ plaster closes the surface cracks.
+Plank drains (_canales_), rectangular in section, lead water from this
+soft roof surface (Figure 3).
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 3. North roofline of east _morada_, showing
+exposed ends of ceiling beams (_vigas_), chimney of oratory stove, and
+construction of water drain (_canal_).]
+
+Domestic _adobe_ structures differ from ecclesiastic buildings in
+scale and in spatial arrangement. Colonial New Mexican churches are
+relatively large, unicellular spaces. Their simple nave volume often
+is made cruciform by a transept whose higher roof allows for a
+clerestory. A choir loft over the entry and a narrowed, elevated
+sanctuary further articulate the space at each end of the nave. In
+contrast, _Hispano_ houses consist of several low rooms set in a line
+or grouped around a court (_placita_) in which a gate and porch
+(_portal_) are placed. Rooms vary in width according to the length of
+the transverse beams, which usually are from four to six meters
+long.[44]
+
+The everyday living spaces inside Spanish-New Mexican houses tend to
+combine domestic activities and to appear similar in space and decor.
+Inside a _Hispano_ church, however, areas of special useage are marked
+off clearly within the volume. Celebration of the mass requires a
+special spatial treatment to indicate the sanctuary. This area is
+emphasized by an arched entry, lateral pilasters, raised floor, and
+characteristically convergent side walls. These slanting walls provide
+better vision for the congregation and easier movement for the
+celebrants. The convergent wall of sanctuaries is often visible from
+the exterior. It is noteworthy that both the contracted sanctuary of
+local churches and the linear arrangement of domestic interiors appear
+in the _penitente moradas_ of Abiqui�.
+
+In the plans of the Abiqui� _moradas_ (Figure 4), the identical
+arrangement of the three rooms reveals an origin in the typical
+_Hispano_ house form. George Kubler has observed that the design of
+_moradas_ "is closer to the domestic architecture of New Mexico than
+to the churches."[45] Bainbridge Bunting confirms the houselike form
+of _moradas_ but notes their lack of uniformity.[46] In comparison to
+_moradas_ of the L-plan,[47] and even of the pre-1856 T-plan structure
+at Arroyo Hondo,[48] the two _penitente_ buildings at Abiqui� preserve
+a simple | shape with one significant variation--a contracted chancel.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 4. Plans of south _morada_ (top) and east
+_morada_ (bottom): A=altar; B=standard; C=candelabra; D=sandbox;
+E=benches; F=fireplace; G=stove; H=chest; I=tub.]
+
+The basic form of the Abiqui� _moradas_ (Figures 5 and 6) is a
+rectangular box that closely resembles nearby houses. Even the long,
+windowless north facade of both Abiqui� _moradas_ recalls the unbroken
+walls of earlier _Hispano_ houses in hostile frontier regions. The
+Abiqui� _moradas_, however, possess one exception to the domestic
+form--a narrowed, accented end. On each _morada_ the west end is
+blunted and buttressed by a salient bell tower of stones laid in
+_adobe_ mortar and strengthened by horizontal boards (Figures 7 and
+8). This innovation in the form of the Abiqui� _moradas_ appears to be
+ecclesiastic in origin.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 5. SOUTH _Morada_. SIZE: 24.02 meters long, 5.41
+wide, 3.51 high. DATE: About 1900. LOCATION: 400 meters south of Santo
+Tom�s Church in main plaza; seen from southeast corner. MANUFACTURE:
+_Adobe_ bricks on stone foundation; wood door and window frames.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 6. EAST _Morada_. SIZE: 28.82 meters long, 4.88
+wide, 3.58 high. DATE: 19th century. LOCATION: 300 meters
+east-southeast of Santo Tom�s Church in main plaza; seen from
+northeast corner. MANUFACTURE: _Adobe_ bricks set on stone foundation;
+wood drains (_canales_) and beam (_viga_) ends at top of wall.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 7. West end of south _morada_, showing
+construction of bell tower and contracted sanctuary walls.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 8. Northwest view of east _morada_, showing
+limestone slab bell tower on contracted west end.]
+
+Plans of churches built close to Abiqui� in time, distance, and
+orientation could have served as sources for the design of the
+_moradas'_ west ends (Figure 9). Only five kilometers east of Abiqui�
+stood the chapel dedicated to Santa Rosa de Lima. As shown in Figure 9F,
+the sanctuary in its west end had a raised floor and flanking entry
+pilasters, features found in the east _morada's_ west end. This chapel
+was dedicated about 1744 and was still active as a _vis�ta_ from
+Abiqui� in 1830.[49] Through this period and to the present, the
+popularity of Saint Rose of Lima has persisted at Abiqui�. Her nearby
+chapel would have been a likely and logical choice for the design of
+the _morada's_ sanctuary end.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 9. Plans of two Abiqui� _moradas_ compared to
+New Mexican churches with contracted sanctuaries: A, south _morada_,
+B, east _morada_; C, Z�a Mission; D, San Miguel in Santa Fe; E, Santa
+Cruz; F, Santa Rosa; G, Ranchos de Taos; H, the _santuario_ at
+Chimayo; I, C�rdova. (From Kubler, _Religious Architecture_ [see ftn.
+45]: C=his figure 8; D=28, E=9, F=34, G=13, H=22, I=35.)]
+
+A second possible source for the contracted ends of the Abiqui�
+_moradas_ would be the south transept chapel of the Third Order of St.
+Francis at Santa Cruz (Figure 9E). It was completed shortly before
+1798[50] and served Franciscan tertiaries into the 1830s. Plans
+compared in Figure 9 indicate that the dimensions of this left
+transept chapel at Santa Cruz measure only five percent larger than
+the chapel room of the east _morada_ at Abiqui�, and the plans also
+reveal contracted chancel walls at both locations.
+
+The concept of a constricted sanctuary as seen in Abiqui� _moradas_
+originated in earlier Spanish and Mexican churches. In 1479, architect
+Juan Guas used a trapezoidal apse plan in San Juan de los Reyes at
+Toledo and, by 1512, the design found its way into America's first
+cathedral at Santo Domingo. Within the first century of Spanish
+colonization, contracted sanctuary walls appeared on the American
+mainland in Arciniega's revised plan for Mexico City's Cathedral
+(post-1584)[51] and, again, in New Mexico, where it first appeared at
+the stone mission of Z�a, built about 1614 (Figure 9C). Once
+established in the Franciscan province, the concept of converging
+sanctuary walls survived the 1680 Indian revolt and returned with the
+reconquest of New Mexico in 1693. Spaniards raised and rebuilt
+missions from the capital at Santa Fe (San Miguel, rebuilt 1710;
+Figure 9D) north to Taos (San Geronimo, 1706). Throughout the 18th
+century, in a three-to-one ratio, the churches of New Mexico used the
+contracted, as opposed to the box, sanctuary.
+
+In the early 19th century, churches at Ranchos de Taos (1805-1815[52];
+Figure 9G), Chimayo (about 1810; Figure 9H), and C�rdova (after 1830;
+Figure 9I) continued to employ the trapezoidal sanctuary form. By
+midcentury, _penitente_ brotherhoods are known to have been active in
+these villages, and the local ecclesiastic structures could have acted
+as an influence in the design of the _penitente moradas_ at Abiqui�.
+
+In summary, the _moradas_ at Abiqui� are traditional regional
+buildings in material and in basic form. The pointed west end of each
+building, however, is an ecclesiastic innovation in an otherwise
+typical domestic design. These _moradas_ provide a significant design
+variant in the history of Spanish-American architecture in New Mexico.
+
+[44] The "Hall of Everyday Life in the American Past" in the Museum of
+History and Technology (Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.)
+displays an interior typical of a Spanish-New Mexican _adobe_ house of
+about 1800.
+
+[45] GEORGE KUBLER, _The Religious Architecture of New Mexico_
+(Colorado Springs, 1940), p. viii.
+
+[46] BAINBRIDGE BUNTING, _Taos Adobes_ (Santa Fe, 1964), P. 54.
+
+[47] L-plan _moradas_ are pictured by Woodward [see ftn. 13] in a 1925
+photograph at San Mateo, a different _morada_ from that illustrated in
+CHARLES F. LUMMIS, _Land of Poco Tiempo_ (New York, 1897), as well as
+in another Woodward photograph [see ftn. 13] taken on the road to
+Chimayo. L. B. PRINCE, _Spanish Mission Churches of New Mexico_ (Cedar
+Rapids, 1915), shows an L-plan _morada_ near Las Vegas. Was the L-plan
+house an unconscious recall of the more secure structure that
+completely enclosed a _placita_?
+
+[48] BUNTING, p. 56. After 1960 the Arroyo Hondo _morada_ became the
+private residence of Larry Franks.
+
+[49] AASF, Loose Documents, Mission, 1829 (May 27).
+
+[50] KUBLER, _Religious Architecture_, p. 103.
+
+[51] GEORGE KUBLER and MARTIN SORIA, _The Art and Architecture of
+Spain and Portugal and Their American Dominions, 1500 to 1800_
+(Baltimore, 1959), pp. 3, 64, 74.
+
+[52] E. BOYD, interview, April 1966. Building date of about 1780
+usually is given for the present church. Boyd, however, states that
+documents in AASF support the tree-ring dates given in KUBLER.
+_Religious Architecture_, p. 121, as 1816�10.
+
+
+
+
+_Interior Space and Artifacts_
+
+
+The plans of the two _penitente moradas_ of Abiqui� (Figure 4) reveal
+an identical arrangement of interior space. There are three rooms in
+each _morada_: (1) the longest is on the west end and, with its
+constricted sanctuary space, acts as an oratory; (2) the center room
+serves as a sacristy; and (3) the east room is for storage. The only
+major difference between the two _moradas_ is the length of the
+storage room, which is nearly twice as long in the east _morada_. The
+remarkable similarities in design suggest that one served as the model
+for the other; local oral tradition holds that the east _morada_ is
+older.[53]
+
+Internal evidence indicates that the east _morada_ is indeed the older
+one. As shown in Figure 2, the south _morada_ is located farther from
+the Abiqui� _plaza_, suggesting it was built at a later date--perhaps
+nearer 1900, when public and official criticism had prompted greater
+privacy for Holy Week processions, which were considered spectacles by
+tourists. In addition, the lesser width of the south _morada_ rooms,
+the square-milled beams in the oratory, and the fireplace in the east
+end storage room indicate that it was built after the east _morada_.
+In contrast, the two corner fireplaces of the east _morada_ are set in
+the center room, while another heating arrangement--an oil drum set on
+a low _adobe_ dais--appears to have been added at a later date.
+
+The east _morada_ was the obvious model for the builders of the later
+one on the south edge of Abiqui�. Local _penitentes_ admit that there
+was a division in the original chapter just prior to 1900[54] but deny
+that the separation was made because of political differences, as
+suggested by one author.[55] The older members say that the first
+_morada_ merely had become too large for convenient use of the
+building.
+
+The three rooms in each _morada_ are distinguished by bare,
+whitewashed walls of _adobe_ plaster, hard-packed dirt floors, two
+exterior doors, and three windows. A locked door is located off the
+oratory in the north face of the south _morada_. Figures 10 and 11
+show the sanctuaries in the south and east _morada_; and Figure 12,
+the back of the east _morada_ oratory. Its open door leads into the
+center room, where the members would not remove the boards on the
+windows for me to take photographs. The east end room in each
+_morada_ serves for storage of processional and ceremonial equipment.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 10. ALTAR IN SOUTH _Morada_. SIZE: 10.05 meters
+long, 3.51 wide. LOCATION: West room in south _morada_. DESCRIPTION:
+Looking west into sanctuary; dirt floor with cotton rag rugs; side
+walls lined with benches and hung with religious prints; square-milled
+timber ceiling; draped arch with candelabra; altar and gradin with
+religious images. (Numbers refer to subsequent illustrations.)]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 11. ALTAR IN EAST _Morada_. DESCRIPTION: Looking
+into sanctuary; dirt floor and convergent _adobe_ walls; sacristy
+entry marked by drapes and raised floor; candelabra and sand boxes for
+votive candles; draped altar table supplied with religious images.
+(Numbers refer to subsequent illustrations.)]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 12. REAR OF ORATORY, EAST _Morada_. SIZE: 10.98
+meters long, 4.04 wide. LOCATION: Back of west room in east _morada_.
+DESCRIPTION: Looking east, to rear of oratory. Dirt floor,
+_adobe_-plastered walls, wooden benches, iron stove, framed religious
+prints on walls, ceiling of round beams (_vigas_).]
+
+
+STORAGE ROOM IN BOTH MORADAS.--In the south _morada_ (Figure 13),
+there are cactus scourges (_disciplinas_), corrugated metal sheeting
+used for roofing, and three rattles (_matracas_; Figure 14), also used
+for noise-making in _tinieblas_ services. Situated here also are black
+Lenten candelabrum, a ladder, a cross with silvered Passion emblems,
+and massive penitential crosses (_maderos_; Figure 15). The Lenten
+ladder and cross are shown next to the exterior entry (Figure 16). A
+corner fireplace is flanked by locally made tin candle sconces (Figure
+17). Two 19th-century kerosene lamps appear on the fireplace mantle,
+and a tin-shaded lantern with its silver-plated reservoir hangs from
+the ceiling (Figure 15).
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 13. FLOOR TUB IN STORAGE ROOM. SIZE: tub 53.3
+centimeters high. LOCATION: South _morada_, northwest corner of room.
+DESCRIPTION: Cement tub, dirt floor, fire wood, galvanized tubs,
+enamelized buckets, braided cactus whips (_disciplinas_), wooden box
+rattle (_matraca_), punched tin wall sconce, corrugated metal
+roofing.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 14. RATTLES (_matracas_). SIZE: 26 to 40
+centimeters long. LOCATION: South _morada_ storage (east) room.
+DESCRIPTION: Flexible tongue set at one end of wooden frame, and
+notched cylinder on handle turning in opposite end.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 15. PENITENTE CROSSES (_maderos_) IN STORAGE
+ROOM. SIZES: black cross 269.2 centimeters high (Figure 16); ceiling
+boards 2.5 by 15; _maderos_ 345 long. DATE: 20th century. ORIGIN: New
+Mexico, unidentified carpenter. LOCATION: South _morada_, northeast
+corner. DESCRIPTION: black candelabra (_tenebrario_), kerosene
+lanterns, tin shades, wooden keg and box under table.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 16. CROSS AND LADDER (_cruz_ and _escalera_).
+SIZE: cross 269.2 centimeters high. DATE: Fourth quarter of 19th
+century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified carpenter. LOCATION: South
+_morada_, storage (east) room. DESCRIPTION: Milled and carved wood
+(painted), black cross and ladder, silvered nails (left arm), hammer
+and pliers (right arm).]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 17. CORNER FIREPLACE IN STORAGE ROOM. SIZE:
+mantel 106.7 centimeters high. LOCATION: South _morada_, southeast
+corner. DESCRIPTION: Walls, fireplace, and flue of plastered _adobe_,
+kerosene lamps and tin wall sconces, boarded up window to left
+(east).]
+
+In each _morada_ storage area, there is a tub built on the floor that
+serves to wash off blood after penance. Figure 13 shows the tub in the
+south _morada_. In the older, east _morada_, the tub (Figure 18) is a
+wood- and tin-lined trough pushed against the north wall and plastered
+with _adobe_.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 18. STORAGE ROOM, EAST _Morada_. SIZES: Tub
+112.6 centimeters long, 46 wide, 25.6 high; ladder 175 high.
+DESCRIPTION: Detail of north wall showing enamelized containers, tub
+built into the floor for washing after penance, and ladder.]
+
+The storage room in the east _morada_ also contains commercially made
+lamps, such as the plated reservoir with stamped Neo-rococo motifs
+(Figure 19). Nearby is a processional cross with two metal faces and a
+small, cast corpus (Figure 20). While kerosene lanterns are evidence
+of east-west rail commerce after 1880, the cross probably indicates a
+southern contact, possibly through Parral or Chihuahua, Mexico.
+Locally made, however, are the woven rag rugs (_jergas_) hung over a
+pole (_varal_)[56] that drops from the ceiling. Also in the east
+_morada_ storage are two percussion rifles (Figure 21). Craddock
+Goins, Department of Armed Forces History, the Smithsonian
+Institution, identifies both as common Indian trade objects from
+midcentury Europe. These rifles probably were imports for sale to the
+Utes at the Abiqui� trading post between 1853 and 1874. At the rear of
+the room (Figure 22) rests a saw-horse table holding an assortment of
+stocks for these "trade guns," of wooden rattles (_matracas_), and of
+heavy crosses (_maderos_). On the ground stands a large bell, which,
+in a photograph (Museum of New Mexico, Photo No. 8550) taken by
+William Lippincott about 1945, appears on the tower of the _morada_.
+The silhouette dates the bell as being cast after 1760. Behind the
+bell rests the _morada_ death cart. Also in the room are a plank
+ladder and the oil drum stove raised on an _adobe_ dais (Figure 23) to
+the east of the exterior door.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 19. RESERVOIR FOR KEROSENE LAMP. SIZE: 25.4
+centimeters wide. DATE: Second half of 19th century. ORIGIN: Imported
+to New Mexico. LOCATION: East _morada_, storage (east) room.
+MANUFACTURE: Silver-plated metal stamped into Rococco revival
+decorations.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 20. PROCESSIONAL CROSS. SIZE: 30.5 centimeters
+high. DATE: 19th century. ORIGIN: Imported to New Mexico, probably
+from Mexico. LOCATION: East _morada_, storage (east) room.
+MANUFACTURE: Punched trifoil ends in metal face, cast corpus.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 21. PERCUSSION RIFLES. SIZE: 111.8 centimeters
+long. DATE: Middle of 19th century. ORIGIN: European (Belgian?)
+exports. LOCATION: East _Morada_, storage (east) room.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 22. STORAGE ROOM, EAST _Morada_. SIZES: Bell 64
+centimeters wide (diameter), 47.4 high; cart 122 long (frame), 70 wide
+(frame), 71 between axle centers; wheels 45 high. DESCRIPTION: Detail
+of east wall showing saw-horse table, corrugated sheeting, bell, and
+death cart of cottonwood and pine.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 23. STORAGE ROOM, EAST _Morada_: View next to
+exterior door showing low _adobe_ dais supporting oil drum stove.]
+
+
+SACRISTY IN BOTH MORADAS.--While a panelled wooden box in the south
+_morada_ stands inside the exterior door of the east room, another
+type of chest, said to hold cooking utensils, rests in the northwest
+corner of the center room of the east _morada_. Both storage chests
+are located in rooms with corner fireplaces. An informant said that
+these boxes held heating and cooking utensils and ceremonial
+equipment, including the _penitentes'_ rule book. As noted above, the
+two fireplaces in the middle room of the east _morada_ suggest that it
+was built earlier than the south _morada_, which has a single
+fireplace in the less active and more convenient rear storage room.
+Further evidence of this point is that the storage chest in the east
+_morada_ is better constructed than that in the south _morada_; the
+former displays a slanted top and punch-decorated tin reinforcements
+on its corners. In the center room there are several benches with
+lathe-turned legs (Figure 24).
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 24. BENCH (_banco_). SIZE: 108 centimeters long,
+51 high, 47 wide. LOCATION: East _morada_, center room.]
+
+The central room of the south _morada_ also displays a number of
+benches of an earlier style (Figure 25). Over the rear door appears an
+unusual cross (Figure 26). The cross consists of two wood planks, 1.6
+centimeters thick, notched together and covered with paper. The
+surface bears carefully drawn, or perhaps stenciled, floral and
+religious designs in indigo blue: eleven Latin crosses appear among
+flowering vases, oversize buds, and 4-, 5-, and 8-pointed stars. These
+motifs probably are the result of copying from weaving or quilt
+pattern books of the late 19th century. A local _penitente_ leader
+stated that the cross was made before 1925 by On�simo Mart�nez of
+Abiqui�, when the latter was in his thirties. (The strong religious
+symbolism of the New Mexican designs reminds one of the stylized
+motifs on Atlantic Coastal folk drawings and textiles of Germanic
+origin.)
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 25. BENCH (_banco_). SIZE: 128 centimeters long,
+106 high at back, 45 wide. LOCATION: South _morada_, center room.]
+
+(_Figure 26 is frontispiece._)
+
+Snare drums appear in the central room of both _moradas_ (Figures 27,
+28). The drum in the east _morada_ is mounted on top of a truncated
+wicker basket. It is interesting to note that rifles and drums
+commonly are recorded in mission choir lofts in 1776 by Dom�nguez.[57]
+In addition to marking significant moments in church ritual, they are
+used in Indian and _Hispano_ village _fiestas_.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 27. SNARE DRUM (_tambor_). SIZE: 55.9
+centimeters long. DATE: 19th century. ORIGIN: Imported to New Mexico.
+LOCATION: East _morada_, center room. MANUFACTURE: Commercially made,
+military type, rope lines with leather drum ears [tighteners].]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 28. SNARE DRUM (_tambor_). SIZE: 58.4
+centimeters long. DATE: 19th century. ORIGIN: Imported to New Mexico.
+LOCATION: South _morada_, center room. MANUFACTURE: Commercially made,
+military type, reddish stain, rope tension lines with rope and leather
+drum ears [tighteners].]
+
+Before describing religious objects in the west end rooms of Abiqui�
+_moradas_, a list of similar items in Santo Tom�s Mission at an
+earlier date (1776) is of interest:
+
+ a medium-sized bell ... altar table ... gradin ... altar cloth ... a
+ banner ... candleholders ... processional cross ... a painted wooden
+ cross ... ordinary single-leaved door ... image in the round of Our
+ Lady of the [Immaculate] Conception ... a wig ... silver crown ...
+ string of fine seed pearls ... ordinary bouquet ... painting on
+ copper of Our Lady of Sorrows (_Dolores_) in a black frame ... _Via
+ Crucis_ in small paper prints on their little boards ... a print of
+ the Guadalupe.[58]
+
+Comparable versions of each of these objects occur in Abiqui�'s
+_moradas_. In fact, virtually all objects found in the _penitente
+moradas_ of Abiqui� are recorded as typical artifacts by church
+inventories and house wills of 18th- and 19th-century Spanish New
+Mexico.[59]
+
+
+ORATORY IN THE EAST MORADA.--In the rear of the oratory of the older
+east _morada_ (Figure 12), one sees a stove and lantern on the right.
+Both are imported, extracultural items. The pierced, tin
+candle-lantern (Figure 29) is a common artifact found throughout
+Europe and America.[60]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 29. CANDLE LANTERN. SIZE: 30.5 centimeters high.
+DATE: 19th century. ORIGIN: Imported to New Mexico. LOCATION: East
+_morada_, chapel. MANUFACTURE: Pierced tinwork.]
+
+Along the walls of the oratory hang imported religious prints framed
+in local punch-decorated tinwork. Tin handicraft became more
+widespread after 1850 when metal U.S. Army containers became available
+to the _Hispanos_. Designs seen on three tin frames (Figure 30)
+include twisted columns, crests, scallops, corner blocks, wings, and a
+variety of simple repouss� patterns. Paper prints in the tin frame
+suggest midcentury trade contacts between northern Mexico and the
+Atlantic Coast. Even the Mexican War (1846-1848) did not discourage
+American publishers such as Currier from appealing to Mexican
+religious and national loyalties with lithographs of Our Lady of
+Guadalupe (much in the same manner as the British, after the
+Revolution and War of 1812, profited by selling Americans objects
+that bore images of Yankee ships, eagles, and likenesses of Franklin
+and Washington). A fourth piece of local tinwork (Figure 31) in the
+east _morada_ oratory is a niche for a small figure of the Holy Child
+of Atocha, _Santo Ni�o de Atocha_. This advocation of Jesus, like that
+of His mother in the Guadalupe image, further indicates Mexican
+influence.[61] The image of the _Atocha_ is a product of local
+craftsmanship.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 30. RELIGIOUS PRINTS IN TIN FRAMES. SIZE: 52.1
+centimeters high (center). DATE: First three-quarters of 19th century.
+ORIGIN: Prints imported to New Mexico; frames from New Mexico,
+unidentified tinsmiths. LOCATION: East _morada_, walls in chapel
+(west) room. MANUFACTURE: Tin frames: cut, repouss�, stamped and
+soldered into Federal and Victorian designs. Prints: left,
+_Guadalupe_, early 19th century, Mexican copperplate engraving;
+center, _Guadalupe_, 1847, N. Currier, hand-colored lithograph; right,
+_San Gregorio_ [Pope St. Gregory], mid-19th-century lithograph.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 31. NICHE WITH IMAGE OF THE HOLY CHILD OF ATOCHA
+(_nicho_ and _El Santo Ni�o de Atocha_). SIZE: niche 44.4 centimeters
+high, image 21.6 high. DATE: Second half of 19th century. ORIGIN: New
+Mexico, unidentified tinsmith and _santero_. LOCATION: East _morada_,
+wall in chapel room. MANUFACTURE: Tin: cut, repouss�, soldered into
+fan, shell, and guilloche designs. Image: carved wood, gessoed and
+painted red and white. Rosary and artificial flowers.]
+
+These representations of religious personages are called _santos_, and
+their makers, _santeros_. Flat panel paintings are known locally as
+_retablos_, while sculptured forms are _bultos_. George Kubler,
+distinguished art historian at Yale, suggests that _bultos_, because
+of their greater dimensional realism, are more popular than planar
+_retablos_ with the _Hispanos_.[62] Supporting this theory is the fact
+that _bultos_ in the Abiqui� _moradas_ outnumber prints and _retablos_
+two to one.
+
+Perhaps the most distinctive three-dimensional image in any _morada_
+is not a _santo_ by definition, but a unique figure that represents
+death (_la muerte_). Also known as _La Do�a Sebastiana_, her image
+clearly marks a building as a _penitente_ sanctuary. Personifying
+death with a sculptured image and dragging her cart to a cemetery
+called _calvario_, the _penitentes_ of New Mexico reflect the sense of
+fate common to Spanish-speaking cultures, the recognition that death
+is life's one personal certainty.[63] The figure of death in the east
+_morada_ hangs in the corner at the rear of the oratory. Placed
+outside for examination, this _muerte_ (Figure 32) presents a flat,
+oval face with blank eyes. The black gown and bow and arrow are
+typical of _muerte_ figures.[64] Turning toward the altar (Figure 11),
+one sees that death is outnumbered by images of hope and compassion:
+Jesus, His mother, and the saints who intercede for man.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 32. DEATH (_la muerte_). SIZE: 76.2 centimeters
+high. DATE: Early 20th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified
+_santero_. LOCATION: East _morada_, back of oratory. MANUFACTURE:
+Carved and whitewashed wood, glass eyes and wood teeth, dressed in
+black fabric with white lace border, bow and arrow.]
+
+On the lower step of the altar appear a host of small, commercial
+products, mostly crucifixes, in plaster, plastic, and cheap metal
+alloys as well as numerous glass cups for candles. Above the upper
+ledge (_gradin_) appear five locally made images of Jesus crucified,
+_El Cristo_.[65] At the side of this central _Cristo_ (Figure 33)
+hangs a small angel, _angelito_, which traditionally held a chalice to
+catch blood from the spear wound. Other _Cristos_, at the Taylor
+Museum in Colorado Springs and at the Museum of New Mexico (McCormick
+Collection A.7.49-24) in Santa Fe, repeat the weightless corpus and
+stylized wounds used by the anonymous _santero_ who, after 1850, made
+these _bultos_.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 33. CRUCIFIX WITH ANGEL (_Cristo_ and
+_angelito_). SIZE: cross 139.7 centimeters high. DATE: Fourth quarter
+of 19th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION:
+East _morada_, center of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood gessoed and
+painted, over-painted in oil; crown of thorns, rosaries, crucifix;
+wooden plank, H-shape platform; black cross with _iNRi_ plaque;
+_angelito_ with white cotton skirt.]
+
+Additional _Cristo_ figures appear on the convergent walls of the east
+_morada_ sanctuary. There are two pairs, large and small, perhaps
+dating as late as 1900, one pair to the right (Figures 34, 35), the
+other, on the Gospel side (plates 36, 37).
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 34. CRUCIFIX (_Cristo_). SIZE: cross 170.2
+centimeters high. DATE: Second half of 19th century. ORIGIN: New
+Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: East _morada_, right wall
+behind altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and painted,
+over-painted in oils; black gauze shroud over head; rosary and _iNRi_
+plaque.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 35. CRUCIFIX (_Cristo_). SIZE: cross 64.8
+centimeters high. DATE: Second half of 19th century. ORIGIN: New
+Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: East _morada_, right wall
+behind altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and painted; dressed
+in white skirt with rosary.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 36. CRUCIFIX (_Cristo_). SIZE: cross 71.1
+centimeters high. DATE: Second half of 19th century. ORIGIN: New
+Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: East _morada_, left wall
+behind altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and painted, repainted
+in oil colors, yellow and red strips on black; dressed in white cotton
+skirt; rosary.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 37. CRUCIFIX (_Cristo_). SIZE: cross 177.8
+centimeters high. DATE: Fourth quarter of 19th century. ORIGIN: New
+Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: East _morada_, left wall
+behind altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and painted; crown of
+thorns and rosary; dressed in white cotton waist cloth.]
+
+To the far left stands an important image: the scourged Jesus (Figure
+38) prominent in _penitente_ activity as "Our Father Jesus the
+Nazarene" (_Nuestro Padre Jesus Nazareno_). By 1918, Alice Corbin
+Henderson[66] reports, this same figure appeared in _penitente_ Holy
+Week processions at Abiqui�. She claims it was made originally for the
+Mission of Santo Tom�s. E. Boyd points out stylistic traits shared by
+this Abiqui� _bulto_ and the _retablo_ figures in the San Jos� de
+Chama Chapel at nearby Hern�ndez, which was the work of _santero_
+Rafael Aragon, active from 1829 to after 1855.[67] Symbolic of man's
+physical suffering, the image of the _Jesus Nazareno_ is essential to
+_penitente_ enactments of the Passion.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 38. MAN OF SORROWS (_Ecce Homo, Nuestro Padre
+Jesus Nazareno_). SIZE: 1.60 meters high. DATE: Second quarter of 19th
+century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, Rafael Aragon, active 1829-55. LOCATION:
+East _morada_, to left of altar. MANUFACTURE: Dressed in red fabric
+gown, palm clusters and rosaries, leather crown of thorns, horsehair
+wig, bright border painted on platform.]
+
+On the left side of the east _morada_ altar, two carved images
+represent the grieving mother of Jesus as "Our Lady of Sorrows"
+(_Nuestra Se�ora de los Dolores_), one image (Figure 39) in pink
+equipped with her attribute, a dagger; the other (Figure 40), like
+many processional figures, has been constructed by draping a pyramidal
+frame of four sticks with gesso-dipped cloth, which, when dry, is
+painted to represent a skirt. The apron-like design that appears on
+the skirt, now hidden under a black dress, indicates that the original
+identity probably was "Our Lady of Solitude" (_Nuestra Se�ora de la
+Soledad_).[68]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 39. OUR LADY OF SORROWS (_Nuestra Se�ora de los
+Dolores_). SIZE: 99.1 centimeters base to crown. DATE: Early 20th
+century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: East
+_morada_, left side of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and
+painted; dressed in pink cotton gown and veil; tin crown and metal
+dagger; artificial flowers, rosaries.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 40. OUR LADY OF SORROWS OR SOLITUDE (_Nuestra
+Se�ora de los Dolores_ or _la Soledad_). SIZE: 81.3 centimeters base
+to crown. DATE: Second half of 19th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico,
+unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: East _morada_, left side of altar.
+MANUFACTURE: Carved wood head and hands, gessoed, painted, and
+repainted; body of gesso-wetted cloth, draped on stick frame to dry,
+painted; dressed in black satin habit with white lace border; tin
+halo, rosary, artificial flowers.]
+
+Also on the left side of the east _morada_ altar, there are two male
+saints (_santos_) who fill vital roles in the _penitente_ Easter
+drama. One, St. Peter (San Pedro) with the cock (Figure 41), is a
+_bulto_ whose frame construction duplicates that of Our Lady (Figure
+40). The cock apparently was made by another hand, and, despite its
+replaced tail, is a fine expression of local art. This group
+represents Peter's triple denial of Jesus before the cock announced
+dawn of the day of the Crucifixion. The _bulto_ of San Pedro has
+special meaning for _penitentes_ who, through their penance, bear
+witness to "Jesus the Nazarene."
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 41. SAINT PETER AND COCK (_San Pedro_ and
+_Gallo_). SIZE: 61 centimeters high. DATE: First quarter of 19th
+century, and 19th century cock. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified
+_santero_. LOCATION: East _morada_, left side of altar. MANUFACTURE:
+St. Peter's head (later): carved wood, gessoed and painted. Body:
+cloth dipped in wet gesso, draped over stick frame to dry, and
+painted, later over-painted. Blue gown and orange cape. Cock of carved
+wood, gessoed and painted; orange body with green haunch. Carved wood
+tail, replacement.]
+
+With the other _bulto_, _penitentes_ have also recalled the
+crucifixion by representing St. John the Evangelist (San Juan) at the
+foot of the cross, where Jesus charged the disciple with the care of
+His mother. The image of John (Figure 42) bears distinctive stylistic
+features: blunt fingers; protruding forehead, cheek bones, and chin;
+and a full-lipped, open mouth.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 42. SAINT JOHN THE EVANGELIST (_San Juan_).
+SIZE: 137.2 centimeters high. DATE: Second half of 19th century.
+ORIGIN: New Mexico, "Abiqui� _morada_" _santero_. LOCATION: East
+_morada_, left side of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and
+painted; black horsehair wig; dressed in white cotton fabric; palm
+clusters and rosary.]
+
+Since these stylistic traits also occur in a _Cristo_ figure in the
+Taylor Museum collection[69] and in two other _bultos_--a _Cristo_ and
+_Jesus Nazareno_ in the south _morada_ at Abiqui�--it seems reasonable
+to designate the anonymous image-maker as the "Abiqui� _morada
+santero_."
+
+A _bulto_ that Alice Henderson identifies as St. Joseph is probably
+this figure of St. John (Figure 42) now resting in the east _morada_.
+She has reported that this image and that of St. Peter were in the
+mission of Santo Tom�s before 1919.[70] The shift in residence for
+these _santos_ was substantiated by Jos� Espinosa, who stated that
+several images "were removed to one of the local _moradas_ ... when
+the old church was torn down."[71]
+
+On the right side of the east _morada_ altar, images of two male
+saints reflect the intense affection felt by _penitentes_ for the
+Franciscan saints Anthony of Padua and John of Nepomuk. The most
+popular New Mexican saint, San Antonio (Figure 43), customarily
+carries the young Jesus, _El Santo Ni�o_. This image has been painted
+dark blue to represent the traditional Franciscan habit of New Mexico
+before the 1890s.[72]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 43. SAINT ANTHONY OF PADUA AND THE INFANT JESUS
+(_San Antonio y Ni�o_). SIZE: 43.2 centimeters high. DATE: First half
+of 19th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION:
+East _morada_, right side of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed
+and painted with repainted head; dark blue habit; dressed in light
+blue cotton fabric with white border, artificial flowers.]
+
+The 14th-century saint, John of Nepomuk, Bohemia (Figure 44), is known
+from a legend that states he was killed by King Wenceslaus for
+refusing to reveal secrets of the Queen, for whom he was confessor.
+The story notes that, after torture, John was drowned in the Moldau
+River, but that his body floated all night and, in the morning, was
+taken to the Church of the Holy Cross of the Penitents in Prague.
+After the martyred chaplain was canonized in 1729, his cult spread to
+Rome, then Spain, and, by 1800, into New Mexico.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 44. SAINT JOHN OF NEPOMUK (_San Juan
+Nepomuceno_). SIZE: base to hat 78.7 centimeters. DATE: Second quarter
+of 19th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION:
+East _morada_, right side of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed
+and painted; dark blue robe with white border; dressed in black hat
+and robe under white alblike coat; rosary.]
+
+Among the _Hispanos_, local Franciscans promoted this cult of St. John
+as a prognosticator and as a respecter of secrecy.[73] Due in part to
+this promotion, _San Juan Nepomuceno_ became a favorite of New Mexican
+_penitentes_. E. Boyd suggests that the image of St. John (Figure 44)
+may have first represented St. Francis or St. Joseph. She also notes a
+stylistically similar _bulto_ of St. Joseph in Colorado Springs,
+manufactured not long after 1825.[74]
+
+
+ORATORY IN SOUTH MORADA.--Turning to the south _morada_ chapel, we
+find numerous parallels to the earlier east _morada_ in _santo_
+identities and in religious artifacts. (Figure 10 presents a
+previously unphotographed view of this active _penitente_ chapel with
+its fully equipped altar.) The walls of the west chamber of the south
+_morada_ are lined with benches over which hang religious prints in
+frames of commercial plaster and local tin work (Figure 45).
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 45. SAINT JOSEPH AND CHRIST CHILD (_San Jos� y
+el Santo Ni�o_). SIZE: frame 45.7 centimeters high. DATE: Fourth
+quarter of 19th century. ORIGIN: Imported commercial products.
+LOCATION: South _morada_, chapel wall. MANUFACTURE: Plaster frame,
+molded and gilded. Chromo-lithograph on paper. SAINT PETER (_San
+Pedro_). SIZE: frame 25.4 centimeters high. DATE: Third quarter of
+19th century. ORIGIN: Imported, commercially made print. New Mexico,
+unidentified tinsmith. LOCATION: South _morada_, chapel wall.
+MANUFACTURE: Tin frame: cut, repouss�, stamped, and soldered.
+Chromo-lithograph on paper.]
+
+The tin frame for a lithograph of St. Peter reveals repouss� designs
+found on east _morada_ frames (Figure 30, center). Other examples of
+local tinwork are seen in Figure 46. On the right is a cross of
+punched tinwork with pomegranate ends and corner fillers that reflect
+Moorish characteristics in Spanish arts known as _mud�jar_. The frame
+dates from after 1850, as indicated by glass panes painted with floral
+patterns suggesting Victorian wallpaper. To the left is a niche made
+of six glass panels painted with wavy lines and an early 19th-century
+woodcut of the Holy Child of Atocha. Here again, twisted half-columns
+repeat a motif seen on a tin frame in the east _morada_ chapel. In
+front of the draped entry to the south _morada_ sanctuary stand two
+candelabra, one of which is shown in the doorway to the oratory
+(Figure 47) with tin reflectors and hand-carved sockets.[75] There are
+also vigil light boxes, kerosene lanterns with varnished tin shades,
+commercial religious images and ornaments that are similar to items in
+the east _morada_ sanctuary.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 46. NICHE WITH PRINT OF CHRIST CHILD (_Nicho_
+and _Santo Ni�o de Atocha_). SIZE: 35.5 centimeters high. DATE: Second
+half of 19th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified tinsmith.
+LOCATION: South _morada_, chapel walls. MANUFACTURE: Tin frame: cut,
+repouss�, and soldered. Glass: cut and painted. Woodcut on paper.
+CROSS (_cruz_). SIZE: 43.2 centimeters high. DATE: Fourth quarter of
+19th century. ORIGINS: New Mexico, unidentified tinsmith. LOCATION:
+South _morada_, chapel walls. MANUFACTURE: Tin frame: cut, repouss�,
+and soldered. Glass: cut and painted.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 47. CANDELABRUM (_candelabro_). SIZE: 157.5
+centimeters high. DATE: Early 20th century. LOCATION: South _morada_,
+in front of altar in oratory. MANUFACTURE: Mill-cut wood stand,
+hand-carved pegs to hold candles, and hand-worked tin crosses. Painted
+white. One of a pair.]
+
+Embroidered textiles portray the Last Supper, and a chapter banner,
+made up for the brotherhood after 1925, shows the Crucifixion in oil
+colors. This banner bears the words "Fraternidad Piadosa D[e]
+N[uestro] P[adre] J[esus] D[e] Nazareno, Secci�n No. 12, Abiqui�, New
+Mexico." The title _fraternidad_ is that assumed by _penitente_
+chapters that incorporated in New Mexico around 1930, although the
+term _cofrad�a_ often appears in transfers of private land to
+_penitente_ organizations.[76] A second banner, this one on the left,
+reads "Sociedad de la Sagrada Familia," which is a Catholic women's
+organization that often supports _penitente_ groups.
+
+In the oratory of the south _morada_, locally made images merit
+special notice. Two carved images flank the entry to the south
+_morada_ sanctuary. The _bulto_ on the right, St. Francis of Assisi
+(Figure 48), has a special significance. As we noted in the east
+_morada_, many Spanish settlers in New Mexico honored San Francisco as
+the founder of the Franciscans, the order whose missionaries long had
+served the region. The second _bulto_ (Figure 49) reveals clues that
+it originally had been a representation of the Immaculate Conception
+(_Inmaculata Concepci�n_). In Abiqui�, however, this figure is called
+_la mujer de San Juan_ ("the woman of St. John"), a phrase that
+indicates the major role Mary holds for the _penitentes_. With this
+image they refer to the moment in the Crucifixion when Jesus committed
+the care of His mother to St. John. As introductions to the south
+_morada_ chancel, St. Francis and the Marian image are excellent
+specimens of pre-1850 _santero_ craftsmanship.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 48. SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI (_San Francisco_).
+SIZE: 53.3 centimeters high. DATE: First half of 19th century. ORIGIN:
+New Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: South _morada_, right
+wall of chapel. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and painted; blue
+habit with brown collar; wood cross and skull, tin halo; rosary beads
+with fish pendants.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 49. THE IMMACULATE CONCEPTION (_la mujer de San
+Juan_ [local name]). SIZE: 55.9 centimeters high. DATE: First half of
+19th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION:
+South _morada_, left wall of chapel. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed
+and painted; oil colors over earlier tempera; red gown and crown; blue
+cape and base.]
+
+Two more images of Mary occur on the altar of the south _morada_
+sanctuary. The first (Figure 50) takes its proper ecclesiastic
+position on the Gospel side, to the viewer's left of the crucifix. The
+second "Marian" image (Figure 51) is less orthodox. Not only does
+this _bulto_ stand on the Epistle side of the crucifix but, like the
+Marian advocation cited above as _la mujer de San Juan_, this figure's
+identity has been changed to suit local taste. _Penitentes_ at Abiqui�
+refer to the image as Santa Rosa, the traditional patroness of the
+area following its first settlement by Spaniards.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 50. OUR LADY OF SORROWS (_Nuestra Se�ora de los
+Dolores_). SIZE: 104.1 centimeters high. DATE: Third quarter of 19th
+century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: South
+_morada_, left side of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and
+painted; dressed in pink satin; artificial flowers, tin crown.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 51. VIRGIN AND CHILD OR SAINT RITA (_Santa Rosa
+de Lima_ [local name]). SIZE: 68 centimeters high. DATE: Fourth
+quarter of 19th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified _santero_.
+LOCATION: South _morada_, right side of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved
+wood, gessoed and painted; dressed in pink satin; cross of turned
+wood; artificial flowers, shell crown.]
+
+Between these Marian images there are two large _bultos_ that are
+examples of the work of the "Abiqui� _morada santero_" suggested
+earlier. Both are figures of Jesus. The first, a _Cristo_ (Figure 52),
+is the central crucifix on the altar. As in the east _morada_, the
+focal image is accompanied by an _angelito_, this time with tin
+wings.[77] To the right stands the other image of Jesus, the Nazarene,
+_Nuestro Padre Jesus Nazareno_ (Figure 53). Along with the nearby
+crucifix (Figure 52) and the figure of St. John the Evangelist (Figure
+42) in the east _morada_, this representation of the scourged Jesus
+reflects the style of the "Abiqui� _morada santero_." This Nazarene
+_bulto_ embodies the _penitente_ concept of Jesus as a Man of
+suffering Who must be followed.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 52. CRUCIFIX WITH ANGEL (_Cristo_ and
+_angelito_). SIZE: Cross 144.8 centimeters high. DATE: Early 20th
+century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, "Abiqui� _morada_" _santero_. LOCATION:
+South _morada_, center of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and
+painted; purple fabric, waist cloths; tin wings on _angelito_; black
+cross with _iNRi_ plaque.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 53. MAN OF SORROWS (_Ecce Homo, Nuestro Padre
+Jesus Nazareno_). SIZE: 122 centimeters high. DATE: Second half of
+19th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, "Abiqui� _morada_" _santero_.
+LOCATION: South _morada_, right side of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved
+wood, gessoed and painted; black horsehair wig, crown of thorns;
+purple fabric gown; palm clusters, rosaries.]
+
+The special character of the _penitente_ brotherhood is demonstrated
+also in the last two _bultos_ on the south _morada_ altar. The
+prominent size and position of St. John of Nepomuk (Figure 54) on the
+altar indicate again the importance given by the _penitentes_ to San
+Juan as a keeper of secrets. The other figure is the south _morada_'s
+personification of death (Figure 55), _la muerte_, here even more
+gaunt than the image in the east _morada_. Probably made after 1900,
+this figure demonstrates the persistent artistic and religious
+heritage of _Hispano_ culture.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 54. SAINT JOHN OF NEPOMUK (_San Juan
+Nepomuceno_). SIZE: 90.2 centimeters high. DATE: Early 20th century.
+ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: South _morada_,
+left side of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and painted;
+dressed in black gown and cap; white cotton cassock; artificial
+flowers; horsehair wig.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 55. DEATH (_la muerte_). SIZE: 111.8 centimeters
+high. DATE: Fourth quarter of 19th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico,
+unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: South _morada_, left side of altar.
+MANUFACTURE: Carved and whitewashed wood; glass eyes and bone teeth;
+dressed in black fabric; rosary, bow and arrow.]
+
+[53] Interviews with Abiqui� inhabitants: Delfino Garcia in summer
+1963 and Agapita Lopez in fall 1966.
+
+[54] Interviews with _penitente_ members at Abiqui�, summers of 1965
+and 1967.
+
+[55] JOS� ESPINOSA, _Saints in the Valley_ (Albuquerque, 1960), p. 75.
+
+[56] DOM�NGUEZ, _Missions_, p. 50 (ftn. 5), defines _varal_ and its
+customary use.
+
+[57] Ibid., pp. 107, 131 (ftn. 4), 167.
+
+[58] Ibid., pp. 121-123.
+
+[59] AASF, Loose Documents, Mission, 1680-1850, and Accounts, books
+xxxxv and lxiv. Also in Wills and Hijuelas, State Records Center, and
+in Twitchell documents, Land Management Bureau, both offices in Santa
+Fe, New Mexico.
+
+[60] WALTER HOUGH, _Collections of Heating and Lighting_ (Smithsonian
+Inst. Bull. 141, Washington, D.C., 1928), pl. 28a, no. 3.
+
+[61] STEPHEN BORHEGYI, _El Santuario de Chimayo_ (Santa Fe, 1956);
+also E. BOYD, _Saints and Saint Makers_ (Santa Fe, 1946), pp. 126-132.
+
+[62] GEORGE KUBLER, in _Santos: An Exhibition of the Religious Folk
+Art of New Mexico with an Essay by George Kubler_ (Fort Worth, Tex.:
+Amon Carter Museum of Western Art, June 1964).
+
+[63] A fuller discussion of the _penitente_ death cart and further
+illustrations are found in MITCHELL A. WILDER and EDGAR BREITENBACH,
+_Santos: The Religious Folk Art of New Mexico_ (Colorado Springs,
+1943), pl. 30 and text. Relevant to this study is the death cart with
+immobile wheels recorded by HENDERSON, p. 32 [see ftn. 64], as having
+been used in processions before 1919. It is likely that this is the
+same cart described above in the storage room of the east _morada_
+(Figure 22); it is important because its measurements and construction
+details are nearly identical to the death cart in the collections of
+the Museum of New Mexico, reputed to have come from Abiqui�.
+
+[64] ALICE CORBIN HENDERSON, _Brothers of Light_ (Chicago, 1962), p.
+32, describes a _muerte_ figure: chalk-white face, obsidian eyes,
+black outfit.
+
+[65] E. BOYD, "Crucifix in Santero Art," _El Palacio_, vol. LX, no. 3
+(March 1953), pp. 112-115, indicates the significance of this image
+form.
+
+[66] HENDERSON, pp. 13 (red gown, blindfolded, flowing black hair), 26
+(red gown, bound hands, made for mission), and 43-46 (tall, almost
+life size, blindfolded, carried on small platform in procession from
+lower [east] _morada_, horsehair rope).
+
+[67] BOYD, in litt., Nov. 13, 1965.
+
+[68] BOYD, loc. cit. Regarding construction, see E. BOYD, "New Mexican
+Bultos with Hollow Skirts: How They Were Made," _El Palacio_, vol.
+LVIII, no. 5 (May, 1951), pp. 145-148.
+
+[69] WILDER and BREITENBACH, pls. 24, 25.
+
+[70] HENDERSON, p. 26.
+
+[71] JOS� ESPINOSA, op. cit., p. 75.
+
+[72] DOM�NGUEZ, _Missions_, p. 264 (ftn. 59). The brown robe worn by
+Franciscans today is a late 19th-century innovation.
+
+[73] BOYD, _Saints_, p. 133.
+
+[74] BOYD, in litt., Nov. 13, 1965. For a comparative illustration of
+St. Joseph, see WILDER and BREITENBACH, pl. 42.
+
+[75] HENDERSON, p. 51, notes this pair of candelabra with the 13
+sockets. Fifteen is the ecclesiastically correct number for _tenebrae_
+services.
+
+[76] _Acts of Incorporation_, microfilm, Corporation Bureau, State
+Capitol, Santa Fe; see also Land Records, _General Indirect Index_,
+Rio Arriba County Court House, vols. I (1852-1912) and II (1912-1930).
+
+[77] HENDERSON, p. 51, describes the _angelito_, in the dim light of
+the _morada_ ceremony, as a "dove like a wasp." Another angel figure
+was given me through Regino Salazar by one of the _penitente_ brothers
+of Abiqui�. According to E. Boyd, it appears to be the work of Jos�
+Rafael Aragon, who worked in the Santa Cruz area after 1825.
+
+
+
+
+_Summary_
+
+
+The two Abiqui� _moradas_ are clearly parallel in their
+architectural design (including the constricted chancels), in their
+artifacts--especially _bulto_ identities such as Jesus (_Cristo_,
+_Nazareno_, _Ecce Homo_, _Santo Ni�o de Atocha_), Mary (_Dolores_,
+_Immaculata Concepci�n_, _Soledad_, _Guadalupe_), Saint John of
+Nepomuk, Saint Peter, and death--and lastly, in the ceremonies held
+in the buildings, which link rather than separate the _penitente_
+movement and the common social values of _Hispano_ culture.
+
+Edmonson uses six institutional values to define _Hispano_ culture.[78]
+All six can be found in the _penitente_ brotherhood. "Paternalism" is
+found in the relation of the members-at-large to the officers and of
+all the _penitente_ brothers to _Nuestro Padre Jesus_, "Our Father
+Jesus." "Familism" is reflected in the structure of the _penitente_
+organization and especially in the extension of its social benefits to
+the entire community. "Dramatism" is an essential ingredient of
+_penitente_ ceremonies such as the _tinieblas_. "Personalism" is
+revealed in the immediate and individual participation of all members
+in _penitente_ activities. "Fatalism" is the focus of Holy Week and of
+funerals and is personified by the _muerte_ figure in each _morada_.
+
+Finally, Edmonson cited "traditionalism" as definitive of _Hispano_
+culture, a characteristic that is clearly evident in the _penitente_
+forms of shelter, ceremonies, and artifacts. These commonplace objects
+and activities had been established at Abiqui� before and during the
+period of _morada_ building and furnishing. Literary and pictorial
+documents presented in this study of Abiqui� and the _penitente
+moradas_ reveal that their physical structure, furnishings,
+membership, and the brotherhood itself are related intimately to, and
+drawn from, the traditional and persistent Hispanic culture of New
+Mexico.
+
+[78] EDMONDSON, p. 62.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Penitente Moradas of Abiqui�, by 
+Richard E. Ahlborn
+
+*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PENITENTE MORADAS OF ABIQUI� ***
+
+***** This file should be named 44678-8.txt or 44678-8.zip *****
+This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
+        http://www.gutenberg.org/4/4/6/7/44678/
+
+Produced by Chris Curnow, Chris Pinfield, Joseph Cooper
+and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
+http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
+will be renamed.
+
+Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
+one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
+(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
+permission and without paying copyright royalties.  Special rules,
+set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
+copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
+protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark.  Project
+Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
+charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission.  If you
+do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
+rules is very easy.  You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
+such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
+research.  They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
+practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks.  Redistribution is
+subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
+redistribution.
+
+
+
+*** START: FULL LICENSE ***
+
+THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
+PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
+
+To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
+distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
+(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
+http://gutenberg.org/license).
+
+
+Section 1.  General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic works
+
+1.A.  By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
+and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
+(trademark/copyright) agreement.  If you do not agree to abide by all
+the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
+all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
+If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
+terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
+entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
+
+1.B.  "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark.  It may only be
+used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
+agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement.  There are a few
+things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
+even without complying with the full terms of this agreement.  See
+paragraph 1.C below.  There are a lot of things you can do with Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
+and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.  See paragraph 1.E below.
+
+1.C.  The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
+or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works.  Nearly all the individual works in the
+collection are in the public domain in the United States.  If an
+individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
+located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
+copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
+works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
+are removed.  Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
+Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
+freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
+this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
+the work.  You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
+keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.
+
+1.D.  The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
+what you can do with this work.  Copyright laws in most countries are in
+a constant state of change.  If you are outside the United States, check
+the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
+before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
+creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
+Gutenberg-tm work.  The Foundation makes no representations concerning
+the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
+States.
+
+1.E.  Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
+
+1.E.1.  The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
+access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
+whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
+phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
+copied or distributed:
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license
+
+1.E.2.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
+from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
+posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
+and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
+or charges.  If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
+with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
+work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
+through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
+Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
+1.E.9.
+
+1.E.3.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
+with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
+must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
+terms imposed by the copyright holder.  Additional terms will be linked
+to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
+permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
+
+1.E.4.  Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
+work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
+
+1.E.5.  Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
+electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
+prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
+active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm License.
+
+1.E.6.  You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
+compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
+word processing or hypertext form.  However, if you provide access to or
+distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
+"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
+posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
+you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
+copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
+request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
+form.  Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
+
+1.E.7.  Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
+performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
+unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
+
+1.E.8.  You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
+access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
+that
+
+- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
+     the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
+     you already use to calculate your applicable taxes.  The fee is
+     owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
+     has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
+     Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.  Royalty payments
+     must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
+     prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
+     returns.  Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
+     sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
+     address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
+     the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."
+
+- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
+     you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
+     does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+     License.  You must require such a user to return or
+     destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
+     and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
+     Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
+     money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
+     electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
+     of receipt of the work.
+
+- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
+     distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+1.E.9.  If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
+forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
+both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
+Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark.  Contact the
+Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
+
+1.F.
+
+1.F.1.  Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
+effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
+public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
+collection.  Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
+"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
+corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
+property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
+computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
+your equipment.
+
+1.F.2.  LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
+of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
+liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
+fees.  YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
+LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
+PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3.  YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
+TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
+LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
+INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
+DAMAGE.
+
+1.F.3.  LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
+defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
+receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
+written explanation to the person you received the work from.  If you
+received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
+your written explanation.  The person or entity that provided you with
+the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
+refund.  If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
+providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
+receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund.  If the second copy
+is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
+opportunities to fix the problem.
+
+1.F.4.  Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
+in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER
+WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
+WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
+
+1.F.5.  Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
+warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
+If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
+law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
+interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
+the applicable state law.  The invalidity or unenforceability of any
+provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
+
+1.F.6.  INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
+trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
+providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
+with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
+promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
+harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
+that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
+or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
+work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
+Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
+
+
+Section  2.  Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
+electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
+including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers.  It exists
+because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
+people in all walks of life.
+
+Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
+assistance they need, are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
+goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
+remain freely available for generations to come.  In 2001, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
+and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
+To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
+and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
+and the Foundation web page at http://www.pglaf.org.
+
+
+Section 3.  Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
+Foundation
+
+The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
+501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
+state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
+Revenue Service.  The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
+number is 64-6221541.  Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at
+http://pglaf.org/fundraising.  Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
+permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
+
+The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
+Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
+throughout numerous locations.  Its business office is located at
+809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
+business@pglaf.org.  Email contact links and up to date contact
+information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
+page at http://pglaf.org
+
+For additional contact information:
+     Dr. Gregory B. Newby
+     Chief Executive and Director
+     gbnewby@pglaf.org
+
+
+Section 4.  Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
+spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
+increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
+freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
+array of equipment including outdated equipment.  Many small donations
+($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
+status with the IRS.
+
+The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
+charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
+States.  Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
+considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
+with these requirements.  We do not solicit donations in locations
+where we have not received written confirmation of compliance.  To
+SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
+particular state visit http://pglaf.org
+
+While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
+have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
+against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
+approach us with offers to donate.
+
+International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
+any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
+outside the United States.  U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
+
+Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
+methods and addresses.  Donations are accepted in a number of other
+ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations.
+To donate, please visit: http://pglaf.org/donate
+
+
+Section 5.  General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.
+
+Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
+concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
+with anyone.  For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
+Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
+
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
+editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
+unless a copyright notice is included.  Thus, we do not necessarily
+keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.
+
+
+Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:
+
+     http://www.gutenberg.org
+
+This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
+including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
+Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
+subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
diff --git a/old/44678-8.zip b/old/44678-8.zip
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..1278afd
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-8.zip
diff --git a/old/44678-h.zip b/old/44678-h.zip
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..15dd5b7
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h.zip
diff --git a/old/44678-h/44678-h.htm b/old/44678-h/44678-h.htm
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..fba876a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/44678-h.htm
@@ -0,0 +1,2799 @@
+<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN"
+    "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd">
+
+<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">
+  <head>
+    <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=iso-8859-1" />
+    <title>
+      The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Penitente Moradas of Abiqui�,
+      by Richard Eighme Ahlborn.
+    </title>
+
+    <link rel="coverpage" href="images/cover.jpg" />
+
+    <style type="text/css">
+
+    p   {margin-top: .5em; text-indent: 1em;
+         text-align: justify; margin-bottom: .5em;
+         line-height: 120%; }  /* allow room for fn anchors */
+
+    h1                 {text-align: center; font-weight: normal;
+                        clear: both; line-height: 125%;
+                        font-size: 140%; }
+    h2                 {text-align: center; font-weight: normal;
+                        clear: both; line-height: 100%;
+                        font-size: 110%; }
+    body               {margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%;font-size: 100%; }
+
+    /* styles for Transcriber's Note */
+    .tnote   {background-color: #EEE; color: inherit;
+              margin: 5% 15%; padding: 0.5em 1em;
+              border: 1px solid gray; font-size: small; }
+    .tnote p {text-indent: 0; text-align: left; margin-bottom: .25em;
+              margin-top: .25em; }
+
+    /* style for front matter */
+    .frontm p  {text-align: right; }
+
+    /* styles for printer detail */
+    .printr p  {text-align: center; font-size: 80%; }
+    .printr hr {width: 80%; margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%;
+                margin-top: 0.5em; margin-bottom: 0.5em; }
+
+    /* styles for images */
+    .image-center  {text-align: center; margin: 1.5em auto; }
+    .image-left    {float: left; margin-right: 1.5em; }
+    .caption p     {text-align: justify; font-size: 80%; text-indent: 0; margin: 0.25em 0; }
+
+    /* styles for author and forward */
+    .forwd       {margin-left: 20%; margin-right: 20%; }
+    .forwd .auth {margin-top: 2em; margin-bottom: 2em; text-align: center; }
+
+    /* styles for footnotes; fnanchor styled to fit within line height */
+    .footnote         {margin-left: 2.5%; margin-right: 2.5%;
+                       margin-top: 1em; margin-bottom: 1em; font-size: 95%; }
+    .fnanchor         {vertical-align: 0.3em; font-size: small;
+                       font-style: normal; text-decoration: none; }
+
+    /* misc styles */
+    .nodent        {text-indent: 0; }
+    .block         {margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-indent: 0; }
+    .smcap         {font-variant: small-caps; }
+    .gap-above     {margin-top: 3em; }
+    #coverpage     {border: 1px solid gray; }
+
+    /* style for sidenotes on handheld devices */
+    @media handheld {
+    .image-left {float: none; text-align: center; margin-right: 0; }
+                     }
+
+    </style>
+  </head>
+<body>
+
+
+<pre>
+
+Project Gutenberg's The Penitente Moradas of Abiqui�, by Richard E. Ahlborn
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license
+
+
+Title: The Penitente Moradas of Abiqui�
+
+Author: Richard E. Ahlborn
+
+Release Date: January 15, 2014 [EBook #44678]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PENITENTE MORADAS OF ABIQUI� ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Chris Curnow, Chris Pinfield, Joseph Cooper
+and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
+http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+
+<div class="tnote">
+
+<p>Transcriber's Note:</p>
+
+<p>With the exception of Figure 26, which forms the frontispiece of
+this work, the individual figures have been shifted next to their
+first mention in the text.</p>
+
+<p>Apparent typographical errors have been corrected.</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<div class="frontm">
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Contributions from<br />The Museum of History
+and Technology<br />Paper 63</span></p>
+
+<p class="gap-above"><span class="smcap">The Penitente Moradas of Abiqui�</span><br />
+<i>Richard E. Ahlborn</i></p>
+
+<p class="gap-above">Introduction</p>
+
+<p>Penitente Organization</p>
+
+<p>Origins of the Penitente Movement</p>
+
+<p>The History of Abiqui�</p>
+
+<p>The Architecture of the Moradas</p>
+
+<p>Interior Space and Artifacts</p>
+
+<p>Summary</p>
+
+<p class="gap-above"><span class="smcap">Smithsonian Institution
+Press<br />Washington, D.C.</span><br />1968</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<div class="printr">
+
+<p class="gap-above">U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1968 0&mdash;287-597</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p>For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office<br />
+Washington, D.C. 20402&mdash;Price 75 cents</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 447px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_26.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 26.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Cross</span> (<i>cruz</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 106.7 centimeters high, 73.6 wide.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: First quarter of 20th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: Abiqui�; On�simo Mart�nez.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>, center room.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Indigo blue designs (stencilled?).</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="forwd">
+
+<p class="auth"><i>Richard E. Ahlborn</i></p>
+
+<h1><i>THE PENITENTE MORADAS OF ABIQUI�</i></h1>
+
+<p class="nodent"><i>By the early 19th century, Spanish-speaking residents of villages
+in northern New Mexico and southern Colorado felt the need for a
+brotherhood that would preserve their traditional social and religious
+beliefs. Known as "brothers of light," or </i>penitentes<i>, these
+Spanish-Americans centered their activities in a houselike building,
+or </i>morada<i>, especially equipped for Holy Week ceremonies.</i></p>
+
+<p><i>For the first time, two intact </i>moradas<i> have been fully
+photographed and described through the cooperation of the
+</i>penitente<i> brothers of Abiqui�, New Mexico.</i></p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">The Author</span>: <i>Richard E. Ahlborn is associate curator in the
+Division of Cultural History in the Smithsonian Institution's Museum
+of History and Technology.</i></p>
+
+</div>
+
+<h2><i>Introduction</i></h2>
+
+<p class="nodent"><span class="smcap">This study describes</span> two
+earthern buildings and their special furnishings&mdash;humble but unique
+documents of Spanish-American culture. The two structures are located
+in Abiqui�, a rural, Spanish-speaking village in northern New Mexico.
+Known locally as <i>moradas</i>, they serve as meeting houses for
+members of a flagellant brotherhood, the <i>penitentes</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The <i>penitente</i> brotherhood is characteristic of Spanish culture
+in New Mexico (herein called <i>Hispano</i> to indicate its derivation
+from Hispanic traditions in Mexico). Although penitential activities
+occurred in
+Spain's former colonies&mdash;Mexico, Argentina, and the
+Philippines&mdash;the <i>penitentes</i> in the mountainous region
+that extends north of Albuquerque into southern Colorado
+are remarkable for their persistence.</p>
+
+<p>After a century and a half of clerical criticism<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_1" id="Ref_1" href="#Foot_1">[1]</a></span> and
+extracultural pressures against the movement, physical
+evidence of <i>penitente</i> activity, although scattered
+and diminished, still survives. As intact, functioning
+artifacts, the <i>penitente moradas</i> at Abiqui� are valuable
+records of an autonomous, socio-religious brotherhood
+and of its place in the troubled history of
+Spanish-American culture in the Southwest.</p>
+
+<p>This paper maintains that <i>penitentes</i> are not culturally deviant
+or aberrant but comprise a movement based firmly in Hispanic
+traditions as shown by their architecture and equipment found at
+Abiqui� and by previously established religious and social practices.
+Also, this paper presents in print for the first time a complete,
+integrated, and functioning group of <i>penitente</i> artifacts
+documented, in situ, by photographs.</p>
+
+<p>My indebtedness in this study to local residents is immense: first,
+for inspiration, from Rosenaldo Salazar of Hern�ndez and his son
+Regino, who introduced me to <i>penitente</i> members at Abiqui� and
+four times accompanied me to the <i>moradas</i>. The singular
+opportunity to measure and to photograph interiors and individual
+artifacts is due wholly to the understandably wary but proud,
+<i>penitentes</i> themselves. The task of identifying religious images
+in the <i>moradas</i> was expertly done by E. Boyd, Curator of the
+Spanish-Colonial Department in the Museum of New Mexico at Santa Fe.
+The final responsibility for accuracy and interpretation of data, of
+course, is mine alone.</p>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_1" id="Foot_1" href="#Ref_1">[1]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+Beginning in 1820 with the report of ecclesiastic visitor Ni�o de
+Guevara, the Catholic Church has continued to frown upon
+<i>penitente</i> activities, A modern critical study by a churchman:
+<span class="smcap">Father Ang�lico Chavez</span>, "The Penitentes of New Mexico,"
+<i>New Mexico Historical Review</i> (April 1954), vol. 22, pp. 97-123.</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<h2><i>Penitente Organization</i></h2>
+
+<p class="nodent"><i>Penitente</i> brotherhoods usually are made up of Spanish-speaking
+Catholic laymen in rural communities. Although the activities and
+artifacts vary in specific details, the basic structure, ceremonies,
+and aims of <i>penitentes</i> as a cultural institution may be
+generalized. Full membership is open only to adult males. Female
+relatives may serve <i>penitente</i> chapters as auxiliaries who
+clean, cook, and join in prayer, as do children on occasion, but men
+hold all offices and make up the membership-at-large.</p>
+
+<p><i>Penitente</i> membership comprises two strata distinguishable by
+title and activity. In his study of <i>Hispano</i> institutional
+values, Monro Edmonson notes that <i>penitente</i> chapters are
+divided into these two groups: (1) common members or brothers in
+discipline, <i>hermanos disciplantes</i>; and (2) officers, called
+brothers of light, <i>hermanos de luz</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Edmonson names each officer and lists his duties:</p>
+
+<p class="block">The head of the chapter is the <i>hermano mayor</i>. He is assisted
+in administrative duties by the warden (<i>celador</i>) and the
+collector (<i>mandatario</i>), and in ceremonial duties by an
+assistant (<i>coadjutor</i>), reader (<i>secretario</i>),
+blood-letter (<i>sangredor</i>) and flutist (<i>pitero</i>). An
+official called the nurse (<i>enfermero</i>) attends the flagellants,
+and a master of novices (<i>maestro de novios</i>) supervises the
+training of new members.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_2" id="Ref_2" href="#Foot_2">[2]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>In an early and apparently biased account of the <i>penitentes</i>,
+Reverend Alexandar Darley,<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_3" id="Ref_3" href="#Foot_3">[3]</a></span>
+a Presbyterian missionary in southern
+Colorado, provides additional terms for three officers: <i>picador</i>
+(the blood-letter), <i>regador</i> or <i>rezador</i> (a tenth officer,
+who led prayers) and <i>mayordomo de la muerte</i> (literally "steward
+of death"). As host for meetings between <i>penitente</i> chapters,
+the <i>mayordomo</i> may be a late 19th-century innovation that bears
+the political overtones of a local leader.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_4" id="Ref_4" href="#Foot_4">[4]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Having less influence than individual officers are the
+<i>penitente</i> members-at-large, numbering between thirty and fifty
+in each chapter. Through the <i>Hispano</i> family system of extended
+bilateral kinship, however, much of the village population is
+represented in each local <i>penitente</i> group.</p>
+
+<p>Edmonson's study in the Rimrock district demonstrates the deep sense
+of social responsibility felt by <i>penitentes</i> for members and
+their extended family circles. "Special assistants were appointed from
+time to time to visit the sick or perform other community services
+which the brotherhood may undertake."<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_5" id="Ref_5" href="#Foot_5">[5]</a></span>
+At other times of need,
+especially in sickness and death, the general <i>penitente</i>
+membership renders invaluable service to the afflicted family. In
+addition, <i>penitente</i> welfare efforts include spiritual as well
+as physical comfort such as wakes, prayers and rosaries, and the
+singing of funereal chants (<i>alabados</i>). At Espa�ola in November
+of 1965, I witnessed <i>penitentes</i> contributing such help to
+respected nonmembers: grave digging, financial aid, and a rosary
+service with <i>alabados</i>.</p>
+
+<p>These spiritual services, however, are peripheral to the principal
+religious activity of <i>penitentes</i>&mdash;the Lenten observance of the
+Passion and death of Jesus. During Holy Week, prayer meetings,
+rosaries, and <i>via crucis</i> processions with religious images are
+held at the <i>morada</i> and at a site representing Calvary
+(<i>calvario</i>), usually the local cemetery. On Good Friday, vigils
+are kept and the <i>morada</i> is darkened for a service known as
+<i>las tinieblas</i>. The ceremony of "the darkenings" consists of
+silent prayer broken by violent noise making. Metal sheets and chains,
+wooden blocks and rattles are manipulated to suggest natural
+disturbances at the moment of Jesus' death on the cross. This emphatic
+portrayal of His last hours is recalled also by acts of contrition and
+flagellation in <i>penitente</i> initiation rites, punishments, and
+Holy Week processions.</p>
+
+<p><i>Penitentes</i> use physical discipline and mortification as a
+dramatic means to intensify their imitation of Jesus' suffering.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_6" id="Ref_6" href="#Foot_6">[6]</a></span>
+Heavy timber crosses (<i>maderos</i>) and cactus whips
+(<i>disciplinas</i>) are used in processions that often include a
+figure of death in a cart (<i>la carreta de la muerte</i>).
+Disciplinary and initiatory mortification in the <i>morada</i> makes
+use of flint or glass blood-letting devices (<i>padernales</i>).<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_7" id="Ref_7" href="#Foot_7">[7]</a></span></p>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_2" id="Foot_2" href="#Ref_2">[2]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Monro S. Edmonson</span>, <i>Los Manitos: A Study of
+Institutional Values</i> (Publ. 25, Middle American Research
+Institute; New Orleans: Tulane University, 1950), p. 43.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_3" id="Foot_3" href="#Ref_3">[3]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Alexander M. Darley</span>, <i>The Passionists of the
+Southwest</i> (Pueblo, <i>1893</i>).</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_4" id="Foot_4" href="#Ref_4">[4]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">E. Boyd</span>, Curator of the Spanish-Colonial Department,
+Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe, states that Jes�s Trujjillo in 1947
+furnished information on other <i>penitente</i> officers, including
+one man who uses the <i>matraca</i> and one who acts as a sergeant at
+arms.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_5" id="Foot_5" href="#Ref_5">[5]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Edmonson</span>, loc. cit.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_6" id="Foot_6" href="#Ref_6">[6]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">George Wharton James</span>, <i>New Mexico: Land of the Delight
+Makers</i> (Boston, 1920), lists concisely the Biblical and historical
+references to religious mortification practiced by New Mexican
+<i>penitentes</i>.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_7" id="Foot_7" href="#Ref_7">[7]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Darley</span> (op. cit., pp. 8 ff.) gives an exhaustive list of
+methods of mortification said to be used by <i>penitentes</i>.</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<h2><i>Origins of the Penitente Movement</i></h2>
+
+<p class="nodent">By 1833, bodily penance practiced in lay brotherhoods of
+<i>Hispano</i> Catholics attracted criticism from the Church in New
+Mexico and resulted in the pejorative name <i>penitentes</i>.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_8" id="Ref_8" href="#Foot_8">[8]</a></span>
+Historically, however, within the traditional framework of Hispanic
+Catholicism, the <i>penitentes</i> had precedents for their religious
+practices, including flagellation.</p>
+
+<p><i>Penitente</i> rites were derived from Catholic services already
+common in colonial New Mexico. Prayers and rosaries said before altars
+comprised an important part of <i>Hispano</i> religious observances,
+and processions of Catholics and <i>penitentes</i> alike were
+announced by bell, drum, and rifle in <i>Hispano</i> villages. In
+particular,
+<i>penitentes</i> used <i>via crucis</i> processions to dramatize the
+Passion, portrayed in every Catholic church by the
+fourteen Stations of the Cross. <i>Penitentes</i> also maintained
+Catholic Lenten practices by holding <i>tenebrae</i>
+services, the <i>tinieblas</i> rites mentioned above, and by
+flagellation.</p>
+
+<p>These parallels between Catholic and <i>penitente</i> religious
+observances caused Edmonson to theorize that "the autonomous movement
+originated within the Church."<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_9" id="Ref_9" href="#Foot_9">[9]</a></span>
+Variations, however, between the two
+religious traditions led Edmonson to discover "an important thread of
+religious independence and even apostasy in New Mexican history."<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_10" id="Ref_10" href="#Foot_10">[10]</a></span>
+Edmonson's study of 1950 has established the persistence of
+<i>penitente</i> activity in <i>Hispano</i> culture.</p>
+
+<p>Three and a half centuries earlier, in 1598, Spanish settlers made a
+courageous thrust into the inhospitable environment of New Mexico.
+Through the 17th and 18th centuries, Spanish settlement along the
+upper Rio Grande was a tenuous thread unraveled from a stronger fabric
+in Mexico. Aridity and extremes in temperatures marked New Mexico's
+climate. Arable land was scarce and could be extended back from
+streams only by careful upkeep of the irrigation ditches. Plateaus
+rose from 1500 to more than 2500 meters in altitude. Building timbers
+were hard to obtain without roads or navigable rivers.</p>
+
+<p>Finally, distance itself was a challenge, sometimes insurmountable for
+the supply caravans from Mexico. Outfitted over a thousand miles to
+the south of Santa Fe, the Mexican caravans brought <i>presidio</i>
+and mission supplies, but few goods for the common settler. By the end
+of the 18th century, Spanish authorities thought of the northern
+colonies (<i>provincias internas</i>) primarily as missionary fields
+and military buffer zones.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_11" id="Ref_11" href="#Foot_11">[11]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Cultural traditions and an insecure environment caused Spanish
+colonists to turn to religion for comfort. Again, however, a supply
+problem arose. Individual <i>ranchos</i> were too scattered for
+clerical visits, and even settlements that were grouped for greater
+security, <i>poblaciones</i> or <i>plazas</i>, became <i>visitas</i>
+on little
+more than an annual basis, sharing two dozen Franciscan
+clergy with missions assigned to Indian <i>pueblos</i>
+and Spanish villages. Before 1800, a shortage of friars
+prompted the Bishop in Durango to send secular clergy
+into the Franciscan enclave of New Mexico. In 1821
+the Mexican Revolution formalized secularization with
+a new constitution. In brief, the traditional religious
+patterns of the <i>Hispanos</i> were threatened. They needed
+reinforcement if they were to survive.</p>
+
+<p>By 1850, other conditions in New Mexico endangered the status quo of
+the Spanish-speaking residents. With the growing dominance of
+Anglo-Americans in the commercial, military, political, and social
+matters of Santa Fe, <i>Hispanos</i> recognized the threat of Anglo
+culture to their own traditional way of life. This cultural challenge
+turned many <i>Hispanos</i> back in upon themselves for physical and
+social security and for spiritual comfort. By the second quarter of
+the 19th century, <i>penitentes</i> were common in <i>Hispano</i>
+villages such as Abiqui�.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_12" id="Ref_12" href="#Foot_12">[12]</a></span>
+The immediate origins of penitentism
+were clearly present in early 19th-century New Mexico.</p>
+
+<p>Despite this evidence, historians of the Spanish Southwest have
+suggested geographically and culturally remote sources for the
+<i>penitentes</i>. Dorothy Woodward has pointed out similarities
+between New Mexican <i>penitentes</i> and Spanish brotherhoods
+(<i>cofrad�as</i>) of laymen.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_13" id="Ref_13" href="#Foot_13">[13]</a></span>
+<i>Cofrad�as</i> were not full
+church orders like the Franciscan Third Order, but they did conduct
+Lenten processions with flagellation.</p>
+
+<p>Somewhat nearer in miles but culturally more distant from <i>Hispano
+penitente</i> experience was mortification practiced by Indians in New
+Spain. In the 16th century, Spanish chroniclers reported incidents
+ranging from sanguinary ceremonies of central Mexican tribes to
+whippings witnessed in the northern provinces of Sonora and New
+Mexico. While of peripheral interest to this study, these activities
+of American Indians had no direct bearing on <i>Hispano</i> cultural
+needs in early 19th-century New Mexico.</p>
+
+<p>It is more significant that <i>Hispanos</i> already knew a lay
+religious institution that very easily could have served as a model
+for the <i>penitente</i> brotherhood&mdash;the Third Order of St. Francis.
+Established in 13th-century Italy and carried to Spain by the Gray
+Friars, the Order is recorded in contemporary histories of New
+Mexico before 1700. Materials in the archives of the
+Archdiocese of Santa Fe also document the presence
+of the Franciscan Third Order in New Mexico and
+suggest to me its influence on <i>penitente</i> activity.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_14" id="Ref_14" href="#Foot_14">[14]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>In March 1776, Fray Dom�nguez, an ecclesiastic visitor, recorded
+Lenten "exercises" of the Third Order under the supervision of the
+resident priest at Santa Cruz and, two weeks later, in April,
+Dom�nguez visited Abiqui�, where he commended the Franciscan friar,
+Fray Sebastian Angel Fern�ndez, for "feasts of Our Lady, rosary with
+the father in church. Fridays of Lent, <i>Via Crucis</i> with the
+father, and later, after dark, discipline attended by those who came
+voluntarily."<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_15" id="Ref_15" href="#Foot_15">[15]</a></span>
+Dom�nguez, however, described the priest as "not at
+all obedient to rule"<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_16" id="Ref_16" href="#Foot_16">[16]</a></span>
+when Father Fern�ndez, acting in an
+independent manner, proceeded to build missions at Picuris and Sandia
+without authorization. But in 1777, he again praised Fray Fern�ndez
+for special <i>Via Crucis</i> devotions and "scourging by the resident
+missionary and some of the faithful."<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_17" id="Ref_17" href="#Foot_17">[17]</a></span>
+Dom�nguez thus documented
+flagellant practices and <i>tinieblas</i> services at Abiqui� and his
+approval, as an official Church representative, of these activities.</p>
+
+<p>Father Chavez, O.F.M., protests the theory of <i>penitente</i> origins
+in the Third Order of St. Francis and counters with the idea that
+"penitentism" was imported directly from Mexico in the early
+1800s.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_18" id="Ref_18" href="#Foot_18">[18]</a></span>
+I note, however, that the bishops seated in Santa Fe after
+1848 recognized the strength of this lay socio-religious movement and
+tried to deal with it in terms of the Order. At a synod in 1888,
+Archbishop Salpointe pleaded for <i>penitentes</i> "to return" to the
+Third Order. Some degree of direct influence of the Third Order on
+"penitentism" seems fairly certain.</p>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_8" id="Foot_8" href="#Ref_8">[8]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Ang�lico Chavez</span>, <i>Archives of the Archdiocese of Santa
+Fe, 1678-1900</i> (Washington, 1957): "Books of Patentes," 1833: books
+xi, xii, xix, lxxiii, and lxxxii. (Original documents from archives
+noted hereinafter as AASF.)</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_9" id="Foot_9" href="#Ref_9">[9]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Edmonson</span>, p. 33.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_10" id="Foot_10" href="#Ref_10">[10]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+Ibid., p. 18.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_11" id="Foot_11" href="#Ref_11">[11]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">H. E. Bolton</span>, "The Spanish Borderlands and the Mission
+as a Frontier Institution," <i>American Historical Review</i> (Santa
+Fe, 1917), vol. 23, pp. 42-61, indicates that this policy was
+developed after 1765 by Charles III of Spain in an attempt to
+reorganize the administration of his vast colonial empire.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_12" id="Foot_12" href="#Ref_12">[12]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+AASF, Patentes, book lxxiii, box 6.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_13" id="Foot_13" href="#Ref_13">[13]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+"The Penitentes of the Southwest" (unpublished Ph. D.
+dissertation, Yale University, 1935).</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_14" id="Foot_14" href="#Ref_14">[14]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Chavez</span>, <i>Archives</i>, p. 3 (ftn.).</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_15" id="Foot_15" href="#Ref_15">[15]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Fray Francisco Atanasio Dom�nguez</span>, <i>The Missions of
+New Mexico, 1776</i>, transl. and annot. Eleanor B. Adams and Fray
+Angelico Chavez (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1956),
+p. 124.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_16" id="Foot_16" href="#Ref_16">[16]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Dom�nguez</span>, ms., from Biblioteca Nacional de M�jico, leg.
+10, no. 46, p. 300.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_17" id="Foot_17" href="#Ref_17">[17]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+Ibid., no. 43, p. 321.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_18" id="Foot_18" href="#Ref_18">[18]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Chavez</span>, "Penitentes," p. 100.</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<h2><i>The History of Abiqui�</i></h2>
+
+<div class="image-left" style="max-width: 177px;">
+  <a href="images/fig_01_large.png">
+  <img src="images/fig_01_thumb.jpg" alt=""/>
+  </a>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 1.</span>
+    Mid-19th-century New Mexico, showing pertinent geographical
+    features, Indian pueblos (indicated by solid triangles), and
+    Spanish villages cited in text.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class="nodent">About three generations before the first <i>morada</i> was built at
+Abiqui�, the conditions of settlement mentioned earlier and subsequent
+historical events resulted in an environment conducive to the
+development of
+<i>penitente</i> activity. Shortly after 1740, civil authorities
+in Santa Fe attempted to settle colonists along the
+Chama River in order to create a buffer zone between
+marauding Indians to the northwest and Spanish and
+Pueblo villages on the Rio Grande (Figure 1). This
+constant threat of annihilation produced self-reliant
+and independent-minded settlers.</p>
+
+<p>Unorthodoxy appeared early in the religious history of Abiqui�. By
+1744, settlers had installed Santa Rosa de Lima as their patroness in
+a little riverside plaza near modern Abiqui�. After a decade, several
+colonists from Santa Rosa were moved to the hilltop plaza of Abiqui�,
+where the mission of Santo Tom�s Apostol had been established. In his
+1776 visit to Abiqui�, Dom�nguez noted, however, a continuing
+allegiance to the earlier patroness: "... settlers use the name of
+Santa Rosa, as the lost mission was called in the old days. Therefore,
+they celebrate the feast of this female saint [August 30th] and not of
+that masculine saint [St. Thomas the Apostle, December 21]."<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_19" id="Ref_19" href="#Foot_19">[19]</a></span>
+Loyalty to Saint Rose survived this official protest, and village
+festivals have persisted in honoring Santa Rosa to this day. It is,
+therefore, not surprising to find her image in the earlier east
+<i>morada</i> of Abiqui�.</p>
+
+<p>A disturbing influence in the religious life of Abiqui� were
+semi-Christianized servants <i>(gen�zaros)</i>, who had been ransomed
+from the Indians by Spaniards.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_20" id="Ref_20" href="#Foot_20">[20]</a></span>
+Often used to establish frontier
+settlements, <i>gen�zaros</i> came to be a threat to the cultural
+stability of Abiqui�. For example, in 1762, two <i>gen�zaros</i>
+accused of witchcraft were taken to Santa Cruz for judicial action.
+After the trial, Governor Cachup�n sent a detachment from Santa Fe to
+Abiqui� to destroy an inscribed stone said to be a relic of black
+magic.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_21" id="Ref_21" href="#Foot_21">[21]</a></span>
+Similar incidents with <i>gen�zaros</i> during the next
+generation prolonged the unstable religious pattern at Abiqui�. In
+1766, an Indian girl accused a <i>gen�zaro</i> couple of killing the
+resident priest, Fray Felix Ordo�ez y Machado, by witchcraft.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_22" id="Ref_22" href="#Foot_22">[22]</a></span>
+And again in 1782 and 1786, charges of apostasy were entered against
+Abiqui� <i>gen�zaros</i>.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_23" id="Ref_23" href="#Foot_23">[23]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Another disturbing element in the religious history of Abiqui� was the
+disinterest of her settlers in the
+building and furnishing of Santo Tom�s Mission. Although
+the structure was completed in the first generation
+of settlement at Abiqui�, 1755 to 1776, Dom�nguez
+could report only two contributions from colonists, both
+loans: "In this room [sacristy] there is an ordinary table
+with a drawer and key ... a loan from a settler called
+Juan Pablo Martin ... the chalice is in three pieces,
+and one of them, for it is a loan by the settlers, is used
+for a little shrine they have."<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_24" id="Ref_24" href="#Foot_24">[24]</a></span>
+All mission equipment
+was supplied by royal funds (<i>s�nodos</i>) except some
+religious articles provided by the resident missionary,
+Fray Fern�ndez, who finished the structure raised half
+way by his predecessor, Fray Juan Jos� Toledo. Both
+Franciscans found settlers busy with everyday problems
+of survival and resentful when called on to labor
+for the mission. The settlers not only failed to supply
+any objects, but when they were required to work at
+the mission, all tools and equipment had to be supplied
+to them.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_25" id="Ref_25" href="#Foot_25">[25]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Despite these detrimental influences, the mission at Abiqui� continued
+to grow. Between 1760 and 1793, the population increased from 733 to
+1,363, making Abiqui� the third largest settlement in colonial New
+Mexico north of Paso del Norte [Ciudad Juarez].<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_26" id="Ref_26" href="#Foot_26">[26]</a></span>
+(Only Santa Cruz with 1,650 and Santa Fe with 2,419 persons were larger.) In 1795, the
+pueblo had maintained its size at 1,558, with Indians representing
+less than 10 percent of the population.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_27" id="Ref_27" href="#Foot_27">[27]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The increase in size brought the mission at Abiqui� more important and
+longer-term resident missionaries: Fathers Jos� de la Prada, from 1789
+to 1806, and Teodoro Alcina de la Borda, from 1806 to 1823. Both men
+were elected directors (<i>custoses</i>) of the Franciscan mission
+field in New Mexico, "The Custody of the Conversion of St. Paul."
+<i>Custoses</i> Prada and Borda backed the Franciscans, who were
+fighting for a missionary field that they had long considered their
+own. Official directives (<i>patentes</i>) issued by <i>Custos</i>
+Prada at Abiqui� warned all settlers against "new ideas of liberty"
+and asked each friar for his personal concept of governmental
+rights.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_28" id="Ref_28" href="#Foot_28">[28]</a></span>
+In 1802, Fray Prada also complained to the new
+<i>Custos</i>, Father Sanchez Vergara, about missions that had been
+neglected under the secular clergy.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_29" id="Ref_29" href="#Foot_29">[29]</a></span>
+In this period, Abiqui�'s mission
+was a center of clerical reaction to the revolutionary
+political ideas and clerical secularization that had resulted
+from Mexico's recent independence from Spain.</p>
+
+<p>In the year 1820, the strained relations between religious authorities
+and the laity at Abiqui� clearly reflected the unstable conditions in
+New Mexico. Eventually, charges of manipulating mission funds and
+neglect of clerical duties were brought against Father Alcina de la
+Borda by the citizens of Abiqui�.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_30" id="Ref_30" href="#Foot_30">[30]</a></span>
+At the same time, Governor
+Melgares informed the <i>Alcalde Mayor</i>, Santiago Salazar, that
+these funds (<i>s�nodos</i>) had been reduced and that an oath of
+loyalty to the Spanish crown would be required.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_31" id="Ref_31" href="#Foot_31">[31]</a></span>
+This situation produced a strong reaction in Abiqui�'s next generation, which sought
+to preserve its traditional cultural patterns in the <i>penitente</i>
+brotherhoods.</p>
+
+<p>The great-grandsons of Abiqui�'s first settlers witnessed a
+significant change in organization of their mission&mdash;its
+secularization in 1826. For three years, Father Borda had shared his
+mission duties with Franciscans from San Juan and Santa Clara
+<i>pueblos</i>, giving way in 1823 to the last member of the Order to
+serve Santo Tom�s, Fray Sanchez Vergara. Santo Tom�s Mission received
+its first secular priest in 1823, Cura Leyva y Rosas, who returned to
+Abiqui� in 1832. Officially the mission at Abiqui� was secularized in
+1826, along with those at Bel�n and Taos.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_32" id="Ref_32" href="#Foot_32">[32]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The first secular priest assigned to Santo Tom�s reflected the now
+traditional and self-sufficient character of <i>Hispano</i> culture at
+Abiqui�.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_33" id="Ref_33" href="#Foot_33">[33]</a></span>
+He was the independent-minded Don Antonio Jos� Mart�nez.
+Born in Abiqui�, Don Antonio later became an ambitious spiritual and
+political leader in Taos, where he fought to preserve traditional
+<i>Hispano</i> culture from Anglo-American influences.</p>
+
+<p>The mission served by Father Mart�nez in Taos bore resemblance to that
+at Abiqui�. Both missions rested on much earlier Indian settlements,
+but the Taos pueblo was still active. Furthermore, Taos and Abiqui�
+were buffer settlements on the frontier, where Indian raids as well as
+trade occurred. In 1827 a census by P. B. Pino listed nearly 3,600
+persons at
+Taos and a similar count at Abiqui�; only Santa Fe
+with 5,700 and Santa Cruz with 6,500 were larger
+villages.</p>
+
+<p>At this time, an independent element appeared in the religious
+activities of the Santa Cruz region. In 1831, Vicar Rascon gave
+permission to sixty members of the Third Order of St. Francis at Santa
+Cruz to hold Lenten exercises in Taos, provided that no "abuses" arose
+to be corrected on his next visit.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_34" id="Ref_34" href="#Foot_34">[34]</a></span>
+Apparently this warning proved
+inadequate, for in 1833 Archbishop Zubir�a concluded his visitation at
+Santa Cruz by ordering that "pastors of this villa ... must never in
+the future permit such reunions of <i>Penitentes</i> under any pretext
+whatsoever."<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_35" id="Ref_35" href="#Foot_35">[35]</a></span>
+We have noted, however, that two generations earlier
+Fray Dom�nguez had commended similar observances at Santa Cruz and
+Abiqui�, and it was not until the visitation of Fray Ni�o de Guevara,
+1817-1820, that Church officials found it necessary to condemn
+penitential activity in New Mexico.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_36" id="Ref_36" href="#Foot_36">[36]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>In little more than two generations, from 1776 to 1833, the Franciscan
+missions were disrupted by secularization and excessive acts of
+penance. In the second half of the 19th century, the new, non-Spanish
+Archbishops, Lamy and Salpointe, saw a relation between the Franciscan
+Third Order and the brotherhood of <i>penitentes</i>. When J. B. Lamy
+began signing rule books (<i>arreglos</i>) for the <i>penitente</i>
+chapters of New Mexico,<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_37" id="Ref_37" href="#Foot_37">[37]</a></span>
+he hoped to reintegrate them into accepted
+Church practice as members of the Third Order. And at the end of the
+century, J. B. Salpointe expressed his belief that the
+<i>penitente</i> brotherhood had been an outgrowth of the Franciscan
+tertiaries.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_38" id="Ref_38" href="#Foot_38">[38]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Abiqui� shared in events that marked the religious history of New
+Mexico in the last three quarters of the 19th century. We have noted
+the secularization of Santo Tom�s Mission in 1826; by 1856 the village
+had its <i>penitente</i> rule book duly signed by Archbishop Lamy.
+Entitled <i>Arreglo de la Santa Hermandad de la Sangre de Nuestro
+Se�or Jesucristo</i>, a copy was signed by Abiqui�'s priest, Don Pedro
+Bernal, on April 6, 1867.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_39" id="Ref_39" href="#Foot_39">[39]</a></span>
+While officialdom worked out new religious and political
+relations, villagers struggled to preserve a more
+familiar tradition.</p>
+
+<p>Occupation of New Mexico in 1846 by United States troops tended to
+solidify traditional <i>Hispano</i> life in Abiqui�. In that year,
+Navajo harassments caused an encampment of 180 men under Major Gilpin
+to be stationed at Abiqui�.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_40" id="Ref_40" href="#Foot_40">[40]</a></span>
+Eventually, the Indian raids
+slackened, and a trading post for the Utes was set up at Abiqui� in
+1853.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_41" id="Ref_41" href="#Foot_41">[41]</a></span>
+Neither the U.S. Army nor Indian trading posts, however,
+became integrated into Abiqui�'s <i>Hispano</i> way of life, and these
+extracultural influences soon moved on, leaving only a few commercial
+artifacts.</p>
+
+<p>With a new generation of inhabitants occupying Abiqui� between 1864
+and 1886, the village on the Rio Chama lost its primary function as a
+buffer settlement against nomadic Indians and settled down into a
+well-established cultural pattern, which in part was preserved by the
+<i>penitentes</i>. Kit Carson had rounded up the Navajos at Bosque
+Redondo, and two decades later, by 1883, the Utes had been moved
+north. In preparation, the Indian trading post at Abiqui� was closed
+in 1872 and moved to the new seat of Rio Arriba County, Tierra
+Amarilla,<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_42" id="Ref_42" href="#Foot_42">[42]</a></span>
+65 kilometers northward. Within two generations,
+Abiqui�'s population had fallen to fewer than 800 from a high of
+nearly 3,600 in 1827.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_43" id="Ref_43" href="#Foot_43">[43]</a></span>
+As a result, many <i>Hispanos</i> at Abiqui�
+withdrew into the <i>penitente</i> organization, which promised to
+preserve and even intensify their traditional ways of life and
+beliefs. These attitudes were materialized in the building of the
+<i>penitente moradas</i>.</p>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_19" id="Foot_19" href="#Ref_19">[19]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Dom�nguez</span>, <i>Missions</i>, pp. 121 (ftn. 1), 200.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_20" id="Foot_20" href="#Ref_20">[20]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+AASF, Patentes, 1700, forbids friars to buy <i>gen�zaros</i>
+even under the excuse of Christianizing them since the result would
+likely be morally dangerous.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_21" id="Foot_21" href="#Ref_21">[21]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">H. H. Bancroft</span>, <i>History of Arizona and New Mexico</i>
+(San Francisco, 1889), p. 258.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_22" id="Foot_22" href="#Ref_22">[22]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Dom�nguez</span>, <i>Missions</i>, p. 336.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_23" id="Foot_23" href="#Ref_23">[23]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+AASF, Loose Documents, Mission, 1782, no. 7.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_24" id="Foot_24" href="#Ref_24">[24]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Dom�nguez</span>, <i>Missions</i>, p. 122.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_25" id="Foot_25" href="#Ref_25">[25]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+Ibid., p. 123.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_26" id="Foot_26" href="#Ref_26">[26]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Bancroft</span>, p. 279.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_27" id="Foot_27" href="#Ref_27">[27]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+AASF, Loose Documents, Mission, 1795, no. 13.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_28" id="Foot_28" href="#Ref_28">[28]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+Ibid., 1796, nos. 6, 7.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_29" id="Foot_29" href="#Ref_29">[29]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+Ibid., 1802, no. 18.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_30" id="Foot_30" href="#Ref_30">[30]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+Ibid., 1820, nos. 15, 21, 38; also <span class="smcap">R. E. Twitchell</span>,
+<i>The Spanish Archives of New Mexico</i> (Cedar Rapids, 1914), vol.
+2, pp. 630, 631.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_31" id="Foot_31" href="#Ref_31">[31]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+AASF, Loose Documents, Mission, 1820, nos. 12, 21.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_32" id="Foot_32" href="#Ref_32">[32]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+Ibid., 1826, no. 7.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_33" id="Foot_33" href="#Ref_33">[33]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+Don Antonio was less than eager to accept his first post; he had
+to be ordered to report to duty (AASF, Accounts, book lxvi [box 6],
+April 27, 1826).</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_34" id="Foot_34" href="#Ref_34">[34]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+AASF, Patentes, 1831, book lxx, box 4, p. 25.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_35" id="Foot_35" href="#Ref_35">[35]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+Ibid., book lxxiii, box 7.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_36" id="Foot_36" href="#Ref_36">[36]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+AASF, Accounts, book lxii, box 5.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_37" id="Foot_37" href="#Ref_37">[37]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+AASF, Loose Documents, Diocesan, 1853, no. 17, for Santuario and
+Cochiti; other rule books document <i>penitente</i> chapters at
+Chimayo, El Rito, and Taos.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_38" id="Foot_38" href="#Ref_38">[38]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Jean B. Salpointe</span>, <i>Soldiers of the Cross</i>
+(Banning, Calif., 1898).</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_39" id="Foot_39" href="#Ref_39">[39]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+AASF, Loose Documents, Diocesan, 1856, no. 12.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_40" id="Foot_40" href="#Ref_40">[40]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Twitchell</span>, pp. 533-534.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_41" id="Foot_41" href="#Ref_41">[41]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Bancroft</span>, p. 665.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_42" id="Foot_42" href="#Ref_42">[42]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Twitchell</span>, p. 447.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_43" id="Foot_43" href="#Ref_43">[43]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+Ibid., p. 449, from <span class="smcap">P. B. Pino</span>, <i>Not�cias
+hist�ricas</i> (M�jico, 1848); and <i>Ninth U.S. Census</i> (1870).
+The later figure may represent only the town proper; earlier
+statistics generally included outlying settlements.</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<h2><i>The Architecture of the Moradas</i></h2>
+
+<div class="image-left" style="max-width: 195px;">
+  <a href="images/fig_02_large.png">
+  <img src="images/fig_02_thumb.jpg" alt=""/>
+  </a>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 2.</span>
+    The Abiqui� area, showing the Chama River, U.S. Highway 84, and
+    siting of buildings (the mission of Santo Tom�s and the two
+    <i>moradas</i> are circled).</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class="nodent">In a modern map (Figure 2), circles enclose the Mission of Abiqui� and
+its two <i>penitente moradas</i>. The <i>moradas</i> lie 300 meters
+east and 400 meters south of the main plaza onto which Santo Tom�s
+Mission faces from the north. Between the <i>moradas</i> rests the
+local burial ground (<i>campo santo</i>), a cemetery that serves
+<i>penitentes</i> as "Calvary" (<i>calvario</i>) in their Lenten
+re-enactment of the Passion.</p>
+
+<p><i>Penitente moradas</i> share a common system of <i>adobe</i>
+construction with the religious and domestic structures of New Mexico.
+While the Indians set walls of puddled earth directly on the ground,
+the Spaniards, following Moorish precedent, laid <i>adobe</i> bricks
+on stone foundations. Standard house-size <i>adobes</i> average 15 by
+30 by 50 centimeters. <i>Adobe</i> bricks are made by packing a
+mixture of mud, sand, and straw into a wood frame from which the block
+then is knocked out onto the ground to dry in the sun. Stones set in
+<i>adobe</i> mortar provide a foundation. The sun-dried bricks, which
+are also laid in <i>adobe</i> mortar, form exterior, load-bearing
+walls and interior partitions.</p>
+
+<p>Spanish <i>adobe</i> construction also employs wood. Openings are
+framed and closed with a lintel that
+projects well into the wall. These recessed lintel faces
+often are left exposed after the plastering of adjoining
+surfaces. Roofs are transverse beams (<i>vigas</i>), which
+in turn hold small cross branches (<i>savinos</i>) or planks
+(<i>tablas</i>). A final layer of brush and <i>adobe</i> plaster closes
+the surface cracks. Plank drains (<i>canales</i>), rectangular
+in section, lead water from this soft roof surface (Figure 3).</p>
+
+<p>Domestic <i>adobe</i> structures differ from ecclesiastic buildings in
+scale and in spatial arrangement. Colonial New Mexican churches are
+relatively large, unicellular spaces. Their simple nave volume often
+is made cruciform by a transept whose higher roof allows for a
+clerestory. A choir loft over the entry and a narrowed, elevated
+sanctuary further articulate the space at each end of the nave. In
+contrast, <i>Hispano</i> houses consist of several low rooms set in a
+line or grouped around a court (<i>placita</i>) in which a gate and
+porch (<i>portal</i>) are placed. Rooms vary in width according to the
+length of the transverse beams, which usually are from four to six
+meters long.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_44" id="Ref_44" href="#Foot_44">[44]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The everyday living spaces inside Spanish-New Mexican houses tend to
+combine domestic activities and to appear similar in space and decor.
+Inside a <i>Hispano</i> church, however, areas of special useage are
+marked off clearly within the volume. Celebration of the mass requires
+a special spatial treatment to indicate the sanctuary. This area is
+emphasized by an arched entry, lateral pilasters, raised floor, and
+characteristically convergent side walls. These slanting walls provide
+better vision for the congregation and easier movement for the
+celebrants. The convergent wall of sanctuaries is often visible from
+the exterior. It is noteworthy that both the contracted sanctuary of
+local churches and the linear arrangement of domestic interiors appear
+in the <i>penitente moradas</i> of Abiqui�.</p>
+
+<p>In the plans of the Abiqui� <i>moradas</i> (Figure 4), the identical
+arrangement of the three rooms reveals an origin in the typical
+<i>Hispano</i> house form. George Kubler has observed that the design
+of <i>moradas</i> "is closer to the domestic architecture of New
+Mexico than to the churches."<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_45" id="Ref_45" href="#Foot_45">[45]</a></span>
+Bainbridge Bunting confirms the
+houselike form of <i>moradas</i> but notes their lack of
+uniformity.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_46" id="Ref_46" href="#Foot_46">[46]</a></span>
+In comparison to <i>moradas</i> of the L-plan,<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_47" id="Ref_47" href="#Foot_47">[47]</a></span>
+and
+even of the pre-1856 T-plan structure at Arroyo Hondo,<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_48" id="Ref_48" href="#Foot_48">[48]</a></span>
+the two <i>penitente</i> buildings at Abiqui� preserve a simple | shape with
+one significant variation&mdash;a contracted chancel.</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 500px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_03.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 3.</span>
+    North roofline of east <i>morada</i>, showing exposed ends of
+    ceiling beams (<i>vigas</i>), chimney of oratory stove, and
+    construction of water drain (<i>canal</i>).</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 500px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_04.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 4.</span>
+    Plans of south <i>morada</i> (top) and east <i>morada</i>
+    (bottom): A=altar; B=standard; C=candelabra; D=sandbox; E=benches;
+    F=fireplace; G=stove; H=chest; I=tub.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>The basic form of the Abiqui� <i>moradas</i> (Figures 5 and 6) is a
+rectangular box that closely resembles nearby houses. Even the long,
+windowless north facade of both Abiqui� <i>moradas</i> recalls the
+unbroken walls of earlier <i>Hispano</i> houses in hostile frontier
+regions. The Abiqui� <i>moradas</i>, however, possess one exception to
+the domestic form&mdash;a narrowed, accented end. On each <i>morada</i> the
+west end is blunted and buttressed by a salient bell tower of stones
+laid in <i>adobe</i> mortar and strengthened by horizontal boards
+(Figures 7 and 8). This innovation in the form of the Abiqui�
+<i>moradas</i> appears to be ecclesiastic in origin.</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 500px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_05.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 5.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">South</span> <i>Morada</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 24.02 meters long, 5.41 wide, 3.51 high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: About 1900.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: 400 meters south of Santo Tom�s
+    Church in main plaza; seen from southeast corner.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: <i>Adobe</i> bricks on stone
+    foundation; wood door and window frames.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 500px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_06.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 6.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">East</span> <i>Morada</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 28.82 meters long, 4.88 wide, 3.58 high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: 300 meters east-southeast of Santo
+    Tom�s Church in main plaza; seen from northeast corner.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: <i>Adobe</i> bricks set on stone
+    foundation; wood drains (<i>canales</i>) and beam (<i>viga</i>) ends at top
+    of wall.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 273px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_07.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 7.</span>
+    West end of south <i>morada</i>, showing construction of bell
+    tower and contracted sanctuary walls.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 500px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_08.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 8.</span>
+    Northwest view of east <i>morada</i>, showing limestone slab bell
+    tower on contracted west end.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Plans of churches built close to Abiqui� in time, distance, and
+orientation could have served as sources for the design of the
+<i>moradas'</i> west ends (Figure 9). Only five kilometers east of
+Abiqui� stood the chapel dedicated to Santa Rosa de Lima. As shown in
+Figure 9<span class="smcap">f</span>, the sanctuary in its west end had
+a raised floor and flanking entry pilasters, features found in the east
+<i>morada's</i> west end. This chapel was dedicated about 1744 and was
+still active as a <i>vis�ta</i> from Abiqui� in 1830.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_49" id="Ref_49" href="#Foot_49">[49]</a></span>
+Through this period and to
+the present, the popularity of Saint Rose of Lima has persisted at
+Abiqui�. Her nearby chapel would have been a likely and logical choice
+for the design of the <i>morada's</i> sanctuary end.</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 500px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_09.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 9.</span>
+    Plans of two Abiqui� <i>moradas</i> compared to New Mexican
+    churches with contracted sanctuaries: A, south <i>morada</i>, B,
+    east <i>morada</i>; C, Z�a Mission; D, San Miguel in Santa Fe; E,
+    Santa Cruz; F, Santa Rosa; G, Ranchos de Taos; H, the
+    <i>santuario</i> at Chimayo; I, C�rdova. (From Kubler,
+    <i>Religious Architecture</i> [see ftn. 45]: C=his figure 8; D=28,
+    E=9, F=34, G=13, H=22, I=35.)</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>A second possible source for the contracted ends of the Abiqui�
+<i>moradas</i> would be the south transept chapel of the Third Order
+of St. Francis at Santa Cruz (Figure 9<span class="smcap">e</span>). It was completed
+shortly before 1798<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_50" id="Ref_50" href="#Foot_50">[50]</a></span>
+and served Franciscan tertiaries into the
+1830s. Plans compared in Figure 9 indicate that the dimensions of this
+left transept chapel at Santa Cruz measure only
+five percent larger than the chapel room of the east
+<i>morada</i> at Abiqui�, and the plans also reveal contracted
+chancel walls at both locations.</p>
+
+<p>The concept of a constricted sanctuary as seen in Abiqui�
+<i>moradas</i> originated in earlier Spanish and Mexican churches. In
+1479, architect Juan Guas used a trapezoidal apse plan in San Juan de
+los Reyes at Toledo and, by 1512, the design found its way into
+America's first cathedral at Santo Domingo. Within the first century
+of Spanish colonization, contracted sanctuary walls appeared on the
+American mainland in Arciniega's revised plan for Mexico City's
+Cathedral (post-1584)<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_51" id="Ref_51" href="#Foot_51">[51]</a></span>
+and, again, in New Mexico, where it first
+appeared at the stone mission of Z�a, built about 1614 (Figure 9<span class="smcap">c</span>).
+Once established in the Franciscan province, the concept of converging
+sanctuary walls survived the 1680 Indian revolt and returned with the
+reconquest of New Mexico in 1693. Spaniards raised and rebuilt
+missions from the capital at Santa Fe (San Miguel, rebuilt 1710;
+Figure 9<span class="smcap">d</span>) north to Taos (San Geronimo, 1706). Throughout the
+18th century, in a three-to-one ratio, the churches of New Mexico used
+the contracted, as opposed to the box, sanctuary.</p>
+
+<p>In the early 19th century, churches at Ranchos de Taos (1805-1815<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_52" id="Ref_52" href="#Foot_52">[52]</a></span>;
+Figure 9<span class="smcap">g</span>), Chimayo (about 1810; Figure 9<span class="smcap">h</span>), and
+C�rdova (after 1830; Figure 9<span class="smcap">i</span>) continued to employ the trapezoidal
+sanctuary form. By midcentury, <i>penitente</i> brotherhoods are known
+to have been active in these villages, and the local ecclesiastic
+structures could have acted as an influence in the design of the
+<i>penitente moradas</i> at Abiqui�.</p>
+
+<p>In summary, the <i>moradas</i> at Abiqui� are traditional regional
+buildings in material and in basic form. The pointed west end of each
+building, however, is an ecclesiastic innovation in an otherwise
+typical domestic design. These <i>moradas</i> provide a significant
+design variant in the history of Spanish-American architecture in New
+Mexico.</p>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_44" id="Foot_44" href="#Ref_44">[44]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+The "Hall of Everyday Life in the American Past" in the Museum of
+History and Technology (Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.)
+displays an interior typical of a Spanish-New Mexican <i>adobe</i>
+house of about 1800.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_45" id="Foot_45" href="#Ref_45">[45]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">George Kubler</span>, <i>The Religious Architecture of New
+Mexico</i> (Colorado Springs, 1940), p. viii.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_46" id="Foot_46" href="#Ref_46">[46]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Bainbridge Bunting</span>, <i>Taos Adobes</i> (Santa Fe, 1964),
+P. 54.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_47" id="Foot_47" href="#Ref_47">[47]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+L-plan <i>moradas</i> are pictured by Woodward [see ftn. 13] in a
+1925 photograph at San Mateo, a different <i>morada</i> from that
+illustrated in <span class="smcap">Charles F. Lummis</span>, <i>Land of Poco Tiempo</i>
+(New York, 1897), as well as in another Woodward photograph [see ftn.
+13] taken on the road to Chimayo. <span class="smcap">L. B. Prince</span>, <i>Spanish
+Mission Churches of New Mexico</i> (Cedar Rapids, 1915), shows an
+L-plan <i>morada</i> near Las Vegas. Was the L-plan house an
+unconscious recall of the more secure structure that completely
+enclosed a <i>placita</i>?</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_48" id="Foot_48" href="#Ref_48">[48]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Bunting</span>, p. 56. After 1960 the Arroyo Hondo
+<i>morada</i> became the private residence of Larry Franks.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_49" id="Foot_49" href="#Ref_49">[49]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+AASF, Loose Documents, Mission, 1829 (May 27).</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_50" id="Foot_50" href="#Ref_50">[50]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Kubler</span>, <i>Religious Architecture</i>, p. 103.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_51" id="Foot_51" href="#Ref_51">[51]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">George Kubler</span> and <span class="smcap">Martin Soria</span>, <i>The Art and
+Architecture of Spain and Portugal and Their American Dominions, 1500
+to 1800</i> (Baltimore, 1959), pp. 3, 64, 74.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_52" id="Foot_52" href="#Ref_52">[52]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">E. Boyd</span>, interview, April 1966. Building date of about
+1780 usually is given for the present church. Boyd, however, states
+that documents in AASF support the tree-ring dates given in
+<span class="smcap">Kubler</span>. <i>Religious Architecture</i>, p. 121, as 1816�10.</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<h2><i>Interior Space and Artifacts</i></h2>
+
+<p class="nodent">The plans of the two <i>penitente moradas</i> of Abiqui� (Figure 4)
+reveal an identical arrangement of interior
+space. There are three rooms in each <i>morada</i>: (1) the
+longest is on the west end and, with its constricted
+sanctuary space, acts as an oratory; (2) the center
+room serves as a sacristy; and (3) the east room is for
+storage. The only major difference between the two
+<i>moradas</i> is the length of the storage room, which is
+nearly twice as long in the east <i>morada</i>. The remarkable
+similarities in design suggest that one served as the
+model for the other; local oral tradition holds that the
+east <i>morada</i> is older.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_53" id="Ref_53" href="#Foot_53">[53]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Internal evidence indicates that the east <i>morada</i> is indeed the
+older one. As shown in Figure 2, the south <i>morada</i> is located
+farther from the Abiqui� <i>plaza</i>, suggesting it was built at a
+later date&mdash;perhaps nearer 1900, when public and official criticism
+had prompted greater privacy for Holy Week processions, which were
+considered spectacles by tourists. In addition, the lesser width of
+the south <i>morada</i> rooms, the square-milled beams in the oratory,
+and the fireplace in the east end storage room indicate that it was
+built after the east <i>morada</i>. In contrast, the two corner
+fireplaces of the east <i>morada</i> are set in the center room, while
+another heating arrangement&mdash;an oil drum set on a low <i>adobe</i>
+dais&mdash;appears to have been added at a later date.</p>
+
+<p>The east <i>morada</i> was the obvious model for the builders of the
+later one on the south edge of Abiqui�. Local <i>penitentes</i> admit
+that there was a division in the original chapter just prior to
+1900<span class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_54" id="Ref_54" href="#Foot_54">[54]</a></span>
+but deny that the separation was made because of political
+differences, as suggested by one author.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_55" id="Ref_55" href="#Foot_55">[55]</a></span>
+The older members say
+that the first <i>morada</i> merely had become too large for
+convenient use of the building.</p>
+
+<p>The three rooms in each <i>morada</i> are distinguished by bare,
+whitewashed walls of <i>adobe</i> plaster, hard-packed dirt floors,
+two exterior doors, and three windows. A locked door is located off
+the oratory in the north face of the south <i>morada</i>. Figures 10
+and 11 show the sanctuaries in the south and east <i>morada</i>; and
+Figure 12, the back of the east <i>morada</i> oratory. Its open door
+leads into the center room, where the members would not remove the
+boards on the windows for me to take photographs. The east end room in
+each <i>morada</i>
+serves for storage of processional and ceremonial equipment.</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 500px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_10.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 10.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Altar in South</span> <i>Morada</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 10.05 meters long, 3.51 wide.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: West room in south <i>morada</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Description</span>: Looking west into sanctuary;
+    dirt floor with cotton rag rugs; side walls lined with benches and
+    hung with religious prints; square-milled timber ceiling; draped
+    arch with candelabra; altar and gradin with religious images.
+    (Numbers refer to subsequent illustrations.)</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 500px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_11.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 11.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Altar in East</span> <i>Morada</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Description</span>: Looking into sanctuary;
+    dirt floor and convergent <i>adobe</i> walls; sacristy entry
+    marked by drapes and raised floor; candelabra and sand boxes for
+    votive candles; draped altar table supplied with religious images.
+    (Numbers refer to subsequent illustrations.)</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 500px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_12.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 12.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Rear of Oratory, East</span> <i>Morada</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 10.98 meters long, 4.04 wide.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: Back of west room in east <i>morada</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Description</span>: Looking east, to rear of
+    oratory. Dirt floor, <i>adobe</i>-plastered walls, wooden benches,
+    iron stove, framed religious prints on walls, ceiling of round
+    beams (<i>vigas</i>).</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class="gap-above"><span class="smcap">Storage Room in Both Moradas.</span>&mdash;In the south <i>morada</i>
+(Figure 13), there are cactus scourges (<i>disciplinas</i>),
+corrugated metal sheeting used for roofing, and three rattles
+(<i>matracas</i>; Figure 14), also used for noise-making in
+<i>tinieblas</i> services. Situated here also are black Lenten
+candelabrum, a ladder, a cross with silvered Passion emblems, and
+massive penitential crosses (<i>maderos</i>; Figure 15). The Lenten
+ladder and cross are shown next to the exterior entry (Figure 16). A
+corner fireplace is flanked by locally made tin candle sconces (Figure
+17). Two 19th-century kerosene lamps appear on the fireplace mantle,
+and a tin-shaded lantern with its silver-plated reservoir hangs from
+the ceiling (Figure 15).</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 383px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_13.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 13.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Floor Tub in Storage Room.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: tub 53.3 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>,
+    northwest corner of room.
+    <span class="smcap">Description</span>: Cement tub, dirt floor,
+    fire wood, galvanized tubs, enamelized buckets, braided cactus whips
+    (<i>disciplinas</i>), wooden box rattle (<i>matraca</i>), punched
+    tin wall sconce, corrugated metal roofing.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 500px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_14.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 14.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Rattles</span> (<i>matracas</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 26 to 40 centimeters long.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i> storage (east) room.
+    <span class="smcap">Description</span>: Flexible tongue set
+    at one end of wooden frame, and notched cylinder on handle turning
+    in opposite end.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 379px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_15.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 15.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Penitente Crosses</span> (<i>maderos</i>)
+    <span class="smcap">in Storage Room</span>.
+    <span class="smcap">Sizes</span>: black cross 269.2 centimeters high
+    (Figure 16); ceiling boards 2.5 by 15; <i>maderos</i> 345 long.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: 20th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified carpenter.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>,
+    northeast corner.
+    <span class="smcap">Description</span>: black candelabra
+    (<i>tenebrario</i>), kerosene lanterns, tin shades, wooden keg and
+    box under table.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 321px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_16.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 16.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Cross and Ladder</span> (<i>cruz</i> and <i>escalera</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: cross 269.2 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Fourth quarter of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified carpenter.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>, storage (east) room.
+    <span class="smcap">Description</span>: Milled and carved wood
+    (painted), black cross and ladder, silvered nails (left arm),
+    hammer and pliers (right arm).</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 415px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_17.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 17.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Corner Fireplace in Storage Room.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: mantel 106.7 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>, southeast corner.
+    <span class="smcap">Description</span>: Walls, fireplace,
+    and flue of plastered <i>adobe</i>, kerosene lamps and tin wall
+    sconces, boarded up window to left (east).</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>In each <i>morada</i> storage area, there is a tub built
+on the floor that serves to wash off blood after penance.
+Figure 13 shows the tub in the south <i>morada</i>. In the
+older, east <i>morada</i>, the tub (Figure 18) is a wood- and
+tin-lined trough pushed against the north wall and
+plastered with <i>adobe</i>.</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 500px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_18.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 18.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Storage Room, East</span> <i>Morada</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Sizes</span>: Tub 112.6 centimeters long, 46 wide,
+    25.6 high; ladder 175 high.
+    <span class="smcap">Description</span>: Detail of north wall showing
+    enamelized containers, tub built into the floor for washing after
+    penance, and ladder.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>The storage room in the east <i>morada</i> also contains commercially
+made lamps, such as the plated reservoir with stamped Neo-rococo
+motifs (Figure 19). Nearby is a processional cross with two metal
+faces and a small, cast corpus (Figure 20). While kerosene lanterns
+are evidence of east-west rail commerce after 1880, the cross probably
+indicates a southern contact, possibly through Parral or Chihuahua,
+Mexico. Locally made, however, are the woven rag rugs (<i>jergas</i>)
+hung over a pole (<i>varal</i>)<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_56" id="Ref_56" href="#Foot_56">[56]</a></span>
+that drops from the ceiling. Also
+in the east <i>morada</i> storage are two percussion rifles (Figure
+21). Craddock Goins, Department of Armed Forces History, the
+Smithsonian Institution, identifies both as common Indian trade
+objects from midcentury Europe. These rifles probably were imports for
+sale to the Utes at the Abiqui� trading post between 1853 and 1874. At
+the rear of the room (Figure 22) rests a saw-horse table holding an
+assortment of stocks for these "trade guns," of wooden rattles
+(<i>matracas</i>), and of heavy crosses (<i>maderos</i>). On the
+ground stands a large bell, which, in a photograph (Museum of New
+Mexico, Photo No. 8550) taken by William Lippincott about 1945,
+appears on the tower of the <i>morada</i>. The
+silhouette dates the bell as being cast after 1760. Behind
+the bell rests the <i>morada</i> death cart. Also in the
+room are a plank ladder and the oil drum stove raised
+on an <i>adobe</i> dais (Figure 23) to the east of the exterior
+door.</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 580px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_19.jpg" alt=""/>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+  <img src="images/fig_20.jpg" alt=""/>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+  <img src="images/fig_21.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 19.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Reservoir for Kerosene Lamp.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 25.4 centimeters wide.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Second half of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: Imported to New Mexico.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, storage (east) room.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Silver-plated metal
+    stamped into Rococco revival decorations.</p>
+
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 20.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Processional Cross.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 30.5 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: Imported to New Mexico, probably from Mexico.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, storage (east) room.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Punched trifoil ends in
+    metal face, cast corpus.</p>
+
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 21.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Percussion Rifles.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 111.8 centimeters long.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Middle of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: European (Belgian?) exports.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>Morada</i>, storage (east) room.</p>
+
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 351px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_22.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 22.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Storage Room, East</span> <i>Morada</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Sizes</span>: Bell 64 centimeters wide (diameter), 47.4
+    high; cart 122 long (frame), 70 wide (frame), 71 between axle centers;
+    wheels 45 high.
+    <span class="smcap">Description</span>: Detail of east wall showing
+    saw-horse table, corrugated sheeting, bell, and death
+    cart of cottonwood and pine.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 351px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_23.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 23.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Storage Room, East</span> <i>Morada</i>: View next to
+    exterior door showing low <i>adobe</i> dais supporting oil drum stove.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class="gap-above"><span class="smcap">Sacristy in Both Moradas.</span>&mdash;While a panelled wooden box in the
+south <i>morada</i> stands inside the exterior door of the east room,
+another type of chest, said to hold cooking utensils, rests in the
+northwest corner of the center room of the east <i>morada</i>. Both
+storage chests are located in rooms with corner fireplaces. An
+informant said that these boxes held heating and cooking utensils and
+ceremonial equipment, including the <i>penitentes'</i> rule book. As
+noted above, the two fireplaces in the middle room of the east
+<i>morada</i> suggest that it was built earlier than the south
+<i>morada</i>, which has a single fireplace in the less active and
+more convenient rear storage room. Further evidence of this point is
+that the storage chest in the east <i>morada</i> is better constructed
+than that in the south <i>morada</i>; the former displays a slanted
+top and punch-decorated tin reinforcements on its corners. In the
+center room there are several benches with lathe-turned legs (Figure
+24).</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 350px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_24.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 24.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Bench</span> (<i>banco</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 108 centimeters long, 51 high, 47 wide.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, center room.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>The central room of the south <i>morada</i> also displays a number of
+benches of an earlier style (Figure 25). Over the rear door appears an
+unusual cross (Figure 26). The cross consists of two wood planks, 1.6
+centimeters thick, notched together and covered with paper. The
+surface bears carefully drawn, or perhaps stenciled, floral and
+religious designs in indigo blue: eleven Latin crosses appear among
+flowering vases, oversize buds, and 4-, 5-, and 8-pointed stars. These
+motifs probably are the result of copying from weaving or quilt
+pattern books of the late 19th century. A local <i>penitente</i>
+leader stated that the cross was made before 1925 by On�simo Mart�nez
+of Abiqui�, when the latter was in his thirties. (The strong religious
+symbolism of the New Mexican designs reminds one of the stylized
+motifs on Atlantic Coastal folk drawings and textiles of Germanic
+origin.)</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 350px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_25.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 25.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Bench</span> (<i>banco</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 128 centimeters long, 106 high at back, 45 wide.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>, center room.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class="nodent">(<i>Figure 26 is frontispiece.</i>)</p>
+
+<p>Snare drums appear in the central room of both <i>moradas</i> (Figures
+27, 28). The drum in the east <i>morada</i> is mounted on top of a
+truncated wicker basket. It is interesting to note that rifles and
+drums commonly are recorded in mission choir lofts in 1776 by
+Dom�nguez.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_57" id="Ref_57" href="#Foot_57">[57]</a></span>
+In addition to marking significant moments in church
+ritual, they are used in Indian and <i>Hispano</i> village <i>fiestas</i>.</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 450px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_27.jpg" alt=""/>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+  <img src="images/fig_28.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 27.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Snare Drum</span> (<i>tambor</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 55.9 centimeters long.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: Imported to New Mexico.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, center room.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Commercially made, military
+    type, rope lines with leather drum ears [tighteners].</p>
+
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 28.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Snare Drum</span> (<i>tambor</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 58.4 centimeters long.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: Imported to New Mexico.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>, center room.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Commercially made, military
+    type, reddish stain, rope tension lines with rope and leather
+    drum ears [tighteners].</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Before describing religious objects in the west end rooms of Abiqui�
+<i>moradas</i>, a list of similar items in Santo Tom�s Mission at an
+earlier date (1776) is of interest:</p>
+
+ <p class="block">a medium-sized bell ... altar table ... gradin ... altar cloth ... a
+ banner ... candleholders ... processional cross ... a painted wooden
+ cross ... ordinary single-leaved door ... image in the round of Our
+ Lady of the [Immaculate] Conception ... a wig ... silver crown ...
+ string of fine seed pearls ... ordinary bouquet ... painting on
+ copper of Our Lady of Sorrows (<i>Dolores</i>) in a black frame ...
+ <i>Via Crucis</i> in small paper prints on their little boards ... a
+ print of the Guadalupe.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_58" id="Ref_58" href="#Foot_58">[58]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Comparable versions of each of these objects occur in Abiqui�'s
+<i>moradas</i>. In fact, virtually all objects found in the
+<i>penitente moradas</i> of Abiqui� are recorded as typical artifacts
+by church inventories and house wills of 18th- and 19th-century
+Spanish New Mexico.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_59" id="Ref_59" href="#Foot_59">[59]</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="gap-above"><span class="smcap">Oratory in the East Morada.</span>&mdash;In the rear of the oratory of
+the older east <i>morada</i> (Figure 12), one sees a stove and lantern
+on the right. Both are imported, extracultural items. The pierced, tin
+candle-lantern (Figure 29) is a common artifact found throughout
+Europe and America.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_60" id="Ref_60" href="#Foot_60">[60]</a></span></p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 250px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_29.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 29.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Candle Lantern.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 30.5 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: Imported to New Mexico.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, chapel.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Pierced tinwork.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Along the walls of the oratory hang imported religious prints framed
+in local punch-decorated tinwork. Tin handicraft became more
+widespread after 1850 when metal U.S. Army containers became available
+to the <i>Hispanos</i>. Designs seen on three tin frames (Figure 30)
+include twisted columns, crests, scallops, corner blocks, wings, and a
+variety of simple repouss� patterns. Paper prints in the tin frame
+suggest midcentury trade contacts between northern Mexico and the
+Atlantic Coast. Even the Mexican War (1846-1848) did not discourage
+American publishers such as Currier from appealing to Mexican
+religious and national loyalties with lithographs of Our Lady of
+Guadalupe (much in the same manner as the British, after the
+Revolution and War of 1812, profited by selling Americans objects that
+bore images of Yankee ships, eagles, and likenesses of
+Franklin and Washington). A fourth piece of local
+tinwork (Figure 31) in the east <i>morada</i> oratory is a
+niche for a small figure of the Holy Child of Atocha,
+<i>Santo Ni�o de Atocha</i>. This advocation of Jesus, like
+that of His mother in the Guadalupe image, further
+indicates Mexican influence.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_61" id="Ref_61" href="#Foot_61">[61]</a></span>
+The image of the
+<i>Atocha</i> is a product of local craftsmanship.</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 500px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_30.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 30.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Religious Prints in Tin Frames.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 52.1 centimeters high (center).
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: First three-quarters of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: Prints imported to New Mexico; frames
+    from New Mexico, unidentified tinsmiths.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, walls in chapel
+    (west) room.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Tin frames: cut, repouss�,
+    stamped and soldered into Federal and Victorian designs. Prints:
+    left, <i>Guadalupe</i>, early 19th century, Mexican copperplate
+    engraving; center, <i>Guadalupe</i>, 1847, N. Currier,
+    hand-colored lithograph; right, <i>San Gregorio</i> [Pope St.
+    Gregory], mid-19th-century lithograph.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 250px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_31.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 31.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Niche with Image of the Holy Child of Atocha</span>
+    (<i>nicho</i> and <i>El Santo Ni�o de Atocha</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: niche 44.4 centimeters high, image 21.6 high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Second half of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified tinsmith
+    and <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, wall in chapel room.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Tin: cut, repouss�,
+    soldered into fan, shell, and guilloche designs. Image: carved
+    wood, gessoed and painted red and white. Rosary and artificial
+    flowers.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>These representations of religious personages are called
+<i>santos</i>, and their makers, <i>santeros</i>. Flat panel paintings
+are known locally as <i>retablos</i>, while sculptured forms are
+<i>bultos</i>. George Kubler, distinguished art historian at Yale,
+suggests that <i>bultos</i>, because of their greater dimensional
+realism, are more popular than planar <i>retablos</i> with the
+<i>Hispanos</i>.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_62" id="Ref_62" href="#Foot_62">[62]</a></span>
+Supporting this theory is the fact that
+<i>bultos</i> in the Abiqui� <i>moradas</i> outnumber prints and
+<i>retablos</i> two to one.</p>
+
+<p>Perhaps the most distinctive three-dimensional image in any
+<i>morada</i> is not a <i>santo</i> by definition, but a unique figure
+that represents death (<i>la muerte</i>). Also known as <i>La Do�a
+Sebastiana</i>, her image clearly marks a building as a
+<i>penitente</i> sanctuary. Personifying death with a sculptured image
+and dragging her cart to a cemetery called <i>calvario</i>, the
+<i>penitentes</i> of New Mexico reflect the sense of fate common to
+Spanish-speaking cultures, the recognition that death is life's one
+personal certainty.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_63" id="Ref_63" href="#Foot_63">[63]</a></span>
+The figure of death in the east <i>morada</i>
+hangs in the corner at the rear of the oratory. Placed outside for
+examination, this <i>muerte</i> (Figure 32) presents a flat, oval face
+with blank eyes. The black gown and bow and arrow are typical of
+<i>muerte</i> figures.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_64" id="Ref_64" href="#Foot_64">[64]</a></span>
+Turning toward the altar (Figure 11), one sees
+that death is outnumbered by images of hope and compassion:
+Jesus, His mother, and the saints who intercede
+for man.</p>
+
+<p>On the lower step of the altar appear a host of small, commercial
+products, mostly crucifixes, in plaster, plastic, and cheap metal
+alloys as well as numerous glass cups for candles. Above the upper
+ledge (<i>gradin</i>) appear five locally made images of Jesus
+crucified, <i>El Cristo</i>.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_65" id="Ref_65" href="#Foot_65">[65]</a></span>
+At the side of this central
+<i>Cristo</i> (Figure 33) hangs a small angel, <i>angelito</i>, which
+traditionally held a chalice to catch blood from the spear wound.
+Other <i>Cristos</i>, at the Taylor Museum in Colorado Springs and at
+the Museum of New Mexico (McCormick Collection A.7.49-24) in Santa Fe,
+repeat the weightless corpus and stylized wounds used by the anonymous
+<i>santero</i> who, after 1850, made these <i>bultos</i>.</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 550px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_32.jpg" alt=""/>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+  <img src="images/fig_33.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 32.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Death</span> (<i>la muerte</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 76.2 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Early 20th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, back of oratory.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Carved and whitewashed
+    wood, glass eyes and wood teeth, dressed in black fabric with
+    white lace border, bow and arrow.</p>
+
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 33.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Crucifix with Angel</span> (<i>Cristo</i> and <i>angelito</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: cross 139.7 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Fourth quarter of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, center of altar.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Carved wood gessoed and
+    painted, over-painted in oil; crown of thorns, rosaries, crucifix;
+    wooden plank, H-shape platform; black cross with <i>iNRi</i>
+    plaque; <i>angelito</i> with white cotton skirt.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Additional <i>Cristo</i> figures appear on the convergent walls of the
+east <i>morada</i> sanctuary. There are two pairs, large and small,
+perhaps dating as late as 1900, one pair to the right (Figures 34,
+35), the other, on the Gospel side (plates 36, 37).</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 500px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_34-37.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><i>top left</i></p>
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 34.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Crucifix</span> (<i>Cristo</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: cross 170.2 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Second half of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, right wall behind altar.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Carved wood, gessoed and
+    painted, over-painted in oils; black gauze shroud over head;
+    rosary and <i>iNRi</i> plaque.</p>
+
+    <p><i>bottom left</i></p>
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 35.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Crucifix</span> (<i>Cristo</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: cross 64.8 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Second half of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, right wall behind altar.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Carved wood, gessoed and
+    painted; dressed in white skirt with rosary.</p>
+
+    <p><i>top right</i></p>
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 36.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Crucifix</span> (<i>Cristo</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: cross 71.1 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Second half of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, left wall behind altar.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Carved wood, gessoed and
+    painted, repainted in oil colors, yellow and red strips on black;
+    dressed in white cotton skirt; rosary.</p>
+
+    <p><i>bottom right</i></p>
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 37.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Crucifix</span> (<i>Cristo</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: cross 177.8 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Fourth quarter of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, left wall behind altar.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Carved wood, gessoed and
+    painted; crown of thorns and rosary; dressed in white cotton waist
+    cloth.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>To the far left stands an important image: the scourged Jesus (Figure 38)
+prominent in <i>penitente</i> activity as "Our Father Jesus the
+Nazarene" (<i>Nuestro Padre Jesus Nazareno</i>). By 1918, Alice Corbin
+Henderson<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_66" id="Ref_66" href="#Foot_66">[66]</a></span>
+reports, this same figure appeared in <i>penitente</i>
+Holy Week processions at Abiqui�. She claims it was made originally
+for the Mission of Santo Tom�s. E. Boyd points out stylistic traits
+shared by this Abiqui� <i>bulto</i> and the <i>retablo</i> figures in
+the San Jos� de Chama Chapel at nearby Hern�ndez, which was the work
+of <i>santero</i> Rafael Aragon, active from 1829 to after 1855.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_67" id="Ref_67" href="#Foot_67">[67]</a></span>
+Symbolic of man's physical suffering, the image of the <i>Jesus
+Nazareno</i> is essential to <i>penitente</i> enactments of the
+Passion.</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 250px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_38.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 38.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Man of Sorrows</span> (<i>Ecce Homo, Nuestro Padre Jesus Nazareno</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 1.60 meters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Second quarter of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, Rafael Aragon, active 1829-55.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, to left of altar.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Dressed in red fabric
+    gown, palm clusters and rosaries, leather crown of thorns,
+    horsehair wig, bright border painted on platform.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>On the left side of the east <i>morada</i> altar, two carved images
+represent the grieving mother of Jesus as "Our Lady of Sorrows"
+(<i>Nuestra Se�ora de los Dolores</i>), one image (Figure 39) in pink
+equipped with her attribute, a dagger; the other (Figure 40), like
+many processional figures, has been constructed by draping a pyramidal
+frame of four sticks with gesso-dipped cloth,
+which, when dry, is painted to represent a skirt. The
+apron-like design that appears on the skirt, now hidden
+under a black dress, indicates that the original identity
+probably was "Our Lady of Solitude" (<i>Nuestra Se�ora
+de la Soledad</i>).<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_68" id="Ref_68" href="#Foot_68">[68]</a></span></p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 500px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_39-40.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 39.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Our Lady of Sorrows</span> (<i>Nuestra Se�ora de los Dolores</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 99.1 centimeters base to crown.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Early 20th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, left side of altar.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Carved wood, gessoed and
+    painted; dressed in pink cotton gown and veil; tin crown and metal
+    dagger; artificial flowers, rosaries.</p>
+
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 40.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Our Lady of Sorrows or Solitude</span>
+    (<i>Nuestra Se�ora de los Dolores</i> or <i>la Soledad</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 81.3 centimeters base to crown.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Second half of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, left side of altar.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Carved wood head and
+    hands, gessoed, painted, and repainted; body of gesso-wetted
+    cloth, draped on stick frame to dry, painted; dressed in black
+    satin habit with white lace border; tin halo, rosary, artificial
+    flowers.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Also on the left side of the east <i>morada</i> altar, there are two
+male saints (<i>santos</i>) who fill vital roles in the
+<i>penitente</i> Easter drama. One, St. Peter (San Pedro) with the
+cock (Figure 41), is a <i>bulto</i> whose frame construction
+duplicates that of Our Lady (Figure 40). The cock apparently was made
+by another hand, and, despite its replaced tail, is a fine expression
+of local art. This group represents Peter's triple denial of Jesus
+before the cock announced dawn of the day of the Crucifixion. The
+<i>bulto</i> of San Pedro has special meaning for <i>penitentes</i>
+who, through their penance, bear witness to "Jesus the Nazarene."</p>
+
+<p>With the other <i>bulto</i>, <i>penitentes</i> have also recalled the
+crucifixion by representing St. John the Evangelist (San Juan) at the
+foot of the cross, where Jesus charged the disciple with the care of
+His mother. The image of John (Figure 42) bears distinctive stylistic
+features: blunt fingers; protruding forehead, cheek bones, and chin;
+and a full-lipped, open mouth.</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 460px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_41.jpg" alt=""/>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+  <img src="images/fig_42.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 41.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Saint Peter and Cock</span> (<i>San Pedro</i> and <i>Gallo</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 61 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: First quarter of 19th century, and 19th century cock.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, left side of altar.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: St. Peter's head (later):
+    carved wood, gessoed and painted. Body: cloth dipped in wet gesso,
+    draped over stick frame to dry, and painted, later over-painted.
+    Blue gown and orange cape. Cock of carved wood, gessoed and
+    painted; orange body with green haunch. Carved wood tail,
+    replacement.</p>
+
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 42.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Saint John the Evangelist</span> (<i>San Juan</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 137.2 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Second half of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, "Abiqui� <i>morada</i>" <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, left side of altar.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Carved wood, gessoed and
+    painted; black horsehair wig; dressed in white cotton fabric; palm
+    clusters and rosary. </p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Since these stylistic traits also occur in a <i>Cristo</i> figure in
+the Taylor Museum collection<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_69" id="Ref_69" href="#Foot_69">[69]</a></span>
+and in two other <i>bultos</i>&mdash;a
+<i>Cristo</i> and <i>Jesus Nazareno</i> in the south <i>morada</i> at
+Abiqui�&mdash;it seems reasonable to designate the anonymous image-maker as
+the "Abiqui� <i>morada santero</i>."</p>
+
+<p>A <i>bulto</i> that Alice Henderson identifies as St. Joseph is
+probably this figure of St. John (Figure 42) now resting in the east
+<i>morada</i>. She has reported that this image and that of St. Peter
+were in the mission of Santo Tom�s before 1919.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_70" id="Ref_70" href="#Foot_70">[70]</a></span>
+The shift in residence for these <i>santos</i> was substantiated by Jos� Espinosa,
+who stated that several images "were removed to one of the local
+<i>moradas</i> ... when the old church was torn down."<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_71" id="Ref_71" href="#Foot_71">[71]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>On the right side of the east <i>morada</i> altar, images of two male
+saints reflect the intense affection felt by <i>penitentes</i> for the
+Franciscan saints Anthony of Padua and John of Nepomuk. The most
+popular New Mexican
+saint, San Antonio (Figure 43), customarily carries
+the young Jesus, <i>El Santo Ni�o</i>. This image has been
+painted dark blue to represent the traditional Franciscan
+habit of New Mexico before the 1890s.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_72" id="Ref_72" href="#Foot_72">[72]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The 14th-century saint, John of Nepomuk, Bohemia (Figure 44), is known
+from a legend that states he was killed by King Wenceslaus for
+refusing to reveal secrets of the Queen, for whom he was confessor.
+The story notes that, after torture, John was drowned in the Moldau
+River, but that his body floated all night and, in the morning, was
+taken to the Church of the Holy Cross of the Penitents in Prague.
+After the martyred chaplain was canonized in 1729, his cult spread to
+Rome, then Spain, and, by 1800, into New Mexico.</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 500px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_43-44.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 43.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Saint Anthony of Padua and the Infant Jesus</span> (<i>San Antonio y Ni�o</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 43.2 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: First half of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, right side of altar.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Carved wood, gessoed and
+    painted with repainted head; dark blue habit; dressed in light
+    blue cotton fabric with white border, artificial flowers.</p>
+
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 44.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Saint John of Nepomuk</span> (<i>San Juan Nepomuceno</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: base to hat 78.7 centimeters.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Second quarter of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: East <i>morada</i>, right side of altar.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Carved wood, gessoed and
+    painted; dark blue robe with white border; dressed in black hat
+    and robe under white alblike coat; rosary.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Among the <i>Hispanos</i>, local Franciscans promoted this cult of St.
+John as a prognosticator and as a respecter of secrecy.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_73" id="Ref_73" href="#Foot_73">[73]</a></span>
+Due in part to this promotion, <i>San Juan Nepomuceno</i> became a favorite
+of New Mexican <i>penitentes</i>. E. Boyd suggests that the image of
+St. John (Figure 44) may have first represented St. Francis or St.
+Joseph. She also notes a stylistically similar <i>bulto</i> of St.
+Joseph in Colorado Springs, manufactured not long after 1825.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_74" id="Ref_74" href="#Foot_74">[74]</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="gap-above"><span class="smcap">Oratory in South Morada.</span>&mdash;Turning to the south <i>morada</i>
+chapel, we find numerous parallels to the earlier east <i>morada</i>
+in <i>santo</i> identities and in religious artifacts. (Figure 10
+presents a previously unphotographed view of this active
+<i>penitente</i> chapel with its fully equipped altar.) The walls of
+the west chamber of the south <i>morada</i> are lined with benches
+over which hang religious prints in frames of commercial plaster and
+local tin work (Figure 45).</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 500px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_45.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 45.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Saint Joseph and Christ Child</span> (<i>San Jos� y el Santo Ni�o</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: frame 45.7 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Fourth quarter of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: Imported commercial products.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>, chapel wall.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Plaster frame, molded and gilded.
+    Chromo-lithograph on paper.
+    <span class="smcap">Saint Peter</span> (<i>San Pedro</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: frame 25.4 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Third quarter of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: Imported, commercially made print.
+    New Mexico, unidentified tinsmith.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>, chapel wall.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Tin frame: cut, repouss�, stamped,
+    and soldered. Chromo-lithograph on paper.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>The tin frame for a lithograph of St. Peter reveals repouss� designs
+found on east <i>morada</i> frames (Figure 30, center). Other examples
+of local tinwork are seen in Figure 46. On the right is a cross of
+punched tinwork with pomegranate ends and corner fillers that reflect
+Moorish characteristics in Spanish arts known as <i>mud�jar</i>. The
+frame dates from after 1850, as indicated by glass panes painted with
+floral patterns suggesting Victorian wallpaper. To the left is a niche
+made of six glass panels painted with wavy lines and an early
+19th-century woodcut of the Holy Child of Atocha.
+Here again, twisted half-columns repeat a motif seen
+on a tin frame in the east <i>morada</i> chapel. In front of
+the draped entry to the south <i>morada</i> sanctuary stand
+two candelabra, one of which is shown in the doorway
+to the oratory (Figure 47) with tin reflectors and
+hand-carved sockets.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_75" id="Ref_75" href="#Foot_75">[75]</a></span>
+There are also vigil light boxes,
+kerosene lanterns with varnished tin shades, commercial
+religious images and ornaments that are similar to
+items in the east <i>morada</i> sanctuary.</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 500px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_46.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 46.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Niche with Print of Christ Child</span> (<i>Nicho</i>
+    and <i>Santo Ni�o de Atocha</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 35.5 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Second half of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified tinsmith.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>, chapel walls.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Tin frame: cut, repouss�,
+    and soldered. Glass: cut and painted. Woodcut on paper.
+    <span class="smcap">Cross</span> (<i>cruz</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 43.2 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Fourth quarter of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origins</span>: New Mexico, unidentified tinsmith.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>, chapel walls.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Tin frame: cut, repouss�, and
+    soldered. Glass: cut and painted.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 250px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_47.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 47.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Candelabrum</span> (<i>candelabro</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 157.5 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Early 20th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>, in front of altar in oratory.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Mill-cut wood stand,
+    hand-carved pegs to hold candles, and hand-worked tin crosses.
+    Painted white. One of a pair. </p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Embroidered textiles portray the Last Supper, and a chapter banner,
+made up for the brotherhood after 1925, shows the Crucifixion in oil
+colors. This banner bears the words "Fraternidad Piadosa D[e]
+N[uestro] P[adre] J[esus] D[e] Nazareno, Secci�n No. 12, Abiqui�, New
+Mexico." The title <i>fraternidad</i> is that assumed by
+<i>penitente</i> chapters that incorporated in New Mexico around 1930,
+although the term <i>cofrad�a</i> often appears in transfers of
+private land to <i>penitente</i> organizations.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_76" id="Ref_76" href="#Foot_76">[76]</a></span>
+A second banner, this one on the left, reads "Sociedad de la Sagrada Familia," which is
+a Catholic women's organization that often supports <i>penitente</i>
+groups.</p>
+
+<p>In the oratory of the south <i>morada</i>, locally made images merit
+special notice. Two carved images flank the entry to the south
+<i>morada</i> sanctuary. The <i>bulto</i> on the right, St. Francis of
+Assisi (Figure 48), has a special significance. As we noted in the
+east <i>morada</i>, many Spanish settlers in New Mexico honored San
+Francisco as the founder of the Franciscans, the order whose
+missionaries long had served the region. The second <i>bulto</i>
+(Figure 49) reveals clues that it originally had been a representation
+of the Immaculate Conception (<i>Inmaculata Concepci�n</i>). In
+Abiqui�, however, this figure is called <i>la mujer de San Juan</i>
+("the woman of St. John"), a phrase that indicates the major role Mary
+holds for the <i>penitentes</i>. With this image they refer to the
+moment in the Crucifixion when Jesus committed the care of His mother
+to St. John. As introductions to the south <i>morada</i> chancel, St.
+Francis and the Marian image are excellent specimens of pre-1850
+<i>santero</i> craftsmanship.</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 450px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_48-49.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 48.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Saint Francis of Assisi</span> (<i>San Francisco</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 53.3 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: First half of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>, right wall of chapel.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Carved wood, gessoed and
+    painted; blue habit with brown collar; wood cross and skull, tin
+    halo; rosary beads with fish pendants.</p>
+
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 49.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">The Immaculate Conception</span> (<i>la mujer de San Juan</i> [local name]).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 55.9 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: First half of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>, left wall of chapel.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Carved wood, gessoed and
+    painted; oil colors over earlier tempera; red gown and crown; blue
+    cape and base.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Two more images of Mary occur on the altar of the south <i>morada</i>
+sanctuary. The first (Figure 50) takes its proper ecclesiastic
+position on the Gospel side, to the viewer's left of the crucifix. The
+second "Marian"
+image (Figure 51) is less orthodox. Not only does this
+<i>bulto</i> stand on the Epistle side of the crucifix but, like
+the Marian advocation cited above as <i>la mujer de San
+Juan</i>, this figure's identity has been changed to suit
+local taste. <i>Penitentes</i> at Abiqui� refer to the image as
+Santa Rosa, the traditional patroness of the area following
+its first settlement by Spaniards.</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 460px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_50.jpg" alt=""/>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+  <img src="images/fig_51.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 50.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Our Lady of Sorrows</span> (<i>Nuestra Se�ora de los Dolores</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 104.1 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Third quarter of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>, left side of altar.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Carved wood, gessoed and
+    painted; dressed in pink satin; artificial flowers, tin crown.</p>
+
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 51.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Virgin and Child or Saint Rita</span> (<i>Santa Rosa de Lima</i> [local name]).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 68 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Fourth quarter of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>, right side of altar.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Carved wood, gessoed and
+    painted; dressed in pink satin; cross of turned wood; artificial
+    flowers, shell crown.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Between these Marian images there are two large <i>bultos</i> that are
+examples of the work of the "Abiqui� <i>morada santero</i>" suggested
+earlier. Both are figures of Jesus. The first, a <i>Cristo</i> (Figure 52),
+is the central crucifix on the altar. As in the east <i>morada</i>,
+the focal image is accompanied by an <i>angelito</i>, this time with
+tin wings.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_77" id="Ref_77" href="#Foot_77">[77]</a></span>
+To the right stands the other image of Jesus, the
+Nazarene, <i>Nuestro Padre Jesus Nazareno</i> (Figure 53). Along with
+the nearby crucifix (Figure 52) and the figure of St. John the
+Evangelist (Figure 42) in the east <i>morada</i>, this representation
+of the scourged Jesus reflects the style of the "Abiqui� <i>morada
+santero</i>." This Nazarene <i>bulto</i> embodies the <i>penitente</i>
+concept of Jesus as a Man of suffering Who must be followed.</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 450px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_52-53.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 52.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Crucifix with Angel</span> (<i>Cristo</i> and <i>angelito</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: Cross 144.8 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Early 20th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, "Abiqui� <i>morada</i>" <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>, center of altar.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Carved wood, gessoed and
+    painted; purple fabric, waist cloths; tin wings on
+    <i>angelito</i>; black cross with <i>iNRi</i> plaque.</p>
+
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 53.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Man of Sorrows</span> (<i>Ecce Homo, Nuestro Padre Jesus Nazareno</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 122 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Second half of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, "Abiqui� <i>morada</i>" <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>, right side of altar.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Carved wood, gessoed and
+    painted; black horsehair wig, crown of thorns; purple fabric gown;
+    palm clusters, rosaries.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>The special character of the <i>penitente</i> brotherhood is
+demonstrated also in the last two <i>bultos</i> on the south
+<i>morada</i> altar. The prominent size and position of St. John of
+Nepomuk (Figure 54) on the altar indicate again the importance given
+by the <i>penitentes</i> to San Juan as a keeper of secrets. The other
+figure is the south <i>morada</i>'s personification of death (Figure
+55), <i>la muerte</i>, here even more gaunt than the image in the east
+<i>morada</i>. Probably made after 1900, this figure demonstrates the
+persistent artistic and religious heritage of <i>Hispano</i> culture.</p>
+
+<div class="image-center" style="max-width: 450px;">
+  <img src="images/fig_54-55.jpg" alt=""/>
+  <div class="caption">
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 54.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Saint John of Nepomuk</span> (<i>San Juan Nepomuceno</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size</span>: 90.2 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Early 20th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>, left side of altar.
+    <span class="smcap">Manufacture</span>: Carved wood, gessoed and
+    painted; dressed in black gown and cap; white cotton cassock;
+    artificial flowers; horsehair wig.</p>
+
+    <p><span class="smcap">Figure 55.</span>
+    <span class="smcap">Death</span> (<i>la muerte</i>).
+    <span class="smcap">Size:</span> 111.8 centimeters high.
+    <span class="smcap">Date</span>: Fourth quarter of 19th century.
+    <span class="smcap">Origin</span>: New Mexico, unidentified <i>santero</i>.
+    <span class="smcap">Location</span>: South <i>morada</i>, left side of altar.</p>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_53" id="Foot_53" href="#Ref_53">[53]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+Interviews with Abiqui� inhabitants: Delfino Garcia in summer
+1963 and Agapita Lopez in fall 1966.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_54" id="Foot_54" href="#Ref_54">[54]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+Interviews with <i>penitente</i> members at Abiqui�, summers of
+1965 and 1967.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_55" id="Foot_55" href="#Ref_55">[55]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Jos� Espinosa</span>, <i>Saints in the Valley</i> (Albuquerque,
+1960), p. 75.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_56" id="Foot_56" href="#Ref_56">[56]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Dom�nguez</span>, <i>Missions</i>, p. 50 (ftn. 5), defines
+<i>varal</i> and its customary use.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_57" id="Foot_57" href="#Ref_57">[57]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+Ibid., pp. 107, 131 (ftn. 4), 167.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_58" id="Foot_58" href="#Ref_58">[58]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+Ibid., pp. 121-123.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_59" id="Foot_59" href="#Ref_59">[59]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+AASF, Loose Documents, Mission, 1680-1850, and Accounts,
+books xxxxv and lxiv. Also in Wills and Hijuelas, State Records
+Center, and in Twitchell documents, Land Management Bureau, both
+offices in Santa Fe, New Mexico.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_60" id="Foot_60" href="#Ref_60">[60]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Walter Hough</span>, <i>Collections of Heating and Lighting</i>
+(Smithsonian Inst. Bull. 141, Washington, D.C., 1928), pl. 28a, no. 3.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_61" id="Foot_61" href="#Ref_61">[61]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Stephen Borhegyi</span>, <i>El Santuario de Chimayo</i> (Santa
+Fe, 1956); also <span class="smcap">E. Boyd</span>, <i>Saints and Saint Makers</i>
+(Santa Fe, 1946), pp. 126-132.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_62" id="Foot_62" href="#Ref_62">[62]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">George Kubler</span>, in <i>Santos: An Exhibition of the
+Religious Folk Art of New Mexico with an Essay by George Kubler</i>
+(Fort Worth, Tex.: Amon Carter Museum of Western Art, June 1964).</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_63" id="Foot_63" href="#Ref_63">[63]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+A fuller discussion of the <i>penitente</i> death cart and
+further illustrations are found in <span class="smcap">Mitchell A. Wilder</span> and
+<span class="smcap">Edgar Breitenbach</span>, <i>Santos: The Religious Folk Art of New
+Mexico</i> (Colorado Springs, 1943), pl. 30 and text. Relevant to this
+study is the death cart with immobile wheels recorded by
+<span class="smcap">Henderson</span>, p. 32 [see ftn. 64], as having been used in
+processions before 1919. It is likely that this is the same cart
+described above in the storage room of the east <i>morada</i> (Figure
+22); it is important because its measurements and construction details
+are nearly identical to the death cart in the collections of the
+Museum of New Mexico, reputed to have come from Abiqui�.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_64" id="Foot_64" href="#Ref_64">[64]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Alice Corbin Henderson</span>, <i>Brothers of Light</i>
+(Chicago, 1962), p. 32, describes a <i>muerte</i> figure: chalk-white
+face, obsidian eyes, black outfit.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_65" id="Foot_65" href="#Ref_65">[65]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">E. Boyd</span>, "Crucifix in Santero Art," <i>El Palacio</i>,
+vol. LX, no. 3 (March 1953), pp. 112-115, indicates the significance
+of this image form.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_66" id="Foot_66" href="#Ref_66">[66]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Henderson</span>, pp. 13 (red gown, blindfolded, flowing black
+hair), 26 (red gown, bound hands, made for mission), and 43-46 (tall,
+almost life size, blindfolded, carried on small platform in procession
+from lower [east] <i>morada</i>, horsehair rope).</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_67" id="Foot_67" href="#Ref_67">[67]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Boyd</span>, in litt., Nov. 13, 1965.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_68" id="Foot_68" href="#Ref_68">[68]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Boyd</span>, loc. cit. Regarding
+construction, see <span class="smcap">E. Boyd</span>, "New Mexican
+Bultos with Hollow Skirts: How They Were Made," <i>El Palacio</i>,
+vol. LVIII, no. 5 (May, 1951), pp. 145-148.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_69" id="Foot_69" href="#Ref_69">[69]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Wilder</span> and <span class="smcap">Breitenbach</span>, pls. 24, 25.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_70" id="Foot_70" href="#Ref_70">[70]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Henderson</span>, p. 26.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_71" id="Foot_71" href="#Ref_71">[71]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Jos� Espinosa</span>, op. cit., p. 75.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_72" id="Foot_72" href="#Ref_72">[72]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Dom�nguez</span>, <i>Missions</i>, p. 264 (ftn. 59). The brown
+robe worn by Franciscans today is a late 19th-century innovation.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_73" id="Foot_73" href="#Ref_73">[73]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Boyd</span>, <i>Saints</i>, p. 133.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_74" id="Foot_74" href="#Ref_74">[74]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Boyd</span>, in litt., Nov. 13, 1965. For a comparative
+illustration of St. Joseph, see <span class="smcap">Wilder</span> and
+<span class="smcap">Breitenbach</span>, pl. 42.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_75" id="Foot_75" href="#Ref_75">[75]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Henderson</span>, p. 51, notes this pair of candelabra with the
+13 sockets. Fifteen is the ecclesiastically correct number for
+<i>tenebrae</i> services.</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_76" id="Foot_76" href="#Ref_76">[76]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<i>Acts of Incorporation</i>, microfilm, Corporation Bureau,
+State Capitol, Santa Fe; see also Land Records, <i>General Indirect
+Index</i>, Rio Arriba County Court House, vols. I (1852-1912) and II
+(1912-1930).</p>
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_77" id="Foot_77" href="#Ref_77">[77]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Henderson</span>, p. 51, describes the <i>angelito</i>, in the
+dim light of the <i>morada</i> ceremony, as a "dove like a wasp."
+Another angel figure was given me through Regino Salazar by one of the
+<i>penitente</i> brothers of Abiqui�. According to E. Boyd, it appears
+to be the work of Jos� Rafael Aragon, who worked in the Santa Cruz
+area after 1825.</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<h2><i>Summary</i></h2>
+
+<p class="nodent">The two Abiqui� <i>moradas</i> are clearly parallel in their
+architectural design (including the constricted chancels), in their
+artifacts&mdash;especially <i>bulto</i> identities such as Jesus
+(<i>Cristo</i>, <i>Nazareno</i>, <i>Ecce Homo</i>, <i>Santo Ni�o de
+Atocha</i>), Mary (<i>Dolores</i>, <i>Immaculata Concepci�n</i>,
+<i>Soledad</i>, <i>Guadalupe</i>), Saint John of Nepomuk, Saint Peter,
+and death&mdash;and lastly, in the ceremonies held
+in the buildings, which link rather than separate the
+<i>penitente</i> movement and the common social values of
+<i>Hispano</i> culture.</p>
+
+<p>Edmonson uses six institutional values to define <i>Hispano</i>
+culture.<span
+class="fnanchor"><a name="Ref_78" id="Ref_78" href="#Foot_78">[78]</a></span>
+All six can be found in the <i>penitente</i> brotherhood.
+"Paternalism" is found in the relation of the members-at-large to the
+officers and of all the <i>penitente</i> brothers to <i>Nuestro Padre
+Jesus</i>, "Our Father Jesus." "Familism" is reflected in the
+structure of the <i>penitente</i> organization and especially in the
+extension of its social benefits to the entire community. "Dramatism"
+is an essential ingredient of <i>penitente</i> ceremonies such as the
+<i>tinieblas</i>. "Personalism" is revealed in the immediate and
+individual participation of all
+members in <i>penitente</i> activities. "Fatalism" is the focus
+of Holy Week and of funerals and is personified by the
+<i>muerte</i> figure in each <i>morada</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Finally, Edmonson cited "traditionalism" as definitive of
+<i>Hispano</i> culture, a characteristic that is clearly evident in
+the <i>penitente</i> forms of shelter, ceremonies, and artifacts.
+These commonplace objects and activities had been established at
+Abiqui� before and during the period of <i>morada</i> building and
+furnishing. Literary and pictorial documents presented in this study
+of Abiqui� and the <i>penitente moradas</i> reveal that their physical
+structure, furnishings, membership, and the brotherhood itself are
+related intimately to, and drawn from, the traditional and persistent
+Hispanic culture of New Mexico.</p>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p class="nodent"><a name="Foot_78" id="Foot_78" href="#Ref_78">[78]</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;
+<span class="smcap">Edmondson</span>, p. 62.</p>
+
+</div>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Penitente Moradas of Abiqui�, by 
+Richard E. Ahlborn
+
+*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PENITENTE MORADAS OF ABIQUI� ***
+
+***** This file should be named 44678-h.htm or 44678-h.zip *****
+This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
+        http://www.gutenberg.org/4/4/6/7/44678/
+
+Produced by Chris Curnow, Chris Pinfield, Joseph Cooper
+and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
+http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
+will be renamed.
+
+Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
+one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
+(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
+permission and without paying copyright royalties.  Special rules,
+set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
+copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
+protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark.  Project
+Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
+charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission.  If you
+do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
+rules is very easy.  You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
+such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
+research.  They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
+practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks.  Redistribution is
+subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
+redistribution.
+
+
+
+*** START: FULL LICENSE ***
+
+THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
+PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
+
+To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
+distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
+(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
+http://gutenberg.org/license).
+
+
+Section 1.  General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic works
+
+1.A.  By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
+and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
+(trademark/copyright) agreement.  If you do not agree to abide by all
+the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
+all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
+If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
+terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
+entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
+
+1.B.  "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark.  It may only be
+used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
+agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement.  There are a few
+things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
+even without complying with the full terms of this agreement.  See
+paragraph 1.C below.  There are a lot of things you can do with Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
+and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.  See paragraph 1.E below.
+
+1.C.  The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
+or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works.  Nearly all the individual works in the
+collection are in the public domain in the United States.  If an
+individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
+located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
+copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
+works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
+are removed.  Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
+Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
+freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
+this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
+the work.  You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
+keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.
+
+1.D.  The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
+what you can do with this work.  Copyright laws in most countries are in
+a constant state of change.  If you are outside the United States, check
+the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
+before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
+creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
+Gutenberg-tm work.  The Foundation makes no representations concerning
+the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
+States.
+
+1.E.  Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
+
+1.E.1.  The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
+access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
+whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
+phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
+copied or distributed:
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license
+
+1.E.2.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
+from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
+posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
+and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
+or charges.  If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
+with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
+work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
+through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
+Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
+1.E.9.
+
+1.E.3.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
+with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
+must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
+terms imposed by the copyright holder.  Additional terms will be linked
+to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
+permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
+
+1.E.4.  Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
+work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
+
+1.E.5.  Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
+electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
+prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
+active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm License.
+
+1.E.6.  You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
+compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
+word processing or hypertext form.  However, if you provide access to or
+distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
+"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
+posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
+you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
+copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
+request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
+form.  Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
+
+1.E.7.  Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
+performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
+unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
+
+1.E.8.  You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
+access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
+that
+
+- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
+     the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
+     you already use to calculate your applicable taxes.  The fee is
+     owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
+     has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
+     Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.  Royalty payments
+     must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
+     prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
+     returns.  Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
+     sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
+     address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
+     the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."
+
+- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
+     you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
+     does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+     License.  You must require such a user to return or
+     destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
+     and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
+     Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
+     money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
+     electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
+     of receipt of the work.
+
+- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
+     distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+1.E.9.  If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
+forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
+both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
+Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark.  Contact the
+Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
+
+1.F.
+
+1.F.1.  Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
+effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
+public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
+collection.  Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
+"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
+corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
+property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
+computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
+your equipment.
+
+1.F.2.  LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
+of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
+liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
+fees.  YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
+LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
+PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3.  YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
+TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
+LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
+INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
+DAMAGE.
+
+1.F.3.  LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
+defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
+receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
+written explanation to the person you received the work from.  If you
+received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
+your written explanation.  The person or entity that provided you with
+the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
+refund.  If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
+providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
+receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund.  If the second copy
+is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
+opportunities to fix the problem.
+
+1.F.4.  Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
+in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER
+WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
+WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
+
+1.F.5.  Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
+warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
+If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
+law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
+interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
+the applicable state law.  The invalidity or unenforceability of any
+provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
+
+1.F.6.  INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
+trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
+providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
+with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
+promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
+harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
+that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
+or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
+work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
+Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
+
+
+Section  2.  Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
+electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
+including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers.  It exists
+because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
+people in all walks of life.
+
+Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
+assistance they need, are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
+goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
+remain freely available for generations to come.  In 2001, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
+and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
+To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
+and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
+and the Foundation web page at http://www.pglaf.org.
+
+
+Section 3.  Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
+Foundation
+
+The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
+501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
+state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
+Revenue Service.  The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
+number is 64-6221541.  Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at
+http://pglaf.org/fundraising.  Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
+permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
+
+The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
+Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
+throughout numerous locations.  Its business office is located at
+809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
+business@pglaf.org.  Email contact links and up to date contact
+information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
+page at http://pglaf.org
+
+For additional contact information:
+     Dr. Gregory B. Newby
+     Chief Executive and Director
+     gbnewby@pglaf.org
+
+
+Section 4.  Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
+spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
+increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
+freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
+array of equipment including outdated equipment.  Many small donations
+($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
+status with the IRS.
+
+The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
+charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
+States.  Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
+considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
+with these requirements.  We do not solicit donations in locations
+where we have not received written confirmation of compliance.  To
+SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
+particular state visit http://pglaf.org
+
+While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
+have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
+against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
+approach us with offers to donate.
+
+International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
+any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
+outside the United States.  U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
+
+Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
+methods and addresses.  Donations are accepted in a number of other
+ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations.
+To donate, please visit: http://pglaf.org/donate
+
+
+Section 5.  General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.
+
+Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
+concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
+with anyone.  For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
+Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
+
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
+editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
+unless a copyright notice is included.  Thus, we do not necessarily
+keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.
+
+
+Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:
+
+     http://www.gutenberg.org
+
+This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
+including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
+Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
+subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
+
+
+</pre>
+
+</body>
+
+</html>
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/cover.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/cover.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..c3aa046
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/cover.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_01_large.png b/old/44678-h/images/fig_01_large.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..4d82b9b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_01_large.png
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_01_thumb.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_01_thumb.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..3f7b11b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_01_thumb.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_02_large.png b/old/44678-h/images/fig_02_large.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..0014c7b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_02_large.png
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_02_thumb.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_02_thumb.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..ba3ddc5
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_02_thumb.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_03.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_03.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8d1fb3b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_03.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_04.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_04.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6875070
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_04.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_05.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_05.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6040f3b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_05.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_06.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_06.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8c13d6c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_06.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_07.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_07.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..82b66e9
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_07.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_08.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_08.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a2eb0d4
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_08.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_09.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_09.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..bdcb629
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_09.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_10.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_10.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6ee5baf
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_10.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_11.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_11.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..5a79053
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_11.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_12.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_12.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..155be1e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_12.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_13.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_13.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..ec3a068
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_13.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_14.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_14.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..fa889f3
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_14.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_15.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_15.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..7ed065a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_15.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_16.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_16.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..baa15b7
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_16.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_17.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_17.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..020e248
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_17.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_18.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_18.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..d6b5b9f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_18.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_19.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_19.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..cb2509b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_19.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_20.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_20.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b5e015e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_20.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_21.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_21.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..ac89d0c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_21.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_22.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_22.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..d00220a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_22.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_23.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_23.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..53c11b7
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_23.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_24.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_24.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a057335
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_24.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_25.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_25.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..1c67832
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_25.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_26.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_26.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..68dba95
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_26.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_27.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_27.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..c252c86
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_27.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_28.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_28.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..15a3df6
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_28.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_29.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_29.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..682e1b9
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_29.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_30.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_30.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8eec496
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_30.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_31.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_31.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..79c4d8b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_31.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_32.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_32.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..f53718e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_32.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_33.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_33.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..ed8c07e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_33.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_34-37.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_34-37.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..88bcf2d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_34-37.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_38.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_38.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..e93ba46
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_38.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_39-40.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_39-40.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..e00c552
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_39-40.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_41.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_41.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..9458b2b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_41.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_42.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_42.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b520faf
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_42.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_43-44.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_43-44.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..507020d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_43-44.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_45.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_45.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..cba7d88
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_45.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_46.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_46.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..9e66b36
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_46.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_47.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_47.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b1a6235
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_47.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_48-49.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_48-49.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6387825
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_48-49.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_50.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_50.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..709e25e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_50.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_51.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_51.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..2ef0273
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_51.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_52-53.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_52-53.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..0b0ad45
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_52-53.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678-h/images/fig_54-55.jpg b/old/44678-h/images/fig_54-55.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..ed4befc
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678-h/images/fig_54-55.jpg
diff --git a/old/44678.txt b/old/44678.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..3121349
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,2047 @@
+Project Gutenberg's The Penitente Moradas of Abiquiu, by Richard E. Ahlborn
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license
+
+
+Title: The Penitente Moradas of Abiquiu
+
+Author: Richard E. Ahlborn
+
+Release Date: January 15, 2014 [EBook #44678]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PENITENTE MORADAS OF ABIQUIU ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Chris Curnow, Chris Pinfield, Joseph Cooper
+and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
+http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+Transcriber's Note:
+
+With the exception of Figure 26, which forms the frontispiece of this
+work, the descriptions of individual figures have been shifted to
+follow their first mention in the text.
+
+Italics are indicated by _underscores_. Small capitals have been
+replaced by full capitals. Apparent typographical errors have been
+corrected.
+
+
+
+
+ CONTRIBUTIONS FROM
+ THE MUSEUM OF HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY
+ PAPER 63
+
+
+THE PENITENTE MORADAS OF ABIQUIU
+
+_Richard E. Ahlborn_
+
+
+Introduction
+
+Penitente Organization
+
+Origins of the Penitente Movement
+
+The History of Abiquiu
+
+The Architecture of the Moradas
+
+Interior Space and Artifacts
+
+Summary
+
+
+ SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION PRESS
+ WASHINGTON, D.C.
+ 1968
+
+ U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1968 0--287-597
+
+ For sale by the Superintendent of Documents,
+ U.S. Government Printing Office
+ Washington, D.C. 20402--Price 75 cents
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 26. CROSS (_cruz_). SIZE: 106.7 centimeters
+high, 73.6 wide. DATE: First quarter of 20th century. ORIGIN: Abiquiu;
+Onesimo Martinez. LOCATION: South _morada_, center room. MANUFACTURE:
+Indigo blue designs (stencilled?).]
+
+
+
+
+_Richard E. Ahlborn_
+
+_THE PENITENTE MORADAS OF ABIQUIU_
+
+
+_By the early 19th century, Spanish-speaking residents of villages in
+northern New Mexico and southern Colorado felt the need for a
+brotherhood that would preserve their traditional social and religious
+beliefs. Known as "brothers of light," or _penitentes_, these
+Spanish-Americans centered their activities in a houselike building,
+or _morada_, especially equipped for Holy Week ceremonies._
+
+_For the first time, two intact _moradas_ have been fully photographed
+and described through the cooperation of the _penitente_ brothers of
+Abiquiu, New Mexico._
+
+THE AUTHOR: _Richard E. Ahlborn is associate curator in the Division
+of Cultural History in the Smithsonian Institution's Museum of History
+and Technology._
+
+
+
+
+_Introduction_
+
+
+This study describes two earthern buildings and their special
+furnishings--humble but unique documents of Spanish-American culture.
+The two structures are located in Abiquiu, a rural, Spanish-speaking
+village in northern New Mexico. Known locally as _moradas_, they serve
+as meeting houses for members of a flagellant brotherhood, the
+_penitentes_.
+
+The _penitente_ brotherhood is characteristic of Spanish culture in
+New Mexico (herein called _Hispano_ to indicate its derivation from
+Hispanic traditions in Mexico). Although penitential activities
+occurred in Spain's former colonies--Mexico, Argentina, and the
+Philippines--the _penitentes_ in the mountainous region that extends
+north of Albuquerque into southern Colorado are remarkable for their
+persistence.
+
+After a century and a half of clerical criticism[1] and extracultural
+pressures against the movement, physical evidence of _penitente_
+activity, although scattered and diminished, still survives. As
+intact, functioning artifacts, the _penitente moradas_ at Abiquiu are
+valuable records of an autonomous, socio-religious brotherhood and of
+its place in the troubled history of Spanish-American culture in the
+Southwest.
+
+This paper maintains that _penitentes_ are not culturally deviant or
+aberrant but comprise a movement based firmly in Hispanic traditions
+as shown by their architecture and equipment found at Abiquiu and by
+previously established religious and social practices. Also, this
+paper presents in print for the first time a complete, integrated, and
+functioning group of _penitente_ artifacts documented, in situ, by
+photographs.
+
+My indebtedness in this study to local residents is immense: first,
+for inspiration, from Rosenaldo Salazar of Hernandez and his son
+Regino, who introduced me to _penitente_ members at Abiquiu and four
+times accompanied me to the _moradas_. The singular opportunity to
+measure and to photograph interiors and individual artifacts is due
+wholly to the understandably wary but proud, _penitentes_ themselves.
+The task of identifying religious images in the _moradas_ was expertly
+done by E. Boyd, Curator of the Spanish-Colonial Department in the
+Museum of New Mexico at Santa Fe. The final responsibility for
+accuracy and interpretation of data, of course, is mine alone.
+
+[1] Beginning in 1820 with the report of ecclesiastic visitor Nino de
+Guevara, the Catholic Church has continued to frown upon _penitente_
+activities, A modern critical study by a churchman: FATHER ANGELICO
+CHAVEZ, "The Penitentes of New Mexico," _New Mexico Historical Review_
+(April 1954), vol. 22, pp. 97-123.
+
+
+
+
+_Penitente Organization_
+
+
+_Penitente_ brotherhoods usually are made up of Spanish-speaking
+Catholic laymen in rural communities. Although the activities and
+artifacts vary in specific details, the basic structure, ceremonies,
+and aims of _penitentes_ as a cultural institution may be generalized.
+Full membership is open only to adult males. Female relatives may
+serve _penitente_ chapters as auxiliaries who clean, cook, and join in
+prayer, as do children on occasion, but men hold all offices and make
+up the membership-at-large.
+
+_Penitente_ membership comprises two strata distinguishable by title
+and activity. In his study of _Hispano_ institutional values, Monro
+Edmonson notes that _penitente_ chapters are divided into these two
+groups: (1) common members or brothers in discipline, _hermanos
+disciplantes_; and (2) officers, called brothers of light, _hermanos
+de luz_.
+
+Edmonson names each officer and lists his duties:
+
+ The head of the chapter is the _hermano mayor_. He is assisted in
+ administrative duties by the warden (_celador_) and the collector
+ (_mandatario_), and in ceremonial duties by an assistant
+ (_coadjutor_), reader (_secretario_), blood-letter (_sangredor_) and
+ flutist (_pitero_). An official called the nurse (_enfermero_)
+ attends the flagellants, and a master of novices (_maestro de
+ novios_) supervises the training of new members.[2]
+
+In an early and apparently biased account of the _penitentes_,
+Reverend Alexandar Darley,[3] a Presbyterian missionary in southern
+Colorado, provides additional terms for three officers: _picador_ (the
+blood-letter), _regador_ or _rezador_ (a tenth officer, who led
+prayers) and _mayordomo de la muerte_ (literally "steward of death").
+As host for meetings between _penitente_ chapters, the _mayordomo_ may
+be a late 19th-century innovation that bears the political overtones
+of a local leader.[4]
+
+Having less influence than individual officers are the _penitente_
+members-at-large, numbering between thirty and fifty in each chapter.
+Through the _Hispano_ family system of extended bilateral kinship,
+however, much of the village population is represented in each local
+_penitente_ group.
+
+Edmonson's study in the Rimrock district demonstrates the deep sense
+of social responsibility felt by _penitentes_ for members and their
+extended family circles. "Special assistants were appointed from time
+to time to visit the sick or perform other community services which
+the brotherhood may undertake."[5] At other times of need, especially
+in sickness and death, the general _penitente_ membership renders
+invaluable service to the afflicted family. In addition, _penitente_
+welfare efforts include spiritual as well as physical comfort such as
+wakes, prayers and rosaries, and the singing of funereal chants
+(_alabados_). At Espanola in November of 1965, I witnessed
+_penitentes_ contributing such help to respected nonmembers: grave
+digging, financial aid, and a rosary service with _alabados_.
+
+These spiritual services, however, are peripheral to the principal
+religious activity of _penitentes_--the Lenten observance of the
+Passion and death of Jesus. During Holy Week, prayer meetings,
+rosaries, and _via crucis_ processions with religious images are held
+at the _morada_ and at a site representing Calvary (_calvario_),
+usually the local cemetery. On Good Friday, vigils are kept and the
+_morada_ is darkened for a service known as _las tinieblas_. The
+ceremony of "the darkenings" consists of silent prayer broken by
+violent noise making. Metal sheets and chains, wooden blocks and
+rattles are manipulated to suggest natural disturbances at the moment
+of Jesus' death on the cross. This emphatic portrayal of His last
+hours is recalled also by acts of contrition and flagellation in
+_penitente_ initiation rites, punishments, and Holy Week processions.
+
+_Penitentes_ use physical discipline and mortification as a dramatic
+means to intensify their imitation of Jesus' suffering.[6] Heavy
+timber crosses (_maderos_) and cactus whips (_disciplinas_) are used
+in processions that often include a figure of death in a cart (_la
+carreta de la muerte_). Disciplinary and initiatory mortification in
+the _morada_ makes use of flint or glass blood-letting devices
+(_padernales_).[7]
+
+[2] MONRO S. EDMONSON, _Los Manitos: A Study of Institutional Values_
+(Publ. 25, Middle American Research Institute; New Orleans: Tulane
+University, 1950), p. 43.
+
+[3] ALEXANDER M. DARLEY, _The Passionists of the Southwest_ (Pueblo,
+_1893_).
+
+[4] E. BOYD, Curator of the Spanish-Colonial Department, Museum of New
+Mexico, Santa Fe, states that Jesus Trujjillo in 1947 furnished
+information on other _penitente_ officers, including one man who uses
+the _matraca_ and one who acts as a sergeant at arms.
+
+[5] EDMONSON, loc. cit.
+
+[6] GEORGE WHARTON JAMES, _New Mexico: Land of the Delight Makers_
+(Boston, 1920), lists concisely the Biblical and historical references
+to religious mortification practiced by New Mexican _penitentes_.
+
+[7] DARLEY (op. cit., pp. 8 ff.) gives an exhaustive list of methods
+of mortification said to be used by _penitentes_.
+
+
+
+
+_Origins of the Penitente Movement_
+
+
+By 1833, bodily penance practiced in lay brotherhoods of _Hispano_
+Catholics attracted criticism from the Church in New Mexico and
+resulted in the pejorative name _penitentes_.[8] Historically,
+however, within the traditional framework of Hispanic Catholicism, the
+_penitentes_ had precedents for their religious practices, including
+flagellation.
+
+_Penitente_ rites were derived from Catholic services already common
+in colonial New Mexico. Prayers and rosaries said before altars
+comprised an important part of _Hispano_ religious observances, and
+processions of Catholics and _penitentes_ alike were announced by
+bell, drum, and rifle in _Hispano_ villages. In particular,
+_penitentes_ used _via crucis_ processions to dramatize the Passion,
+portrayed in every Catholic church by the fourteen Stations of the
+Cross. _Penitentes_ also maintained Catholic Lenten practices by
+holding _tenebrae_ services, the _tinieblas_ rites mentioned above,
+and by flagellation.
+
+These parallels between Catholic and _penitente_ religious observances
+caused Edmonson to theorize that "the autonomous movement originated
+within the Church."[9] Variations, however, between the two religious
+traditions led Edmonson to discover "an important thread of religious
+independence and even apostasy in New Mexican history."[10] Edmonson's
+study of 1950 has established the persistence of _penitente_ activity
+in _Hispano_ culture.
+
+Three and a half centuries earlier, in 1598, Spanish settlers made a
+courageous thrust into the inhospitable environment of New Mexico.
+Through the 17th and 18th centuries, Spanish settlement along the
+upper Rio Grande was a tenuous thread unraveled from a stronger fabric
+in Mexico. Aridity and extremes in temperatures marked New Mexico's
+climate. Arable land was scarce and could be extended back from
+streams only by careful upkeep of the irrigation ditches. Plateaus
+rose from 1500 to more than 2500 meters in altitude. Building timbers
+were hard to obtain without roads or navigable rivers.
+
+Finally, distance itself was a challenge, sometimes insurmountable for
+the supply caravans from Mexico. Outfitted over a thousand miles to
+the south of Santa Fe, the Mexican caravans brought _presidio_ and
+mission supplies, but few goods for the common settler. By the end of
+the 18th century, Spanish authorities thought of the northern colonies
+(_provincias internas_) primarily as missionary fields and military
+buffer zones.[11]
+
+Cultural traditions and an insecure environment caused Spanish
+colonists to turn to religion for comfort. Again, however, a supply
+problem arose. Individual _ranchos_ were too scattered for clerical
+visits, and even settlements that were grouped for greater security,
+_poblaciones_ or _plazas_, became _visitas_ on little more than an
+annual basis, sharing two dozen Franciscan clergy with missions
+assigned to Indian _pueblos_ and Spanish villages. Before 1800, a
+shortage of friars prompted the Bishop in Durango to send secular
+clergy into the Franciscan enclave of New Mexico. In 1821 the Mexican
+Revolution formalized secularization with a new constitution. In
+brief, the traditional religious patterns of the _Hispanos_ were
+threatened. They needed reinforcement if they were to survive.
+
+By 1850, other conditions in New Mexico endangered the status quo of
+the Spanish-speaking residents. With the growing dominance of
+Anglo-Americans in the commercial, military, political, and social
+matters of Santa Fe, _Hispanos_ recognized the threat of Anglo culture
+to their own traditional way of life. This cultural challenge turned
+many _Hispanos_ back in upon themselves for physical and social
+security and for spiritual comfort. By the second quarter of the 19th
+century, _penitentes_ were common in _Hispano_ villages such as
+Abiquiu.[12] The immediate origins of penitentism were clearly present
+in early 19th-century New Mexico.
+
+Despite this evidence, historians of the Spanish Southwest have
+suggested geographically and culturally remote sources for the
+_penitentes_. Dorothy Woodward has pointed out similarities between
+New Mexican _penitentes_ and Spanish brotherhoods (_cofradias_) of
+laymen.[13] _Cofradias_ were not full church orders like the
+Franciscan Third Order, but they did conduct Lenten processions with
+flagellation.
+
+Somewhat nearer in miles but culturally more distant from _Hispano
+penitente_ experience was mortification practiced by Indians in New
+Spain. In the 16th century, Spanish chroniclers reported incidents
+ranging from sanguinary ceremonies of central Mexican tribes to
+whippings witnessed in the northern provinces of Sonora and New
+Mexico. While of peripheral interest to this study, these activities
+of American Indians had no direct bearing on _Hispano_ cultural needs
+in early 19th-century New Mexico.
+
+It is more significant that _Hispanos_ already knew a lay religious
+institution that very easily could have served as a model for the
+_penitente_ brotherhood--the Third Order of St. Francis. Established
+in 13th-century Italy and carried to Spain by the Gray Friars, the
+Order is recorded in contemporary histories of New Mexico before
+1700. Materials in the archives of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe also
+document the presence of the Franciscan Third Order in New Mexico and
+suggest to me its influence on _penitente_ activity.[14]
+
+In March 1776, Fray Dominguez, an ecclesiastic visitor, recorded
+Lenten "exercises" of the Third Order under the supervision of the
+resident priest at Santa Cruz and, two weeks later, in April,
+Dominguez visited Abiquiu, where he commended the Franciscan friar,
+Fray Sebastian Angel Fernandez, for "feasts of Our Lady, rosary with
+the father in church. Fridays of Lent, _Via Crucis_ with the father,
+and later, after dark, discipline attended by those who came
+voluntarily."[15] Dominguez, however, described the priest as "not at
+all obedient to rule"[16] when Father Fernandez, acting in an
+independent manner, proceeded to build missions at Picuris and Sandia
+without authorization. But in 1777, he again praised Fray Fernandez
+for special _Via Crucis_ devotions and "scourging by the resident
+missionary and some of the faithful."[17] Dominguez thus documented
+flagellant practices and _tinieblas_ services at Abiquiu and his
+approval, as an official Church representative, of these activities.
+
+Father Chavez, O.F.M., protests the theory of _penitente_ origins in
+the Third Order of St. Francis and counters with the idea that
+"penitentism" was imported directly from Mexico in the early
+1800s.[18] I note, however, that the bishops seated in Santa Fe after
+1848 recognized the strength of this lay socio-religious movement and
+tried to deal with it in terms of the Order. At a synod in 1888,
+Archbishop Salpointe pleaded for _penitentes_ "to return" to the Third
+Order. Some degree of direct influence of the Third Order on
+"penitentism" seems fairly certain.
+
+[8] ANGELICO CHAVEZ, _Archives of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe,
+1678-1900_ (Washington, 1957): "Books of Patentes," 1833: books xi,
+xii, xix, lxxiii, and lxxxii. (Original documents from archives noted
+hereinafter as AASF.)
+
+[9] EDMONSON, p. 33.
+
+[10] Ibid., p. 18.
+
+[11] H. E. BOLTON, "The Spanish Borderlands and the Mission as a
+Frontier Institution," _American Historical Review_ (Santa Fe, 1917),
+vol. 23, pp. 42-61, indicates that this policy was developed after
+1765 by Charles III of Spain in an attempt to reorganize the
+administration of his vast colonial empire.
+
+[12] AASF, Patentes, book lxxiii, box 6.
+
+[13] "The Penitentes of the Southwest" (unpublished Ph. D.
+dissertation, Yale University, 1935).
+
+[14] CHAVEZ, _Archives_, p. 3 (ftn.).
+
+[15] FRAY FRANCISCO ATANASIO DOMINGUEZ, _The Missions of New Mexico,
+1776_, transl. and annot. Eleanor B. Adams and Fray Angelico Chavez
+(Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1956), p. 124.
+
+[16] DOMINGUEZ, ms., from Biblioteca Nacional de Mejico, leg. 10, no.
+46, p. 300.
+
+[17] Ibid., no. 43, p. 321.
+
+[18] CHAVEZ, "Penitentes," p. 100.
+
+
+
+
+_The History of Abiquiu_
+
+
+About three generations before the first _morada_ was built at
+Abiquiu, the conditions of settlement mentioned earlier and subsequent
+historical events resulted in an environment conducive to the
+development of _penitente_ activity. Shortly after 1740, civil
+authorities in Santa Fe attempted to settle colonists along the Chama
+River in order to create a buffer zone between marauding Indians to
+the northwest and Spanish and Pueblo villages on the Rio Grande
+(Figure 1). This constant threat of annihilation produced self-reliant
+and independent-minded settlers.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 1. Mid-19th-century New Mexico, showing
+pertinent geographical features, Indian pueblos (indicated by solid
+triangles), and Spanish villages cited in text.]
+
+Unorthodoxy appeared early in the religious history of Abiquiu. By
+1744, settlers had installed Santa Rosa de Lima as their patroness in
+a little riverside plaza near modern Abiquiu. After a decade, several
+colonists from Santa Rosa were moved to the hilltop plaza of Abiquiu,
+where the mission of Santo Tomas Apostol had been established. In his
+1776 visit to Abiquiu, Dominguez noted, however, a continuing
+allegiance to the earlier patroness: "... settlers use the name of
+Santa Rosa, as the lost mission was called in the old days. Therefore,
+they celebrate the feast of this female saint [August 30th] and not of
+that masculine saint [St. Thomas the Apostle, December 21]."[19]
+Loyalty to Saint Rose survived this official protest, and village
+festivals have persisted in honoring Santa Rosa to this day. It is,
+therefore, not surprising to find her image in the earlier east
+_morada_ of Abiquiu.
+
+A disturbing influence in the religious life of Abiquiu were
+semi-Christianized servants _(genizaros)_, who had been ransomed from
+the Indians by Spaniards.[20] Often used to establish frontier
+settlements, _genizaros_ came to be a threat to the cultural stability
+of Abiquiu. For example, in 1762, two _genizaros_ accused of
+witchcraft were taken to Santa Cruz for judicial action. After the
+trial, Governor Cachupin sent a detachment from Santa Fe to Abiquiu to
+destroy an inscribed stone said to be a relic of black magic.[21]
+Similar incidents with _genizaros_ during the next generation
+prolonged the unstable religious pattern at Abiquiu. In 1766, an
+Indian girl accused a _genizaro_ couple of killing the resident
+priest, Fray Felix Ordonez y Machado, by witchcraft.[22] And again in
+1782 and 1786, charges of apostasy were entered against Abiquiu
+_genizaros_.[23]
+
+Another disturbing element in the religious history of Abiquiu was the
+disinterest of her settlers in the building and furnishing of Santo
+Tomas Mission. Although the structure was completed in the first
+generation of settlement at Abiquiu, 1755 to 1776, Dominguez could
+report only two contributions from colonists, both loans: "In this
+room [sacristy] there is an ordinary table with a drawer and key ... a
+loan from a settler called Juan Pablo Martin ... the chalice is in
+three pieces, and one of them, for it is a loan by the settlers, is
+used for a little shrine they have."[24] All mission equipment was
+supplied by royal funds (_sinodos_) except some religious articles
+provided by the resident missionary, Fray Fernandez, who finished the
+structure raised half way by his predecessor, Fray Juan Jose Toledo.
+Both Franciscans found settlers busy with everyday problems of
+survival and resentful when called on to labor for the mission. The
+settlers not only failed to supply any objects, but when they were
+required to work at the mission, all tools and equipment had to be
+supplied to them.[25]
+
+Despite these detrimental influences, the mission at Abiquiu continued
+to grow. Between 1760 and 1793, the population increased from 733 to
+1,363, making Abiquiu the third largest settlement in colonial New
+Mexico north of Paso del Norte [Ciudad Juarez].[26] (Only Santa Cruz
+with 1,650 and Santa Fe with 2,419 persons were larger.) In 1795, the
+pueblo had maintained its size at 1,558, with Indians representing
+less than 10 percent of the population.[27]
+
+The increase in size brought the mission at Abiquiu more important and
+longer-term resident missionaries: Fathers Jose de la Prada, from 1789
+to 1806, and Teodoro Alcina de la Borda, from 1806 to 1823. Both men
+were elected directors (_custoses_) of the Franciscan mission field in
+New Mexico, "The Custody of the Conversion of St. Paul." _Custoses_
+Prada and Borda backed the Franciscans, who were fighting for a
+missionary field that they had long considered their own. Official
+directives (_patentes_) issued by _Custos_ Prada at Abiquiu warned all
+settlers against "new ideas of liberty" and asked each friar for his
+personal concept of governmental rights.[28] In 1802, Fray Prada also
+complained to the new _Custos_, Father Sanchez Vergara, about missions
+that had been neglected under the secular clergy.[29] In this period,
+Abiquiu's mission was a center of clerical reaction to the
+revolutionary political ideas and clerical secularization that had
+resulted from Mexico's recent independence from Spain.
+
+In the year 1820, the strained relations between religious authorities
+and the laity at Abiquiu clearly reflected the unstable conditions in
+New Mexico. Eventually, charges of manipulating mission funds and
+neglect of clerical duties were brought against Father Alcina de la
+Borda by the citizens of Abiquiu.[30] At the same time, Governor
+Melgares informed the _Alcalde Mayor_, Santiago Salazar, that these
+funds (_sinodos_) had been reduced and that an oath of loyalty to the
+Spanish crown would be required.[31] This situation produced a strong
+reaction in Abiquiu's next generation, which sought to preserve its
+traditional cultural patterns in the _penitente_ brotherhoods.
+
+The great-grandsons of Abiquiu's first settlers witnessed a
+significant change in organization of their mission--its
+secularization in 1826. For three years, Father Borda had shared his
+mission duties with Franciscans from San Juan and Santa Clara
+_pueblos_, giving way in 1823 to the last member of the Order to serve
+Santo Tomas, Fray Sanchez Vergara. Santo Tomas Mission received its
+first secular priest in 1823, Cura Leyva y Rosas, who returned to
+Abiquiu in 1832. Officially the mission at Abiquiu was secularized in
+1826, along with those at Belen and Taos.[32]
+
+The first secular priest assigned to Santo Tomas reflected the now
+traditional and self-sufficient character of _Hispano_ culture at
+Abiquiu.[33] He was the independent-minded Don Antonio Jose Martinez.
+Born in Abiquiu, Don Antonio later became an ambitious spiritual and
+political leader in Taos, where he fought to preserve traditional
+_Hispano_ culture from Anglo-American influences.
+
+The mission served by Father Martinez in Taos bore resemblance to that
+at Abiquiu. Both missions rested on much earlier Indian settlements,
+but the Taos pueblo was still active. Furthermore, Taos and Abiquiu
+were buffer settlements on the frontier, where Indian raids as well as
+trade occurred. In 1827 a census by P. B. Pino listed nearly 3,600
+persons at Taos and a similar count at Abiquiu; only Santa Fe with
+5,700 and Santa Cruz with 6,500 were larger villages.
+
+At this time, an independent element appeared in the religious
+activities of the Santa Cruz region. In 1831, Vicar Rascon gave
+permission to sixty members of the Third Order of St. Francis at Santa
+Cruz to hold Lenten exercises in Taos, provided that no "abuses" arose
+to be corrected on his next visit.[34] Apparently this warning proved
+inadequate, for in 1833 Archbishop Zubiria concluded his visitation at
+Santa Cruz by ordering that "pastors of this villa ... must never in
+the future permit such reunions of _Penitentes_ under any pretext
+whatsoever."[35] We have noted, however, that two generations earlier
+Fray Dominguez had commended similar observances at Santa Cruz and
+Abiquiu, and it was not until the visitation of Fray Nino de Guevara,
+1817-1820, that Church officials found it necessary to condemn
+penitential activity in New Mexico.[36]
+
+In little more than two generations, from 1776 to 1833, the Franciscan
+missions were disrupted by secularization and excessive acts of
+penance. In the second half of the 19th century, the new, non-Spanish
+Archbishops, Lamy and Salpointe, saw a relation between the Franciscan
+Third Order and the brotherhood of _penitentes_. When J. B. Lamy began
+signing rule books (_arreglos_) for the _penitente_ chapters of New
+Mexico,[37] he hoped to reintegrate them into accepted Church practice
+as members of the Third Order. And at the end of the century, J. B.
+Salpointe expressed his belief that the _penitente_ brotherhood had
+been an outgrowth of the Franciscan tertiaries.[38]
+
+Abiquiu shared in events that marked the religious history of New
+Mexico in the last three quarters of the 19th century. We have noted
+the secularization of Santo Tomas Mission in 1826; by 1856 the village
+had its _penitente_ rule book duly signed by Archbishop Lamy. Entitled
+_Arreglo de la Santa Hermandad de la Sangre de Nuestro Senor
+Jesucristo_, a copy was signed by Abiquiu's priest, Don Pedro Bernal,
+on April 6, 1867.[39] While officialdom worked out new religious and
+political relations, villagers struggled to preserve a more familiar
+tradition.
+
+Occupation of New Mexico in 1846 by United States troops tended to
+solidify traditional _Hispano_ life in Abiquiu. In that year, Navajo
+harassments caused an encampment of 180 men under Major Gilpin to be
+stationed at Abiquiu.[40] Eventually, the Indian raids slackened, and
+a trading post for the Utes was set up at Abiquiu in 1853.[41] Neither
+the U.S. Army nor Indian trading posts, however, became integrated
+into Abiquiu's _Hispano_ way of life, and these extracultural
+influences soon moved on, leaving only a few commercial artifacts.
+
+With a new generation of inhabitants occupying Abiquiu between 1864
+and 1886, the village on the Rio Chama lost its primary function as a
+buffer settlement against nomadic Indians and settled down into a
+well-established cultural pattern, which in part was preserved by the
+_penitentes_. Kit Carson had rounded up the Navajos at Bosque Redondo,
+and two decades later, by 1883, the Utes had been moved north. In
+preparation, the Indian trading post at Abiquiu was closed in 1872 and
+moved to the new seat of Rio Arriba County, Tierra Amarilla,[42] 65
+kilometers northward. Within two generations, Abiquiu's population had
+fallen to fewer than 800 from a high of nearly 3,600 in 1827.[43] As a
+result, many _Hispanos_ at Abiquiu withdrew into the _penitente_
+organization, which promised to preserve and even intensify their
+traditional ways of life and beliefs. These attitudes were
+materialized in the building of the _penitente moradas_.
+
+[19] DOMINGUEZ, _Missions_, pp. 121 (ftn. 1), 200.
+
+[20] AASF, Patentes, 1700, forbids friars to buy _genizaros_ even
+under the excuse of Christianizing them since the result would likely
+be morally dangerous.
+
+[21] H. H. BANCROFT, _History of Arizona and New Mexico_ (San
+Francisco, 1889), p. 258.
+
+[22] DOMINGUEZ, _Missions_, p. 336.
+
+[23] AASF, Loose Documents, Mission, 1782, no. 7.
+
+[24] DOMINGUEZ, _Missions_, p. 122.
+
+[25] Ibid., p. 123.
+
+[26] BANCROFT, p. 279.
+
+[27] AASF, Loose Documents, Mission, 1795, no. 13.
+
+[28] Ibid., 1796, nos. 6, 7.
+
+[29] Ibid., 1802, no. 18.
+
+[30] Ibid., 1820, nos. 15, 21, 38; also R. E. TWITCHELL, _The Spanish
+Archives of New Mexico_ (Cedar Rapids, 1914), vol. 2, pp. 630, 631.
+
+[31] AASF, Loose Documents, Mission, 1820, nos. 12, 21.
+
+[32] Ibid., 1826, no. 7.
+
+[33] Don Antonio was less than eager to accept his first post; he had
+to be ordered to report to duty (AASF, Accounts, book lxvi [box 6],
+April 27, 1826).
+
+[34] AASF, Patentes, 1831, book lxx, box 4, p. 25.
+
+[35] Ibid., book lxxiii, box 7.
+
+[36] AASF, Accounts, book lxii, box 5.
+
+[37] AASF, Loose Documents, Diocesan, 1853, no. 17, for Santuario and
+Cochiti; other rule books document _penitente_ chapters at Chimayo, El
+Rito, and Taos.
+
+[38] JEAN B. SALPOINTE, _Soldiers of the Cross_ (Banning, Calif.,
+1898).
+
+[39] AASF, Loose Documents, Diocesan, 1856, no. 12.
+
+[40] TWITCHELL, pp. 533-534.
+
+[41] BANCROFT, p. 665.
+
+[42] TWITCHELL, p. 447.
+
+[43] Ibid., p. 449, from P. B. PINO, _Noticias historicas_ (Mejico,
+1848); and _Ninth U.S. Census_ (1870). The later figure may represent
+only the town proper; earlier statistics generally included outlying
+settlements.
+
+
+
+
+_The Architecture of the Moradas_
+
+
+In a modern map (Figure 2), circles enclose the Mission of Abiquiu and
+its two _penitente moradas_. The _moradas_ lie 300 meters east and 400
+meters south of the main plaza onto which Santo Tomas Mission faces
+from the north. Between the _moradas_ rests the local burial ground
+(_campo santo_), a cemetery that serves _penitentes_ as "Calvary"
+(_calvario_) in their Lenten re-enactment of the Passion.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 2. The Abiquiu area, showing the Chama River,
+U.S. Highway 84, and siting of buildings (the mission of Santo Tomas
+and the two _moradas_ are circled).]
+
+_Penitente moradas_ share a common system of _adobe_ construction with
+the religious and domestic structures of New Mexico. While the Indians
+set walls of puddled earth directly on the ground, the Spaniards,
+following Moorish precedent, laid _adobe_ bricks on stone foundations.
+Standard house-size _adobes_ average 15 by 30 by 50 centimeters.
+_Adobe_ bricks are made by packing a mixture of mud, sand, and straw
+into a wood frame from which the block then is knocked out onto the
+ground to dry in the sun. Stones set in _adobe_ mortar provide a
+foundation. The sun-dried bricks, which are also laid in _adobe_
+mortar, form exterior, load-bearing walls and interior partitions.
+
+Spanish _adobe_ construction also employs wood. Openings are framed
+and closed with a lintel that projects well into the wall. These
+recessed lintel faces often are left exposed after the plastering of
+adjoining surfaces. Roofs are transverse beams (_vigas_), which in
+turn hold small cross branches (_savinos_) or planks (_tablas_). A
+final layer of brush and _adobe_ plaster closes the surface cracks.
+Plank drains (_canales_), rectangular in section, lead water from this
+soft roof surface (Figure 3).
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 3. North roofline of east _morada_, showing
+exposed ends of ceiling beams (_vigas_), chimney of oratory stove, and
+construction of water drain (_canal_).]
+
+Domestic _adobe_ structures differ from ecclesiastic buildings in
+scale and in spatial arrangement. Colonial New Mexican churches are
+relatively large, unicellular spaces. Their simple nave volume often
+is made cruciform by a transept whose higher roof allows for a
+clerestory. A choir loft over the entry and a narrowed, elevated
+sanctuary further articulate the space at each end of the nave. In
+contrast, _Hispano_ houses consist of several low rooms set in a line
+or grouped around a court (_placita_) in which a gate and porch
+(_portal_) are placed. Rooms vary in width according to the length of
+the transverse beams, which usually are from four to six meters
+long.[44]
+
+The everyday living spaces inside Spanish-New Mexican houses tend to
+combine domestic activities and to appear similar in space and decor.
+Inside a _Hispano_ church, however, areas of special useage are marked
+off clearly within the volume. Celebration of the mass requires a
+special spatial treatment to indicate the sanctuary. This area is
+emphasized by an arched entry, lateral pilasters, raised floor, and
+characteristically convergent side walls. These slanting walls provide
+better vision for the congregation and easier movement for the
+celebrants. The convergent wall of sanctuaries is often visible from
+the exterior. It is noteworthy that both the contracted sanctuary of
+local churches and the linear arrangement of domestic interiors appear
+in the _penitente moradas_ of Abiquiu.
+
+In the plans of the Abiquiu _moradas_ (Figure 4), the identical
+arrangement of the three rooms reveals an origin in the typical
+_Hispano_ house form. George Kubler has observed that the design of
+_moradas_ "is closer to the domestic architecture of New Mexico than
+to the churches."[45] Bainbridge Bunting confirms the houselike form
+of _moradas_ but notes their lack of uniformity.[46] In comparison to
+_moradas_ of the L-plan,[47] and even of the pre-1856 T-plan structure
+at Arroyo Hondo,[48] the two _penitente_ buildings at Abiquiu preserve
+a simple | shape with one significant variation--a contracted chancel.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 4. Plans of south _morada_ (top) and east
+_morada_ (bottom): A=altar; B=standard; C=candelabra; D=sandbox;
+E=benches; F=fireplace; G=stove; H=chest; I=tub.]
+
+The basic form of the Abiquiu _moradas_ (Figures 5 and 6) is a
+rectangular box that closely resembles nearby houses. Even the long,
+windowless north facade of both Abiquiu _moradas_ recalls the unbroken
+walls of earlier _Hispano_ houses in hostile frontier regions. The
+Abiquiu _moradas_, however, possess one exception to the domestic
+form--a narrowed, accented end. On each _morada_ the west end is
+blunted and buttressed by a salient bell tower of stones laid in
+_adobe_ mortar and strengthened by horizontal boards (Figures 7 and
+8). This innovation in the form of the Abiquiu _moradas_ appears to be
+ecclesiastic in origin.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 5. SOUTH _Morada_. SIZE: 24.02 meters long, 5.41
+wide, 3.51 high. DATE: About 1900. LOCATION: 400 meters south of Santo
+Tomas Church in main plaza; seen from southeast corner. MANUFACTURE:
+_Adobe_ bricks on stone foundation; wood door and window frames.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 6. EAST _Morada_. SIZE: 28.82 meters long, 4.88
+wide, 3.58 high. DATE: 19th century. LOCATION: 300 meters
+east-southeast of Santo Tomas Church in main plaza; seen from
+northeast corner. MANUFACTURE: _Adobe_ bricks set on stone foundation;
+wood drains (_canales_) and beam (_viga_) ends at top of wall.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 7. West end of south _morada_, showing
+construction of bell tower and contracted sanctuary walls.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 8. Northwest view of east _morada_, showing
+limestone slab bell tower on contracted west end.]
+
+Plans of churches built close to Abiquiu in time, distance, and
+orientation could have served as sources for the design of the
+_moradas'_ west ends (Figure 9). Only five kilometers east of Abiquiu
+stood the chapel dedicated to Santa Rosa de Lima. As shown in Figure 9F,
+the sanctuary in its west end had a raised floor and flanking entry
+pilasters, features found in the east _morada's_ west end. This chapel
+was dedicated about 1744 and was still active as a _visita_ from
+Abiquiu in 1830.[49] Through this period and to the present, the
+popularity of Saint Rose of Lima has persisted at Abiquiu. Her nearby
+chapel would have been a likely and logical choice for the design of
+the _morada's_ sanctuary end.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 9. Plans of two Abiquiu _moradas_ compared to
+New Mexican churches with contracted sanctuaries: A, south _morada_,
+B, east _morada_; C, Zia Mission; D, San Miguel in Santa Fe; E, Santa
+Cruz; F, Santa Rosa; G, Ranchos de Taos; H, the _santuario_ at
+Chimayo; I, Cordova. (From Kubler, _Religious Architecture_ [see ftn.
+45]: C=his figure 8; D=28, E=9, F=34, G=13, H=22, I=35.)]
+
+A second possible source for the contracted ends of the Abiquiu
+_moradas_ would be the south transept chapel of the Third Order of St.
+Francis at Santa Cruz (Figure 9E). It was completed shortly before
+1798[50] and served Franciscan tertiaries into the 1830s. Plans
+compared in Figure 9 indicate that the dimensions of this left
+transept chapel at Santa Cruz measure only five percent larger than
+the chapel room of the east _morada_ at Abiquiu, and the plans also
+reveal contracted chancel walls at both locations.
+
+The concept of a constricted sanctuary as seen in Abiquiu _moradas_
+originated in earlier Spanish and Mexican churches. In 1479, architect
+Juan Guas used a trapezoidal apse plan in San Juan de los Reyes at
+Toledo and, by 1512, the design found its way into America's first
+cathedral at Santo Domingo. Within the first century of Spanish
+colonization, contracted sanctuary walls appeared on the American
+mainland in Arciniega's revised plan for Mexico City's Cathedral
+(post-1584)[51] and, again, in New Mexico, where it first appeared at
+the stone mission of Zia, built about 1614 (Figure 9C). Once
+established in the Franciscan province, the concept of converging
+sanctuary walls survived the 1680 Indian revolt and returned with the
+reconquest of New Mexico in 1693. Spaniards raised and rebuilt
+missions from the capital at Santa Fe (San Miguel, rebuilt 1710;
+Figure 9D) north to Taos (San Geronimo, 1706). Throughout the 18th
+century, in a three-to-one ratio, the churches of New Mexico used the
+contracted, as opposed to the box, sanctuary.
+
+In the early 19th century, churches at Ranchos de Taos (1805-1815[52];
+Figure 9G), Chimayo (about 1810; Figure 9H), and Cordova (after 1830;
+Figure 9I) continued to employ the trapezoidal sanctuary form. By
+midcentury, _penitente_ brotherhoods are known to have been active in
+these villages, and the local ecclesiastic structures could have acted
+as an influence in the design of the _penitente moradas_ at Abiquiu.
+
+In summary, the _moradas_ at Abiquiu are traditional regional
+buildings in material and in basic form. The pointed west end of each
+building, however, is an ecclesiastic innovation in an otherwise
+typical domestic design. These _moradas_ provide a significant design
+variant in the history of Spanish-American architecture in New Mexico.
+
+[44] The "Hall of Everyday Life in the American Past" in the Museum of
+History and Technology (Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.)
+displays an interior typical of a Spanish-New Mexican _adobe_ house of
+about 1800.
+
+[45] GEORGE KUBLER, _The Religious Architecture of New Mexico_
+(Colorado Springs, 1940), p. viii.
+
+[46] BAINBRIDGE BUNTING, _Taos Adobes_ (Santa Fe, 1964), P. 54.
+
+[47] L-plan _moradas_ are pictured by Woodward [see ftn. 13] in a 1925
+photograph at San Mateo, a different _morada_ from that illustrated in
+CHARLES F. LUMMIS, _Land of Poco Tiempo_ (New York, 1897), as well as
+in another Woodward photograph [see ftn. 13] taken on the road to
+Chimayo. L. B. PRINCE, _Spanish Mission Churches of New Mexico_ (Cedar
+Rapids, 1915), shows an L-plan _morada_ near Las Vegas. Was the L-plan
+house an unconscious recall of the more secure structure that
+completely enclosed a _placita_?
+
+[48] BUNTING, p. 56. After 1960 the Arroyo Hondo _morada_ became the
+private residence of Larry Franks.
+
+[49] AASF, Loose Documents, Mission, 1829 (May 27).
+
+[50] KUBLER, _Religious Architecture_, p. 103.
+
+[51] GEORGE KUBLER and MARTIN SORIA, _The Art and Architecture of
+Spain and Portugal and Their American Dominions, 1500 to 1800_
+(Baltimore, 1959), pp. 3, 64, 74.
+
+[52] E. BOYD, interview, April 1966. Building date of about 1780
+usually is given for the present church. Boyd, however, states that
+documents in AASF support the tree-ring dates given in KUBLER.
+_Religious Architecture_, p. 121, as 1816+-10.
+
+
+
+
+_Interior Space and Artifacts_
+
+
+The plans of the two _penitente moradas_ of Abiquiu (Figure 4) reveal
+an identical arrangement of interior space. There are three rooms in
+each _morada_: (1) the longest is on the west end and, with its
+constricted sanctuary space, acts as an oratory; (2) the center room
+serves as a sacristy; and (3) the east room is for storage. The only
+major difference between the two _moradas_ is the length of the
+storage room, which is nearly twice as long in the east _morada_. The
+remarkable similarities in design suggest that one served as the model
+for the other; local oral tradition holds that the east _morada_ is
+older.[53]
+
+Internal evidence indicates that the east _morada_ is indeed the older
+one. As shown in Figure 2, the south _morada_ is located farther from
+the Abiquiu _plaza_, suggesting it was built at a later date--perhaps
+nearer 1900, when public and official criticism had prompted greater
+privacy for Holy Week processions, which were considered spectacles by
+tourists. In addition, the lesser width of the south _morada_ rooms,
+the square-milled beams in the oratory, and the fireplace in the east
+end storage room indicate that it was built after the east _morada_.
+In contrast, the two corner fireplaces of the east _morada_ are set in
+the center room, while another heating arrangement--an oil drum set on
+a low _adobe_ dais--appears to have been added at a later date.
+
+The east _morada_ was the obvious model for the builders of the later
+one on the south edge of Abiquiu. Local _penitentes_ admit that there
+was a division in the original chapter just prior to 1900[54] but deny
+that the separation was made because of political differences, as
+suggested by one author.[55] The older members say that the first
+_morada_ merely had become too large for convenient use of the
+building.
+
+The three rooms in each _morada_ are distinguished by bare,
+whitewashed walls of _adobe_ plaster, hard-packed dirt floors, two
+exterior doors, and three windows. A locked door is located off the
+oratory in the north face of the south _morada_. Figures 10 and 11
+show the sanctuaries in the south and east _morada_; and Figure 12,
+the back of the east _morada_ oratory. Its open door leads into the
+center room, where the members would not remove the boards on the
+windows for me to take photographs. The east end room in each
+_morada_ serves for storage of processional and ceremonial equipment.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 10. ALTAR IN SOUTH _Morada_. SIZE: 10.05 meters
+long, 3.51 wide. LOCATION: West room in south _morada_. DESCRIPTION:
+Looking west into sanctuary; dirt floor with cotton rag rugs; side
+walls lined with benches and hung with religious prints; square-milled
+timber ceiling; draped arch with candelabra; altar and gradin with
+religious images. (Numbers refer to subsequent illustrations.)]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 11. ALTAR IN EAST _Morada_. DESCRIPTION: Looking
+into sanctuary; dirt floor and convergent _adobe_ walls; sacristy
+entry marked by drapes and raised floor; candelabra and sand boxes for
+votive candles; draped altar table supplied with religious images.
+(Numbers refer to subsequent illustrations.)]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 12. REAR OF ORATORY, EAST _Morada_. SIZE: 10.98
+meters long, 4.04 wide. LOCATION: Back of west room in east _morada_.
+DESCRIPTION: Looking east, to rear of oratory. Dirt floor,
+_adobe_-plastered walls, wooden benches, iron stove, framed religious
+prints on walls, ceiling of round beams (_vigas_).]
+
+
+STORAGE ROOM IN BOTH MORADAS.--In the south _morada_ (Figure 13),
+there are cactus scourges (_disciplinas_), corrugated metal sheeting
+used for roofing, and three rattles (_matracas_; Figure 14), also used
+for noise-making in _tinieblas_ services. Situated here also are black
+Lenten candelabrum, a ladder, a cross with silvered Passion emblems,
+and massive penitential crosses (_maderos_; Figure 15). The Lenten
+ladder and cross are shown next to the exterior entry (Figure 16). A
+corner fireplace is flanked by locally made tin candle sconces (Figure
+17). Two 19th-century kerosene lamps appear on the fireplace mantle,
+and a tin-shaded lantern with its silver-plated reservoir hangs from
+the ceiling (Figure 15).
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 13. FLOOR TUB IN STORAGE ROOM. SIZE: tub 53.3
+centimeters high. LOCATION: South _morada_, northwest corner of room.
+DESCRIPTION: Cement tub, dirt floor, fire wood, galvanized tubs,
+enamelized buckets, braided cactus whips (_disciplinas_), wooden box
+rattle (_matraca_), punched tin wall sconce, corrugated metal
+roofing.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 14. RATTLES (_matracas_). SIZE: 26 to 40
+centimeters long. LOCATION: South _morada_ storage (east) room.
+DESCRIPTION: Flexible tongue set at one end of wooden frame, and
+notched cylinder on handle turning in opposite end.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 15. PENITENTE CROSSES (_maderos_) IN STORAGE
+ROOM. SIZES: black cross 269.2 centimeters high (Figure 16); ceiling
+boards 2.5 by 15; _maderos_ 345 long. DATE: 20th century. ORIGIN: New
+Mexico, unidentified carpenter. LOCATION: South _morada_, northeast
+corner. DESCRIPTION: black candelabra (_tenebrario_), kerosene
+lanterns, tin shades, wooden keg and box under table.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 16. CROSS AND LADDER (_cruz_ and _escalera_).
+SIZE: cross 269.2 centimeters high. DATE: Fourth quarter of 19th
+century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified carpenter. LOCATION: South
+_morada_, storage (east) room. DESCRIPTION: Milled and carved wood
+(painted), black cross and ladder, silvered nails (left arm), hammer
+and pliers (right arm).]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 17. CORNER FIREPLACE IN STORAGE ROOM. SIZE:
+mantel 106.7 centimeters high. LOCATION: South _morada_, southeast
+corner. DESCRIPTION: Walls, fireplace, and flue of plastered _adobe_,
+kerosene lamps and tin wall sconces, boarded up window to left
+(east).]
+
+In each _morada_ storage area, there is a tub built on the floor that
+serves to wash off blood after penance. Figure 13 shows the tub in the
+south _morada_. In the older, east _morada_, the tub (Figure 18) is a
+wood- and tin-lined trough pushed against the north wall and plastered
+with _adobe_.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 18. STORAGE ROOM, EAST _Morada_. SIZES: Tub
+112.6 centimeters long, 46 wide, 25.6 high; ladder 175 high.
+DESCRIPTION: Detail of north wall showing enamelized containers, tub
+built into the floor for washing after penance, and ladder.]
+
+The storage room in the east _morada_ also contains commercially made
+lamps, such as the plated reservoir with stamped Neo-rococo motifs
+(Figure 19). Nearby is a processional cross with two metal faces and a
+small, cast corpus (Figure 20). While kerosene lanterns are evidence
+of east-west rail commerce after 1880, the cross probably indicates a
+southern contact, possibly through Parral or Chihuahua, Mexico.
+Locally made, however, are the woven rag rugs (_jergas_) hung over a
+pole (_varal_)[56] that drops from the ceiling. Also in the east
+_morada_ storage are two percussion rifles (Figure 21). Craddock
+Goins, Department of Armed Forces History, the Smithsonian
+Institution, identifies both as common Indian trade objects from
+midcentury Europe. These rifles probably were imports for sale to the
+Utes at the Abiquiu trading post between 1853 and 1874. At the rear of
+the room (Figure 22) rests a saw-horse table holding an assortment of
+stocks for these "trade guns," of wooden rattles (_matracas_), and of
+heavy crosses (_maderos_). On the ground stands a large bell, which,
+in a photograph (Museum of New Mexico, Photo No. 8550) taken by
+William Lippincott about 1945, appears on the tower of the _morada_.
+The silhouette dates the bell as being cast after 1760. Behind the
+bell rests the _morada_ death cart. Also in the room are a plank
+ladder and the oil drum stove raised on an _adobe_ dais (Figure 23) to
+the east of the exterior door.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 19. RESERVOIR FOR KEROSENE LAMP. SIZE: 25.4
+centimeters wide. DATE: Second half of 19th century. ORIGIN: Imported
+to New Mexico. LOCATION: East _morada_, storage (east) room.
+MANUFACTURE: Silver-plated metal stamped into Rococco revival
+decorations.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 20. PROCESSIONAL CROSS. SIZE: 30.5 centimeters
+high. DATE: 19th century. ORIGIN: Imported to New Mexico, probably
+from Mexico. LOCATION: East _morada_, storage (east) room.
+MANUFACTURE: Punched trifoil ends in metal face, cast corpus.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 21. PERCUSSION RIFLES. SIZE: 111.8 centimeters
+long. DATE: Middle of 19th century. ORIGIN: European (Belgian?)
+exports. LOCATION: East _Morada_, storage (east) room.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 22. STORAGE ROOM, EAST _Morada_. SIZES: Bell 64
+centimeters wide (diameter), 47.4 high; cart 122 long (frame), 70 wide
+(frame), 71 between axle centers; wheels 45 high. DESCRIPTION: Detail
+of east wall showing saw-horse table, corrugated sheeting, bell, and
+death cart of cottonwood and pine.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 23. STORAGE ROOM, EAST _Morada_: View next to
+exterior door showing low _adobe_ dais supporting oil drum stove.]
+
+
+SACRISTY IN BOTH MORADAS.--While a panelled wooden box in the south
+_morada_ stands inside the exterior door of the east room, another
+type of chest, said to hold cooking utensils, rests in the northwest
+corner of the center room of the east _morada_. Both storage chests
+are located in rooms with corner fireplaces. An informant said that
+these boxes held heating and cooking utensils and ceremonial
+equipment, including the _penitentes'_ rule book. As noted above, the
+two fireplaces in the middle room of the east _morada_ suggest that it
+was built earlier than the south _morada_, which has a single
+fireplace in the less active and more convenient rear storage room.
+Further evidence of this point is that the storage chest in the east
+_morada_ is better constructed than that in the south _morada_; the
+former displays a slanted top and punch-decorated tin reinforcements
+on its corners. In the center room there are several benches with
+lathe-turned legs (Figure 24).
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 24. BENCH (_banco_). SIZE: 108 centimeters long,
+51 high, 47 wide. LOCATION: East _morada_, center room.]
+
+The central room of the south _morada_ also displays a number of
+benches of an earlier style (Figure 25). Over the rear door appears an
+unusual cross (Figure 26). The cross consists of two wood planks, 1.6
+centimeters thick, notched together and covered with paper. The
+surface bears carefully drawn, or perhaps stenciled, floral and
+religious designs in indigo blue: eleven Latin crosses appear among
+flowering vases, oversize buds, and 4-, 5-, and 8-pointed stars. These
+motifs probably are the result of copying from weaving or quilt
+pattern books of the late 19th century. A local _penitente_ leader
+stated that the cross was made before 1925 by Onesimo Martinez of
+Abiquiu, when the latter was in his thirties. (The strong religious
+symbolism of the New Mexican designs reminds one of the stylized
+motifs on Atlantic Coastal folk drawings and textiles of Germanic
+origin.)
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 25. BENCH (_banco_). SIZE: 128 centimeters long,
+106 high at back, 45 wide. LOCATION: South _morada_, center room.]
+
+(_Figure 26 is frontispiece._)
+
+Snare drums appear in the central room of both _moradas_ (Figures 27,
+28). The drum in the east _morada_ is mounted on top of a truncated
+wicker basket. It is interesting to note that rifles and drums
+commonly are recorded in mission choir lofts in 1776 by Dominguez.[57]
+In addition to marking significant moments in church ritual, they are
+used in Indian and _Hispano_ village _fiestas_.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 27. SNARE DRUM (_tambor_). SIZE: 55.9
+centimeters long. DATE: 19th century. ORIGIN: Imported to New Mexico.
+LOCATION: East _morada_, center room. MANUFACTURE: Commercially made,
+military type, rope lines with leather drum ears [tighteners].]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 28. SNARE DRUM (_tambor_). SIZE: 58.4
+centimeters long. DATE: 19th century. ORIGIN: Imported to New Mexico.
+LOCATION: South _morada_, center room. MANUFACTURE: Commercially made,
+military type, reddish stain, rope tension lines with rope and leather
+drum ears [tighteners].]
+
+Before describing religious objects in the west end rooms of Abiquiu
+_moradas_, a list of similar items in Santo Tomas Mission at an
+earlier date (1776) is of interest:
+
+ a medium-sized bell ... altar table ... gradin ... altar cloth ... a
+ banner ... candleholders ... processional cross ... a painted wooden
+ cross ... ordinary single-leaved door ... image in the round of Our
+ Lady of the [Immaculate] Conception ... a wig ... silver crown ...
+ string of fine seed pearls ... ordinary bouquet ... painting on
+ copper of Our Lady of Sorrows (_Dolores_) in a black frame ... _Via
+ Crucis_ in small paper prints on their little boards ... a print of
+ the Guadalupe.[58]
+
+Comparable versions of each of these objects occur in Abiquiu's
+_moradas_. In fact, virtually all objects found in the _penitente
+moradas_ of Abiquiu are recorded as typical artifacts by church
+inventories and house wills of 18th- and 19th-century Spanish New
+Mexico.[59]
+
+
+ORATORY IN THE EAST MORADA.--In the rear of the oratory of the older
+east _morada_ (Figure 12), one sees a stove and lantern on the right.
+Both are imported, extracultural items. The pierced, tin
+candle-lantern (Figure 29) is a common artifact found throughout
+Europe and America.[60]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 29. CANDLE LANTERN. SIZE: 30.5 centimeters high.
+DATE: 19th century. ORIGIN: Imported to New Mexico. LOCATION: East
+_morada_, chapel. MANUFACTURE: Pierced tinwork.]
+
+Along the walls of the oratory hang imported religious prints framed
+in local punch-decorated tinwork. Tin handicraft became more
+widespread after 1850 when metal U.S. Army containers became available
+to the _Hispanos_. Designs seen on three tin frames (Figure 30)
+include twisted columns, crests, scallops, corner blocks, wings, and a
+variety of simple repousse patterns. Paper prints in the tin frame
+suggest midcentury trade contacts between northern Mexico and the
+Atlantic Coast. Even the Mexican War (1846-1848) did not discourage
+American publishers such as Currier from appealing to Mexican
+religious and national loyalties with lithographs of Our Lady of
+Guadalupe (much in the same manner as the British, after the
+Revolution and War of 1812, profited by selling Americans objects
+that bore images of Yankee ships, eagles, and likenesses of Franklin
+and Washington). A fourth piece of local tinwork (Figure 31) in the
+east _morada_ oratory is a niche for a small figure of the Holy Child
+of Atocha, _Santo Nino de Atocha_. This advocation of Jesus, like that
+of His mother in the Guadalupe image, further indicates Mexican
+influence.[61] The image of the _Atocha_ is a product of local
+craftsmanship.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 30. RELIGIOUS PRINTS IN TIN FRAMES. SIZE: 52.1
+centimeters high (center). DATE: First three-quarters of 19th century.
+ORIGIN: Prints imported to New Mexico; frames from New Mexico,
+unidentified tinsmiths. LOCATION: East _morada_, walls in chapel
+(west) room. MANUFACTURE: Tin frames: cut, repousse, stamped and
+soldered into Federal and Victorian designs. Prints: left,
+_Guadalupe_, early 19th century, Mexican copperplate engraving;
+center, _Guadalupe_, 1847, N. Currier, hand-colored lithograph; right,
+_San Gregorio_ [Pope St. Gregory], mid-19th-century lithograph.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 31. NICHE WITH IMAGE OF THE HOLY CHILD OF ATOCHA
+(_nicho_ and _El Santo Nino de Atocha_). SIZE: niche 44.4 centimeters
+high, image 21.6 high. DATE: Second half of 19th century. ORIGIN: New
+Mexico, unidentified tinsmith and _santero_. LOCATION: East _morada_,
+wall in chapel room. MANUFACTURE: Tin: cut, repousse, soldered into
+fan, shell, and guilloche designs. Image: carved wood, gessoed and
+painted red and white. Rosary and artificial flowers.]
+
+These representations of religious personages are called _santos_, and
+their makers, _santeros_. Flat panel paintings are known locally as
+_retablos_, while sculptured forms are _bultos_. George Kubler,
+distinguished art historian at Yale, suggests that _bultos_, because
+of their greater dimensional realism, are more popular than planar
+_retablos_ with the _Hispanos_.[62] Supporting this theory is the fact
+that _bultos_ in the Abiquiu _moradas_ outnumber prints and _retablos_
+two to one.
+
+Perhaps the most distinctive three-dimensional image in any _morada_
+is not a _santo_ by definition, but a unique figure that represents
+death (_la muerte_). Also known as _La Dona Sebastiana_, her image
+clearly marks a building as a _penitente_ sanctuary. Personifying
+death with a sculptured image and dragging her cart to a cemetery
+called _calvario_, the _penitentes_ of New Mexico reflect the sense of
+fate common to Spanish-speaking cultures, the recognition that death
+is life's one personal certainty.[63] The figure of death in the east
+_morada_ hangs in the corner at the rear of the oratory. Placed
+outside for examination, this _muerte_ (Figure 32) presents a flat,
+oval face with blank eyes. The black gown and bow and arrow are
+typical of _muerte_ figures.[64] Turning toward the altar (Figure 11),
+one sees that death is outnumbered by images of hope and compassion:
+Jesus, His mother, and the saints who intercede for man.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 32. DEATH (_la muerte_). SIZE: 76.2 centimeters
+high. DATE: Early 20th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified
+_santero_. LOCATION: East _morada_, back of oratory. MANUFACTURE:
+Carved and whitewashed wood, glass eyes and wood teeth, dressed in
+black fabric with white lace border, bow and arrow.]
+
+On the lower step of the altar appear a host of small, commercial
+products, mostly crucifixes, in plaster, plastic, and cheap metal
+alloys as well as numerous glass cups for candles. Above the upper
+ledge (_gradin_) appear five locally made images of Jesus crucified,
+_El Cristo_.[65] At the side of this central _Cristo_ (Figure 33)
+hangs a small angel, _angelito_, which traditionally held a chalice to
+catch blood from the spear wound. Other _Cristos_, at the Taylor
+Museum in Colorado Springs and at the Museum of New Mexico (McCormick
+Collection A.7.49-24) in Santa Fe, repeat the weightless corpus and
+stylized wounds used by the anonymous _santero_ who, after 1850, made
+these _bultos_.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 33. CRUCIFIX WITH ANGEL (_Cristo_ and
+_angelito_). SIZE: cross 139.7 centimeters high. DATE: Fourth quarter
+of 19th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION:
+East _morada_, center of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood gessoed and
+painted, over-painted in oil; crown of thorns, rosaries, crucifix;
+wooden plank, H-shape platform; black cross with _iNRi_ plaque;
+_angelito_ with white cotton skirt.]
+
+Additional _Cristo_ figures appear on the convergent walls of the east
+_morada_ sanctuary. There are two pairs, large and small, perhaps
+dating as late as 1900, one pair to the right (Figures 34, 35), the
+other, on the Gospel side (plates 36, 37).
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 34. CRUCIFIX (_Cristo_). SIZE: cross 170.2
+centimeters high. DATE: Second half of 19th century. ORIGIN: New
+Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: East _morada_, right wall
+behind altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and painted,
+over-painted in oils; black gauze shroud over head; rosary and _iNRi_
+plaque.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 35. CRUCIFIX (_Cristo_). SIZE: cross 64.8
+centimeters high. DATE: Second half of 19th century. ORIGIN: New
+Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: East _morada_, right wall
+behind altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and painted; dressed
+in white skirt with rosary.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 36. CRUCIFIX (_Cristo_). SIZE: cross 71.1
+centimeters high. DATE: Second half of 19th century. ORIGIN: New
+Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: East _morada_, left wall
+behind altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and painted, repainted
+in oil colors, yellow and red strips on black; dressed in white cotton
+skirt; rosary.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 37. CRUCIFIX (_Cristo_). SIZE: cross 177.8
+centimeters high. DATE: Fourth quarter of 19th century. ORIGIN: New
+Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: East _morada_, left wall
+behind altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and painted; crown of
+thorns and rosary; dressed in white cotton waist cloth.]
+
+To the far left stands an important image: the scourged Jesus (Figure
+38) prominent in _penitente_ activity as "Our Father Jesus the
+Nazarene" (_Nuestro Padre Jesus Nazareno_). By 1918, Alice Corbin
+Henderson[66] reports, this same figure appeared in _penitente_ Holy
+Week processions at Abiquiu. She claims it was made originally for the
+Mission of Santo Tomas. E. Boyd points out stylistic traits shared by
+this Abiquiu _bulto_ and the _retablo_ figures in the San Jose de
+Chama Chapel at nearby Hernandez, which was the work of _santero_
+Rafael Aragon, active from 1829 to after 1855.[67] Symbolic of man's
+physical suffering, the image of the _Jesus Nazareno_ is essential to
+_penitente_ enactments of the Passion.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 38. MAN OF SORROWS (_Ecce Homo, Nuestro Padre
+Jesus Nazareno_). SIZE: 1.60 meters high. DATE: Second quarter of 19th
+century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, Rafael Aragon, active 1829-55. LOCATION:
+East _morada_, to left of altar. MANUFACTURE: Dressed in red fabric
+gown, palm clusters and rosaries, leather crown of thorns, horsehair
+wig, bright border painted on platform.]
+
+On the left side of the east _morada_ altar, two carved images
+represent the grieving mother of Jesus as "Our Lady of Sorrows"
+(_Nuestra Senora de los Dolores_), one image (Figure 39) in pink
+equipped with her attribute, a dagger; the other (Figure 40), like
+many processional figures, has been constructed by draping a pyramidal
+frame of four sticks with gesso-dipped cloth, which, when dry, is
+painted to represent a skirt. The apron-like design that appears on
+the skirt, now hidden under a black dress, indicates that the original
+identity probably was "Our Lady of Solitude" (_Nuestra Senora de la
+Soledad_).[68]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 39. OUR LADY OF SORROWS (_Nuestra Senora de los
+Dolores_). SIZE: 99.1 centimeters base to crown. DATE: Early 20th
+century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: East
+_morada_, left side of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and
+painted; dressed in pink cotton gown and veil; tin crown and metal
+dagger; artificial flowers, rosaries.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 40. OUR LADY OF SORROWS OR SOLITUDE (_Nuestra
+Senora de los Dolores_ or _la Soledad_). SIZE: 81.3 centimeters base
+to crown. DATE: Second half of 19th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico,
+unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: East _morada_, left side of altar.
+MANUFACTURE: Carved wood head and hands, gessoed, painted, and
+repainted; body of gesso-wetted cloth, draped on stick frame to dry,
+painted; dressed in black satin habit with white lace border; tin
+halo, rosary, artificial flowers.]
+
+Also on the left side of the east _morada_ altar, there are two male
+saints (_santos_) who fill vital roles in the _penitente_ Easter
+drama. One, St. Peter (San Pedro) with the cock (Figure 41), is a
+_bulto_ whose frame construction duplicates that of Our Lady (Figure
+40). The cock apparently was made by another hand, and, despite its
+replaced tail, is a fine expression of local art. This group
+represents Peter's triple denial of Jesus before the cock announced
+dawn of the day of the Crucifixion. The _bulto_ of San Pedro has
+special meaning for _penitentes_ who, through their penance, bear
+witness to "Jesus the Nazarene."
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 41. SAINT PETER AND COCK (_San Pedro_ and
+_Gallo_). SIZE: 61 centimeters high. DATE: First quarter of 19th
+century, and 19th century cock. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified
+_santero_. LOCATION: East _morada_, left side of altar. MANUFACTURE:
+St. Peter's head (later): carved wood, gessoed and painted. Body:
+cloth dipped in wet gesso, draped over stick frame to dry, and
+painted, later over-painted. Blue gown and orange cape. Cock of carved
+wood, gessoed and painted; orange body with green haunch. Carved wood
+tail, replacement.]
+
+With the other _bulto_, _penitentes_ have also recalled the
+crucifixion by representing St. John the Evangelist (San Juan) at the
+foot of the cross, where Jesus charged the disciple with the care of
+His mother. The image of John (Figure 42) bears distinctive stylistic
+features: blunt fingers; protruding forehead, cheek bones, and chin;
+and a full-lipped, open mouth.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 42. SAINT JOHN THE EVANGELIST (_San Juan_).
+SIZE: 137.2 centimeters high. DATE: Second half of 19th century.
+ORIGIN: New Mexico, "Abiquiu _morada_" _santero_. LOCATION: East
+_morada_, left side of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and
+painted; black horsehair wig; dressed in white cotton fabric; palm
+clusters and rosary.]
+
+Since these stylistic traits also occur in a _Cristo_ figure in the
+Taylor Museum collection[69] and in two other _bultos_--a _Cristo_ and
+_Jesus Nazareno_ in the south _morada_ at Abiquiu--it seems reasonable
+to designate the anonymous image-maker as the "Abiquiu _morada
+santero_."
+
+A _bulto_ that Alice Henderson identifies as St. Joseph is probably
+this figure of St. John (Figure 42) now resting in the east _morada_.
+She has reported that this image and that of St. Peter were in the
+mission of Santo Tomas before 1919.[70] The shift in residence for
+these _santos_ was substantiated by Jose Espinosa, who stated that
+several images "were removed to one of the local _moradas_ ... when
+the old church was torn down."[71]
+
+On the right side of the east _morada_ altar, images of two male
+saints reflect the intense affection felt by _penitentes_ for the
+Franciscan saints Anthony of Padua and John of Nepomuk. The most
+popular New Mexican saint, San Antonio (Figure 43), customarily
+carries the young Jesus, _El Santo Nino_. This image has been painted
+dark blue to represent the traditional Franciscan habit of New Mexico
+before the 1890s.[72]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 43. SAINT ANTHONY OF PADUA AND THE INFANT JESUS
+(_San Antonio y Nino_). SIZE: 43.2 centimeters high. DATE: First half
+of 19th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION:
+East _morada_, right side of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed
+and painted with repainted head; dark blue habit; dressed in light
+blue cotton fabric with white border, artificial flowers.]
+
+The 14th-century saint, John of Nepomuk, Bohemia (Figure 44), is known
+from a legend that states he was killed by King Wenceslaus for
+refusing to reveal secrets of the Queen, for whom he was confessor.
+The story notes that, after torture, John was drowned in the Moldau
+River, but that his body floated all night and, in the morning, was
+taken to the Church of the Holy Cross of the Penitents in Prague.
+After the martyred chaplain was canonized in 1729, his cult spread to
+Rome, then Spain, and, by 1800, into New Mexico.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 44. SAINT JOHN OF NEPOMUK (_San Juan
+Nepomuceno_). SIZE: base to hat 78.7 centimeters. DATE: Second quarter
+of 19th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION:
+East _morada_, right side of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed
+and painted; dark blue robe with white border; dressed in black hat
+and robe under white alblike coat; rosary.]
+
+Among the _Hispanos_, local Franciscans promoted this cult of St. John
+as a prognosticator and as a respecter of secrecy.[73] Due in part to
+this promotion, _San Juan Nepomuceno_ became a favorite of New Mexican
+_penitentes_. E. Boyd suggests that the image of St. John (Figure 44)
+may have first represented St. Francis or St. Joseph. She also notes a
+stylistically similar _bulto_ of St. Joseph in Colorado Springs,
+manufactured not long after 1825.[74]
+
+
+ORATORY IN SOUTH MORADA.--Turning to the south _morada_ chapel, we
+find numerous parallels to the earlier east _morada_ in _santo_
+identities and in religious artifacts. (Figure 10 presents a
+previously unphotographed view of this active _penitente_ chapel with
+its fully equipped altar.) The walls of the west chamber of the south
+_morada_ are lined with benches over which hang religious prints in
+frames of commercial plaster and local tin work (Figure 45).
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 45. SAINT JOSEPH AND CHRIST CHILD (_San Jose y
+el Santo Nino_). SIZE: frame 45.7 centimeters high. DATE: Fourth
+quarter of 19th century. ORIGIN: Imported commercial products.
+LOCATION: South _morada_, chapel wall. MANUFACTURE: Plaster frame,
+molded and gilded. Chromo-lithograph on paper. SAINT PETER (_San
+Pedro_). SIZE: frame 25.4 centimeters high. DATE: Third quarter of
+19th century. ORIGIN: Imported, commercially made print. New Mexico,
+unidentified tinsmith. LOCATION: South _morada_, chapel wall.
+MANUFACTURE: Tin frame: cut, repousse, stamped, and soldered.
+Chromo-lithograph on paper.]
+
+The tin frame for a lithograph of St. Peter reveals repousse designs
+found on east _morada_ frames (Figure 30, center). Other examples of
+local tinwork are seen in Figure 46. On the right is a cross of
+punched tinwork with pomegranate ends and corner fillers that reflect
+Moorish characteristics in Spanish arts known as _mudejar_. The frame
+dates from after 1850, as indicated by glass panes painted with floral
+patterns suggesting Victorian wallpaper. To the left is a niche made
+of six glass panels painted with wavy lines and an early 19th-century
+woodcut of the Holy Child of Atocha. Here again, twisted half-columns
+repeat a motif seen on a tin frame in the east _morada_ chapel. In
+front of the draped entry to the south _morada_ sanctuary stand two
+candelabra, one of which is shown in the doorway to the oratory
+(Figure 47) with tin reflectors and hand-carved sockets.[75] There are
+also vigil light boxes, kerosene lanterns with varnished tin shades,
+commercial religious images and ornaments that are similar to items in
+the east _morada_ sanctuary.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 46. NICHE WITH PRINT OF CHRIST CHILD (_Nicho_
+and _Santo Nino de Atocha_). SIZE: 35.5 centimeters high. DATE: Second
+half of 19th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified tinsmith.
+LOCATION: South _morada_, chapel walls. MANUFACTURE: Tin frame: cut,
+repousse, and soldered. Glass: cut and painted. Woodcut on paper.
+CROSS (_cruz_). SIZE: 43.2 centimeters high. DATE: Fourth quarter of
+19th century. ORIGINS: New Mexico, unidentified tinsmith. LOCATION:
+South _morada_, chapel walls. MANUFACTURE: Tin frame: cut, repousse,
+and soldered. Glass: cut and painted.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 47. CANDELABRUM (_candelabro_). SIZE: 157.5
+centimeters high. DATE: Early 20th century. LOCATION: South _morada_,
+in front of altar in oratory. MANUFACTURE: Mill-cut wood stand,
+hand-carved pegs to hold candles, and hand-worked tin crosses. Painted
+white. One of a pair.]
+
+Embroidered textiles portray the Last Supper, and a chapter banner,
+made up for the brotherhood after 1925, shows the Crucifixion in oil
+colors. This banner bears the words "Fraternidad Piadosa D[e]
+N[uestro] P[adre] J[esus] D[e] Nazareno, Seccion No. 12, Abiquiu, New
+Mexico." The title _fraternidad_ is that assumed by _penitente_
+chapters that incorporated in New Mexico around 1930, although the
+term _cofradia_ often appears in transfers of private land to
+_penitente_ organizations.[76] A second banner, this one on the left,
+reads "Sociedad de la Sagrada Familia," which is a Catholic women's
+organization that often supports _penitente_ groups.
+
+In the oratory of the south _morada_, locally made images merit
+special notice. Two carved images flank the entry to the south
+_morada_ sanctuary. The _bulto_ on the right, St. Francis of Assisi
+(Figure 48), has a special significance. As we noted in the east
+_morada_, many Spanish settlers in New Mexico honored San Francisco as
+the founder of the Franciscans, the order whose missionaries long had
+served the region. The second _bulto_ (Figure 49) reveals clues that
+it originally had been a representation of the Immaculate Conception
+(_Inmaculata Concepcion_). In Abiquiu, however, this figure is called
+_la mujer de San Juan_ ("the woman of St. John"), a phrase that
+indicates the major role Mary holds for the _penitentes_. With this
+image they refer to the moment in the Crucifixion when Jesus committed
+the care of His mother to St. John. As introductions to the south
+_morada_ chancel, St. Francis and the Marian image are excellent
+specimens of pre-1850 _santero_ craftsmanship.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 48. SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI (_San Francisco_).
+SIZE: 53.3 centimeters high. DATE: First half of 19th century. ORIGIN:
+New Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: South _morada_, right
+wall of chapel. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and painted; blue
+habit with brown collar; wood cross and skull, tin halo; rosary beads
+with fish pendants.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 49. THE IMMACULATE CONCEPTION (_la mujer de San
+Juan_ [local name]). SIZE: 55.9 centimeters high. DATE: First half of
+19th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION:
+South _morada_, left wall of chapel. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed
+and painted; oil colors over earlier tempera; red gown and crown; blue
+cape and base.]
+
+Two more images of Mary occur on the altar of the south _morada_
+sanctuary. The first (Figure 50) takes its proper ecclesiastic
+position on the Gospel side, to the viewer's left of the crucifix. The
+second "Marian" image (Figure 51) is less orthodox. Not only does
+this _bulto_ stand on the Epistle side of the crucifix but, like the
+Marian advocation cited above as _la mujer de San Juan_, this figure's
+identity has been changed to suit local taste. _Penitentes_ at Abiquiu
+refer to the image as Santa Rosa, the traditional patroness of the
+area following its first settlement by Spaniards.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 50. OUR LADY OF SORROWS (_Nuestra Senora de los
+Dolores_). SIZE: 104.1 centimeters high. DATE: Third quarter of 19th
+century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: South
+_morada_, left side of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and
+painted; dressed in pink satin; artificial flowers, tin crown.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 51. VIRGIN AND CHILD OR SAINT RITA (_Santa Rosa
+de Lima_ [local name]). SIZE: 68 centimeters high. DATE: Fourth
+quarter of 19th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified _santero_.
+LOCATION: South _morada_, right side of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved
+wood, gessoed and painted; dressed in pink satin; cross of turned
+wood; artificial flowers, shell crown.]
+
+Between these Marian images there are two large _bultos_ that are
+examples of the work of the "Abiquiu _morada santero_" suggested
+earlier. Both are figures of Jesus. The first, a _Cristo_ (Figure 52),
+is the central crucifix on the altar. As in the east _morada_, the
+focal image is accompanied by an _angelito_, this time with tin
+wings.[77] To the right stands the other image of Jesus, the Nazarene,
+_Nuestro Padre Jesus Nazareno_ (Figure 53). Along with the nearby
+crucifix (Figure 52) and the figure of St. John the Evangelist (Figure
+42) in the east _morada_, this representation of the scourged Jesus
+reflects the style of the "Abiquiu _morada santero_." This Nazarene
+_bulto_ embodies the _penitente_ concept of Jesus as a Man of
+suffering Who must be followed.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 52. CRUCIFIX WITH ANGEL (_Cristo_ and
+_angelito_). SIZE: Cross 144.8 centimeters high. DATE: Early 20th
+century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, "Abiquiu _morada_" _santero_. LOCATION:
+South _morada_, center of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and
+painted; purple fabric, waist cloths; tin wings on _angelito_; black
+cross with _iNRi_ plaque.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 53. MAN OF SORROWS (_Ecce Homo, Nuestro Padre
+Jesus Nazareno_). SIZE: 122 centimeters high. DATE: Second half of
+19th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico, "Abiquiu _morada_" _santero_.
+LOCATION: South _morada_, right side of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved
+wood, gessoed and painted; black horsehair wig, crown of thorns;
+purple fabric gown; palm clusters, rosaries.]
+
+The special character of the _penitente_ brotherhood is demonstrated
+also in the last two _bultos_ on the south _morada_ altar. The
+prominent size and position of St. John of Nepomuk (Figure 54) on the
+altar indicate again the importance given by the _penitentes_ to San
+Juan as a keeper of secrets. The other figure is the south _morada_'s
+personification of death (Figure 55), _la muerte_, here even more
+gaunt than the image in the east _morada_. Probably made after 1900,
+this figure demonstrates the persistent artistic and religious
+heritage of _Hispano_ culture.
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 54. SAINT JOHN OF NEPOMUK (_San Juan
+Nepomuceno_). SIZE: 90.2 centimeters high. DATE: Early 20th century.
+ORIGIN: New Mexico, unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: South _morada_,
+left side of altar. MANUFACTURE: Carved wood, gessoed and painted;
+dressed in black gown and cap; white cotton cassock; artificial
+flowers; horsehair wig.]
+
+[Illustration: FIGURE 55. DEATH (_la muerte_). SIZE: 111.8 centimeters
+high. DATE: Fourth quarter of 19th century. ORIGIN: New Mexico,
+unidentified _santero_. LOCATION: South _morada_, left side of altar.
+MANUFACTURE: Carved and whitewashed wood; glass eyes and bone teeth;
+dressed in black fabric; rosary, bow and arrow.]
+
+[53] Interviews with Abiquiu inhabitants: Delfino Garcia in summer
+1963 and Agapita Lopez in fall 1966.
+
+[54] Interviews with _penitente_ members at Abiquiu, summers of 1965
+and 1967.
+
+[55] JOSE ESPINOSA, _Saints in the Valley_ (Albuquerque, 1960), p. 75.
+
+[56] DOMINGUEZ, _Missions_, p. 50 (ftn. 5), defines _varal_ and its
+customary use.
+
+[57] Ibid., pp. 107, 131 (ftn. 4), 167.
+
+[58] Ibid., pp. 121-123.
+
+[59] AASF, Loose Documents, Mission, 1680-1850, and Accounts, books
+xxxxv and lxiv. Also in Wills and Hijuelas, State Records Center, and
+in Twitchell documents, Land Management Bureau, both offices in Santa
+Fe, New Mexico.
+
+[60] WALTER HOUGH, _Collections of Heating and Lighting_ (Smithsonian
+Inst. Bull. 141, Washington, D.C., 1928), pl. 28a, no. 3.
+
+[61] STEPHEN BORHEGYI, _El Santuario de Chimayo_ (Santa Fe, 1956);
+also E. BOYD, _Saints and Saint Makers_ (Santa Fe, 1946), pp. 126-132.
+
+[62] GEORGE KUBLER, in _Santos: An Exhibition of the Religious Folk
+Art of New Mexico with an Essay by George Kubler_ (Fort Worth, Tex.:
+Amon Carter Museum of Western Art, June 1964).
+
+[63] A fuller discussion of the _penitente_ death cart and further
+illustrations are found in MITCHELL A. WILDER and EDGAR BREITENBACH,
+_Santos: The Religious Folk Art of New Mexico_ (Colorado Springs,
+1943), pl. 30 and text. Relevant to this study is the death cart with
+immobile wheels recorded by HENDERSON, p. 32 [see ftn. 64], as having
+been used in processions before 1919. It is likely that this is the
+same cart described above in the storage room of the east _morada_
+(Figure 22); it is important because its measurements and construction
+details are nearly identical to the death cart in the collections of
+the Museum of New Mexico, reputed to have come from Abiquiu.
+
+[64] ALICE CORBIN HENDERSON, _Brothers of Light_ (Chicago, 1962), p.
+32, describes a _muerte_ figure: chalk-white face, obsidian eyes,
+black outfit.
+
+[65] E. BOYD, "Crucifix in Santero Art," _El Palacio_, vol. LX, no. 3
+(March 1953), pp. 112-115, indicates the significance of this image
+form.
+
+[66] HENDERSON, pp. 13 (red gown, blindfolded, flowing black hair), 26
+(red gown, bound hands, made for mission), and 43-46 (tall, almost
+life size, blindfolded, carried on small platform in procession from
+lower [east] _morada_, horsehair rope).
+
+[67] BOYD, in litt., Nov. 13, 1965.
+
+[68] BOYD, loc. cit. Regarding construction, see E. BOYD, "New Mexican
+Bultos with Hollow Skirts: How They Were Made," _El Palacio_, vol.
+LVIII, no. 5 (May, 1951), pp. 145-148.
+
+[69] WILDER and BREITENBACH, pls. 24, 25.
+
+[70] HENDERSON, p. 26.
+
+[71] JOSE ESPINOSA, op. cit., p. 75.
+
+[72] DOMINGUEZ, _Missions_, p. 264 (ftn. 59). The brown robe worn by
+Franciscans today is a late 19th-century innovation.
+
+[73] BOYD, _Saints_, p. 133.
+
+[74] BOYD, in litt., Nov. 13, 1965. For a comparative illustration of
+St. Joseph, see WILDER and BREITENBACH, pl. 42.
+
+[75] HENDERSON, p. 51, notes this pair of candelabra with the 13
+sockets. Fifteen is the ecclesiastically correct number for _tenebrae_
+services.
+
+[76] _Acts of Incorporation_, microfilm, Corporation Bureau, State
+Capitol, Santa Fe; see also Land Records, _General Indirect Index_,
+Rio Arriba County Court House, vols. I (1852-1912) and II (1912-1930).
+
+[77] HENDERSON, p. 51, describes the _angelito_, in the dim light of
+the _morada_ ceremony, as a "dove like a wasp." Another angel figure
+was given me through Regino Salazar by one of the _penitente_ brothers
+of Abiquiu. According to E. Boyd, it appears to be the work of Jose
+Rafael Aragon, who worked in the Santa Cruz area after 1825.
+
+
+
+
+_Summary_
+
+
+The two Abiquiu _moradas_ are clearly parallel in their
+architectural design (including the constricted chancels), in their
+artifacts--especially _bulto_ identities such as Jesus (_Cristo_,
+_Nazareno_, _Ecce Homo_, _Santo Nino de Atocha_), Mary (_Dolores_,
+_Immaculata Concepcion_, _Soledad_, _Guadalupe_), Saint John of
+Nepomuk, Saint Peter, and death--and lastly, in the ceremonies held
+in the buildings, which link rather than separate the _penitente_
+movement and the common social values of _Hispano_ culture.
+
+Edmonson uses six institutional values to define _Hispano_ culture.[78]
+All six can be found in the _penitente_ brotherhood. "Paternalism" is
+found in the relation of the members-at-large to the officers and of
+all the _penitente_ brothers to _Nuestro Padre Jesus_, "Our Father
+Jesus." "Familism" is reflected in the structure of the _penitente_
+organization and especially in the extension of its social benefits to
+the entire community. "Dramatism" is an essential ingredient of
+_penitente_ ceremonies such as the _tinieblas_. "Personalism" is
+revealed in the immediate and individual participation of all members
+in _penitente_ activities. "Fatalism" is the focus of Holy Week and of
+funerals and is personified by the _muerte_ figure in each _morada_.
+
+Finally, Edmonson cited "traditionalism" as definitive of _Hispano_
+culture, a characteristic that is clearly evident in the _penitente_
+forms of shelter, ceremonies, and artifacts. These commonplace objects
+and activities had been established at Abiquiu before and during the
+period of _morada_ building and furnishing. Literary and pictorial
+documents presented in this study of Abiquiu and the _penitente
+moradas_ reveal that their physical structure, furnishings,
+membership, and the brotherhood itself are related intimately to, and
+drawn from, the traditional and persistent Hispanic culture of New
+Mexico.
+
+[78] EDMONDSON, p. 62.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Penitente Moradas of Abiquiu, by
+Richard E. Ahlborn
+
+*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PENITENTE MORADAS OF ABIQUIU ***
+
+***** This file should be named 44678.txt or 44678.zip *****
+This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
+        http://www.gutenberg.org/4/4/6/7/44678/
+
+Produced by Chris Curnow, Chris Pinfield, Joseph Cooper
+and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
+http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
+will be renamed.
+
+Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
+one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
+(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
+permission and without paying copyright royalties.  Special rules,
+set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
+copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
+protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark.  Project
+Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
+charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission.  If you
+do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
+rules is very easy.  You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
+such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
+research.  They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
+practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks.  Redistribution is
+subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
+redistribution.
+
+
+
+*** START: FULL LICENSE ***
+
+THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
+PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
+
+To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
+distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
+(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
+http://gutenberg.org/license).
+
+
+Section 1.  General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic works
+
+1.A.  By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
+and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
+(trademark/copyright) agreement.  If you do not agree to abide by all
+the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
+all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
+If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
+terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
+entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
+
+1.B.  "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark.  It may only be
+used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
+agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement.  There are a few
+things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
+even without complying with the full terms of this agreement.  See
+paragraph 1.C below.  There are a lot of things you can do with Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
+and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.  See paragraph 1.E below.
+
+1.C.  The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
+or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works.  Nearly all the individual works in the
+collection are in the public domain in the United States.  If an
+individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
+located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
+copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
+works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
+are removed.  Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
+Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
+freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
+this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
+the work.  You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
+keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.
+
+1.D.  The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
+what you can do with this work.  Copyright laws in most countries are in
+a constant state of change.  If you are outside the United States, check
+the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
+before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
+creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
+Gutenberg-tm work.  The Foundation makes no representations concerning
+the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
+States.
+
+1.E.  Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
+
+1.E.1.  The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
+access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
+whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
+phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
+copied or distributed:
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license
+
+1.E.2.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
+from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
+posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
+and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
+or charges.  If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
+with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
+work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
+through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
+Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
+1.E.9.
+
+1.E.3.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
+with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
+must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
+terms imposed by the copyright holder.  Additional terms will be linked
+to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
+permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
+
+1.E.4.  Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
+work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
+
+1.E.5.  Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
+electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
+prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
+active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm License.
+
+1.E.6.  You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
+compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
+word processing or hypertext form.  However, if you provide access to or
+distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
+"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
+posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
+you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
+copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
+request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
+form.  Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
+
+1.E.7.  Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
+performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
+unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
+
+1.E.8.  You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
+access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
+that
+
+- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
+     the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
+     you already use to calculate your applicable taxes.  The fee is
+     owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
+     has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
+     Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.  Royalty payments
+     must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
+     prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
+     returns.  Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
+     sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
+     address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
+     the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."
+
+- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
+     you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
+     does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+     License.  You must require such a user to return or
+     destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
+     and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
+     Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
+     money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
+     electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
+     of receipt of the work.
+
+- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
+     distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+1.E.9.  If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
+forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
+both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
+Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark.  Contact the
+Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
+
+1.F.
+
+1.F.1.  Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
+effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
+public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
+collection.  Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
+"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
+corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
+property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
+computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
+your equipment.
+
+1.F.2.  LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
+of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
+liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
+fees.  YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
+LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
+PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3.  YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
+TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
+LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
+INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
+DAMAGE.
+
+1.F.3.  LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
+defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
+receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
+written explanation to the person you received the work from.  If you
+received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
+your written explanation.  The person or entity that provided you with
+the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
+refund.  If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
+providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
+receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund.  If the second copy
+is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
+opportunities to fix the problem.
+
+1.F.4.  Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
+in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER
+WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
+WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
+
+1.F.5.  Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
+warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
+If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
+law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
+interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
+the applicable state law.  The invalidity or unenforceability of any
+provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
+
+1.F.6.  INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
+trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
+providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
+with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
+promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
+harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
+that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
+or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
+work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
+Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
+
+
+Section  2.  Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
+electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
+including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers.  It exists
+because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
+people in all walks of life.
+
+Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
+assistance they need, are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
+goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
+remain freely available for generations to come.  In 2001, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
+and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
+To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
+and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
+and the Foundation web page at http://www.pglaf.org.
+
+
+Section 3.  Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
+Foundation
+
+The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
+501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
+state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
+Revenue Service.  The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
+number is 64-6221541.  Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at
+http://pglaf.org/fundraising.  Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
+permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
+
+The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
+Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
+throughout numerous locations.  Its business office is located at
+809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
+business@pglaf.org.  Email contact links and up to date contact
+information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
+page at http://pglaf.org
+
+For additional contact information:
+     Dr. Gregory B. Newby
+     Chief Executive and Director
+     gbnewby@pglaf.org
+
+
+Section 4.  Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
+spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
+increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
+freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
+array of equipment including outdated equipment.  Many small donations
+($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
+status with the IRS.
+
+The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
+charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
+States.  Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
+considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
+with these requirements.  We do not solicit donations in locations
+where we have not received written confirmation of compliance.  To
+SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
+particular state visit http://pglaf.org
+
+While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
+have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
+against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
+approach us with offers to donate.
+
+International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
+any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
+outside the United States.  U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
+
+Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
+methods and addresses.  Donations are accepted in a number of other
+ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations.
+To donate, please visit: http://pglaf.org/donate
+
+
+Section 5.  General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.
+
+Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
+concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
+with anyone.  For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
+Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
+
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
+editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
+unless a copyright notice is included.  Thus, we do not necessarily
+keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.
+
+
+Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:
+
+     http://www.gutenberg.org
+
+This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
+including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
+Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
+subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
diff --git a/old/44678.zip b/old/44678.zip
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6c96182
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/44678.zip